the address of the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of london in common-council assembled presented to her majesty at whitehall, august 17. 1693. city of london (england). court of common council. 1693 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49011 wing l2861a estc r40016 18659749 ocm 18659749 108109 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49011) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108109) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1657:5) the address of the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of london in common-council assembled presented to her majesty at whitehall, august 17. 1693. city of london (england). court of common council. 1 broadside. printed by edward jones in the savoy, [london] : 1693. "published by authority." reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng william -iii, -king of england, 1650-1702. great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the address of the lord mayor , aldermen , and commons of the city of london in common-council assembled . presented to her majesty at whitehall , august 17. 1693. published by authority . to the queen 's most excellent majesty , we your majesties most dutiful and loyal subjects , the lord mayor , aldermen , and commons of the city of london , in common-council assembled , out of a deep sense of the infinite goodness of god to this nation , in the signal deliverance of his sacred majesty from those dangers to which he hath so lately , for our sakes , exposed his royal person , even to the admiration of his enemies , do heartily and vnfeignedly , in the first place , return to almighty god our most humble thanks ; and , in the next , in all humility , congratulate your majesty upon so sensible a providence , as the preservation of that prince , in whose life , not only our laws and religion , but even the liberty of all europe , is so intirely wrapp'd up . and your majesty having been graciously pleased by the lord keeper to signifie the deep sense your majesty hath of the great losses at sea that have befallen the traders of this city and kingdom , and the directions your majesty hath given to a committee of your majesties most honourable privy-council , as well to examine into the causes of such misfortunes , as to take effectual care to prevent the like for the future , by encouraging your majesties subjects to make their application to the said committee . we do with all chearfulness render our hearty thanks to your most gracious majesty for so great a condescention , no wise doubting but your majesty will continue to give such good and seasonable directions , that the trade of this your kingdom , in which the prosperity of it doth so much consist , may be better supported for the future . and as we have hitherto , from a sense of our duty , demonstrated to the whole world our great zeal for your majesties service ; we having now a fresh opportunity of shewing the same , by a chearful and vnanimous advancing of money for the present emergencies of your majesties affairs , humbly beg leave to assure your majesty of our firm resolution to continue our hearty endeavours upon all occasions , to support your majesties royal authority and government , against all persons , to the uttermost of our power . printed by edward jones in the savoy . 1693. wednesday the 27 august, 1651. mr. speaker, by way of report acquaints the house of the great appearance of the militiaes of london, westminster, southwarke, and the hamblets of the tower, on monday last in finsbury feilds, ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74131 of text r211350 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.16[22]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74131 thomason 669.f.16[22] estc r211350 99870080 99870080 163179 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74131) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163179) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f16[22]) wednesday the 27 august, 1651. mr. speaker, by way of report acquaints the house of the great appearance of the militiaes of london, westminster, southwarke, and the hamblets of the tower, on monday last in finsbury feilds, ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1651] title from opening lines of text. place of publication and publication date inferred. signed: hen. scobell cler. parliament. the speaker reports the appearance of the militia at finsbury fields on monday, 25th inst.: whereon a vote of thanks is passed to the lord mayor, &c., of london, etc. for their affection to parliament. ald. pennington, sir john bourchier, ald. atkin, and ald. allen to return thanks -cf. steele. annotation on thomason copy: "septemb. 1. 1651". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. great britain -militia -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a74131 r211350 (thomason 669.f.16[22]). civilwar no wednesday the 27 august, 1651. mr. speaker, by way of report acquaints the house of the great appearance of the militiaes of london, westmin england and wales. parliament. 1651 250 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2009-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion wednesday the 27 august , 1651. mr. speaker , by way of report acquaints the house of the great appearance of the militiaes of london , westminster , southwarke , and the hamblets of the tower , on monday last in finsbury feilds , and their great cheerefulnes and readines manifested to the publick service . and likewise of the great care and affection of the lord major , aldermen , sheriffes , and common-councell of the city of london , the collonels , and officers , and souldiers of the trained bands , and voluntiers both horse and foot , and especially the great care and paines of major generall skippon , in that service . resolved , that the thankes of the parliament be returned to the lord major , and aldermen , sheriffes , and common-councell of the city of london , and likewise to the severall militiaes of london , westminster , southwarke , and the hamblets of the tower , and to the collonels , officers , and souldiers ; and to the trained bands , and voluntiers , both horse and foot , for their great affection to the parliament , in their cheerfull readines to serve the state , manifested at their last appearance in finesbury feilds on monday last . resolved , that alderman pennington , sir john bourchier , alderman atkin , and alderman allen , doe returne the thanks of the parliament accordingly . hen. scobell cler. parliament . a modell of the fire-workes to be presented in lincolnes-inne fields on the 5th. of novemb. 1647. before the lords and commons of parliament, and the militia of london, in commemoration of gods great mercy in delivering this kingdome from the hellish plots of papists, acted in the damnable gunpowder treason. with their present statues and proportions. browne, george, gunner. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a77668 of text r210669 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[92]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a77668 wing b5114 thomason 669.f.11[92] estc r210669 99869444 99869444 162744 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a77668) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162744) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[92]) a modell of the fire-workes to be presented in lincolnes-inne fields on the 5th. of novemb. 1647. before the lords and commons of parliament, and the militia of london, in commemoration of gods great mercy in delivering this kingdome from the hellish plots of papists, acted in the damnable gunpowder treason. with their present statues and proportions. browne, george, gunner. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for george lindsey, and are to be sold at his shop over against london-stone, london : 1647. signed at end: per george browne gunner, to bee performed in lincolns-inne fields before the lords and commons of parliament, and the militia of london. with decorative border. annotation on thomason copy: "nouemb: 4th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng fireworks -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -social life and customs -17th century -early works to 1800. a77668 r210669 (thomason 669.f.11[92]). civilwar no a modell of the fire-workes to be presented in lincolnes-inne fields on the 5th. of novemb. 1647. before the lords and commons of parliament browne, george, gunner. 1647 528 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a modell of the fire-workes to be presented in lincolnes-inne fields on the 5th . of novemb. 1647. before the lords and commons of parliament , and the militia of london , in commemoration of gods great mercy in delivering this kingdome from the hellish plots of papists , acted in the damnable gunpowder treason . with their perfect statues and proportions . the actors good will to this kingdome , and city of london . jn a description of his fire-workes to be performed novem the 5th . 1647 , in commemoration of the great deliverance from the powder plot by popish conspiracie against englands then king and parliament , and by consequence , the enslaving the whole kingdome to popery . 1 fire-bals burning in the water , and rising out of the water burning , shewing the papists conjuration and consultation with infernall spirits , for the destruction of englands king and parliament . 2 fire-boxes like meteors , sending forth many dozen of rockets out of the water , intimating the popish 〈◊〉 coming from below to act their treasonous plots against englands king and parliament . 3 faux with his darke lanthorne , and many fire-boxes , lights , and lamps , ushering the pope into england , intimating the full plot to destroy englands king and parliament . 4 pluto with his fiery club , presenting himselfe malitiously bent to destroy all that have hindered the pope from destroying englands king and parliament . 5 hercules with his fiery club , who discomfiteth pluto , and suffers him not , nor any of his infernall spirits to hurt englands king and parliament . 6 runners on a line , intimating the papists sending to all parts of the world , for subtill , cunning , and malitious plotters of mischiefe against englands king and parliament . 7 a fire wheele , intimating the display of a flag of victory over the enemies that would have destroyed englands king and parliament , in the time of which motion , a payre of virginals musically playing of themselves . 8 rockets in the ayre , shewing the thankfulnesse of all well willers to true religion , for the deliverance of englands king and parliament 9 balloones breaking in the ayre , with many streames of fire , shewing gods large and bounteous goodnesse towards englands king and parliament . 10 chambers of lights , shewing englands willingnesse to cherish the light of the glorious gospell therein to bee continued . 11 a great bumber-ball breaking in pieces , and discharging it selfe of other its lights , holding forth the cruelty of papists to englands king and parliament . 12 fire boxes among the spectators , to warne them to take heede for the future that they cherish none that are enemies to englands king and parliament . per george browne gunner , to bee performed in lincolns-inne fields before the lords and commons of parliament , and the militia of london . london , printed for george lindsey , and are to be sold at his shop over against london-stone , 1647. to the honorable assembly of the commons house of parliament, and to the committees, for grieuances of the same house. the humble petition of edward hopkins, william barwell, iohn bellamy, robert vilet, iohn walter, robert wright, and other wharfingers in and neere the cittie of london 1621 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a72822 stc 16787.10 estc s125118 99898804 99898804 151074 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a72822) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 151074) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1997:46) to the honorable assembly of the commons house of parliament, and to the committees, for grieuances of the same house. the humble petition of edward hopkins, william barwell, iohn bellamy, robert vilet, iohn walter, robert wright, and other wharfingers in and neere the cittie of london hopkins, edward, fl. 1621. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1621] against abuses by the woodmongers in regulating use of carts--stc. imprint from stc. in this edition, lines 4-5 of title have: "... robert vilet,/ iohn walter, ...". reproduction of original in the guildhall library, london, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng company of woodmongers (london, england) -controversial literature -early works to 1800. carriages and carts -early works to 1800. wharves -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2008-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-11 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the honorable assembly of the commons house of parliament , and to the committees , for grieuances of the same house . the humble petition of edward hopkins , william barwell , iohn bellamy , robert vilet , iohn walter , robert wright , and other wharfingers in and neere the cittie of london . whereas the petitioners and all others vsing wharfes for sale of fuell within and neere the cittie of london , haue time out of minde had the vse of a competent number of carts and carres as necessarily incident to their trade , to carry wood and cole for the necessary vse of his maiesties subiects in and about the said citie , vntill some of the woodmongers in an. 3. iac. ( without the consent of the rest ) did not onely procure themselues to be incorporated by his maiesties letters patents , with power to make ordinances for gouernment thereof , but also for their owne lucre , and to the intent to oppresse his maiesties subiects and make a monopoly thereof , vpon pretence of better gouernment , haue by colour of the said letters patents made ordinances , whereby they haue drawne the gouernment of carres into their owne hands , and so prouided that neither wharfinger nor other might vse a carre without licence from the said companie ; and vpon such as had licence for vse thereof , laid an imposition of 17. s. 4. d. per annum , and other great taxes , as sometimes 40. s. and at other times 4. lib. a man. and the said companie hauing so setled their said gouernment , did denie the vse of carres to diuers owners of ancient wharfes vsing the trade of woodmongers , and either sold them out to others for 40. and 50. lib. a car-roome , or else did farme them for 10 s and 12. s. the weeke ; by which meanes the said car-roomes are appropriated to tapsters , ale-house-keepers , scriueners , hostlers , bakers , and such like , not vsing themselues either wharfe or carre , and become priuate interests , and go as chattels to executours . and when wharfingers ( in case of necessitie ) vsed any carres for vse of their trade , themselues and their seruants haue at seuerall times beene ( by colour of the said letters patents ) committed to prison by the master and wardens of the said companie , and there detained sometimes 7 or 8 dayes ; at other times their carres haue beene by the said companie or their ministers taken from them ; and when they haue endeuoured by course of law to relieue themselues , they haue beene vnduly staid . by which vniust courses the petitioners and diuers others being free of the citie of london , haue beene most vniustly denied the free vse of carres , and thereby hindred from vsing their said trade , and inforced either to buy diuers car-roomes , or to farme them at the seuerall rates aforesaid , to the vtter vndoing of themselues , wiues and children , to the great inhansing and raising of the price of fuell , and the great grieuance and oppression of his maiesties subiects in and neere about the said citie , and to the raising of the price of cariages , with many other inconueniences . in tender consideration whereof , and for that the said grant ( accompanied with ordinances as aforesaid ) is not onely a monopoly , but the execution thereof tends to depriue his maiesties subiects of their libertie , by vnlawfull imprisonment , contrary to the great charter of the liberties of england , and to the hinderance of legall proceedings and stop of iustice for their goods vniustly and against law taken from them , and to the destruction of their trade , and is otherwise enormous and extreme grieuous to the petitioners and others his maiesties subiects , and may with the like colour be put in execution against brewers , scauingers , and diuers other trades ; and for that the petitioners are ready to make good each of the said generals , with diuers particulars of euery sort . may it therefore please this honorably assembly and high counsell to take the premisses into consideration , and to appoint some time for the hearing thereof , and to take such course to reforme the said abuses , and punish the said offenders , as to iustice shall appertaine : and the petitioners ( as most bound ) shall euer pray for the long continuance and happie prosperitie of this honorable assembly , and all the members thereof , &c. the names of the fellows of the king's college of physicians in london, and others authorized by them to practise in the said city, and within seven miles compass thereof. lists. 1683. royal college of physicians of london. 1683 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52474 wing n132 estc r214293 99826490 99826490 30893 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52474) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30893) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1765:23) the names of the fellows of the king's college of physicians in london, and others authorized by them to practise in the said city, and within seven miles compass thereof. lists. 1683. royal college of physicians of london. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], london : printed in the year, 1683. caption title. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng physicians -england -london -directories. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 jason colman sampled and proofread 2008-02 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the names of the fellows of the king's college of physicians in london , and others authorized by them to practise in the said city , and within seven miles compass thereof . fellows . dr. dan. whistler , president . elects . sir george ent , knight . elects . dr. tho. coxe , elects . sir charles scarburgh knight , med. reg. prim. elects . dr. tho. witherley , med. reg. & censor . elects . dr. sam. collins senior , regist . elects . dr. walter charleton , elects . dr. george rogers , treasurer . elects . dr. edmond dickenson , med. reg. dr. luke rugely . sir william petty , knight . dr. zurishaddai lang. dr. peter berwick . dr. samuel collins junior . dr. rob. brady med reg. & professor . reg. cantabr . dr. john packer . dr. thomas allen , dr. nathaniel hodges , sir thomas millington , knight . dr. john lawson . dr. elisha coysh . dr. humphrey brooke . dr. john atfield . censor . dr. john downes , dr. william croune . dr. edward brown. censor . dr. tho. short. dr. josias clark. dr. richard lower . dr. richard torless . dr. samuel morrice . dr. thomas alvey . censor . dr. james rusine . dr. richard vaughan . dr. edward hulse , dr. richard morton . dr. thomas novell . dr. charles goodall . dr. phineas fowke . dr. andrew clench . dr. william dawkins . dr. walter harris . dr. william briggs . dr. walter mills . dr. edward tyson . candidates . dr. william marshall . dr. richard robinson . dr. frederick slear . dr. richard darnelly . dr. john bateman . dr. william johnson . dr. william dawes . dr. thomas gill. honorary fellows . sir william langham , knight . dr. john bidgood . dr. william denton . dr. thomas timme . dr. john clark. dr. otwell meverell . dr. robert fielding . sir theodore de vaux , knight . dr. nicholas carter . dr. thomas more . dr. nicholas stanley . dr. walter needham . dr. henry paman . dr. white . dr. nicholas barbon . dr. robert witty. dr. john windebank . dr. william stokeham . dr. william burnet . dr. edmund king. dr. henry sampson . dr. daniel coxe . dr. nehemiah grew . dr. john masters . dr. tho. gibson . dr. christopher love-morley . dr. francis bernard . dr. john jones . licentiates . mr. simon welman . dr. tho. sydenham . dr. john feak . mr. richard brown. dr. george how. mr. jeremy butts . mr. edward bell. dr. praise watson . mr. isaac chauncey . dr. christopher crelle . mr. john martin . dr. lewis levasseur . dr. phillip guide . dr. john groenevelt . dr. joshua palmer . london , printed in the year , 1683. london ff. ad generalem session' pacis dom' regis, tent' pro civit' london' per adjornament' apud justice-hall in le old-baily, london', die mercurii, scil. octavo die maii anno regni domini nostri willielmi tertii, nunc regis angl', &c. septimo coram thoma lane, milite, majore civitat' lond', roberto clayton, mil', patien' ward, mil', roberto jeffery, mil', thoma stampe, mil', & willielmo ashhurst, milit', aldermannis civitat' prædict', & salathiel lovell, mil' servien' ad legem ac recordatore ejusdem civit', ac al' sociis suis justic' dicti dom' regis ad pacem in civitat' præd' conservand'; necnon ad diversas felon', transgr' & al' malefact' infro eandem civitat' perpertrat' audiend' & terminand' assign'. city of london (england). court of aldermen. 1695 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49080 wing l2887p estc r41475 31355418 ocm 31355418 110452 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49080) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110452) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:28) london ff. ad generalem session' pacis dom' regis, tent' pro civit' london' per adjornament' apud justice-hall in le old-baily, london', die mercurii, scil. octavo die maii anno regni domini nostri willielmi tertii, nunc regis angl', &c. septimo coram thoma lane, milite, majore civitat' lond', roberto clayton, mil', patien' ward, mil', roberto jeffery, mil', thoma stampe, mil', & willielmo ashhurst, milit', aldermannis civitat' prædict', & salathiel lovell, mil' servien' ad legem ac recordatore ejusdem civit', ac al' sociis suis justic' dicti dom' regis ad pacem in civitat' præd' conservand'; necnon ad diversas felon', transgr' & al' malefact' infro eandem civitat' perpertrat' audiend' & terminand' assign'. city of london (england). court of aldermen. lane, thomas, sir, 1652-1709. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by samuel roycroft, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : 1695. ordering the closing of public-houses at ten p.m. daily. at head of sheet: lane, mayor. reproduction of original in guildhall library (london, england). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bars (drinking establishments) -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-10 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion city of london coat of arms lane mayor . london ss . ad generalem session ' pacis dom ' regis , tent ' pro civit ' london ' per adjornament ' apud justice-hall in le old-baily , london ' , die mercurii , scil . octavo die maii , anno regni domini nostri willielmi tertii , nunc regis angl ' , &c. septimo : coram thoma lane milite , majore civitat ' lond ' , roberto clayton mil ' , patien ' ward mil ' , roberto jeffery mil ' , thoma stampe mil ' , & willielmo ashhurst milit ' , aldermannis civitat ' praedict ' , & salathiel lovell mil ' servien ' ad legem ac recordatore ejusdem civit ' , ac al' sociis suis justic ' dicti dom ' regis ad pacem in civitat ' praed ' conservand ' ; necnon ad diversas felon ' , transgr ' & al' malefact ' infra eandem civitat ' perpetrat ' audiend ' & terminand ' assign ' . whereas many great disorders are frequently committed and done in publick-houses , within this city and liberties thereof , by divers disorderly persons resorting thereto and abiding therein at late and unseasonable times in the night , to the ruin of many families , and to the harbouring and encouraging of thieves and robbers , to commit many thefts and robberies , to the great disturbance of the peace , contrary to law , and to the dishonour of the government of this city : for prevention of which great evils and mischiefs , it is ordered by his majesties justices of the peace , that all vintners , coffee-sellers , alehouse-keepers , victuallers and other publick-house-keepers , within this city and liberties thereof , do not henceforth permit or suffer any person or persons to be or continue in their respective houses tipling or drinking after the hour of ten of the clock in the night time . and it is further ordered , that the several constables and other officers , within this city and liberties thereof , do cause all persons offending herein , to be presented and prosecuted for keeping disorderly houses , and be punished according to law. and it is further ordered , that this order be printed and published , for the better observance thereof . goodfellow . printed by samuel roycroft , printer to the honourable city of london , 1695. by the major whereas the infection of the plague is daily dispersed more & more in diuers parts of this city and the liberties thereof ... city of london (england). lord mayor (1624-1625 : gore) 1625 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06242 stc 16729.2 estc s3728 33150860 ocm 33150860 28787 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06242) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28787) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1881:9) by the major whereas the infection of the plague is daily dispersed more & more in diuers parts of this city and the liberties thereof ... city of london (england). lord mayor (1624-1625 : gore) gore, john, sir, d. 1636. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by isaac iaggard, printer to the honourable citie of london, london : 1625. at head of sheet, royal arms, and shield surrounded by initials, i. g. m. other title information from first 3 lines of text. "giuen at guild hall, the fift day of aprill, 1625. reproduction of original in: british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -prevention. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense i. g. m. by the major . whereas the infection of the plague is daily dispersed more & more in diuers parts of this city and the liberties therof , aswell for that the houses infected haue not been , nor yet are kept shut vp , according to the proclamation , and many precepts and orders in that behalfe made and taken , aswell by the kings most excellent maiestie , as by mee and my brethren the aldermen , as also for that the people infected , and whose houses are infected ( against all honestie , humane ciuility , and good conscience , seeking as it were rather the desolation of the citie , and of this kingdome by dispersing of the infection , then otherwise ) do daily intrude themselues into all companies , both priuate and publike , aswell at sermons as elsewhere , and doe flocke and follow the dead to the graue in multitudes , one still infecting another , to the displeasure of almighty god , and great griefe of his maiestie , to vnderstand of the destruction of his subiects in such wilfull and desperate manner . to the end therefore that the cause of further infection , which may happen by any of the aforesaid occasions ( if god be so pleased ) may be taken away , and the kings subiects ( whom in his princely and gracious care had ouer them , he tendereth as dearely as himselfe ) may be preserued from that perill . these are in gods name to exhort and perswade , and in his maiesties name straightly to charge and command all persons whatsoeuer , inhabiting within this citie and the liberties thereof , whose houses now are , or hereafter during this visitation , shall be infected with the plague , vpon their allegiance , and due obedience , that they doe owe vnto our said soueraigne lord the king , to keepe their said houses shut vp , for the space of xxviii . dayes next after the buriall of any dying of the plague out of their said houses , and that the people infected , and of the said infected houses , doe continue in their said houses , during the said time of xxviii . dayes , and none of them goe abroad , but onely for necessarie food , and with red wands in their hands , and doe not come into , or frequent any publike assemblies , nor follow the dead infected bodies to the graue , vpon paine of his highnesse heauy displeasure and imprisonment of their bodies so offending by the space of ten dayes , without bayle or maynprize : requiring also , and charging all churchwardens , constables , beadles of wardes , clarkes and sextons of parishes , and all other officers and ministers within this citie and the liberties thereof , euery one of them in his place and office , carefully to looke vnto the performance of the premisses , and of all other orders formerly set downe by the lord maior and aldermen of this citie for the time being , or by me and my brethren the aldermen , concerning the auoyding of the plague , vpon like paine as aforesaid . giuen at guild hall , the fift day of aprill , 1625. ❧ god saue the king. ❧ london printed by isaac iaggard , printer to the honourable citie of london . 1625. an order of the lords spiritual and temporal, assembled at westminster, in the house of lords, december 22. 1688. england and wales. parliament. house of lords. 1688 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a83909 wing e2836a estc r213737 45097772 ocm 45097772 171361 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83909) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171361) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2572:9) an order of the lords spiritual and temporal, assembled at westminster, in the house of lords, december 22. 1688. england and wales. parliament. house of lords. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed for awnsham and william churchill, london, : m dc lxxxviii [i.e. 1688] orders all papists to leave the city of london. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng anti-catholicism -england -london great britain -politics and government -revolution of 1688. london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -england -17th century. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an order of the lords spiritual and temporal , assembled at west minster , in the house of lords , december 22. 1688. present , lord archbishop of york . duke of norfolk . duke of somerset . duke of grafton . duke of ormonde . duke of beaufort . marquess of hallifax . earl of oxford . earl of shrewsbury . earl of kent . earl of bedford . earl of pembroke . earl of dorset . earl of northampton . earl of devonshire . earl of bolingbrooke . earl of manchester . earl of mulgrave . earl of rivers . earl of stamford . earl of winchelsea . earl of thanet . earl of scarsdale . earl of clarendon . earl of craven . earl of burlington . earl of sussex . earl of maclesfield . earl of radnor . earl of yarmouth . earl of berkeley . earl of nottingham . earl of rochester . earl of abington . lord visc . fauconberg . lord viscount mordaunt . lord viscount newport . lord viscount weymouth . lord viscount hatton . lord bishop of london . lord bishop of duresme . lord bp of winchester . lord bishop of st. asaph . lord bishop of ely. lord bishop of rochester . lord delawarr . lord grey of ruthen . lord eure. lord wharton . lord paget . lord north and grey . lord chandos . lord montague . lord grey of warke . lord maynard . lord howard of escrick . lord jermyn . lord vaughan carbery . lord culpeper . lord lucas . lord delamere . lord crew . lord lumley . lord carteret . lord ossulstone . lord godolphin . lord churchill . the lords spiritual and temporal assembled in this extraordinary conjuncture , considering the great mischiefs that have happened unto , and do still threaten this kingdom , by the evil designs and practices of the papists , in great numbers restoring unto , and abiding in the city of london , and places adjacent to the said city ; for the better preservation of the peace and common safety , have thought fit , and do order and require , that all papists , and reputed papists do , and shall , within five days after the date hereof , depart from the said city , unto their respective habitations ; from which they are not to remove above five miles distance . except such as now are in the actual service of the queen dowager ; and except all ambassadors , and foreign ministers , with their domestick servants , being foreigners ; and all other foreigners , being merchants or factors , or who are come into , or do reside in this kingdom upon the account of trade only . except also all such persons as have been housholders , or have exercised any trade within the said city of london , or within ten miles of the same , by the space of three years last past ( other than such as do sell arms , ) so as such housholders shall , within eight days from the date hereof , leave an account in writing with the lord mayor , the recorder , or some alderman , being a justice of peace within the said city , or other justice of peace , of their respective names , and places of their habitations . except also all such popish officers as shall within six days from the date hereof , give good and sufficient bail before the lord mayor , the recorder , or some alderman , being a justice of peace within the said city , for their appearance in the court of king's bench , the first day of the next term , to answer such things as shall be there objected to them ; and in the mean time for the keeping of the peace . and it is hereby ordered , that such popish officers as shall not within the said eight days give such bail as aforesaid , shall be committed into custody ; and be detained and kept in some publick inns , by the trained bands or militia of the said city or counties adjacent respectively , until further order . signed by their lordships order . francis gwyn . we , the lords spiritual and temporal assembled in this extraordinary conjuncture , do appoint francis gwyn , esquire , for vs , and in our names , to sign and subscribe such orders as shall be from time to time by vs made . dated at the house of lords in westminster the 22 day of december , 1688. tho. ebor. norfolk . somerset . grafton . ormond . beaufort . northumberland . hallifax . oxford . kent . bedford . pembrooke . dorset . devonshire . bolingbrooke . manchester . rivers . stamford . thanet . scarsdale . clarendon . burlington . sussex . maclesfield . radnor . berkeley . nottingham . rochester . fauconberg . mordaunt . newport . weymouth . hatton . w. asaph . fran. ely. la-warr . r. eure. p. wharton . paget . north and grey . chandos . montague . grey . maynard . t. jermyn . vaughan carbery . tho. culpeper . lucas . delamere . crew . lumley . carteret . ossulstone . london , printed for awnsham and william churchill , m dc lxxxviii . an act constituting major-general philip skippon to be major-general, and commander in chief of all the forces within the city of london, the late lines of communication, and weekly bills of mortality ordinances. 1650-06-25 england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84567 of text r211958 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.15[37]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84567 wing e985 thomason 669.f.15[37] estc r211958 99897912 99897912 135477 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84567) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 135477) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2555:13) an act constituting major-general philip skippon to be major-general, and commander in chief of all the forces within the city of london, the late lines of communication, and weekly bills of mortality ordinances. 1650-06-25 england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by edward husband and john field, printers to the parliament of england, london : 1650. with an order to print dated: die martis, 25 junii, 1650. steele notation: aurespective councel; arms 45. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. eng skippon, philip, d. 1660 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. broadsides -england a84567 r211958 (thomason 669.f.15[37]). civilwar no an act constituting major-general philip skippon to be major-general, and commander in chief of all the forces within the city of london, th england and wales. parliament 1650 406 1 0 0 0 0 0 25 c the rate of 25 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an act constituting major-general philip skippon to be major-general , and commander in chief of all the forces within the city of london , the late lines of communication , and weekly bills of mortality . be it enacted by the parliament assembled , and it is enacted by the authority of the same , that major general philip skippon be , and is hereby appointed major general , and commander in chief over all the forces within the city of london and liberties thereof , the late lines of communication , and weekly bills of mortality , raised or to be raised by the respective committees for the militia for the places and precincts aforesaid for the time being , within the several limits and iurisdictions aforesaid : and the said major general philip skippon shall have power , and is hereby authorized from time to time to command , lead , conduct and imploy the forces so raised or to be raised as aforesaid , for the protection , and safe guarding of the parliament from all force and violence , and likewise of the cities of london and westminster , and parts adjacent , with●● the said late lines of communication , and weekly bills of mortality ; and for the suppressing of all tumults , insurrections , rebellions and invasions , and of all forces that shall be raised without authority of parliament within the limits aforesaid ; and shall and may fight with , kill and slay all such as shall by force oppose him , and the forces under his command , in the execution of this act ; and to observe and follow such other directions , which the said major general shall from time to time receive from the respective committees for the militia aforesaid , or either of them , within their respective limits and iurisdictions , in order to the peace and safety of the parliament , cities and places aforesaid ; and likewise to observe all such orders and directions as he shall from time to time receive from the parliament or councel of state . die martis , 25 junii , 1650. ordered by the parliament , that this act be forthwith printed and published . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . london , printed by edward husband and john field , printers to the parliament of england , 1650. mr. hampdens speech, occasioned upon the londoners petition for peace. denham, john, sir, 1615-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription b02616 of text274 in the english short title catalog (wing d1002b). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 b02616 wing d1002b interim tract supplement guide c.20.f.4[94] 99884969 ocm99884969 182765 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02616) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 182765) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books; tract supplement ; a4:2[95]) mr. hampdens speech, occasioned upon the londoners petition for peace. denham, john, sir, 1615-1669. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [london : 1643] attributed to sir john denham. imprint suggested by wing. verse: "but will you now to peace encline ..." reproduction of original in the british library. eng hampden, john, 1594-1643 -poetry -early works to 1800. satire, english -poetry -early works to 1800. peace -poetry -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. b02616 274 (wing d1002b). civilwar no mr. hampdens speech, occasioned upon the londoners petition for peace. denham, john, sir 1643 770 5 0 0 0 0 0 65 d the rate of 65 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mr. hampdens speech , occasioned upon the londoners petition for peace . but will you now to peace encline , and languish in the maine designe , and leave us in the lurch . i would not monarchy destroy , but onely as the way t' enjoy , the ruines of the church . is not the bishops bill deni'd , and we still threatned to be tri'd ? you see the king imbraces those counsels he approv'd before , nor does he promise which is more that we shall have their places . did i for this bring in the scot , ( for 't is no secret now ) the plot was say's and mine together ; did i for this returne againe ? and spent a winter then in vaine once more t' invite them hither . though more our money then our cause their brotherly assistance drawes , my labour was not lost ; at my returne i brought you thence necessity my strong pretence , and this shall quit your cost . did i for this my country bring , to helpe their knight against their king , and raise the first division ; yet i the businesse did decline though i contriv'd the whole designe , and taught them to petition . so many nights spent in the city in that invisible committee , the wheele that governs all ; from thence the change in church & state and all the mischiefes beares their date from haberdashers hall . did we force ireland to despaire ? upon the king to cast the war , to make the world abhor him ; because the rebels used his name , though we our selves can doe the same , while both alike are for him . then the same fire we kindle here whilst we pretend to quench that there , and wisely lost that nation ; to doe as crafty beggars use to maine themselves only t' abuse the simple mans compassion . have i so often past betweene winsor and westminster unseene ? and did my selfe divide , to keep his excellence in awe , and give the parliament the law , for they knew none beside . did i for this take paines to teach our zealous ignorance to preach , and did their lungs inspire ; read 'em their texts , shew'd them their parts and taught them all their little arts to fling abroad the sire . sometimes to beg , sometimes to threaten , then say the cavaleers are beaten , and stroake the peoples eares . and streight when victories grow cheap , and will no more advance the heap , to raise the price of feares . and now the books , and now the bells , and now our arts the preacher tells to edifie the people ; all our divinity is newes , and we have made of equall use the pulpit and the steeple . and shall we kindle all this flame , onely to put it out againe , and must we now give ore . and onely end where we begun , in vaine this mischiefe we have done , if we can do no more . if men in peace may have their right , where is this necessity to fight , and break both law and oath ? who say that they fight for the cause , 〈◊〉 to defend the king and laws , but ' ti● 〈…〉 them both . either the cause at fir●● 〈…〉 or being good it is so still , and thence they will in●●●erre ; that either now , or at the first they were deceived , or which is worst that we our selves may erre . but plague and famine will come in , for they and we are near of kin , and cannot goe asunder ; for while the wicked starve indeed , the saints have ready at their need gods providence and plunder . princes we are if we prevaile , and gallant villaines if we faile , when to our fame 't is told , it will not be our least of praise , when our new state we could not raise , we have destroy'd the old . then let us slay , fight , and vote till london be not worth a groat , oh 't is a patient beast , when we have gal'd and tir'd that mule , and can no longer have the rule , wee le have our spoyle at least . finis . observations upon the cities of london and rome sir william petty ... petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. 1687 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54619 wing p1930 estc r13444 12363288 ocm 12363288 60318 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54619) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60318) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 220:26) observations upon the cities of london and rome sir william petty ... petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. [4], 4 p. printed for henry mortlocke ... and j. lloyd ..., london : 1687. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -population. rome (italy) -population. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion windsor , sep. 21 st 1686. i do hereby license these observations to be printed . sunderland p. observations upon the cities of london and rome . by sir william petty , fellow of the royal society . london , printed for henry mortlocke , at the phoenix in st. paul's church-yard , and i. lloyd , in the middle exchange next salisbury-house in the strand . 1687. observations upon the cities of london and rome . 1. that before the year 1630 , the christnings at london exceeded the burials of the same , but about the year 1655 they were scarce half ; and now about two thirds . 2. before the restauration of monarchy in england , anno 1660 , the people of paris were more than those of london and dublin put together , whereas now , the people of london are more than those of paris and rome , or of paris and rouen . 3. anno 1665 one fifth part of the then people of london or 97 thousand died of the plague , and in the next year 1666 , 13 thousand houses or one fifth part of all the housing of london were burnt also . 4. at the birth of christ , old rome was the greatest city of the world , and london the greatest at the coronation of king iames the second , and near 6 times as great as the present rome , wherein are 119 thousand souls besides iews . 5. in the years of king charles the second his death and king iames the second his coronation ( which were neither of them remarkable for extraordinary sickliness or healthfulness ) the burials did wonderfully agree , viz. anno 1684 , they were 23202 , and anno 1685 they were 23222 , the medium whereof is 23212. and the christnings did very wonderfully agree also , having been anno 1684 , 14702 , and anno 1685 , 14732 , the medium whereof is 14716 , which consistence was never seen before , the said number of 23212 burials making the people of london to be 696360 , at the rate of one dying per annum out of 30. 6. since the great fire of london , anno 1666 about 7 parts of 15 of the present vast city hath been new built , and is with its people increased near one half , and become equal to paris and rome put together , the one being the seat of the great french monarchy and the other of the papacy . finis . at the sub-committee at salters hall in breadstreet whereas by ordinance of parliament of the 26 of march last, the collectors for the weekly meale within this city of london and the liberties, are after assessement of each person within the limits, to make demand thereof, of the person so assessed ... city of london (england). this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a48978 of text r37951 in the english short title catalog (wing l2851m). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a48978 wing l2851m estc r37951 17154889 ocm 17154889 105976 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48978) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105976) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1619:7) at the sub-committee at salters hall in breadstreet whereas by ordinance of parliament of the 26 of march last, the collectors for the weekly meale within this city of london and the liberties, are after assessement of each person within the limits, to make demand thereof, of the person so assessed ... city of london (england). 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1644] title information from first sentences of text. at head of title: 23 julii, 1644. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. london (england) -history -17th century. a48978 r37951 (wing l2851m). civilwar no at the sub-committee at salters hall in breadstreet whereas by ordinance of parliament of the 26 of march last, the collectors for the weekl corporation of london 1644 603 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion at the sub-committee at salters hall in breadstreet . 23 julii . 1644. whereas by ordinance of parliament of the 26 of march last , the collectors for the weekly meale within this city of london and the liberties , are after assessement of each person within the limits , to make demand thereof , of the person so assessed , or at his or their usuall place of abode ; and upon faile of payment to levy double the summe or summes so assessed , together with the necessary charges which shall bee expended in the collecting thereof by way of distresse upon his or their goods and chattels , and shall sell the distresse and returne the over-plus to the owner , and if no distresse bee , then upon certificate thereof , by the sub-committee for this city , to the lord major , his lordship is forthwith to grant his warrant for the apprehension and commitment of such persons to safe custody , without baile or maine-prise , so to continue untill satisfaction bee made of the said assessement , and whereas also by the said ordinance it is provided , that if any assessors , collectors , or constable , within the said city or the liberties , shall refuse the said service , or prove negligent or faulty therein , upon certificate made by the said sub-committee to the lord major , hee is forthwith to grant his warrant for the commitment of such persons to prison ; or they are to bee fined by the common councell or their committee , the fine not to exceed ten pounds for each offence , which is to bee levyed by distresse , and sale of the offenders goods , and the monies to bee imployed , as is by the said ordinance directed . this committee being certainly informed of the many defaults , both of the parties assessed , and of the collectors within this city and liberties , in not paying and bringing in the monies so assessed , to the great hinderance of the publique service : for the better discharge of their duty , and the trust in them reposed in this behalfe ; do order , and thinke fit , that all the collectors of this city and liberties , shall upon next , at of the clock in the afternoon ; here , in this place , bring in their bills for their respective divisions , and a particular certificate in writing under their hands , what persons are in arreare with their assessements , and for how long time , and what their weekly charge is , and which of them have distresses whereupon to levy the same , and whether demand hath been made of such persons , or at their usuall places of abode . that upon report thereof made , this committee may proceed to do further , as by the said ordinance is injoyned and directed . and it is further ordered , that the clerk of this committee , for the better conveyance thereof , doe cause this order to bee forthwith printed , and a printed copy to bee delivered to some one collector of each respective division , or left at the place of his or their abode , who is to acquaint his partners there with . and they are all of them to take notice of the contents hereof , for discharge of what concernes them therein , as they tender the publique good , and will answer the contrary . by the mayor whereas the right honourable the lords of his maiesties most honourable priuy councell ... finding that the said abuse hath appeared in nothing more than in the excessiue rates of poultry ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1634 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a72792 stc 16733.7 estc s120164 24640434 ocm 24640434 178628 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a72792) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 178628) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 844:13 and 893:4c and 1856:12 or 1997:19) by the mayor whereas the right honourable the lords of his maiesties most honourable priuy councell ... finding that the said abuse hath appeared in nothing more than in the excessiue rates of poultry ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1 broadside. printed by robert young, printer to the honourable citie of london, [london?] : [1634] second part of title from first seven lines of text. "giuen at the guild-hall the seuenth day of ianuary, anno dom. 1633." date of publication suggested by stc (2nd ed.). reproduction of originals in the guildhall library (london, england) and the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng poultry -england -london -prices. london (england) -history -17th century. 2008-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the mayor . whereas the right honourable the lords of his maiesties most honourable priuy councell , hauing taken care to reforme many abuses that haue of late crept into this city and places adioyning , as the excessiue number of tauernes , and the eractions vsed in the immoderate prices of all sorts of prouisions in ordinaries and hosteries : and finding that the said abuse hath appeared in nothing more than in the excessiue rates of poultry of all sorts , being so vnreasonably enhaunsed by poulterers and higlers , that it is not onely an intolerable grieuance to his maiesties subiects , but the inconuenience thereof doth also deepely reflect vpon his maiesties houshold . haue signified the expresse command of his maiesty that the lord mayor and his brethren , the aldermen , should enter into serious consideration of that particular grieuance , as a thing altogether vnsufferable , and should set such prices as they should conceiue to be fit for all small acates and other prouisions , and to set vp the same in publike ▪ tables to the end that both buyer and seller may take notice thereof : and also should vary them from time to time as they shall finde iust cause . in obedience whereunto , the said lord mayor , by the aduice of the said aldermen , for remedy and reformation thereof , hath , vpon mature deliberation , set such rates and prices as seeme meete and reasonable to be giuen and paid for all sorts of poultry and other small acates , to be sold within this city and liberties thereof , and hath commanded the same rates to be published and set vp in tables , to the end and intent that all and euery person and persons may thereby haue cleare knowledge and vnderstanding what the poulterers and all other person and persons ought iustly to demand or take of them for their poultry , vended as aforesaid . streightly charging and commanding euery of the said poulterers and others , as aforesaid , that they or any of them do not at any time or times hereafter demand , require or take any more or greater price for their said poultry , than is assessed and rated as aforesaid : and that no manner of person or persons doe in any wise pay more than after the same rates . and also , that euery person do obey and keep aswell the said prices , as all other prices that shall from time to time hereafter be set and appointed by the said lord mayor for any prouision of victuall whatsoeuer , vpon pain of such punishment to be inflicted vpon the transgressors , as according to the lawes , and their deserts shall bee thought meete and requisite . prouided alwayes , that all manner of persons may from time to time buy poultry at lesser and lower prices , as they can furnish themselues . giuen at the guild-hall the seuenth day of ianuary , anno dom. 1633. god saue the king. printed by robert young , printer to the honourable citie of london . to his excellency the lord general monck the unanimous representation of the apprentices and young men inhabiting in the city of london. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a94419 of text r205554 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.23[33]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a94419 wing t1359 thomason 669.f.23[33] estc r205554 99864900 99864900 163689 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94419) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163689) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f23[33]) to his excellency the lord general monck the unanimous representation of the apprentices and young men inhabiting in the city of london. albemarle, george monck, duke of, 1608-1670. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by tho. ratcliffe, london : anno dom. 1659. [i.e. 1660] dated at end: this was delivered to his excellency at st. albans, thursday, febr. 2. 1659. by persons elected for that purpose, and had a very cheerful reception. annotation on thomason copy: "feb: 4." reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a94419 r205554 (thomason 669.f.23[33]). civilwar no to his excellency the lord general monck. the unanimous representation of the apprentices and young men inhabiting in the city of london. albemarle, george monck, duke of 1659 586 1 0 0 0 0 0 17 c the rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to his excellency the lord general monck . the unanimous representation of the apprentices and young men inhabiting in the city of london . humbly sheweth , that the glory of our nation , and the greatest comfort of our lives in our civil interests , consists in the priviledges and liberties to which we were born , and which are the undoubted inheritance of all the free people of england , among which the grand and essential priviledge which discriminates free men from slaves , is the interest which every man hath in the legislative power of the nation , by their representatives assembled in parliament : without which , however we may flatter our selves , or be flatter'd by others , we are truly no better then vassals govern'd by the will and pleasure of those who have no relation to us or our common interest . now how much this dear priviledge of the people hath been assaulted by the open violence of some , and secret artifice of others , and to what a deplorable condition we are brought at this present period , when heavy taxes are imposing upon mens estates , and new laws upon our persons without any consent of the people had in a free parliament , and how generally through the said distractions in government trading is decayed , and how much we are likely to suffer therby in our times and places , we cannot but remonstrate to your excellency , constrain'd through the sense of our present sufferings and apprehensions of greater to implore your assistance , most humbly beseeching your excellency by that ancient love you have born to your native countrey , zeal to our liberties , by that great renowne you have lately gain'd in opposing the cruel rageing of the sword by the common cries of the people , and by the hopes and chearful expectation of all england now fixt upon you ; and , lastly , by your own personal concern in the same common cause as a free-born english man , that you would please to use those great advantages divine providence hath now put into your hands to the securing your native countrey from those dangerous usurpations , and preserving us in those liberties to which we were borne . that no tax may be imposed , nor new law made , nor old abolisht but with the consents of the people had by their representatives in parliament , freely to be chosen without terrour or limitations , and freely to sit without any oath or engagement previous to their entrance , without which special liberties the parliament cannot in any construction be esteemed the free assembly of the people ; and by your excellency's asserting of those our undoubted rights in your present advantages , you will certainly by the blessing of god , and unanimous concurrence of the people accomplish our ends , and will thereby gaine the hearts and hands of the whole nation , and the city in particular , and purchase to your self a name that shall make every true english man call you blessed , and posterity shall hereafter delight to recount the famous acts of their worthy patriot . this was delivered to his excellency at st. albans , thursday , febr. 2. 1659. by persons elected for that purpose , and had a very cheerful reception . london , printed by tho. ratcliffe , anno dom ▪ 1659. to all the honest, wise, and grave-citizens of london, but more especially to all those that challenge an interest in the common-hall. a. l. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88790 of text r210876 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.12[54]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88790 wing l6 thomason 669.f.12[54] estc r210876 99869629 99869629 162847 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88790) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162847) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f12[54]) to all the honest, wise, and grave-citizens of london, but more especially to all those that challenge an interest in the common-hall. a. l. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1648] imprint from wing. dated at end: 23. junii 1648. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a88790 r210876 (thomason 669.f.12[54]). civilwar no to all the honest, wise, and grave-citizens of london, but more especially to all those that challenge an interest in the common-hall. a. l. 1648 1047 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-08 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to all the honest , wise , and grave-citizens of london , but more especially to all those that challenge an interest in the common-hall . grave citizens you cannot but account it an extraordinary great blessing from god , that a day of right , or rather of inheritance ( as i may call it to every citizen ) should offer it selfe unto you , the 24. day of this instant june , for a common-hall : time hath now put that into your hands , which petition upon petition could not obteine , for such is our miseries , that those which had power had not will to grant our requests , and experience hath not only satisfied mee , but ( i thinke ) every honest man , that the ground of our neglects or rather denyalls , are selfe interests , and private respects , which indeede are and have beene , from time to time , the very fludgates to let in our miseries , and the very choake peare to peace , the blessed ground of all our happinesse : for who more averse to any motion or petition for peace in this city , then they that are invested in places of power and profit , and what greater unhappinesse can befall us then this , that our grand trustees , should as much as in them lyes , bring king , kingdome , and citie into an everlasting undoing ; behold then you gallant and brave citizens , and know that it is yet in your power ( through the mercies of our god ) to prevent a finall ruine , of this distressed , distracted , dying kingdome ; and the better to effect it , let it bee your first worke on the hall-day ( and bee sure to doe it the first ) remove the causes , and the effects will cease , bee not over-power'd with policie , nor with enforcement of arguments , nor with the approach of souldiers , and troopers ; the two first may seeme to perswade you , the latter may terrifie you into an everlasting undoing , but i say first presse on to the marke , lest you shut the stable doore when the steede is stoln ; which is , to point out the acans that trouble your citie , for it is to bee feared , except those wicked ( i had like to have said accursed ) things bee removed , this city and kingdome will hardly bee established in peace ; oh! what maddesse is it for you to nurce such serpents in your bosomes as would ( not many moneths agoe ) have totally destroyed you ? putting their helping hands to introduce a mercilesse , and blood thirstie armie into the bowels of this famous citie , such now you have in high places and high offices , but roote them out , and make choyce of those that will ( all sinister ends set apart ) act for the peace and prosperity of this languishing citie , and kingdome , you may bee hold to doe this , for it is your right , granted in your charter , to locate , or dislocate , place , or displace , any officer that is in this city ; therefore grave citizens betray not your own immunities , loose not your priviledges , stand for truth and peace , and according to your oathes of allegiance , your protestation , your late covenant , pittie the sad condition of your most religious , and gracious king charles , pressing hard that a petition may bee forthwith drawn , for a speedy personall treaty with his majesty : the best way in all humane apprehension to establish peace , and prevent those dangers , which seeme to approach neer unto us . looke , oh looke ! with an impartiall eye , and yet with the eye of pittie ( before it bee too late ) upon the distemper of the whole kingdome , and consider how this citie is almost hated of all , beloved of few : what black curses there are against you abroad , what distempers and murmurings within , your daily actions hourely dissever you from the love of strangers , that know you not , and from the love of your neighbors and friends that know you , witnesse surrey , kent , and essex . besides looke towards the north , and you shall see a cloud , so full of darkenesse moving this way , that it seemes to threaten our finall ruine ; but some may say , wee neede not feare for wee have money , and men , and amunition enough , and this fort , and that tower ; but good citizens bee not lulled asleepe with carelesse securitie , for what can money , and men , and ammunition doe , so long as acans trouble your citie ? goe on then boldly ( in the name of god ) to your own worke , and in the election of officers let mee give you this caution . in no waies to trust any generall with full power in this great and populous city , that dares not trust his wife , children , family and fortunes in it . trust not your officers of excise . trust not any man that hath place of great profit ; as you tender the peculiar well-fare of your selves , your wives and children ; and as you tender the well-fare of this glorious city , let none snch beare office in this choice : this done , a short time may make you and the kingdome happy in a well grounded peace : which shall ever bee the prayer of your well-willing friend and brother-citizen a. l. 23. junii 1648. lastly , let mee remember you of a brother citizen one mr. mathew barker , who was taken out of his house the last weeke , and imprisoned in severall places , without baile or mainprize , not yet any cause shewn . hodie mihi , cras tibi . whereas against divers lawes, orders and provisions, great numbers of men and women and their children and servants doe daily on the weeke daies, all the day long, sit in the high-street of cheape, with multitudes of baskets, tubbs and other vessels of fruit, roots, hearbs, plants, flowers and other garden commodities to sell ... city of london (england). this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a49036 of text r39819 in the english short title catalog (wing l2864g). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a49036 wing l2864g estc r39819 18504793 ocm 18504793 107909 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49036) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107909) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:61) whereas against divers lawes, orders and provisions, great numbers of men and women and their children and servants doe daily on the weeke daies, all the day long, sit in the high-street of cheape, with multitudes of baskets, tubbs and other vessels of fruit, roots, hearbs, plants, flowers and other garden commodities to sell ... city of london (england). tichborne, robert, sir, d. 1682. 1 broadside. printed by j. flesher ..., [london] : [1657] title from first six lines of text. at head of title: tichborne maior. tuesday the ninth day of june 1657. date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. eng markets -law and legislation -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. a49036 r39819 (wing l2864g). civilwar no whereas against divers lawes, orders and provisions, great numbers of men and women and their children and servants doe daily on the weeke d corporation of london 1657 728 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tichborne blazon or coat of arms maior tuesday the ninth day of june 1657 . whereas against divers lawes , orders and provisions , great numbers of men and women and their children and servants doe daily on the weeke daies , all the day long , sit in the high-street of cheape , with multitudes of baskets , tubbs and other vessels of fruit , roots , hearbs , plants , flowers and other garden commodities to sell & utter , and doe thereby so fill , pester and streighten the said street , that not only the inhabitants are much hindred and damnified in their trades and estates , but they and all people travailing and passing through the same street , exposed to manifold hazards and dangers , and many hurts and mischiefs have hapned , besides the further annoyance thence arising from the unwholsome smells and stenches of the parings and refuse of roots , plants and other filth continually left and lying scattered and corrupting , in that principall street and passage of the city : now this court having well advised of reforming the said evils and abuses , doth therefore thinke fit and order , that from and after the sixth day of august next coming , no person or persons whatsoever shall stand or be permitted to stand or abide , at any time , with any goods or commodities ( excepting bread ) to sell or put to sale in that part of the said street of cheape or cheape-side lying betweene bread-street end and pauls church-yard ( the same having never been appointed a market place for any commodities whatsoever ) nor shall stand or be permitted to stand or abide with carts , horses , or otherwise in any other place , or part of the said street of cheap or cheapside , on any day or time of the weeke with any fruit roots , hearbs , plants , flowers , or garden commodities ( excepting peascods ) to sell or put the same to sale , but that every one , who shall be found doing contrary , shall be taken , and for his offence be indicted and punished according to law . and that no annoyance may ensue by the permitting of peas-cods to be still sold as formerly in the said street , the shells are to be constantly sweept up and coveyed away , that they may not by remaining and corrupting , produce any noisome or offensive smells : and that there be not wanting a knowne and convenient place whither all may resort for buying and selling the said commodities : it is further ordered by this court , that the countrey people and gardiners shall have place or may stand with their said fruit , roots , hearbs , plants , flowers , and other garden commodities excepting peas-cods , in all parts of the voyd place on the north-side of pauls within the channells , and in no wife beyond or without the said channells , and may so sit and abide with their commodities as they may or ought to doe in other publique markets of this city . provided that none shall bring any carts or horses within the place aforesaid , nor any to sit or have with them there at one time above such number of tubs or baskets , and of such bignesse as from time to time shall be limited and appointed by the lord maior of this city for the time being : and for the better execution of this order , the serjeant and yeoman of the channell , and the beadles of the wards respectively where the said street , or any the places aforesaid are situate or being , and all others whom it shall concerne , are charged and commanded by this court to be intent and diligent in and about the clearing of the street of cheape in manner before expressed , and from the commodities aforesaid , and setling the country people and gardiners , ( who sell the same ) in the place aforesaid , and to take upon them this service , and performe the same effectually at their utmost perills . sadler . printed by james flesher , printer to the honorable city of london . jovis duodecimo die maii 1698, annoque regni regis willielmi ... this day an order and report made by the committee for letting the cities lands, touching several duties taken by several officers and others at billingsgate ... city of london (england). 1698 approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49043 wing l2865f estc r39643 18460129 ocm 18460129 107727 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49043) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107727) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:2) jovis duodecimo die maii 1698, annoque regni regis willielmi ... this day an order and report made by the committee for letting the cities lands, touching several duties taken by several officers and others at billingsgate ... city of london (england). 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1698] at head of title: edwin mayor. second part of title taken from first two lines of text. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tariff -law and legislation -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-09 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion edwin mayor . jovis duodecimo die maii 1698. annoque regni regis willielmi tertii angliae , &c. decimo . this day an order and report made by the committee for letting the cities lands , touching several duties taken by several officers and others at billingsgate , was presented unto this court by sir thomas stamp , knight and alderman , and is as followeth , ( viz. ) mercurii vndecimo die maii 1698. annoque regni regis willielmi tertii , angliae , &c. decimo . committee city lands , this day the report of the sub-committee appointed the 30th day of march last , for examination and stating the respective duties and tolls to be received at billingsgate dock by mr. allen , as tenant to the city of london , and by the yeomen of the water-side , in respect of their offices brought in their report in writing concerning the same , which was read , and follows in these words ; to the committee for letting the city's lands . we whose names are hereunto subscribed , pursuant to your order dated the 30th of march last , referring to us amongst others , the examination and stating of the respective duties and tolls to be received at billingsgate dock by mr. allen , as tenant of the city of london , and by the yeomen of the waterside , in respect of their offices , do humbly certify . that we have examined mr. bancroft senior , and mr. clare , heretofore yeomen of the waterside , and several antient market-people that resort to billingsgate-market , and they are all ready to attest upon oath , if required , that the two first following tables , of the tolls due to the yeomen of the waterside , were during all their times constantly paid to the said yeomen as their just fees , and some of them attest the usage thereof for twenty years , some for thirty years , and mr. bancroft for fifty five years . the three first articles of the first table we also find confirmed by three orders of the court of aldermen , cited in the margin ; we have also incidently enquired into the fees due to the cocket-office , and for water-balliage received at billingsgate , the former being received by mr. allen , as tenant to the lord mayor , and the latter by the yeomen of the waterside , as collectors to mrs carpenter , and find upon the aforesaid testimony , that the duties to be received at billingsgate for the cocket-office , and water balliage , are as follow ,   cocket-bill water-balliage to the yeomen cry waterside meatage               l s d   every vessel with fruit 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 01 00   every vessel with fresh sea fish 00 00 01 00 00 06 00 01 00   every ship with salt 00 00 08 00 00 00 00 01 00   every small oyster vessel or cock 00 00 01 00 00 04 00 01 00 half penny per bushel every vessel of salt fish 00 00 08 00 00 00 00 01 00   every vessel with cherries or other fruit 00 00 02 00 00 06 00 01 00   every ship with oranges or lemons 00 00 06 00 00 00 00 01 00   every vessel with carrots 00 00 06 00 00 00 00 01 00   every freeman's lobster-boat 00 00 01 00 00 00 00 01 00   every foreign lobster-boat 00 00 02 00 00 00 00 02 00   every muscle or cockle-boat 00 00 01 00 00 08 00 01 00   every hebber-boat or smack 00 00 01 00 00 06 00 00 06   we are further informed , that in all other cases whatsoever , where the lord mayor hath a power to set a price on victuals or other provisions , and hath a sample , in all such cases the yeomen of the waterside have a fee of one shilling for the cry thereof . these following duties are in common between the vnder-water-bailiff , and yeomen of the waterside .   l s d a trollers boat , fish sold in baskets 00 00 04 a wh●●ing-boat , fish sold in baskets 00 00 04 repers fish coming by land on horses 00 00 04 all fish sold on forms 00 00 04 all tubs with eels 00 00 02 a peter boat with flounders 00 00 02 a peter boat with smelts 00 00 02 a peter boat with roch and dace 00 00 02 a hamper or pedd with fish 00 00 02 we have also examined mr. allen , and the yeomen of the waterside , and the market people above-mentioned , concerning the tolls and duties that belong to the city of london at billingsgate , and upon a full examination , debate , and consideration of their several allegations , we are of opinion , that these following tolls and duties belong to the city of london , and may be received by mr. allen , as their tenant of the duties there leased to him in general words .   l s d every vessel with two round tops , per day 00 02 00 every vessel with oranges , lemons , or salt , with but one round top , per day 00 01 00 every vessel of salt fish , per day 00 00 08 every small oyster vessel or cock , per voyage 00 00 02 every vessel with any other sort of fish ( viz. ) fresh sea-fish per voyage 00 00 02 every vessel with cherries or other fruits , per voyage 00 00 08 every vessel with carrots , per day 00 00 08 every custom-house hoy or close lyter , per day 00 00 08 every close lyter , per day 00 00 08 every open lyter , per day 00 00 04 every freeman's lobster-boat 00 00 02 every foreign lobster-boat 00 00 04 every muscle or cockle-boat 00 00 02 every hebber-boat or smack 00 00 02 aliens vessels double duties to all persons .   l s d every ladder or plank to a salt vessel , per day 00 01 00 every ladder or plank for vessels for fresh fish , oysters or other shell-fish , per voyage for each 00 00 06 every ladder to a vessel of salt fish , for the whole 00 01 00 we are of opinion , that to notify to all persons concerned their duty , and to prevent future disputes about these matters , it will be expedient to print , and post up at billingsgate all the several rates above mentioned ; but submit that , and all other matters here reported , to the judgment of this committee . dated the eleventh day of may , 1698. wm. gore , tho. collett , isa . grevill , james collett , geo. newland . which report being read , was well liked , and approved of by this committee , and sir thomas stamp , knight and alderman , is desired to lay the same before the right honourable the lord mayor and court of aldermen , and recommend to their care the matters therein contained , nich. wilmot , comptroler . which order and report being here openly read , were well liked and approved of by this court , and ordered to be entred into the repertory . and it is further ordered , that for the future the said several duties and tolls be received by such respective officers , and no others according to the table mention'd in the said report . goodfellow . that the aforesaid matters may be the better understood ; 1st . note , that nich. wilmot is clerk to the committee for letting the city's lands : and goodfellow is clerk to the court of lord mayor and aldermen . 2dly , note , that mr. allen , as tenant to the city for wharfage , groundage , and the tolls , pays for the farm thereof 95 l per annum . and mr. allen , as tenant to the lord mayor , pays to his lordship for his samples and perquisites above 550 l per annum . and 't is believed the four yeomen of the waterside , and under water-bailiff , do receive of the fisher-men and market-people , as their own perquisites , near as much as mr. allen doth for his farm , for which he pays the lord mayor 550 l per annum . 3dly . note , mrs carpenter , as tenant to the city , pays not above 26 l per annum for the city's interest in the water-balliage at billingsgate . 4thly . note , that the city pays to the four yeomen of the waterside , for fees and salaries , above 20 l per annum each ; and to the under water-bailiff about the same sum , which in the whole is above 100 l per annum charge to the city , and the city receives but 12● l per annum for the wharfage , groundage , toll , and interest there : thus consequently the city's income there is not above 21 l per annum , yet it must be own'd that the lord mayor may chance upon a vacancy to have 5 or 600 l for each of these places of yeomen of the waterside ; and if the head-water-bailiff chance to die , the lord mayor will scarcely take under 1500 l for his place ; for the city pays him above 65 l per annum salary , and the perquisites are very considerable , which he takes to his own use , tho they are due to the city only . 5thly . note , that the fishmongers in their case to parliament have misrepresented the law and custom of the city markets , which are expresly thus , that if any retailer or trader in this city , who buy to sell again , do buy to sell again , &c. before the second ringing of the bell , such offender shall forfeit 40 s the markets being most principally intended for the benefit and advantage of housekeepers and others , who buy for their own use , to be spent in their families , and may provide for themselves in the morning at the best hand , and pay moderate rates for their provisions , see the acts of common council for city-markets , made 1631. and the 17th of september , 1674. page 8. 6thly . but as sir nicholas bacon well observed , in a speech to both houses of parliament , a law without execution is but a body without life ; a cause without an effect ; a countenance of a thing , and indeed nothing : besides the making of laws without execution , does very much harm , for that breeds and brings forth contempt of laws , and law-makers , and of all magistrates ; which is the very foundation of all misgovernance , of all injuries and injustice , and of all disorders and unquietness in the commonwealth . which is the present case as to the laws of the city-markets , and is the cause of most of the complaints now before the honourable house of commons , touching the same . the resolutions of the army, against the king, kingdome and city. iuly 15. 1648. at 8 of the clocke in the morning. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a57082 of text r210984 in the english short title catalog (wing r1165a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a57082 wing r1165a estc r210984 99835024 99835024 39677 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57082) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 39677) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1775:25; 2196:14) the resolutions of the army, against the king, kingdome and city. iuly 15. 1648. at 8 of the clocke in the morning. croplie, thomas. hide, richard. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1648] signed at end: testified by thomas croplie. richard hide. imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "july: 19 1648". sometimes incorrectly attributed to john dias. identified at reel 1775:25 as wing d1380a ("no entry" in wing 2nd ed., rev.). reproductions of the originals in the british library (thomason tracts) and the harvard university library (early english books). eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a57082 r210984 (wing r1165a). civilwar no the resolutions of the army, against the king, kingdome and city. iuly 15. 1648. at 8 of the clocke in the morning. [no entry] 1648 392 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-10 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the resolutions of the army , against the king , kingdome and city . iuly 15. 1648. at 8 of the clocke in the morning . memorandvm , that upon the day above set , iohn dias one of colonell whaleys regiment , and kinsman , did utter these speeches following : that the resolution of the army was to fight for themselves , against all that should oppose them ; and that they resolved not to bee governed by a king , and that nothing vexed them more , then the parliaments recalling their declarations of making no more addresses to the king . and being asked why they did not declare ; he answered , that yet it was no time , but that shortly , hee did not doubt , but that all would be their owne , and then they would make their resolutions knowne . it was replied , that if the army should thus declare , it was likely the city and kingdome would rise . he answered , they regarded not the city , but could fire it at pleasure . it was likewise inquired , how the generall had performed his word with the king and kingdome , in re-establishing the king , and restoring the kingdome to peace . he answered , the generall never intended any such thing ; and that for the personall treaty the army would not suffer it , because the city would thinke they gained the honour of it ; and that the parliament did vote the personall treaty only to delude the people , and to keep them in suspence while they had done their businesse abroad . hee likewise sayd , hee should ( or hoped ) to see the city on fire shortly . he further sayd , that if the kings revenew were tenne times so much more , it were the better for them ; for the crowne land would make many of the soldiers gentlemen : and if we conquer you , then you shal be our slaves ; and if you conquer us , wee wil be your slaves ; and further he sayd , that this was not onely his sence , but likewise the sence of the whole army . testified by thomas croplie . richard hide . to each gentleman soldier in the company [of] captain john hulls, captain in the yellow regiment of trained bands of london. hawkins, thomas, fl. 1695? 1691 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b03615 wing h1180 interim tract supplement guide c.20.f.2[358] 99886995 ocm99886995 181680 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b03615) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 181680) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books; tract supplement ; a1:1[362]) to each gentleman soldier in the company [of] captain john hulls, captain in the yellow regiment of trained bands of london. hawkins, thomas, fl. 1695? 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [london, 1691?] signed: thomas hawkins. verse: "tho your great actions i need not rehearse ..." imprint from wing cd-rom, 1996. imperfect: torn at edge with slight loss of text. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -defenses -early works to 1800. 2008-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2009-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to each gentleman s●dier in the company 〈◊〉 captain john hulls , captain in the yellow regiment of trained bands of london . tho your great actions i need not rehearse , ( they speak your worth beyond my home-spun verse , ) yet custom once a year obliges me t' applaud your long-experienc'd loyalty : wherefore , great sirs , all that 's desir'd by me , is , that my offering may accepted be ; being made unto you with a free good will , altho i can't pretend to th' poet's skill . when the bold french ( last year ) had an intent us to invade , the yellow regiment first took up arms , meaning thereby to shew all loyal subjects what they ought to do for their dear country , and its warlike king , whose valour through th' whole universe doth ring . when the six reg'ments march'd unto hide-park , ( each man accoutred like a warlike spark ) you were the van , the place of honour due ( brave heroes of the yellow ) unto you : th' admiring crowd afforded you applause , crying , behold the glorious yellow boys , whose loyalty has ever stedfast been unto our most auspicious king and queen , william and mary whose great worth will be recorded unto all posterity . and when their majesties were pleas'd to say they 'd grace the triumph of the lord mayor's day , the yellow then was pitch'd upon to be their chiefest safeguard and security . thus upon all occasions you are free to signalize your zeal and loyalty to your dear country and his majesty . for which long may you live , untill you see all enemies to england's monarchy fall down before your arms and loyalty . may sacred heav'n always propitious be to great king william and his consort mary , is the good pray'r , and shall be to the end , of your most faithful marshal and your friend thomas hawki●● apill [sic] 15, 1643 you are required to commend to god in your prayers ... city of london (england). this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a49052 of text r39653 in the english short title catalog (wing l2878c). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a49052 wing l2878c estc r39653 18460776 ocm 18460776 107737 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49052) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107737) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:9) apill [sic] 15, 1643 you are required to commend to god in your prayers ... city of london (england). 1 broadside : ill. s.n., [london : 1643] second part of title taken from first line of text. order to london ministers to support parliament's army. place and date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. london (england) -history -17th century. a49052 r39653 (wing l2878c). civilwar no apill [sic] 15, 1643 you are required to commend to god in your prayers ... corporation of london 1643 95 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion apill 15. 1643. you are required to commend to god in your prayers , the lord generall , the whole army imployed in the parliaments service , and the designe undertaken by them . as also in your sermons , effectually to stirre up your people now to appeare in person , and to joyne with the army , to stand up for our religion and liberties , as is desired and expected by the said army , and the committee for the militia , in this city . isaac pennington , mayor . fryday the 10th of december. 1652. an order of the parliament touching the extraordinary rate of coals. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82945 of text r211568 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.16[74]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82945 wing e1718 thomason 669.f.16[74] estc r211568 99870284 99870284 163227 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82945) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163227) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f16[74]) fryday the 10th of december. 1652. an order of the parliament touching the extraordinary rate of coals. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john field, printer to the parliament of england, london : 1652. signed: hen: scobell, cleric. parliamenti. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng coal trade -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -economic conditions -early works to 1800. a82945 r211568 (thomason 669.f.16[74]). civilwar no fryday the 10th of december. 1652. an order of the parliament touching the extraordinary rate of coals. england and wales. parliament. 1652 175 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms an order of the parliament touching the extraordinary rate of coals . fryday the 10th of december . 1652. ordered by the parliament , that it be referred to the lord major of the city of london , and the court of aldermen , and that they be authorised and required to examine how the price of coals is raised to such extraordinary rates , and the abuse therein , and by whom , and to take an effectual course for the present remedy thereof for the good of the poor ; and in case they shall finde the same not to be within their power to redress , that then they do state the matter of fact ; and certifie the same , with their opinion therein , to the parliament with all convenient speed ; and mr. alderman atkin is to take the special care hereof . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . london , printed by john field , printer to the parliament of england , 1652. thursday the 17th of july, 1651 resolved by the parliament, that the fair usually held and kept yearly at james's, within the liberty of the city of westminster, on or about the twenty fifth day of july, be forborn this year; ... proceedings. 1651-07-17 england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83448 of text r211308 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.16[14]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83448 wing e2257b thomason 669.f.16[14] estc r211308 99897379 99897379 132747 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83448) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 132747) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2498:22) thursday the 17th of july, 1651 resolved by the parliament, that the fair usually held and kept yearly at james's, within the liberty of the city of westminster, on or about the twenty fifth day of july, be forborn this year; ... proceedings. 1651-07-17 england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john field, printer to the parliament of england, london : [1651] title from caption title and opening words of text. steele notation: kept day parlia-. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library. eng great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. westminster (london, england) -fairs -law and legislation -early works to 1800. broadsides -england a83448 r211308 (thomason 669.f.16[14]). civilwar no thursday the 17th of july, 1651. resolved by the parliament, that the fair usually held and kept yearly at james's, within the liberty of th england and wales. parliament 1651 94 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion thursday the 17th of july , 1651. resolved by the parliament , blazon or coat of arms that the fair usually held and kept yearly at james's , within the liberty of the city of westminster , on or about the twenty fifth day of july , be forborn this year ; and that no fair be kept or held there by any person or persons whatsoever , until the parliament shall take further order . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . london , printed by john field , printer to the parliament of england . a copy of the report of the committee of common council appointed to consider the abuses committed by the farmers of the city markets, &c. city of london (england). court of common council. 1696 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34518 wing c6228a estc r36052 15598344 ocm 15598344 104023 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34518) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104023) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1589:19) a copy of the report of the committee of common council appointed to consider the abuses committed by the farmers of the city markets, &c. city of london (england). court of common council. 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1696] "london, may 29. 1696." imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng retail trade -law and legislation -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a. copy of the report of the committee of common council , appointed to co●sider of the abuses committed by the farmers of the city markets , &c. london , may 29. 1696. a complaint being made to the common council , of several enormities committed by the farmers of the city markets , the said court did then appoint a committee of four aldermen and eight commoners , or any one of the said aldermen and two of the said commonets , to be a committee to consider of the abuses complained of , and of methods to redress the same , and to report the same to the said court ; which said committee did often meet , and made strict enquiry into the abuses committed by the said farmers , and did on the 29th of july following , make a report to the common council , which followeth in these words , viz. to the right honourable the lord mayor , aldermen , and commons in common council assembled . in obedience to an order of this honourable court , bearing date the 29th of may last , we whose names are hereunto subscribed , being of the committee appointed to consider of the several abuses committed by the farmers of the markets , and of the methods for the redress thereof , have several times met and consider'd of the same ; and have examined the present rates received by the farmers of the several markets , ( viz. ) newgate , honey-lane , stocks and leaden-hall markets ; and do find , as they stand now lett by the said farmers , to amount to 6379 l. 19 s. 10 d. and for provisions , fruits , and other wares brought to and sold in the said markets , and in the streets 4516 l. 10 s. in all 10896 l. 9 s. 10 d. which said sum of 10896 l. 9 s. 10 d. we are o● opinion , they do yearly receive : besides which , we also find , that the said farmers have recived of the present tenants 2194 l. 01 s. 6 d. by way of fines for admittances . we have also considered and examined the lease granted to the farmers , and likewise the act of common council made in the mayoralty of sir william hooker , and do find , that they have exacted greater rents than in the said act is mentioned . we have also several times heard the complaints of the market people , inhabitants and others , and do find , that the said farmers have taken from them greater rates than they ought to have done , extorting the same by all the ill usages imaginable , as by putting them to vexatious suits , arresting , imprisoning , and ruining many of them , and thereby have forced them from the said markets , which have very much inhanced the rates of provisions , and made them the more scarce . and also find , that the said farmers have turned , and allowed others to turn , the market-houses , and a great number of stalls and standings into inclosed shops , many of which are lett to several traders , to the great prejudice of the house-keepers and freemen of this city , which might be much better employed in the sale of provisions ; others of the said shops are lett to butchers and hucksters , which very much encourage regrating and forestalling of provisions , and the advancement of the prices thereof . we humbly conceive , that great sums are exacted by way of rents and fines , and are yet undiscovered , through the dread many of the market people were under , of being farther oppressed by the farmers , in case the city did not give them relief . upon the whole matter , we are of opinion , that the present farmers have forfeited their lease by non-payment of their rent , and by converting the markets to other uses than ought to be by the covenants contained therein ; and that , according to a proviso in the said lease , five shillings may be tender'd to avoid the same accordingly , and that the said markets may be managed by a committee , according to the aforementioned act , which we humbly conceive will tend much to the advantage of the city , and the ease of the people concerned ; all which we humbly submit to the wisdom of this honourable court. win gore , robert rowland , samuel westall , peter parker , daniel dorvill , roger thompson , john sherbooke , thomas aunger . the said committee did the 5th of august following order the publishing a printed table of rates ( for the information of the market people ) as settled in an act of common council , made the 17th of september , 1674. and likewise , that the farmers of the said markets have covenanted in their lease , that in case they or any of them shall at any time ( during the term thereby demised ) exact or take any greater rates or duties than are limited and appointed by the aforesaid act of common-council , they or some of them shall pay to the city , for every time they shall fo exact or take , the penalty of ten pounds . and that if the said farmers , or their assigns , shall require and receive more than according to the aforesaid rates , or disturb the market-people , who have paid or tender'd the said legal rates , in the quiet selling or exposing to sale , according to law , their commodities ; it is recommended to the parties grieved , to apply themselves to the lord mayor , or some other justice of peace of this city , for redress ; and to give notice thereof to this committee , that they may be proceeded against according to law , and the covenants and conditions of their lease . ☞ note , that the said committee being determined , and no regard had to the prosecuting of their begun reformation of the abuses then complained of , the greatest part of them are still continued , to the very great oppression of the poor market-people , and inhancing of the prices of victuals sold in the said markets . now that all persons aggriev'd may be inform'd what provision the law hath made in this case ; the statute made the 3 d. year of edw. i. cap. 31. against excessive toll , follows in these words : touching them that take outragious toll , contrary to the common custom of the realm in market towns. it is provided , that if any do so in the king's town , which is lett in fee farm , the king shall seize into his own hand the franchise of the market . and if it be anothers town , and the same be done by the lord of the town , the king shall do in like manner . and if it be done by a bailiff or any mean officer , without the commandment of his lord , be shall restore to the plantiff as much more for the outragious taking , as he had of him if he hath carried away his toll , and shall have forty days imprisonment . to the right honourable, the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of london in common-council assembled; the humble petition and address of the sea-men, and watermen, in and about the said city of london. prynne, william, 1600-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91301 of text r225698 in the english short title catalog (wing p4106b). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91301 wing p4106b estc r225698 45097898 ocm 45097898 171477 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91301) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171477) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2575:23) to the right honourable, the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of london in common-council assembled; the humble petition and address of the sea-men, and watermen, in and about the said city of london. prynne, william, 1600-1669. watermen's company (london, england) city of london (england). lord mayor. city of london (england). court of common council. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [london : 1659] author and imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. eng london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660. broadsides -england -17th century. a91301 r225698 (wing p4106b). civilwar no to the right honourable, the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of london in common-council assembled; the humble petition and ad prynne, william 1659 696 3 0 0 0 0 0 43 d the rate of 43 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the right honourable , the lord mayor , aldermen , and commons of the city of london in common-council assembled ; the humble petition and address of the sea-men , and watermen , in and about the said city of london . sheweth , that they cannot without much grief of heart , and consternation of spirit , consider and bewail the extraordinary decay of merchandize , trade , religion , iustice , piety , and inundation of all sorts of oppressions miseries , rapines wars tumults , sects , heresies blasphemies , alterations of government and destructive confusions , which have over whelm'd our formerly flourishing and renowned nations , and this famous city ever since the notorious violations , and subversions of our fundamental laws , liberties , properties governments and parliaments , by the treacherie , and armed violence of ambitious , treacherous mercenaries of inconsiderable fortunes and corrupt principles usurping a more arbitrary dominion over our lives , persons , estates , and priviledges , than the worst of our kingly governors whose desperate counsels practises and innovations have made vs the scorn , derision of all the world and plunged our church state nations , and this famous city , into the very gulph of inevitable ruin ; unless spéedily and timely prevented by your prudent , unanimous counsels , and standing up in the g●p in this day of our publique calamity , by improving your power and interest to accomplish these just desires of your petitioners , and many thousands of these nations , which we humbly conceive to be the onely visible means ( through gods blessing on them ) to obviate our dangers , compose our divisions and restore our pristine peace , vnity , trade , prosperity , and make vs once more a praise amongst the kingdoms , churches , and nations , whom the lord hath signally blessed with glorious deliverances , and transcendent mercies . we shall therefore humbly importune this honorable assemblie ( to whom we can make our addresses ) to endeavour , i. that a free and legal parliament , may with all convenient speed be convened to sit within the city of london , without any forcible interruption or molestation , to settle the government , redresse the grievances , restore the peace , merchandize , trade , and navigation of this nation . ii. that the militia of the city may be presently raised , and put into the hands of such persons , whose principles and actions have evidenced them to be well-affected to government , magistracy , ministry , laws , liberties , the rights and priviledges of parliament , and reformed religion here established . that the guards of the city may be put into their hands , and all obtruded guards , disturbing the peace , obstructing the trade of , and threatning danger to the city , removed . iii. that all such officers and souldiers of the army in and about the city and elsewhere , who shall obey your commands , and contribute their assistance for the calling , & safe-sitting , of a free parliament , may be assured and speedily paid their arrears ; and those , who shall oppose the same , and settlement of the nation , and city , left to publique justice for the murders lately committed , and other misdemeanours . iv. that the nobility , and gentry of quality , in and about the city , may be invited to contribute their counsels and assistance for effecting the premisses . in the prosecution whereof , and our former oaths , protestation ▪ vow and covenant ' we shall with our estates , lives and last drop of our bloods ▪ constantly and unanimously assist your honours , and all others adhering to you , to promote and accomplish the promises and what else your wisdome shall think fit to conduce to the restitution of the publique peace , trade and welfare of this city , and our thrée distracted nations . in witness whereof we hereunto subscribe our hands and hearts . friday the four and twentieth day of december, 1652. resolved by the parliament, that the markets be kept to morrow, being the five and twentieth day of december; ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83449 of text r211587 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.16[77]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83449 wing e2258 thomason 669.f.16[77] estc r211587 99870302 99870302 163230 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83449) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163230) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f16[77]) friday the four and twentieth day of december, 1652. resolved by the parliament, that the markets be kept to morrow, being the five and twentieth day of december; ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john field, printer to the paliament of england, london : 1652. title from caption and opening words of text. signed: hen: scobell, cleric. parliamenti. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng christmas -england -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a83449 r211587 (thomason 669.f.16[77]). civilwar no friday the four and twentieth day of december, 1652. resolved by the parliament, that the markets be kept to morrow, being the five and twen england and wales. parliament. 1652 206 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms friday the four and twentieth day of december , 1652. resolved by the parliament , that the markets be kept to morrow , being the five and twentieth day of december ; and that the lord major , and sheriffs of london and middlesex , and the iustices of peace for the city of westminster and liberties thereof , do take care , that all such persons as shall open their shops on that day , be protected from vvrong or violence , and the offenders punished . resolved by the parliament , that no observation shall be had of the five and twentieth day of december , commonly called christmas-day ; nor any solemnity used or exercised in churches upon that day in respect thereof . ordered by the parliament , that the lord major of the city of london , and sheriffs of london and middlesex , and the iustices of peace of middlesex respectively , be authorized and required to see this order duly observed within the late lines of communication , and weekly bills of mortality . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . london , printed by john field , printer to the parliament of england . 1652. die mercurij 16. aprill, 1645. ordered by the lords and commons in parliament assembled, that the lord major of the city of london is hereby desired and required to give direction that publike thanksgiving be made on the next lords day, in every church, & chappel within the lines of communication, and bills of mortallity for gods blessing to the forces in scotland, against the rebells in that kingdome. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82956 of text r200015 in the english short title catalog (thomason e278_10). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82956 wing e1734 thomason e278_10 estc r200015 99860817 99860817 112942 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82956) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 112942) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 46:e278[10]) die mercurij 16. aprill, 1645. ordered by the lords and commons in parliament assembled, that the lord major of the city of london is hereby desired and required to give direction that publike thanksgiving be made on the next lords day, in every church, & chappel within the lines of communication, and bills of mortallity for gods blessing to the forces in scotland, against the rebells in that kingdome. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1645] signed: jo: browne cler. parliamentorum. imprint from wing. at foot: to the gentleman vsher attending this house, or his deputy to be delivered to the lord major of the city of london. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng city of london (england). -lord mayor -early works to 1800. scotland -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a82956 r200015 (thomason e278_10). civilwar no die mercurij 16. aprill, 1645.: ordered by the lords and commons in parliament assembled, that the lord major of the city of london is here england and wales. parliament. 1645 108 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die mercurij 16. aprill , 1645. ordered by the lords and commons in parliament assembled , that the lord major of the city of london is hereby desired and required to give direction that publike thanksgiving be made on the next lords day , in every church , & chappel within the lines of communication , and bills of mortallity for gods blessing to the forces in scotland , against the rebells in that kingdome . jo : browne cler. parliamentorum . to the gentleman vsher attending this house , or his deputy to be delivered to the lord major of the city of london . a further assertion of the propositions concerning the magnitude, &c. of london contained in two essays in political arithmetick mentioned in philos. transact. numb. 183 : together with a vindication of the said essays from the objections of some learned persons of the french nation / by sr. w. petty, knt. ... petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. 1682 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54615 wing p1925a estc r20831 12358399 ocm 12358399 60172 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54615) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60172) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 220:22) a further assertion of the propositions concerning the magnitude, &c. of london contained in two essays in political arithmetick mentioned in philos. transact. numb. 183 : together with a vindication of the said essays from the objections of some learned persons of the french nation / by sr. w. petty, knt. ... petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. 4 p. s.n., [s.l. : 1682] caption title. date of publication from wing. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -population. paris (france) -population. rome (italy) -population. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-09 john latta sampled and proofread 2003-09 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a further assertion of the propositions concerning the magnitude , &c. of london , contained in two essays in political arithmetick ; mentioned in philos. transact . numb . 183 ; together with a vindication of the said essays from the objections of some learned persons of the french nation , by sr. w. petty knt. r. s. s. 1. it could not be expected that an assertion of londons being bigger than paris and roven , or than paris and rome put together , and bigger than any city of the world , should scape uncontradicted , and 't is expected that i ( if continuing in that perswasion ) should make some reply to these contradictions . 2. i begin with the ingenious author of the novelles de la republique des lettres , who saith , that rey in persia is far bigger than london ; for that in the 6th . century of christianity ( i suppose an. 550. ) it had 15000 , or rather 44 thousand moschees or mahometan temples . to which i reply , that i hope this objector is but in jest , for that mahomet was not borne till about the year 570 , and had no moschees till about 50 years after . 3. the next is the excellent monsieur auzout from rome , who is content , that london , westminster , and southwark — with the contiguous housing may have as many people as paris and its suburbs ; and but faintly denyeth , that all the housing within the bills , may have almost as many people as paris and roven , but saith that several parishes inserted into these bills , are distant from , and not contiguous with london , and that grant so understood it . 4. to which ( as his main , if not only objection ) we answer . 1st . that the london bills appear in grants book to have been , since the year 1636 , as they now are . 2. that about 50 years since , 3 or 4 parishes formerly distant , were joyn'd , by interposed buildings , to the bulk of the city , and therefore then inserted into the bills . 3. that since 50 years the whole buildings being more than double , have perfected that union , so as there is no house within the said bills , from which one may not call to some other house . 4. all this is confirm'd by authority of the king and city , and so long custom . 5. that there are but three parishes under any colour of this exception , which are scarce a two and fiftieth part of the whole . 5. upon sight of monsieur auzouts large letter , i made remarques upon every paragraph thereof , but suppressing it ( because it lookt like a war against one with whome i intended none , whereas in truth it was but a reconciling explication of some doubts , and therefore ) i have chosen the shorter and sweeter way of answering monsieur auzout , as followeth , viz. concerning the number of people in london , as also in paris , roven , and rome , viz. monsieur auzout alleageth an authentick register , that there are 23223 houses in paris , wherein do live above 80 thousand families , and therefore supposing 3½ families to live in every of the said houses one with another ; the number of families will be 81230 ; and monsieur auzout also allowing 6 heads to each family , the utmost number of people in paris , according to mr. auzout's opinion , will be .   487680. the medium of the paris burials was allowed by monsieur auzout to be 19887 , and that there dyed 3506 unnecessarily out of l'hotel dieu , wherefore deducting the said last number , the neat standard for burials at paris , will be 16381 , so as the number of people there , allowing but one to dye out of 30 ( which is more advantagious to paris than monsieur auzouts opinion of one to dye out of 25 ) the number of people at paris will be 491430 ; more than by monsieur auzouts last mentioned accompt .   491430. the medium of the said two paris accompts is —   488055. the medium of the london burialls is 23212 , which multiplyed by 30 ( as hath been done for paris ) the number of the people there will bee .   696360 the number of houses at london appears by the register to bee 105315. whereunto adding a 10th . part or 10531 , as the least number of double families that can bee supposed in london , the total of families will be 115840 : and allowing 6 heads for each family , as was done for paris , the total of the people at london will be .   695076. the medium of the 2 last london accounts is —   695718. the people of paris according to the above-said account is 488055.   of roven according to monsieur auzouts utmost demand , 80000. 693055. of rome according to his own report thereof . 125000.   so as there are more people at london , than at paris , roven , and rome by   2663. memorandum , that the parishes of islington , newington , and hackney , for which only there is any colour of non-contiguity , is not a two and fiftieth part of what is contained in the bills of mortality ; and consequently london without them , hath more people than paris and roven put together , by   114284. several other estimates , viz. i. that london alone is equal to paris , roven , and rome , as aforesaid . ii. that london , bristol , and dublin are equal to paris , amsterdam , and venice . iii. that london alone is to amsterdam , venice , and roven , as 7 to 4. iv. that london and bristol are equal to any four cities of france . v. that dublin is probably equal to the second best city , of any kingdom or state in christendome . vi. that london , for ought appears , is the greatest city of the world , but manifestly the greatest emporium . finis a letter sent to the right honourable, the lord mayor of the city of london, by lieutenant colonel kiffin, captain gosfright, captain hewling, and lieutenant lomes, touching the seizing of their persons, and searching their houses for arms; and also shewing the forgery and falsehood of a scandalous pamphlet, intituled a manifesto and declaration of the anabaptists, and other congregational churches, &c. published febr. 28. 1659. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88025 of text r211646 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.23[72]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88025 wing l1623 thomason 669.f.23[72] estc r211646 99870356 99870356 163729 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88025) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163729) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f23[72]) a letter sent to the right honourable, the lord mayor of the city of london, by lieutenant colonel kiffin, captain gosfright, captain hewling, and lieutenant lomes, touching the seizing of their persons, and searching their houses for arms; and also shewing the forgery and falsehood of a scandalous pamphlet, intituled a manifesto and declaration of the anabaptists, and other congregational churches, &c. published febr. 28. 1659. kiffin, william, 1616-1701. city of london (england). lord mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by henry hills dwelling in aldersgate-street, next door to the signe of the peacock, london : 1659. [i.e. 1660] signed: william kiffen [and 3 others]. dated at end: in london the 28 february 1659. annotation on thomason copy: "march. 2. 1659". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng serious manifesto and declaration of the anabaptist -early works to 1800. searches and seizures -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88025 r211646 (thomason 669.f.23[72]). civilwar no a letter sent to the right honourable, the lord mayor of the city of london, by lieutenant colonel kiffin, captain gosfright, captain hewlin kiffin, william 1659 1252 2 0 0 0 0 0 16 c the rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-01 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter sent to the right honourable , the lord mayor of the city of london , by lieutenant colonel kiffen , captain gosfright , captain hewling , and lieutenant lomes , touching the seizing of their persons , and searching their houses for arms ; and also shewing the forgery and falsehood of a scandalous pamphlet , intituled a manifesto and declaration of the anabaptists , and other congregational churches , &c. published febr. 28. 1659. may it please your lordship , the very much unexpected , undeserved , and illegal usage which we lately found from the hands of some officers and souldiers , ( they declaring for just liberty ) hath enforced us to make this application to your lordship , as the patron of this city , from whom we hope we may justly expect common freedom and safety with other the citizens thereof : in order whereunto we crave leave to acquaint your lordship , that the other night about midnight , several parties of soldiers came to our dwellings , who ( without any vvarrant from the parliament , council of state , your lordship , the magistrate of this city , or any other civil authority , ( a president not to be paralleld that we know of in the city , in all our late sad intestine wars ) demanded admission ; and to the great affrightment and astonishment of our wives , children , with other relations , apprehended our prrsons , being quiet in our habitations , and some of us sick in our beds , searched our houses , carried , and detained our persons as prisoners at the guard at pauls , till that day noon , and then no otherwise suffered us to be removed from thence , but as being still under confinement , and to return at their pleasure , giving us to no account of the reason of this action , but said they had order from general monck , which they refused to let us read : we desired to know our accusers or accusations , but could not understand the least crime laid to our charge . being thus used as evil doers , exposed to scorn and reproach , hindred in our callings , and prejudiced in our credits , we cannot be so injurious to our selves ( with other citizens ) as to suffer this wrong , without endeavouring our just vindication and reparation . we are not willing to conclude that this hath befallen us in reference to our judgement and practise , in matters of religion , which we are not ashamed to own , as being agreeable to the mind of god revealed in the holy scriptures ; as also within the liberty that the general himself hath held forth to be enjoyed by us , equally with other persons , truly fearing god , why then should we thus suffer , having to our utmost in all our capacities , endeavoured the common peace and welfare of this city and nation , and nothing to the contrary ? surely my lord , as the president it self is of most dangerous consequence to the inhabitants of this place , so will it sound very harsh in the ears of other people in the nation , who may reckon themselves exposed to the like usage , if this and such like actions pass without due observation ; and therefore for their sakes ( as our own ) we cannot be altogether silent ; besides that even now when most men are seeking for settlement , such undertakings , how greatly they tend to dissettle mens minds , and fill the land with disturbances and distractions , we leave to your lordship to judge . my lord , we sue to your lordship for nothing , but that right may be done us ; if we have done any thing contrary to the laws of the nation , or the city , we refuse not , but seek a legal tryal ; but if otherwise ( as indeed we are not conscious to our selves , that we have ( in the least ) offended against this city or our rulers ) we do claim our right , and humbly conceive your lordship engaged to endeavour that we may be set at liberty from our confinement ; but if your lordship shall think it fit and requisite , that application be in this case made to the parliament or council of state , we then humbly pray , that we , being members of this city , your lordship will please to move for present redress in this our grievance , and future protection and security ( with others our neighbours ) in out habitations . my lord , the day following they seached our houses for arms , there being reports of great numbers found there , which were no more in all our houses but as followeth , viz. lieuetenant colonel kiffen , 2 drums , 1 pattisan , 5 old pikes , and 6 swords . major mallery , 3 pistols , 2 swords , and his sons fouling piece . captain gosfright , 3 drums , 1 leading staff , 1 sword , and 3 birding pieces belonging to a dutch merchant , and another friend . captain hewling , 7 pikes , 12 muskets , and 17 swords , whose arms being gathered in by the states order , to be returned into the tower . the said captain hewling gave notice before to the clerk of the delivery , to cause them to be fetcht in accordingly , who hitherto had omitted it . lieutenant lomes , 3 muskets , 3 pikes , and 1 sword . and whilst we were writing this letter to your lordship , there was brought to our view a printed libellous paper , this day published , stiled a serious manifesto and declaration of the anabaptists , and other congregational churches , touching the present transactions of the affairs of this commonwealth , both in church and state . touching which , although we doubt not but all sober minded people will perceive it to be ( as it is ) forged , false and scandalous , and done by prophane and luxuriant incendiaries , who makes lies their refuge , and under falsehood hide themselves , designing to foment distractions and confusions in this city and nation , yet we think fit , without further , troubling our selves therewith , to certifie your lordship our disowning and detesting thereof , with our confidence and assurance of the like disowning by all those upon whom its unworthily patronised , humbly desiring , that such printers and publishers being searcht out , may be made exemplary , or at least , that such abusive and scandalous papers , may be speedily and effectually suppressed according to law , there being neither names of author , printer , or stationer annexed thereunto . we are , my lord , dated in london the 28 february 1659. your lordships humble servants , to the right honorable , thomas alleyn , lord mayor of the city of london . william kiffen . george gosfright . benjamin hewling . thomas lomes . london , printed by henry hills dwelling in aldersgate-street , next door to the signe of the peacock ▪ 16●●… by the major. forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the court of common-councell, that the citie at the present in great danger; ... city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88473 of text r210755 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.12[18]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88473 wing l2882e thomason 669.f.12[18] estc r210755 99869513 99869513 162811 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88473) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162811) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f12[18]) by the major. forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the court of common-councell, that the citie at the present in great danger; ... city of london (england). lord mayor. warner, john, sir, d. 1648. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, printer to the city of london, [london] : 1648. title from caption and opening lines of text. place of publication from wing. "dated this 29. of aprill, 1648." annotation on thomason copy: "ffaringdon within"; "different from ye former". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88473 r210755 (thomason 669.f.12[18]). civilwar no by the major. forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the court of common-councell, that the citie at the present in great danger; . city of london 1648 660 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 jason colman sampled and proofread 2007-08 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the major . forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the court of common-councell , that the citie at the present is in great danger ; and that the same doth require more then ordinary care for the preventing thereof : and for that purpose the said court of common-councell hath entred into consideration of what may conduce to the safety of the citie ; and in pursuance thereof , these are in his majesties name straitly to charge and command you , and every of you , that some of your selves in your own persons , with some of your constables , do presently upon sight hereof repair to every housholder within your ward , and give them strict charge and command ( as they will answer the contrary ) that during this night , to morrow , to morrow at night , monday next , and monday at night next , they do not suffer any of their children , servants , or others under their command , to go abroad out of their houses , but onely to morrow in their own company to church . and further , that this night , and to morrow at night , some of your selves , with some of your constables doe make diligent search in all places within your ward , where you shall think fitting , for all persons that doe now lodge within the same ; and that you cause their names to be taken , and to enquire of them the cause of their lodging there : and such as you shall finde to be souldiers , to know of them where their quarters are , and to require them presently to repair thither according to their duties : and such as are dangerous people , to secure their persons , and cause them the next morning to be carryed before some of the justices of the peace within the city , to be examined and disposed of according to law ; and that you return the names of all you shall so finde . and further that during the time aforesaid , you cause all the gates and posterns within your ward to be kept shut ; and that some of the common-councel-men of the ward within and without the gate , may attend at the same , and have the keys of the gate , and give directions for the opening of the same , as occasion shall require , and not otherwise . and further , that you doe appoint one or more that you may trust , to see the chaines within your ward , during the said three nights , to be put up and locked at eleven of the clock in the night ; and opened at five of the clock in the morning : and that some be appointed to guard the same chaines , that may be able to maintain them against any violence that may be offered . and lastly , that you take speciall order , that during the time aforesaid , you cause a good and substantiall double watch and ward , to be constantly kept , of good and substantiall housholders of your ward within the same ; and especially at the gates and landing-places within your ward : and that they so order themselves , that the one watch and ward may continue untill the other be set . and that they be carefull to see the peace and safety of the city preserved : and that you bee carefull that all these things be put in execution and duly observed , as you will answer the contrary at your perill . dated this 29. of aprill , 1648. to the alderman , deputy , and common-councell-men , in the ward of michel . printed by richard cotes , printer to the honorable city of london , 1648. forasmuch as notwithstanding divers good acts and ordinances of parliament made for the better observation of the lords-day, days of publique humiliation, and thanksgiving, and the many endeavours used for the due execution thereof it is observed that the lords day is very much prophaned, ... city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88482 of text r211836 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.20[33]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88482 wing l2883l thomason 669.f.20[33] estc r211836 99870528 99870528 163450 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88482) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163450) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f20[33]) forasmuch as notwithstanding divers good acts and ordinances of parliament made for the better observation of the lords-day, days of publique humiliation, and thanksgiving, and the many endeavours used for the due execution thereof it is observed that the lords day is very much prophaned, ... city of london (england). lord mayor. tichborne, robert, sir, d. 1682. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1656] title from opening lines of text. imprint from wing. dated at end: [handwritten] 12th day of [handwritten] nouemb. 1656. annotation on thomason copy: "12th nouemb.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng sunday legislation -england -london -early works to 1800. public worship -england -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88482 r211836 (thomason 669.f.20[33]). civilwar no london sc. forasmuch as notwithstanding divers good acts and ordinances of parliament made for the better observation of the lords-day, daye city of london 1656 749 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 jason colman sampled and proofread 2007-08 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms blazon or coat of arms forasmuch as notwithstanding divers good acts and ordinances of parliament made for the better observation of the lords-day , dayes of publique humiliation , and thanksgiving ; and the many endeavours used for the due execution thereof : it is observed that the lords day is very much prophaned , and the observation thereof , and others the dayes aforesaid , are very much neglected within this city and the liberties thereof , by vintners , inholders , ale-house-keepers , butchers , fruiterers , cookes , tobacco-sellers , keepers of ordinaries , and such like , by suffering tipling and drinking in their houses ; and by them and others in selling , and exposing to sale divers commodities , and in unlawfull pastimes , and travelling , and working upon the dayes aforesaid , within this city and liberties thereof , to the great dishonour of almighty god , scandall of religion and the government of this city : and whereas also severall persons do keep hackney-coaches , and watermen by rowing upon the river of thames , do ordinarily exercise their callings upon the dayes aforesaid ; i have therefore thought fit for the better discovering and suppressing of the severall offences aforesaid , and for the more exact execution of the severall laws and ordinances made for that purpose , to appoint , and do hereby accordingly appoint the persons here-under named , inhabitants within the said city and liberties , diligently and by all lawfull means to make discovery of all persons offending contrary to the laws and ordinances aforesaid , to my self or any the justices within the said city and liberties , or to any constable or other officer who are authorized by the said acts , or any of them , to apprehend such offenders : and for that end do also will and require , and in the name of his highness the lord protector of the common-wealth of england , scotland , and ireland , hereby straightly charge and command all such constables and others , officers and ministers , within the said city and liberties thereof , to whom it shall appertaine , to be diligent in the execution of the powers and authorities given them by the said laws , or any of them , and also to be aiding and assisting unto them the said persons hereunder particularly named , and every , or any of them in the finding out , & causing to be apprehended , all and every such person and persons , as shall offend in any of the kinds aforesaid , or otherwise contrary to the laws aforesaid , and them and every of them to bring before me , or some other the justices of the peace , within this city and the liberties of the same , to the end that such offenders , and every of them , may be further dealt withall as to justice shall appertain : i doe judge it to bee my duty to use the utmost power that god and men hath betrusted me with , to finde out all offenders in the premises , and to inflict on them the utmost punishment that the law requires for such offences , and doe desire all persons intrusted herewith , to make conscience of doing their utmost , to bring all offenders herein to punishment , that so this city may not lie under the guilt of this crying sinne ; and such as are required by the law upon a penalty to see these lawes duely executed , must expect to suffer what ever the law doth lay on them , if they shall bee found negligent in their duties : and the ministers of every congregation , are hereby desired to be frequent in minding and exhorting their people to use their constant , and vigorous endeavours , to prevent this growing evill , by bringing the offenders to their due punishment , which is a work that will doubtless be highly pleasing to god and all good men , and greatly honorable to our religion and government , which ought to bee the desire and endeavour of all that professe to owne god , jesus christ and the gospell : dated the _____ day of _____ 1656 and to all constables and other officers and ministers of justice within the said city and liberties thereof whom it shall concern . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a88482e-30 london sc. the 21. of august. 1643. whereas the committee for the militia in the city of london by vertue of an ordinance of both houses of parliament ... have power to command the shutting up of all shops ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83621 of text r204136 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[33]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83621 wing e2490 thomason 669.f.7[33] estc r204136 99897548 99897548 132703 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83621) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 132703) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2515:15) the 21. of august. 1643. whereas the committee for the militia in the city of london by vertue of an ordinance of both houses of parliament ... have power to command the shutting up of all shops ... england and wales. parliament. committee for the militia of london. aut 1 sheet ([1] p.) by richard cotes, printed at london : 1643. title from caption and first lines of text. ordering business to cease and the militia to march to the relief of gloucester. -steele. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries, london, england. eng committee for the militia of london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. england -proclamations -early works to 1800. london (england) -defenses -early works to 1800. gloucester (england) -history -early works to 1800. broadsides a83621 r204136 (thomason 669.f.7[33]). civilwar no the 21. of august. 1643. whereas the committee for the militia in the city of london by vertue of an ordinance of both houses of parliament, england and wales. parliament 1643 438 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the 21. of august . 1643. whereas the committee for the militia in the city of london by vertue of an ordinance of both-houses of parliament , dated the seventeenth day of this instant moneth of august , have power to command the shutting up of all shops within the lines of communication to the end the inhabitants thereof may the better fit themselves for the defence of the said city and parts adjacent , and forasmuch as the said committee have been moved , as well by a committee of lords and commons in parliament , as from his excellency the earle of essex , to send forth of this city some speedy aide for the relieving of the city of glocester , now in great distresse by reason of the enemies army , wherewith they are besieged : and the said committee conceiving that the city of london and parts adjacent cannot be long in safety , if that city be lost , they have thereupon resolved forthwith to send out a force both of horse and foote , for the reliefe of the said city of glocester . and for the better furtherance of that service , the said committee of the militia , doe hereby require all persons inhabiting within the lines of communication , immediately to shut up their shops , and to continue them so shut up untill glocester be relieved , or untill further order shal be given by both houses of parliament , or this committee , and to apply themselves to the furthering of this so necessary a service , and the officers of the regiments of trayned bands and auxilliary forces , which by lot are appointed to goe in this expedition , are required to returne to the said committee , as well the names of such persons of the said regiments , as shall neither march with the rest , nor appoint other sufficient men to goe in their roome , and of such as shall in any sort hinder this expedition , to the end such course may be taken with them ; as this discovery of their ill affection to the safety of this city and parts adjacent deserveth , as also the names of such voluntiers not listed in the said regiments , as shall goe in this expedition ; to the end they may receive the like pay which the rest doe , and also be taken notice of as persons well affected to the city , parliament , and kingdome . printed at london by richard cotes . 1643. at a common-councel held on tuesday the 20th day of august, 1650. london. city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88448 of text r211984 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.15[48]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88448 wing l2852e thomason 669.f.15[48] estc r211984 99870646 99870646 163122 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88448) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163122) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f15[48]) at a common-councel held on tuesday the 20th day of august, 1650. london. city of london (england). court of common council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1650] signed at end: sadler. imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng city of london (england). -court of common council -early works to 1800. fasts and feasts -great britain -early works to 1800. public worship -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88448 r211984 (thomason 669.f.15[48]). civilwar no foot major. at a common-councel held on tuesday the 20th day of august, 1650. london. city of london 1650 243 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion at a common-councel held on tuesday , the 20th . day of august , 1650. it is ordered by this court of common-councell , that thurseday next , the 22 of this present august , shall bee set apart for especiall seeking of god , by prayer and fasting , for the army which is gone hence into scotland : and mr. griffith , mr. sterry , mr. brooks , mr. feak , mr. cardwell , mr. greenhill , mr. thomas goodwin , mr. powell , mr. sedgwick , mr. john sympson , and mr. sidrack sympson , or any 4 of them , to be desired to be then here , to pray with this court , which is to meet in the common-councel chamber , at nine of the clock on thurseday morning ; and every member of this court is especially desired to be present here that day ; and in the close thereof , the court will subscribe , as god shall move each man , ( and afterwards the members of this court will move the inhabitants of their severall precincts , and every member of this court that shall be then absent ) for a free contribution to be sent to the poor souldiers ( in that expedition ) who have so freely adventured their lives , for the safety of this city , and the whole common-wealth . sadler . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a88448e-30 foot major . london . by the major. forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the common-councell, that the city at the present is in great danger; ... city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88472 of text r39656 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.12[15]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88472 wing l2882d thomason 669.f.12[15] estc r39656 99869511 99869511 162808 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88472) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162808) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f12[15]) by the major. forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the common-councell, that the city at the present is in great danger; ... city of london (england). lord mayor. warner, john, sir, d. 1648. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : [1648] title from caption and opening lines of text. place and date of publication from wing. dated at end: this 25 of aprill, 1648. signed: michel. annotation on thomason copy: "ffaringdon within". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. london (england) -militia -early works to 1800. a88472 r39656 (thomason 669.f.12[15]). civilwar no by the major. forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the common-councell, that the city at the present is in great danger; ... city of london 1648 341 1 0 0 0 0 0 29 c the rate of 29 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 jason colman sampled and proofread 2007-08 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ● w blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the major . forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the common-councell , that the city at the present is in great danger ; these are therefore according to the desire and direction of the said court , to will and require you in his majesties name , that presently upon sight hereof , you respectively , with the constables of your severall precincts , doe repair to every housholder within the same ; and give them strict charge and command , that at their perils they do so order and dispose of their servants , and all others under their charge , that they be not onely kept from committing any outrage or misdemeanor ; but that they and their servants from time to time be in a readinesse , according to their severall capacities , with arms , weapons , and ammunitions for preservation of the peace , defence of themselves , the city , and the magistrates thereof : and also , that all persons who are of the trained bands of this city , doe from time to time upon the beat of the drum repair with all speed to their colours : and therein demeasn themselves , as may conduce to the safety and welfare of this city : and that you doe from time to time certifie unto me , or some other of his majesties justices of the peace , the names of such constables and others as you shall finde to bee remisse or negligent in the performance of their respective duties in this behalf , to the intent that they may bee punished according to the law . and hereof fail you not , as you tender the safety of your selves and the city , and will answer the contrary at your perill . this 25 of aprill , 1648. to the deputy , and common-councell-men , in the ward of michel . printed by richard cotes , printer to the honorable city of london . aleyn mayor. at a common councel holden in the guildhall london, on tuesday the 20th of december, 1659. city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88456 of text r211396 in the english short title catalog (wing l2852n). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88456 wing l2852n estc r211396 45097830 ocm 45097830 171412 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88456) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171412) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2573:5) aleyn mayor. at a common councel holden in the guildhall london, on tuesday the 20th of december, 1659. city of london (england). court of common council. alleyne, thomas, sir, fl. 1660. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by james flesher, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : 1659. signed: sadler. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. eng alleyne, thomas, -sir, fl. 1660. london (england) -politics and government. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660. broadsides -england -17th century. a88456 r211396 (wing l2852n). civilwar no aleyn mayor. at a common councel holden in the guildhall london, on tuesday the 20th of december, 1659. corporation of london 1659 449 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion aleyn blazon or coat of arms mayor . at a common councel holden in the guildhall london , on tuesday the 20th of december , 1659. this court having taken notice of divers affronts put upon the right honourable thomas aleyn , the present lord-mayor of this city , with many false with scandalous aspertions cast upon his lordship , and the committee appointed by this court to confer with the lord fleetwood touching the peace and safety of this city : as if they had deserted their trust , or betrayed the rights and liberties of this city , and in particuler , that the said committee seemed satisfied with the limitations of parliament , called the seven principles or unalterable fundamentals , printed in a late scandalous pamphlet stiled the publick intelligencer ; the said committee here openly declaring that they never heard the said principles , or had them any way communicated to them , much less ever consented to the same or any of them . this court being deeply sensible of these great indignities , doth declare , that the said lord-mayor is so far from deserving any of the said affronts or aspertions , that he hath highly merited the great honour and esteem of this court and the whole city , having in all things demeaned himself with much prudence and faithful integrity to this city and court , which doth therefore return his lordship their most hearty thanks . and that the said committee in all their transactions , touching the peace and safety of this city , have also discreetly and faithfully discharged their trust , to their own trouble and great satisfaction of this court . and whereas this court and city hath been lately represented by some , as having deserted their first cause and declarations for their taking armes or joyning with the parliament in defence of the city or the commonwealth : this court doth declare that they still doe , and with gods assistance alwayes will adhere to their former principles & declarations in the use of all lawfull meanes for the maintenance of the true reformed protestant religion according to the scriptures ; the support and maintenance of a settled lawfull magistracy , a learned pious ministry and publick vniversities , with the antient fundamental laws of the nation , iust rights , properties and liberties of all persons : and for these ends will endeavour , all they lawfully may the speedy convening of a free parliament to sit and act without interruption or molestation , by any persons whatsoever . sadler . printed by james flesher printer to the honourable city of london , 1659. the keepers of the liberties of england by authority of parliament, to all parsons, ministers, lecturers, viccars, and curates as also to all justices of the peace, mayors, burgers, sheriffes, bayliffes, constables, overseers of the poor, and headboroughs. and to all other officers, ministers, and people whatsoever, as well within liberties as without, to whom these presents shall come, greeting. dawe, fl. 1653. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87651 of text r211694 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.17[50]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87651 wing k129 thomason 669.f.17[50] estc r211694 99870400 99870400 163298 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87651) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163298) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f17[50]) the keepers of the liberties of england by authority of parliament, to all parsons, ministers, lecturers, viccars, and curates as also to all justices of the peace, mayors, burgers, sheriffes, bayliffes, constables, overseers of the poor, and headboroughs. and to all other officers, ministers, and people whatsoever, as well within liberties as without, to whom these presents shall come, greeting. dawe, fl. 1653. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1653] signed at end: dawe. imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng disaster relief -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a87651 r211694 (thomason 669.f.17[50]). civilwar no the keepers of the liberties of england by authority of parliament, to all parsons, ministers, lecturers, viccars, and curates; as also to a dawe 1653 1328 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms incorporating the commonwealth flag (1649-1651) the keepers of the liberties of england by authority of parliament , to all parsons , ministers , lecturers , viccars , and curates ; as also to all justices of the peace , mayors , burgers , sheriffes , bayliffes , constables , overseers of the poor , and headboroughs . and to all other officers , ministers , and people whatsoever , as well within liberties as without , to whom these presents shall come , greeting . whereas at the gaol-delivery for the city of london held in the old-baily on wednesday the nineteenth day of february in the yeer of our lord , one thousand six hundred and fifty , before the right honourable thomas andrews lord mayor of the said city of london , and the rest of the bench then and there sitting . it appeared unto the said court ( by a certificate from the deputy , common-councel men , church-wardens , and divers others inhabitants of the parish of sepulchres without newgate london , well known , and worthy of good credit ) that on munday the two and twentieth day of july , in the said yeer of our lord , one thousand six hundred and fifty , about seven of the clocke in the evening of that day , there happened a most fierce and lamentable fire near holborne-conduit in the parish aforesaid , which within foure houres , consumed , and burnt downe to the ground five and twenty dwelling houses ; the losse whereof , amounts to the summe of two thousand and five hundred pounds , as appeared upon a full and particular view and examination of many able and experienced workmen . by the meanes of which sad accident threescore families are utterly impoverished , and most of them in extream necessity and misery , and like to perish for want , unlesse god in mercy move the hearts of well-disposed people in compassion towards them ; besides divers other houses there adjacent , which were partly burnt and spoyled to a very great dammage and losse , and which are not herein valued , in regard the owners thereof are able to beare the same : and the same things were likewise at the said court testified by divers other persons of good worth and quality then , and there present . for the furtherance of which pious and charitable worke : the parliament having been acquainted with the particulars of the said sad and lamentable accident , did thereupon the fifteenth day of august last , order , that the said distressed inhabitants shall be authorised by letters pattents , under the great seale of england to make a general collection with the cities and counties hereafter mentioned . know ye therefore , that wee being willing that such reliefe might be afforded to them herein , as to others in like cases hath been heretofore granted , and not doubting , but that all good christians within the said places ( having a fellow feeling of their miseries , will bee ready to extend their liberall contributions towards the reliefe , helpe , and comfort of their distressed brethren in this their great necessity ) have , given and granted ; and by these letters pattents , doe give and grant unto the said distressed inhabitants , and to their deputy and deputies , the bearer and bearers hereof , full power , licence , and authority to ask , gather , receive and take the alms and charitable benevolence of all good and wel-disposed people inhabiting within the cities of london and westminster , with the suburbs and liberties thereof : and in the counties of middlex , surrey , and kent , the burrough of southwark , the city of canterbury , and county of the same city , the city of rochester , with the cinque-ports , and all other the cities , towns corporate , priviledged places , parishes , villages , and all other places whatsoever , within the said cities , and counties , and not elsewhere , towards the recovery of their said losses ; and for the reliefe , support , and maintenance of the said distressed families . wherefore , we will and command you , and every of you , that at such time , and times as the said inhabitants , or their said deputy , or deputies , the bearer , or bearers hereof ; shall come and repaire to any of your churches , chappels , or any other places , to ask , and receive the gratuities , and charitable benevolence of good , and well-disposed people , quietly to permit , and suffer them so to doe , without any manner your lets , or contradictions . and you the said parsons , ministers , lecturers , vicars , and curats , for the better stirring up of charitable devotions , deliberately to publish and declare the tenor of these letters pattents , or the copy , or briefe hereof unto the people upon some sabbath day after the same shall bee tendred or delivered unto you , exhorting , and perswading them to extend their liberal contributions in so good and charitable a deed . and you the overseers of the poore of every parish where such collection is to be made as aforesaid , to collect , and gather the almes and charitable benevolence as well of strangers as fellow-parishoners . and what shall be by you so gathered , to be by the ministers , and your selves endorsed on the backside of these letters pattents , or the copy or brief hereof in words at length , and not in figures . and the summe and summes of money so gathered , and endorsed , to deliver to the bearer or bearers of these letters pattents , and to no other person or persons , whensoever you shall be by them thereunto required . and in case it so fall out that any parish being destitute of a minister shall be without publicke assemblies . then the overseers of the poor of the said parish are hereby required to go from house to house to gather and receive the charity of the inhabitants . and lastly , our will and pleasure is , for the more assurance of faithfull , and equall dealing in the receit , account , and distribution of the moneys hereby to be collected , by vertue of these presents . that no man shall receive any of the moneys so collected , but such as shall be appointed thereunto by deputation under the hands and seales of humphrey primate , thomas poultney , josias ward , and thomas bradbury , citizens , or any two of them , and that the moneys collected and raised by vertue thereof , shal be distributed amongst such only of those damnified by the said fire , as are in this case fit to be relieved by publick charity . and by such proportions to each of them as shall be thought fit , and set down in writing under the hands of the said persons last above named , or any two of them as aforesaid , at such times and places as shall be by them , or any two of them from time to time appointed for that purpose ; any statute , law , ordinance , or provision heretofore made to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding . in witnesse whereof , we have caused these our letters to be made pattents for the space of six months next after the date hereof to endure , and no longer . witnesse our selves at westminster the seventh day of september , in the yeer of our lord , one thousand six hundred fifty and three . dawe . the earle of essex his speech in the partilrie garden to the souldiers on tuesday last with his majesties propositions to the citizens of london likevvise terrible and blovdy news from yorke concerning the great affront which was given to the said city by the cavileers and how the citizens gave them a repulse and shut up the gates : whereunto is annexed, londons resolution for the defence of the king and parliament. speech in the artilrie garden to the souldiers on tuesday last essex, robert devereux, earl of, 1591-1646. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a38662 of text r17460 in the english short title catalog (wing e3335). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a38662 wing e3335 estc r17460 13037568 ocm 13037568 96840 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38662) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96840) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 259:e200, no 54 or 259:e200, no 55) the earle of essex his speech in the partilrie garden to the souldiers on tuesday last with his majesties propositions to the citizens of london likevvise terrible and blovdy news from yorke concerning the great affront which was given to the said city by the cavileers and how the citizens gave them a repulse and shut up the gates : whereunto is annexed, londons resolution for the defence of the king and parliament. speech in the artilrie garden to the souldiers on tuesday last essex, robert devereux, earl of, 1591-1646. 8 p. ... printed for thomas baley, [london?] : july 38, 1642. "londons resolution for the parliaments defence" : 259:e.200, no. 55. the earle of essex speech is not included in the eight pages. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. london (england) -history -17th century -sources. a38662 r17460 (wing e3335). civilwar no the earle of essex his speech in the artilrie garden to the souldiers on tuesday last. with his majesties propositions to the citizens of lo essex, robert devereux, earl of 1642 1035 4 0 0 0 0 0 39 d the rate of 39 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the earle of essex his speech in the artilrie garden to the souldiers on tuesday last . with his majesties propositions to the citizens of london , likevvise terrible and blovdy news from yorke concerning the great affront , which was given to the said city , by the cavileers , and how the citizens gave them a repulse and shut up the gates . whereunto is annexed , londons resolution for the defence of the king and parliament . ioh. bro. cler. par. hen : els. parl. d. com. july . 28. printed for thomas baley . 1642. his maiesties propositions to the citizens of london . wherin he declares his royall intentions concerning the said city . by wofull experience we have knowne and found , the rebellions insurections & wicked pollicies and stratagens of these most hellish papists , and malignant party are grown to such a head that it is feared , without the great mercy of god , we are like to indure the hardest censure , and bloudy devises : they possiblely can inflict upon this our kingdom ; for these counties viz. yorkshire , lincolnshire , lancashire , are so greviouslie perplexed , with the feare of a civill warr , which still these cavileers with oaths and threats , do daily insist to the fears of all good christians ; they are now growne to so insolent and turbulent spirits , being countenanced with the smiles of many peers , of this kingdome , and they are growne to such a higth that they began to vse such lacivious actions that the inhabitants of these parts , are growne to a most miserable thinking daly and hourely when these men will cease upon their goods , and they began since his majestie went into l●ncolne , and beverly , to vse many outrages against the city . wherevpon the citizens of yorke foreseing the danger that would ensue , caused the gates to be shut up , they having a long time groaned under the dominering of the cavileers . the truth whereof was reported to the honourable house of commons , on saturday last the sixteenth of iuly , both houses taking into consideration the militia , of the kingdome propounded and ordered , that it is against the lawes , and liberties of the kingdoms , that any of the subiects thereof should be compelled by the king , to attend him at his pleasure but saith as is bound therto , and the lords and commons , in parliament doe declare . that it is both against the lawes of the land and the libertie of the subiect , for any messenger or officer , to cease upon any his maiesties subjects . and likewise declare that it ●s against the publique peace of the kingdome , and that the same be forthwith printed and published , and assigned vnder the clarks hand his royall majesty likewise declareth that neither the testimony of , so many of our lords now with vs can credit , with divers men that they proceed to levie men , and money , and raise horse . therefore wee are not to be misliked if after so many gratious expositious vpon considerable purposes and reasons , which they answer by ordering that wee answer to be reason and so appear to leavie warr against us . and therefore wee make such provision , that as we have beene forst from london , and kept from hvl wee may not be surprized at yorke , but in a condition to bring iustice on these men , who would perswade our people that their religion is in danger , because wee will not consent , it shall be in their power , and that their votes and liberties are in danger , because wee will allow no iudge of that liberty , but the knowne power of the land . yet whatsoeuer prouison , wee shall be compelled to make for our securitie , wee shall be ready , to lay down ▪ so soone as they shall have revoked their orders which they have made , and submit those persons , who have detained our townes carried away our armes , and put the militia in execution contrary to our proclamation , to that triall of innocencie , and to which they were borne . and if this be not submitted wee shall with as good a conscience , and wee beleeve wee shall not want , the good affections of our subiects to that end , proceed against those who shall prepare to exercise that pretended ordnance of the militia , and sr. iohn hotham who keeps our towne of hul from us , as wee would resist persons that come in a farre greater way ; and therefore wee shall repose and require our city of london to obey our commands , and not to be misled by those men who are led desperat by their fortunes who tell them that their religion , liberty , and propertie , is to be preserved by no other way but by their disloyalty . therefore wee propound unto them that they are now at the brincke of the riuer , and may draw their swords when nothing pursues them but their owne evill consiences . his royall majesty likewise declareth that the worth and glory of the city is not like to be destroied any other way but by rebelling against us , or their wives and children to be exposed to uiolence and villanie , but by those who make their appitite and will , their measurs and guid to all their actions . and his royall and sacred majesty doth likwise againe propound and declare that he is resolued to proseed against all those persons that shall assist by furnishing of horse , men , and plate as against the disturbers of the publike peace of the whole kingdome in generall protesting that for his one parte his intenciones are royall as alredey hath b●e published and declared to all the world . wednesday, the 5th day of august, 1696, at a committee of common council, held for the publick markets of the city of london city of london (england). 1696 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49017 wing l2861i estc r39361 18370139 ocm 18370139 107434 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49017) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107434) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:49) wednesday, the 5th day of august, 1696, at a committee of common council, held for the publick markets of the city of london city of london (england). 1 broadside. printed by samuel roycroft ..., [london] : 1696. at head of title: houblon mayor. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng markets -law and legislation -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion houblon blazon or coat of arms mayor . wednesday , the 5th day of august , 1696. at a committee of common council , held for the publick markets of the city of london . whereas this committee hath received information , that the farmers of the publick markets have exacted and extorted greater sums of mony from the market-people , than by the laws of the city , or the covenants of their lease , are allow'd : and have committed many other irregularities , to their great oppression , and the scandal of the government of this city . now to the intent that the rates allowed , as aforesaid , to be taken in the markets , may be ascertained and made publick to all market-people , and the said farmers of the markets may be prevented for the future from demanding , exacting or receiving more than is allowed ; this committee hath thought sit ( by advice of the right honourable sir john hovblon kt. lord mayor ) hereby to declare , that by an act of common-council made in sir william hooker's mayor d●y . 17 sept. anno domini 1674. ( which the farmers are strictly obliged to observe ) every person resorting to any the publick markets of this city , to vend their commodities , are to pay to such as from time to time shall be appointed to receive the profits of all or any the said markets after the rates following and no more : ( viz ) for every stall or standing of eight foot long and four foot broad , for sale of flesh-meat or fish , two shillings six pence per week . for every stall or standing of six foot long , and four foot broad , two shillings per week . for every stall or standing of six or eight foot long and four foot broad , for other commodities , three pence per day . for every horse-load of provisions , not upon stalls nor under publick shelter , two pence per day . for every dosser of like provision , one peny per day . for every cart-load with not above three horses , four pence per day . for every cart-load with four horses , or above , six pence per day . for all fruit brought by land or water , and pitched in any of the publick markets ; for each prickcl or basket , holding not above one bushel , one half-peny per day . for each basket , dosser or maund , holding above two bushel , one peny per day ; to be paid by the people that bring or receive them . for every standing of six foot square , for the gardiners , twenty shillings per annum . for every standing for the poorer sort of country people , bringing weeds and physick-herbs , of four foot long and two foot broad , one peny per day . for every standing for fruit-sellers and standing herb-women , not above eight foot long and four foot broad , or six foot square , twelve pence per week . for every standing for bakers and gingerbread-sellers , not above four foot long and three foot broad , six pence per week . and that the collectors shall not demand or require , nor receive or take more than according to the aforesaid rates , without the free consent of the said market-people , for some extraordinary convenience or accommodation ; unless in leaden hall market , where other and larger rates have been anciently paid for stalls and standings therein . and that no collector shall receive more than one farthing for every draught , or four pence per week , for weighing all such provisions as are usually bought or sold by weight . and this committee doth further declare , that the farmers of the said markets have covenanted in their lease , that in case they or any of them shall at any time ( during the term thereby demised ) exact or take any greater rates or duties than are limited and appointed by the aforesaid act of common-council , they or some of them shall pay to the city , for every time they shall so exact or take , the penalty of ten pounds . wherefore if the said farmers , or their assigns , shall require and receive more than according to the aforesaid rates , or disturb the market-people , who have paid or tender'd the said legal rates , in the quiet selling or exposing to sale , according to law , their commodities ; it is recommended to the parties grieved , to apply themselves to the lord mayor , or some other justice of peace of this city , for redress ; and to give notice thereof to this committee , that they may be proceeded against according to law , and the covenants and conditions of their lease . nich : wilmot , comptroler . printed by samuel roycroft , printer to the honourable city of london , 1696. the discovery of a great and wicked conspiracy against this kingdom in generall, and the city of london in particular being a letter sent from the hague in holland, and directed to secretary nicholas, but intercepted by the way, and read in both houses of parliament on saterday the 26 of november, 1642. also, what great preparations of money, men, and arms, there is now made in holland, france, and denmark, to assist the kings majesty in england. with the manner how the said letter was intercepted and taken. whereunto is added, an order by the lord major, for the raising of 30000 l. in the city of london. goring, george goring, baron, 1608-1657. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a41571 of text r217958 in the english short title catalog (wing g1303e). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a41571 wing g1303e estc r217958 99829593 99829593 34033 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41571) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 34033) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2005:20) the discovery of a great and wicked conspiracy against this kingdom in generall, and the city of london in particular being a letter sent from the hague in holland, and directed to secretary nicholas, but intercepted by the way, and read in both houses of parliament on saterday the 26 of november, 1642. also, what great preparations of money, men, and arms, there is now made in holland, france, and denmark, to assist the kings majesty in england. with the manner how the said letter was intercepted and taken. whereunto is added, an order by the lord major, for the raising of 30000 l. in the city of london. goring, george goring, baron, 1608-1657. nicholas, edward, sir, 1593-1669. penington, isaac, sir, 1587?-1660. city of london (england). lord mayor. england and wales. parliament. proceedings. 1642-11-26. aut [8] p. printed for ed. blackmore, london : novemb. 28. 1642. by george goring. signatures: a⁴. sir isaac penington was lord mayor of london from 1642 to 1643. on a4v: this (letter as it is supposed) was writ by collonell goring. reproduction of the original in the christ church library, oxford. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a41571 r217958 (wing g1303e). civilwar no the discovery of a great and wicked conspiracy against this kingdom in generall, and the city of london in particular. being a letter sent f goring, george goring, baron 1642 1931 2 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2003-08 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the discovery of a great and wicked conspiracy against this kingdom in generall , and the city of london in particular . being a letter sent from the hague in holland , and directed to secretary nicholas , but intercepted by the way , and read in both houses of parliament on saterday the 26 of november . 1642. also , what great preparations of money , men , and arms , there is now made in holland , france , and denmark , to assist the kings majesty in england . with the manner how the said letter was intercepted and taken . whereunto is added , an order by the lord major , for the raising of 30000 l. in the city of london . die sabbathi , 26 novemb. 1642. ordered by the lords and commons assembled in parliament , that this letter be forthwith printed and published , and read in all parish churches within the city of london and the suburbs thereof , by the parsons , vicars , or curates of the same . j. brown cler. parliamentorum . london : printed for ed. blackmore . novemb. 28. 1642. it is now long since i had the opportunitie of writing to you , but since my first have not heard any thing from you at all ; the occasion of our long stay here , was first the expectation of our irish ships , next the raising money , which the proposition of newcastle drew as fast as it could advance , the failing of the ships had it not been supplyed by the reputation of the kings successe at land , had given us a dangerous blow here ; but that hath so supported our credit that the prince of orange hath since plaid his part , and advanced all those summes we were to expect , of which 20000.l . is sent towards you , 20000. l. to newcastle , and 20000.l . at least we bring with us , besides the great businesse which we expect this day a finall end of , which will advance 60000 l. more , in which we are ascertained of the prince of orange his utmost power ; such neverthelesse we apprehend the importance of the queenes being in england , that we had gone this last weeke , and expected the coming of thatafter , had not an unseasonable complement from your side stopt us , till this expresse sent to you : the fleet is now ready , and this weeke we certainly goe , if those counsels , or chances , that move to dilatory resolutions , move not more effectually then the certaine advantages of our expedition and dispatch from hence , all our affaires now done , and nothing more to be expected . that you may know upon what grounds we goe , and what securitie we expect there , and what advantage you in the south are to derive from it , you must know we have sent over 10000. foot armes , besides the garrison neere 2000 horse armes , and 20 peece of canon ; we bring over wagons and all accommodation to march so soon as we arrive , we carry very considerable officers from hence , and by the advice we receive from that side 8000 men are on foot already , 6 troops of horse , and the rest will not belong on raising after we come there . generall king is designed for lievtenant-generall , hath been with the queen , and will be suddenly there . from denmarke are likewise sent arms for 10000 foot , and 1500 horse , with a traine of artillery , and every thing proportionable , to the very drums and halbards . two good men of warre come their convoy , and in them an embassadour to his majesty , a person of great qualitie in denmarke , i hope it will be a generall care there to see him nobly treated , for the entertainment and neglect of the last was much complained of , and is so much insented by the king , that it had like to have frustrated all our expectations in that court , had not cochran very handsomely evaded it , he comes along with the embassadour , with whom if you encounter you will communicate some propositions of great importance , which in how much the fewer hands they are carried , will be so much the better liked by them you are to deale with , if my imployment in this affaire may fall upon your servant that writes to you , i know you will not be unmindfull of him . we have great apprehensions here by something intimated from my lord of holland , of a treaty further entred into then we have advertisement of , or can well approve ; we have confidently bel●eved your approaching london , ( if you had not made too long stay upon the way ) would have determined that matter , and what the difficulties are now of that we cannot yet understand , for if intelligence from hence came as freely to you as to us , the kings partie there are very considerable , and full of that expectation , and a day or two losse of time by the late example of hull , may be judged of what contrary consequences it may produce . we heare my lord of essex approaches london , but beleeve he will be so waited on by the kings horse , not to let him joyne with their forces there , being now so lame an army without horse or canon , as the relations you send hither makes him to be . we beleeve the kings horse likewise , now so great a body , that it will be as troublesome as unnecessary for them to subsist together , and thinke so many troops might be well spared as might be sent into kent , to countenance a partie to be set on foote there , which according to our intelligence here would undoubtedly be found very affectionate and considerable , so that by sparing 500 horse , you might possibly adde to your army 5000 foote , to be imployed upon the river on that side the towne . if the unhappy interception had not come of the last weeks letters , we had undoubtedly been with you on the other side in norfolk and essex , within three weekes , and in that condition having all the kingdome behinde us on every side , it will not be hard to judge whether should have been better able to subsist , they within the towne , or the kings army without ; admit my lord of essex were gotten in , or that the towne had not yeelded it selfe so soone as you had approached , you may yet certainly presume on this , that our being once on foote we shall be able to collect for you all the 400000 l. subsidies , universally throughout the kingdome , which will make the kings army subsist , and weare out theirs , besides which the money we bring ; what we expect from denmarke , and france , are all encouragements to make us expect no treaties to be admitted , but upon termes of great advantage and honour to his majesty , those you are best able to judge of upon the place . if the king have use of them , i am confident you may expect from france , ( so soone as you set footing in kent , and shall intimate you desire the same ) the three regiments of his majesties own subjects there imployed , under colonell hill , colonell fitz williams , and colonell beling : your letters directed to newcastle will direct our addresses to france , for i hope wee shall yet be there before you can returne any in answer to this . hague , novemb. 22. 1642. the manner how this aforesaid letter was intercepted and taken . on saterday morning the gentleman that brought this letter from holland came up to london in a gravesend-boat , intending to land at brainford , and therefore for the more expedition shot the bridge , which being perceived by one of the pinaces that lie on this side for the guard of the city and parliament , and being known to be a gravesend-boat , which alwayes land on the other side at billinsgate : they called to them to know their businesse ; but they not regarding their summons still posted away , whereupon the men in the ship made after them and hald them in , examined the gentleman , and having some suspition searcht him , and found this with some other letters about him ; whereupon they presently carried him up to the parliament , where after examination his letters were taken from him , and he committed to safe custody . this letter ( as is supposed ) was writ by collonell goring . by the maior . vvhereas certain letters from forrain parts and severall places of the kingdom have been intercepted , and brought unto the parliament , discovering the desperate designes and plots of papists and other ill affected , in collecting great sums of money and providing many thousands of men and arms , for the ruine of our religion and kingdom . for the preserving and securing wherof , there is great necessity of a present and speedy supply of money , that the army may suddenly advance , for preventing of the many outrages that the cavaleers daily commit in severall places of this kingdom at once ; & in regard the burthen hath hitherto lain upon the willing and well-affected persons ; the lords and commons assembled in parliament have passed an ordinance , that all such persons as hitherto have not contributed , or not proportionable to their estates , upon the propositions of parliament , for the safety of the kingdom , shall be assessed and compelled to contribute and pay according to their ability . and forasmuch as moneys cannot be advanced by vertue of that ordinance , to supply the urgent and pressing occasions of the army ; it is desired by a committee of the lords and commons , appointed by the parliament , for advancing of mon●ys , that a sum of 30000 l. might be raised by tuesday in the afternoon , and all such as shall lend any money for the present raising of the same , shall be repayed their moneys so lent out , of the first moneys that shall be collected upon the said ordinance : and for the better advancing of this necessary service , the ministers of every parish are requested , publickly to stir up their parishioners hereunto , and that the church wardens of every parish cause an assembly of the parishioners tomorrow after sermon , in the afternoon , that amongst them they raise a proportionable summe , and that upon munday next , at three of the clock in the afternoon the church-wardens appear at guild hall before the said committee , to give an account of what moneys they have raised . dated november 26 , 1642. isaac pennington major . finis . a preparative to studie, or, the vertue of sack this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a43604 of text r22858 in the english short title catalog (wing h1790). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a43604 wing h1790 estc r22858 12744695 ocm 12744695 93216 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43604) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 93216) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 253:e158, no 7) a preparative to studie, or, the vertue of sack beaumont, francis, 1584-1616. brathwaite, richard, 1588?-1673. edwards, henry, 17th cent. heywood, thomas, d. 1641. taylor, john, 1580-1653. [2], 5 p. [s.n.], london : 1641. variously ascribed to thomas heywood, henry edwards, francis beaumont, richard brathwaite, and john taylor. in verse. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng drinking of alcoholic beverages -england -early works to 1800. london (england) -social life and customs -17th century. a43604 r22858 (wing h1790). civilwar no a preparative to studie: or, the vertue of sack· [no entry] 1641 911 1 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-12 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-12 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a preparative to studie : or , the vertue of sack . london , printed anno dom. 1641. a preparative to study : or , the vertve of sacke . fetch me ben. iohnsons scull , and fill 't with sacke , rich as the same he dranke , when the whole packe of jolly sisters pledg'd , and did agree , it was no sinne to be as drunke as hee ; if there be any weakenesse in the wine , ther 's vertue in the cup to mak 't divine ; this muddy drench of ale does tast too much of earth , the malt retaines a scurvy touch of the dull hynde that sow'd it , and i feare there 's heresie in hops ; give calvyn beere , and his precise disciple , such as thinke there 's powder treason in all spanish drinke , call sack an idoll , we will kisse the cup , for feare their conventicle be blowne up with superstition ; aw●y with brew-house almes , whose best mirth is six-shilling beere and psalmes . let me rejoyce in sprightly sack that can create a braine even in an empty pan , canary ! it is thou that dost inspire and actuate the soule with heavenly fire . thou that sublim'st the genius-making wit scorne earth , and such as love or live by it , thou mak'st us lords of regions large and faire , whilst our conceipts build castles in the ayre . since fire , earth , ayre , thus thy inferiors bee , henceforth i le know no element but thee ; thou precious elixar of all grapes welcome , by thee our muse begins her scapes ; i would not leave thee sack to be with iove , his nectar is but faign'd , but i doe prove thy more essentiall worth : i am ( me thinkes ) in the exchequer now , harke how it chinks , and doe esteeme my venerable selfe as brave a fellow as if all that pelfe were sure mine owne , and i have thought a way already how to spend it , i would pay no debts , but fairely empty every trunke and change the gold for sack to keepe me drunke , and so by consequence till rich spaines wyne being in my crowne , the indies too were mine , and when my braines are once aflote ( heav'n blesse us ) i thinke my selfe a better man then croesus , and now i doe conceipt my selfe a judge , and coughing , laugh , to see my clyents trudge after my lordships coach unto the hall for justice , and am full of law withall , and doe become the bench as well as hee that fled of late for want of honestie , but i le be judge no longer , though in jeast , for feare i should be talk't with like the rest , when i am sober : who can chuse but thinke me wise , that am so wary in my drinke ? oh , admirable sack ! heer 's dainty sport , i am come backe from westminster to court , and am growne young againe , my phtisick now hath left me , and my judges graver brow is smooth'd , and i turn'd amorous as may , when she invites young lovers forth to play upon her flowry bosome : i could winne a vestall now , or tempt a saint to sinne . oh , for a score of queenes ! you 'd laugh to see how they would strive , which first should ravish mee . three goddesses were nothing : sack has tipt my tongue with charmes like those which paris sipt from venus when she taught him how to kisse faire helen , and invite a farther blisse , mine is canary-rhetorique , that alone would turne diana to a burning stone , stone with amazement burning with loves fire , hard to the touch , but short in her desire , inestimable sack ! thou mak'st us rich , wise , amorous , any thing ; i have an itch to t'other cup , and that perchance will make me valiant too , and quarrell for thy sake : if i be once inflam'd against thy foes that would preach down thy worth in small-beer-prose , i shall doe miracles as bad or worse , as he that gave the king an hundred horse : i 'me in the north already ; lasley's dead , he that would rise , carry the king his head , and tell him ( if he aske , who kill'd the scot ) i knock't his braines out with a pottle pot . out ye rebellious vipers ; j 'me come back from thence againe , because there 's no good sack , t'other odde cup , and i shall be prepar'd to snatch at starres , and pluck downe a reward with mine owne hands , from iove upon their backs that are , or charles his enemies or sacks ; let it be full , if i doe chance to spill over my study by the way , i will , dipping in this diviner incke my pen , write my selfe sober , and fall too t agen . finis . by vertue of severall ordinances of parliament, authorizing the committee of the militia of london and liberties thereof, ... city of london (england). committee for the militia. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78087 of text r211017 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.12[101]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78087 wing b6374 thomason 669.f.12[101] estc r211017 99869756 99869756 162892 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78087) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162892) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f12[101]) by vertue of severall ordinances of parliament, authorizing the committee of the militia of london and liberties thereof, ... city of london (england). committee for the militia. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1648] title from opening lines of text. signed: adam banckes clerk to the said committee. imprint from wing. an order of the committee of the militia of london, appointing several commanders of horse for the defence of the king, parliament, and city.--thomason tract index. annotation on thomason copy: "to mr geo. thomason [illegible] commissioner of ye ward of ffaringdon within"; [illegible; a list of the names of the commanders of horse]. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. london (england) -militia -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78087 r211017 (thomason 669.f.12[101]). civilwar no by vertue of severall ordinances of parliament, authorizing the committee of the militia of london and liberties thereof, ... city of london 1648 235 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by vertue of severall ordinances of parliament , authorizing the committee of the militia of london and liberties thereof , for the better strengthening and assisting of the trained bands and auxiliaries thereunto belonging ; the said committee have lately appointed severall commanders of horse ( whose names are under-written ) for the defence of the king , parliament and city , according to the solemn league and covenant ; and whosoever will bring in horse , armes , ( or pay riders to be listed under any of them ) or ready money , or subscribe to pay so much a week ( to continue three months ) towards the payment of the said commanders , and other necessary occasions incident thereunto , it will be accounted by the said committee of the militia a very acceptable service , and conduce much to the ends aforesaid , in these times of imminent danger : and the deputy and common-councell-men in their severall limits and precincts , are desired to doe their utmost endeavour to further this work ; and to make return thereof forthwith to the treasurers and others who sit for this purpose in the irish-court in guildhall . dated the fifth of august , 1648. signed in the name and by the warrant of the committed of the militia of london , by adam banckes clerk to the said committee . the art of living in london, or, a caution how gentlemen, countreymen and strangers drawn by occasion of businesse should dispose of themselves in the thriftiest way not onely in the citie but in all other populous places as also a direction to the poorer sort that come thither to seeke their fortunes / by h. p. peacham, henry, 1576?-1643? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a56777 of text r22580 in the english short title catalog (wing p942). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a56777 wing p942 estc r22580 12621464 ocm 12621464 64533 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56777) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64533) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 251:e145, no 20) the art of living in london, or, a caution how gentlemen, countreymen and strangers drawn by occasion of businesse should dispose of themselves in the thriftiest way not onely in the citie but in all other populous places as also a direction to the poorer sort that come thither to seeke their fortunes / by h. p. peacham, henry, 1576?-1643? [8] p. printed for iohn gyles and are to be sold by samuel rand ..., [london] : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng london (england) -history. london (england) -social life and customs. a56777 r22580 (wing p942). civilwar no the art of living in london, or, a caution how gentlemen, countreymen and strangers, drawn by occasion of businesse, should dispose of thems peacham, henry 1642 3084 2 5 0 0 0 0 23 c the rate of 23 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-04 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the art of living in london , or , a caution how gentlemen , countreymen and strangers , drawn by occasion of businesse , should dispose of themselves in the thriftiest way , not onely in the citie , but in all other populous places . as also , a direction to the poorer sort that come thither to seeke their fortunes . by h. p. printed for iohn gyles , and are to be sold by samuel rand , at his shop at barnards inne in holborne . 1642. the art of living in london . it is a greater peece of skill to live in a populous place , where multitudes of people reside then in a so●itary and private place among a few ; yet some natures are so caried and led away with variety of acquaintance and company , that it is a death unto them to live by and to themselves , which indeed is the happiest life of all and hath ever bin most contenting , and pleasing to the best and wisest men . now our most populous places are cities , and among us london , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the citie , whether all sorts reside . noble and simple rich and poore yong and old , from all places and countries either for pleasure ( and let me adde beside , to save the charge of house-keeping in the countrey ) or for profit , as lawyers to the tearmes , country-men and women to smithsield and the markets or for necessity , as poore yong men and maids to seeke services and places , serving-men masters , and some others all manner of imploiment . now the citie being like a vast sea ( full of gusts ) fearfull dangerous shelves and rocks , ready at every storme to sinke and cast away , the weake and unexperienced barke ( with her fresh-water souldiers ) as wanting her compasse and her skilfull pilot ; my selfe , like another columbus or drake , acquainted with her rough entertainment and stormes , have drawn you this chart or map for your guide , as well out of mine owne , as my many friends experience . who therefore soever shall have occasion to come to the city for the occasions before mentioned ; the first thing he is to doe , is to arme himselfe with patience , and to thinke that he is entred into a wood , where there is as many bryers as people , every one as ready to catch hold of your sleece , as your selfe ; for we see that sheepe when they passe through a thorny or a bushie place they leave locks or wooll behinde them ; so imagine a populous citie could not live nor subsist ( like the stomacke ) except it have helpe and nourishment from the other parts and members . therefore the first rule i give you , next to the due service of god on the saboth , and at other times is the choice of your company and acquaintance , for according to that every man findes his owne valuation high or loe ; that is , we are esteemed to be such as we keepe company withall , as well in estate as condition ; if you cannot finde such fitting for you , apply your selfe to your friends , if you have any , or the friends of your friend ; if you have not them neither , ( i speake to the meaner and more inferiour ) be sure that you take your lodging at lest in some honest house of credit ; whether it be inne , alehouse , or other private house , which i could rather wish because in the other , the multiplicity of resort and company of all sorts will draw you to much need esse and vaine expence ; as in pots of beere or ale , tobacco , perhaps cards , dice , the shovelboord-table &c. but first of all have an eye to , and a care of your maine businesse , or the end of your coming to towne , as it were at what marke you wou●d 〈◊〉 your arrow ; which being throughly considered , for your purse sake , pursue it with all expedition : for the citie is like a quick-sand the longer you stand upon it the deeper you sinke ; if here mony or meanes to get it be wanting . but imagine you have money of your owne and come hither onely for your pleasure , as being tired and weary of your countrey , if you husband it not thriftily , you may quickly take a nap upon penilesse bench : so many are the occasions here offered that are ready every houre to picke your purse ; as perpetuall visits of vaine and vselesse acquaintance ; necssitous persons ever upon borrowing hand with you ; cloathes in the fashion , this or that new play , play at ordinaries , taverne feasts and meetings , horse and coach hire ; beside those britle comodities they carry ; boat-hire to kingston , winsor , and other places , with the like . for an antidote to these severall poysons , let me prescribe to my citie country gentleman these receits or remedies . first , being come to the citie , avoid idlenesse , which commonly drawes after a traine of many vices : i call idlenesse keeping your chamber , consuming the day lying in bed , or risen in walking up and downe from street to street , to this or that gentlemans chamber , having no businesse at all , and cannot meet with usefull company , let the bible , and other bookes of piety , such as treat of philosophy , naturall or morall history , the mathematickes , as arithmeticke , geometry , musicke ; sometime heraldry , and the like , be your chiefe company : for you shall finde books no flatterers , nor expensive in your converse with them . beside , you shall meet with those who can instruct you in all those arts which tully calles venales , which are taught for money as the mathematickes themselves , dancing , fencing , riding , painting , and the like . next , have a care of saving and improving your money to the best : as who would bespeake a supper or a dinner at all adventure at a taverne , and not know the price of every dish , as the italians and other nations doe , while they laugh at our english for their vaine profusenesse and simplicity , who when the dinner is ended , must stand to the curtesie of a nimble-tonged drawer ; or a manyringed whistling mistresse whether they or you should bee masters of your money . beside one dish well drest gives a good stomacke more and better content then a variety of twenty . and above all things beware of beastly drunkennesse , which ( as horace truly saith , doth affigere humo divinae particulam aurae . and well he may affigere humo , or naile to the ground : for some are found sometimes so drunke , who being fallen upon the ground ; or ( which is worse ) in the kennell , are not able to stirre or move againe . drinking begets chalenges and quarrels and occasioneth the death of many , as is knowne by almost daily experience . hence are newgate , the counters , and other prisons fild with our young heires and swaggering gallants , to the sorrow of their friends , and joy of their iaylors . again , men when they are in drinke , are apt to say or doe any thing as become sureties for decayed companions , or lending them ready money out of their purses which when they have slept upon it , they curse and are ready to hang themselves beside the terror of conscience , and extreame melancholy which sticks by them a long time after . drunken men againe are apt to lose their hats , clokes or rapiers not to know what they have spent , how much money they have ; and full oft they have their pockets pickt by whores and knaves . there is lesse danger in out-doores recreations then , as shooting , boules , riding , tennis , &c. next , let every man beware of play and gaming , as cards , especially dice , at ordinaries and other places : for in the citie there are many , who when they live onely by cheating , are so cunning , that they will so strip a young heire , or novice , but lately come to towne , and wood-cocke like so pull his wings , that hee shall in a short time never be able to flye over ten acres of his owne land . these and the like errours are the cause why so many faire estates being neere or not very farre from the citie , have beene so often bought and sold , and the truth is , very few have held out in a name to the third generation . let a monyed man or gentleman especially beware in the city , ab istis calidis & calidis solis filiabus , as lipsius : these over-hot and crafty daughters of the sunne , your silken and gold-laced harlots every where ( especially in the suburbs ) to bee found : these have been and are daily the ruine of thousands ; and if they happen to alure and entice him , which is onely to cheat him , and picke his pocket to boot , with the bargaine she makes ; but let him resolutely say as diogenes did to lais of corinth , non tanti emam poenitentiam , i will not buy repentance at such a rate . let him also in the city have a speciall care whom he entertaines into his service , let him or they have friends of his acquaintance , who may undertake for them but not at all adventure every stragler . what sayes old tusser in his booke of good husbandry ? take runagate robin to pitie his need , and looke to be filcht as sure as thy creed . and if you bring one with you out of the countrey ( except you have a great eye over him ) he will quickly be corrupted in the citie with much acquaintance : then shall you helpe your selfe to bed , see your horse starved in the stable , and never rubd ; your linnen lost at the landresses ; in a word your selfe every where neglected . thinke it therefore no disgrace in a citie inne , to see your horse every day your selfe and to see him well meated rubd and watered he shal make you amends in your journey . occhio di patrono ingrassa lo cavallo , the masters eye makes the horse fat : besides , remember what salomon saith , the righteous man regardeth the life of his beast , but the ungodly have cruell hearts . i saw , i remember , a carrier flea his horse alive , being able on the way to goe no farther , his too heavy burthen having broke his back , insomuch as he tumbled raw in his own skin . next ; let a gentleman living in the citie have a care to keepe himselfe out of debt , let him owe as little as he can to his taylor for following the fashion , then which there can be no greater misery ; for then if he walkes abroad he is ready to be snapt up at every lanes end , by serjeants marshals men , or baylies ; or keeping his chamber , let him stirre never so little be betraid by some false knave or other ; in the meane time his creditors , if they be of the inferior sort ( nay their scolding and clamorous wives , and every sawcie prentice ) will be ready to disgrace him ; and if arested , he shall be hald to prison many times like a dogge , if he returnes but the lest ill word ; if he be a landed man , let him take heed of vsurers and their factors , of whom he shall finde as much mercy in cities , as an oxe cheeke from a butchers curre : but i will turn my discourse now to such as but accidentally make their abode here , either through businesse to see friends , or sent for by authority . next after the setting up of their horses , and seeing them well used ( which should be your chiefest care at your first alighting in the citie , with all diligence follow your businesse , let not vaine and byoccasions take you off from it , as going to tavernes , seeing playes , and now and then to worse places , so lose your time , spend your money , and sometime leave your businesse uneffected . to avoid these take a private chamber , wherein you may passe your spare time in doing something or other and what you call for , pay for , without going upon the score ; especially in citie-alehouses , where in many places you shall be torne out of your skin ( if it were possible ) even for a debt of two pence : and though you have spent twenty or fourty pounds in one of their houses , your host , especially your hostesse , will hardly bid you drink in a twelve-moneth ; but if they bee at dinner or supper , never to eate a bit with them : for that were an undoing to them in their opinion . againe , walking abroad , take heed with what company you sort your selfe withall : if you are a countrey man , and but newly come to towne you will be smelt out by some cheaters or other , who will salute , call you by your name ( which perhaps one of their company meeting you in another street , hath learned by way of mistaking you for another man , which is an old tricke ) carry you to the taverne , saying they are a kin to some one dwelling neere you , &c. but all trickes of late yeares have been so plainly discovered , and are so generally knowne almost to every childe , that their practice is out of date and now no great feare of them ; yet an item can doe you no hurt . you shall not doe amisse if you send for your diet to your owne chamber an hot joynt of meat of mutton , veale or the like , what you leave covered with a faire napkin , will serve you to break-fast the next morning , or when you please . keepe out of throngs and publicke places , where multitudes of people are , for saving your purse ; the fingers of a number goe beyond your sense of feeling . a tradesmans wife of the exchange , one day when her husband was following some businesse in the citie , desired him he would give her leave to goe see a play , which shee had not done in seaven yeares . hee bade her take his prentise along with her , and goe ; but especially to have a care of her purse : which shee warranted him shee would . sitting in a box among some gallants and gallant wenches , and returning when the play was done , returned to her husband , and told him she had lost her purse . wife , quoth he , did i not give you warning of it ? how much money was there in it ? quoth shee , truly foure peeces six shillings , and a silver tooth-picker : quoth her husband , where did you put it ? vnder my peticote between that and my smocke . what quoth he , did you feele no hand there ? yes , quoth shee , i felt ones hand there ; but i did not thinke hee had come for that . so much for the guard of your purse . now for such as are of the poorest condition , and come to the citie , compelled by necessitie to try their fortunes , to seeke services , or other meanes to live , let them presently provide themselves if they can ( for here is imployment for all hands that will worke ) or returne home againe before they finde or feele the extremity of want ; otherwise they shall finde it farre worse then the countrey ; because if they want , here are more occasions to draw them into ill courses then there , as being constrained to steale , and to shorten their dayes , to seeke death in the errour of their lives , as salomon saith . young maids , who never knew ill in their lives , to bee enticed by impudent bawds , to turne common whores , and the like ; but if they can provide themselves , and take honest courses , by the blessing of god , they may come to as great preferment as aldermen and aldermens wives : for poverty of it selfe is no vice but by accident . whom hath the citie more advanced then poore mens children ? the citie it selfe being the most charitablest place of the whole , and having done more good deeds then halfe the land beside . in a word , for a conclusion , let mee give all commers , not onely to london , but all other like populous places this one and onely rule never to be forgotten , which is , to serve god , avoid idlenesse , to keepe your money , and to beware of ill company . finis . the kings entertainment at guild-hall or, londons option in fruition. norton, john, b. 1662. 1674 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b04522 wing n1325 interim tract supplement guide c.20.f.4[39] 99884938 ocm99884938 182709 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b04522) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 182709) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books; tract supplement ; a4:2[39]) the kings entertainment at guild-hall or, londons option in fruition. norton, john, b. 1662. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by t. milbourn, for rowland reynolds at the sun and bible in the poultery [sic], london, : 1674. signed: by john norton, aetat. suae. verse: "coome all ye muses nine, assist me pray ..." imperfect: cropped at side with loss of print. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng viner, robert, -sir, 1631-1688 -poetry -early works to 1800. london (england) -poetry -early works to 1800. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-09 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the kings entertainment at guild-hall or ; londons option in fruition . coome all ye muses nine , assist me pray , here 's , work enough to hold you all in play ; lend me your aid also , you graces three , aglia , thalia , and euphrosyne ; and yet you 're all too few to guide that quill that means in this days praise to try its skill ; wonder and silence would it more proclaim , than words or poetry it self by name . scarce was the sun arose from tithon's bed , but london was with galileans spread gazing at those solemnities that were perform'd in rev'rence to their good lord mayor ; vvho for his most unparall'd loyalty , his signal faithfulness and charity , unto the king , the city , and the poor , vvas of the citizens elect , by more unanimous consents than have been known conferr'd these many years on one alone . vvho ( being attended gallantly by all the senators and companys of each hall , all in their several barges ) hence was bor'n before th' exchequer barons to be sworn , westminster-ceremonies being past , to london he returns again at last . the river thames being all over-spread vvith boats and barges was quite covered . hark how the drums do beat , & trumpets play , as if bellona here , or mars did stay . the very syrens , they themselves would be entrapt to hear so sweet a melody . look how the streamers and the flaggs do flutter , and litle fishes frisking seem to mutter . nereus and all the nymphs did sport and play , rejoycing at the tryumphs of that day . the very water seemed to be proud to have the honour to bear such a crowd . now the lord mayor on shore being safely landed , to the guild-hall is as before attended ; him all the pageants with applause saluted , others with admiration to him shouted ; and in this sumptuous state they all pass through the streets to dinner at guild-hall vvhere they the judges meet , & all the princely t 〈…〉 the duke , the queen , the king , whom god gran● to r 〈…〉 to the right honourable sir robert viner , k 〈…〉 and baronet , lord mayor of the city of londo● great sir , supporter of our famous city , now almost gon to ruine , more 's the pity ! be you our sun , and with your rays expel those threatning clouds which in our orb do sw 〈…〉 our greatest expectations , sir , do lye in your great prudence , and your clemency ; londons vice-roy , may you our joseph be , lay up our corn against a scarcity ; that through your care , this city london may help all the neighbourhood when they 're at a sta 〈…〉 and that it may with wealth so much abound that mints of money may i' th ' streets be found : vvhich to effect be you our solomon , vvho silver caus'd to be as flush as stone ; and when you have so done , may you enjoy there greatest blessings free from all annoy . may london , you , her great astrea find ; may london to you thankful prove and kind ; may you of london take a special care ; may london proud be of so good a mayor ; o blest conjunction ! in one man to see honour and arts , wisdom and piety ! londons great hector , and augustus may you out-live nestor many an happy day . by john norton , aetat . suae london , printed by t. milbourn , for rowland reynolds at the sun and bible in the poultery , 1674. a word of remembrance, reproof & counsel, to england and london put forth by one that loves and longs for their prosperity. m. c. 1663 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a35591 wing c86 estc r37526 16966721 ocm 16966721 105538 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35591) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105538) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1610:45) a word of remembrance, reproof & counsel, to england and london put forth by one that loves and longs for their prosperity. m. c. 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1663] signed at end: m.c. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -prophecies. london (england) -history -prophecies. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a word of remembrance , repoof & counsel , to england and london : put forth by one that loves and longs for their prosperity . oh people of england and london , remember thy former zeal , when thou wast willing of thy self , to enter into a league and covenant with thy god , with hands lifted up to the heavens , that thou wouldest reform , and square thy life in matters of religion , according to the word of god , and the best reformed churches ; for the performance of which , thy ministry did sound an alarm , for men and money , which was answered in a large measure , in an army which god furnished , with a spirit of prayer and courage , in subduing thy enemies , which thou didst then judge , was an answer of thy dayes of fasting and prayer , in which thou didst greatly rejoyce , and set many dayes of thanksgiving a part , to praise the lord for his goodness , which thou didst account at that time infinite mercy . these thy enemies being subdued , that did tirannize over thee , both in spirituals and temporals ; and god did put a prize into thy hands , that thou mightest have been happy , hadst thou improved it , but thou didst grow proud and kicked against the lord , and fell from thy promises and engagements , and the mercies now are swallowed up in selfe-intrest ; none must now serve and worship god , but as one sort of people would have it ; and when that could not be obtained , then hatred and malice did increase , and those that stood in the gap in a day of trouble , must now be made the objects of scorn and reproach in the streets : and this was occasioned by some that carried a great stroak in religion , because they had not their lust satisfied , to have all brought into one uniformity in religion ; bitter and sharp disputations were daily ; by which means brethren were divided , and looked one upon another , as enemies and strangers , rather chusing to close with the common enemy , that endeavoured to destroy them both , then to own one another ; which to accomplish , there was secret designes carried on with much industry , for a closure with that party , that god had born a testimony against , in the face of the son , to the terror of the nations , in making of them like the chaff of the summer threshing-floor . this designe at last taking effect , the common enemy having now obtained that which they long looked for , thorow the help of those restless spirits , who must now be the subjects of ruin and dissolation ; but those who had ingaged their lives , liberties and estates , and spilt much pretious blood , to save the city of london from dissolation , by fire and bloodshed , their houses from plundring , and their wifes from ravishment , and their children from being murdered ; these i say , must now be delivered up to be destroyed by a revengful enemy ; in which thou didst sport thy self in their being executed , and their dead bodies set upon the gates of thy city , for the fowls of the air to eat , further assisting the enemy to persecute , in filling the prisons and dungeons with such as fear the lord , that prayed for thee , and sought thy welfare ; thy ungratefulness is written in capital letters , that they that run may read it ; nothing will satisfie thee but a great trade , which to accomplish , thou must have a k. though thou didst destroy thy friends : but hadst thou ever such a loss of trade , as now thou hast , by which poverty is coming upon thee as an armed man ? thou didst complain of taxes and oppression , hadst thou ever the like as now thou hast , and art like to have ? thou didst complain of prophaness , and the abuse of god's ordinances ; but was there ever such prophaness , and contempt of god's word and ordinances as is now ? what designes there is to destroy all virtue , and to encourage all vice , i shall leave to the rational to consider . oh people of england and london ! i appeal to your consciences , whether these things be not true , and many more of the like nature ; oh! remember how many of you that pretended much religion , how deep you were in encouraging of prophaness , in making bone-fires , drinking healths , roasting of rumps , to the abuse of the creatures , swearing and blaspheming of the holy name of god , all manner of debauchery committed , which must needs enter into the eares of the lord of host , and do undoubtedly cry unto him for vengeance upon this nation and city . oh! england and london , look into thy aforesaid actions , and repent of thy wickedness , humble thy self before it be too late ; consider how strangers now throng thy streets , the gunsmiths and sword-cutlers can inform you , if they will , how the french and irish papists , do this day buy up armes , and how they walk in companies armed , and how they buy up horses in smithfield , is notoriously taken notice of : surely these things speak no less than ruin to thy inhabitants , if god in much mercy prevent not ; how are the papists meetings this day suffered , and idolatry pleaded for , and the lord's people who desire to worship him in spirit and in truth , are abused in such a manner , as the like hath never been since those people have born the name of protestants , nor hardly ever before , as it hath of late been . oh people of england and london ! be ashamed and horribly amazed , for this thy abusing thy friends , and strengthening the hands of thy enemies ; was ever people so industrious to destroy themselves , as you have been ? oh! let my counsel be acceptable unto thee , and repent , which my soul desires ; who am one of thy poor children , that have , and do pray for thee , and shall conclude with the words of my master once to jerusalem ; oh! that thou hadst known , in this thy day , the things that belong unto thy present and eternal peace ; least it fall out with thee , oh england and london , as it did to jerusalem , that it shall be suddenly bid from thine eyes . m. c. commune consilium tentum in camera guild-hall civitatis london undecimo die julii, anno dom. 1612 ... city of london (england). court of common council. 1612 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06236 stc 16725 estc s2788 24639681 ocm 24639681 27842 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06236) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27842) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1856:11) commune consilium tentum in camera guild-hall civitatis london undecimo die julii, anno dom. 1612 ... city of london (england). court of common council. 1 broadside. w. jaggard, [s.l. : 1612] text begins: whereas the company of painter-stainers have been an antient brotherhood in this city ... [act requiring membership in the company]. imprint suggested by stc (2nd ed.). imperfect: slightly faded. reproduction of original in the guildhall library (london, england) created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng company of painter-stainers (london, england) painters, industrial -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion commun● consilium tentum in camera guild-hall civitatis london , undecimo die julii , anno dom. 1612. annoque regni domini nostri jacobi , dei gratia angliae , scotiae , franciae , & hibernia regis , fidei defensoris , &c. viz. angliae , franciae , & hiberniae decimo ; & scotiaequadragesimo quinto : coram j●co●o pemberton milite , majore civitatis london , henrico mountaguemilite , recordatore ejusdem civitatis , thoma lewemilite , thoma cambell milite , gulielmo craven milite , clemens scudemore milite , johanne j●lles milite , galfrido ehres , georgio bolles , gulielmo cockain , ri●hardo pyot , edward● r●theram , alexandro pre●●●t , dict●e civitatis aldermanis , ac edwardo barkham , aldermano , & uno vicecomite civitatis pr●●dictae ; necnon majore parte comm. dictae civitatis de comm. concilio ejusdem civitatis existentis ass●mblat , &c. whereas the company of painter-stainers have been an antient brotherhood in this city , and for the better exercise of the●r ar● and government of those that use the same art of painting of latter times have been incorporated , the better to enable them for the exercising and ordering of that trade , and performance thereof by men of skill and cunning. but of late years , by reason that divers freemen of this city do daily practise , use , and exercise painting in and about the same ; neither have been brought up as apprentices to the said art , nor being free of the company of painter-stainers , but of sundry other companies of this city : which freemen of other companies using painting as aforesaid , have taken upon them , and daily do , to have and keep more number of apprentices , than the freemen of the said company of painter-stainers , using the said art of painting , by the ordinances of their said tompany lawfully may or can do , to the pestring and filling of this city with men of that faculty and profession , and to the great prejudice and hindrance of the freemen of the company of painter-stainers : by reason whereof much bad and deceitful workmanship is daily practised and used within this city , which ariseth principally by reason those freemen of other companies are not subject to the search and ordinances of the said company of painter-stainers , so that their defaults and abuses cannot be discovered , espied , or amended ; nor the offenders punished according to their demerits , as they should be , in case they were subject to the said company of painter-stainers . for remedy and reformation whereof , and to the intent that all freemen of this city , practising and using the art of painting within this city , may be in time reduced , and brought to be free of the company of painter-stainers ; and that the master and wardens of the said company for the time being , may hereafter have a more free and absolute survey and search , and correction and punishment of all freemen of this city , using their art within the same city and liberties thereof , ( of what company soever they be ) than heretofore they have had , whereby frauds and of●ences may come to be discovered , and offenders punished , according to the ancient customs of this city in like cases used : be it enacted , ordained , and established by the right honourable the lord mayor , the aldermen his brethren , and the commons in this common council assembled , and by the authority of the same , that all persons free of this city , ( of what company soever they be ) using the said art of painter-stainers within this city and liberties thereof , and making gain thereby , shall from henceforth be under the survey and search of the master and wardens of the said company of painter-stainers for the time being ; and shall from time to time be subject to the ordinances of the said company , touching the exercise of the said art of painting only . and be it further enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that no person or persons whatsoever , being free of any company of this city whatsoever , ( other than of the said company of painter-stainers , ) which doth or shall use or practise the said art of painters , within this city and liberties thereof , and shall make gain thereby , shall from henceforth take and bind any apprentice or apprentices to him , or themselves , but within one month after the taking of such apprentice , and before the binding of such appretice or apprentices , shall first present him or them before the master and wardens of the said company of painter-stainers , at the common-hall of the said tompany ; and upon su●h presentation of any apprentice or apprentices at the place aforesaid , the same apprentice or apprentices shall become bound by indenture to the master or one of the wardens of the said company , for the time being , for the term and number of years agreed upon between the said master and apprentice or apprentices , and the party so presenting him or them : and that after the binding of such apprentice or apprentices in form before declared , the said apprentice or apprentices shall at the charges of the master so presenting the same apprentice , be by the party to whom he was bound set over before the chamberlain of the said city of london for the time being , to the party by whom he shall be so presented , and him shall serve the residue of his term , to the intent that at the expiration of the said term , the said apprentice or apprentices may be made free of the said company of painter-stainers . and be it further enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that if any person or persons using the art of painting within this city or liberties thereof , and not being free of the said company of painter-stainers , shall at any time or times hereafter take any apprentice or apprentices bound unto himself , or in any other manner than is before declared , he or they shall forfeit for every apprentice so bound the sum of twenty pounds of lawful money of england , to be recovered by action of debt , bill , or plaint , to be commenced and presented in the name of the chamberlain of the said city of london for the time being , in the king's majesty's court to be holden in the chamber of the guild-hall of the said city , before the lord mayor and aldermen of the said city , wherein no essoign or wager of law shall be admitted or allowed for the defendant : and that the chamberlain of the said city for the time being , in all suits to be prosecuted by virtue of this present act against any offender , shall recover the ordinary costs of suit to be expended in and about the prosecution of the same . and be it further enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that one moiety of all forfeitures to be recovered by virtue of this act , ( the charges of suit for recovery of them being deducted and allowed ) after the recovery and receipt thereof , shall be paid and delivered to the chamberlain of the said city for the time being , to the vse of the mayor , and commonalty , and the citizens of the same city : and the other moiety of the same forfeitures ( the charges of suit deducted as aforesaid ) to be paid and delivered over to the master and wardens of the said company of painter-stainers for the time being , to the vse of their said company , to the intent that the said master and wardens of the said company for the time being , may be the more careful to prosecute suit against the offenders in this behalf , in the name of the chamberlain of this city for the time being . by the king. a proclamation for the free and safe passage of all clothes, goods, wares, and merchandize to our city of london. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79006 of text r211521 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[114]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79006 wing c2613 thomason 669.f.5[114] estc r211521 99870238 99870238 160826 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79006) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160826) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[114]) by the king. a proclamation for the free and safe passage of all clothes, goods, wares, and merchandize to our city of london. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by alice norton, [london : 1642] imprint from wing. with engraving of royal seal at head of document, between two bands of ornament and initials c. r. "given at our court at oxford, the eight day of december, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne. god save the king." reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79006 r211521 (thomason 669.f.5[114]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the free and safe passage of all clothes, goods, wares, and merchandize to our city of london. england and wales. sovereign 1642 433 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit c r by the king . a proclamation for the free and safe passage of all clothes , goods , wares , and merchandize to our city of london . whereas we have been informed , that diverse of our loving subjects , who have been travelling from our westerne counties , and other parts of our kingdome to our city of london with clothes , goods , and other merchandize , have been of late stopped and interrupted in their iournies , and other clothes , wares , and merchandize have been taken or detained from them , whereby the season and benefit of their markets have been lost to them , and considering , that if the same licence and course shall be still taken and held , that the damage and mischief thereof will not only fall upon places and persons disaffected to vs , but upon very many of our good and loving subjects of all parts , and that thereby the generall trade and commerce of the kingdom ( which we have alwayes , and do desire to advance to the utmost of our power ) will in a short time decay , and the poore people , wanting work , be brought to penury and famine . wee are gratiously pleased to declare , and doe hereby will and require all the officers and souldiers of our army , and all other our officers and ministers whatsoever , that from henceforth they giue no stop or interruption to any of our loving subjects as they travell to our city of london with any clothes , wares , or other merchandize , but that they suffer them , and such their clothes , wares , and merchandize freely and peaceably to passe without any let , trouble , or molestation whatsoever . and we doe hereby promise and assure all our loving subjects , that if they shall henceforth suffer by any souldiers of our army in this case , and shall not upon complaint to the chief officers of our army where such damage is suffered , receive iustice and reparation for the damage they sustaine , upon complaint made to vs we will take speedy care for the severe and exemplary punishment of the offendors , and for the full satisfaction of the parties grieved and injured . given at our court at oxford , the eight day of december , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . at a common councel holden in the guild-hall london on vvednesday the 14th of december, 1659. city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88453 of text r211384 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[23]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88453 wing l2852m thomason 669.f.22[23] estc r211384 99870113 99870113 163606 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88453) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163606) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[23]) at a common councel holden in the guild-hall london on vvednesday the 14th of december, 1659. city of london (england). court of common council. alleyne, thomas, sir, fl. 1660. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by james flesher, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : [1659] aleyn mayor = sir thomas alleyne, mayor of london in 1659-60. an order of the common council, for preserving the peace of the city at the forthcoming meeting of parliament. publication date from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "xber [i.e. december]. 15". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a88453 r211384 (thomason 669.f.22[23]). civilwar no aleyn mayor. at a common councel holden in the guild-hall london on vvednesday the 14th of december, 1659. city of london 1659 278 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion aleyn blazon or coat of arms mayor . at a common councel holden in the guild-hall london on wednesday the 14th of december , 1659. whereas this court upon the hearing of the report made by the committee appointed to confer with the lord fleetewood touching the safety and peace of this city , have received information ( amongst other things ) that a parliament shall be called with all convenient speed for the settlement of this nation ; and thereon to act without any disturbance from the army : it is therefore ordered by this court , that every member thereof do repair to the several housholders within their respective wards and precincts , requiring them to use all diligence to prevent all commotions , and to preserve the peace of this city , and in order to their own defence and the safety of the city , to come forth when by the lord mayor and sheriffs of this city they shall be commanded : and this court doth hereby most strictly require and command all masters of families within this city , to keep in their sons , apprentices and other servants , to forbear any meetings and concourse in the streets in any tumultuous way whereby the peace of this city may be disturbed : and this court do hereby declare , that they are fully resolved ( by gods assistance ) by all lawful means to defend themselves and this city to their utmost , against all persons whatsoever , that on any pretence shall disturbe the peace of this city . sadler . printed by james flesher , printer to the honourable city of london . an act for reviving and continuing of several acts of parliament touching the militias of the city of westminster, borough of southwark, and the hamlets of the tower of london england and wales. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a37567 of text r40492 in the english short title catalog (wing e1066). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a37567 wing e1066 estc r40492 19340565 ocm 19340565 108714 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37567) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108714) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1668:20) an act for reviving and continuing of several acts of parliament touching the militias of the city of westminster, borough of southwark, and the hamlets of the tower of london england and wales. 1 broadside. printed by john field ..., london : 1651. reproduction of original in the british library. eng law -great britain. london (england) -history, military. great britain -militia. a37567 r40492 (wing e1066). civilwar no an act for reviving and continuing of several acts of parliament touching the militia's of the city of westminster, borough of southwark, an england and wales 1651 355 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion seal of the commonwealth an act for reviving and continuing of several acts of parliament touching the militias of the city of westminster , borough of southwark , and the hamlets of the tower of london . be it enacted and declared , and it is enacted and declared by this present parliament , and by the authority thereof , that the persons named in one act , entituled , an act of the commons assembled in parliament for setling the militia of the city of westminster , and liberties thereof ; and in one other act , entituled , an act of the commons assembled in parliament for setling the militia of the borough of southwark , and parishes adjacent , mentioned in the weekly bills of mortality on the south side of the river thames , in the county of surrey , with the names of the persons intrusted therewith ; and in one other act , entituled , an act for setling the militia within the hamlets of the tower of london , or any seven or more of them respectively , be hereby authorized and enabled to do and execute all and every the powers and authorities by the said several and respective acts , or by any other act or ordinance of parliament , given or granted unto the late respective militia's of the parishes and places abovesaid ; which said persons so authorized as abovesaid , are hereby impowered , ordered and directed to do and execute all such further acts and things , as they from time to time shall receive from this present parliament or councel of state . and be it further enacted , that this present act be in force and continue until the first of december in the year of our lord god , one thousand six hundred fifty and one . tuesday the 12th of august , 1651. ordered by the parliament , that this act be forthwith printed and published . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . london , printed by john field , printer to the parliament of england . 1651. orders devised and agreed upon by the right honourable the lord mayor and court of aldermen of the citie of london, the seventh day of march, 1632. for and concerning the good government of the gaole of newgate acts and orders. 1632-03-7 city of london (england). lord mayor. 1633 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a72789 stc 16733.3 estc s125095 99898845 99898845 151046 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a72789) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 151046) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1997:18) orders devised and agreed upon by the right honourable the lord mayor and court of aldermen of the citie of london, the seventh day of march, 1632. for and concerning the good government of the gaole of newgate acts and orders. 1632-03-7 city of london (england). lord mayor. city of london (england). court of aldermen. 1+ sheets (versos blank) r. young, [london : 1633?] see also stc 16727.1--stc. imprint and pagination from stc. line 1 of text ends: 'shillings'. reproduction of original in the guildhall library, london, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng prisons -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2008-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion orders devised and agreed upon by the right honourable the lord mayor and court of aldermen of the citie of london , the seventh day of march , 1632. for and concerning the good government of the gaole of newgate . _●n primis , it is ordered that the summe of fifty sixe pounds eight shillings foure pence in certaintie , which is yearly given to the prisoners in the said gaole , by charitable gifts and legacies , aswell for their reliefe , as for their release , shall hereafter be payd , as the same doth grow due , to the alderman or his deputie of the ward of farringdon within , for the time being , to bee distributed foure times in the yeare ( viz. ) within foure daies next after everie quarter day , for the reliefe and release of the said prisoners , according to the true intent and meaning of the donors , and such alderman or deputie to keepe a note , what is paid , and what not , to the end that if any of the said money in certaine bee detained , it may be recovered by due course of law. item , that the summe of ten pounds eight shillings per annum , which is weekly paid by the keeper of the conduit at newgate , be not hereafter put into the common boxe , nor allowed to the steward for his sallarie or wages , as formerly : but that the same be weekly paid into the hands of the steward for the time being , for a stock to bee imployed towards the bearing of the charge of such necessarie disbursments , as shall concerne the common good of the said prisoners : and that the steward shall weekly give an accompt in writing under his hand , to the assistants in the said gaole , how , and in what manner the moneyes have beene disbursed , and how much thereof shall bee remaining in his hands from time to time , to the end they may allow and subscribe the said accompt . item , that henry woodhouse , the present steward , be removed , and another nominated and chosen by the major part of the said prisoners in the common gaole , out of those men onely that lye there for debt , to continue for one whole yeare , if he shall , during that time , honestly behave himselfe in the execution of the said place . in which election , no keeper , or servant to the keeper , is to have any voice at all , nor that any menace , constraint or enforcement be used touching the said election , which is to be approved of by the sheriffes of london , for the time being . item , that the steward be no vnder-keeper , or servant to the keeper , and that hee hereafter only have and receive his former accustomed allowance of twelve pence a weeke in money , and his double share , and his lodging in the stewards roome as formerly , so long as hee performes his office honestly , and accompt , as aforesaid , the said twelve pence a weeke to be paid him upon the opening of the boxe , and he to make no discharge for any money that shall come to his hands to the prisoners use , without the privitie of the assistants , and in their presence , and they to signe his books of accompts weekly . item , that if such steward , so to bee chosen for one yeare , shall not well and honestly behave himselfe in his said place , it may then be lawfull for the said prisoners , to make a new election monethly , as aforesaid , if cause shall so require . item , that all casuall charitable reliefe bee put into the sayd common boxe , standing in the lodge , to which shall bee two keyes , one to remaine with the said alderman or his deputie , for the time being ; and the other with the said steward for the time being , that without both the said keyes , the said box may not be opened . item , that aswell the monies in the said boxe , which is to bee opened at the times aforesaid , as also the fifty sixe pounds eight shillings foure pence , in custodie of the said alderman or his deputie , be by either of them disbursed to the use of the sayd prisoners , in presence of the steward and the visitors of the said gaole that shall bee appointed , and the bakers skore , aswell that in arreare , as hereafter to be brought in , be then , at the opening of the said boxe , first paid by such reasonable payments as the stock will beare . item , that no allowance or defalcation bee hereafter made out of the said box , or other stocke of the prisoners , for candles , inke , paper , pens , mending of locks , keyes and hindges of the gaole , for keeping or looking to the gyves or irons of the keepers , for the attendance of the vnder-keepers , or making cleane of the houses of office of the said gaole . die mercurii, 15 maii, 1644. an order of the commons assembled in parliament, for the removall out of the cities of london and westminster, and line of communcation, all recusants, wives of recusants, and the wives of such persons as are in arms against the parliament: together with all suspitious persons, or such as have lately come from oxford, or any of the kings quarters. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83770 of text r218984 in the english short title catalog (wing e2651a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83770 wing e2651a estc r218984 45097757 ocm 45097757 171348 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83770) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171348) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2571:63) die mercurii, 15 maii, 1644. an order of the commons assembled in parliament, for the removall out of the cities of london and westminster, and line of communcation, all recusants, wives of recusants, and the wives of such persons as are in arms against the parliament: together with all suspitious persons, or such as have lately come from oxford, or any of the kings quarters. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed for edward husbands., london: : may 20. 1644. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -england -17th century. a83770 r218984 (wing e2651a). civilwar no die mercurii, 15 maii, 1644. an order of the commons assembled in parliament, for the removall out of the cities of london and vvestminster, england and wales. parliament. house of commons 1644 377 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die mercurii , 15 maii , 1644. an order of the commons assembled in parliament , for the removall out of the cities of london and westminster , and line of communication , all recusants , wives of recusants , and the wives of such persons as are in arms against the parliament : together with all suspitious persons , or such as have lately come from oxford , or any of the kings quarters . it is this day ordered by the commons assembled in parliament , that directions be given to the lord major , court of aldermen , common-councell , and the committee of the militia , to take some speciall and strict course for the removall of all suspitious persons , all such as have lately come from oxford , or any other of the kings quarters , recusants , the wives of recusants , and the wives of such persons as are in arms against the parliament , out of the cities of london and westminster , the suburbs , the innes of court , and chancery , and all other places within the line of communication , and to take some course to prevent the return of them , or the coming in of any other ; and likewise to take order , that all the forces of the cities of london and westminster , suburbs , and line of communication , may be put in a posture ready to march at two hours warning ; and that they will give order , that good vvatches , by faithfull and good men may be kept at all the guards , and upon all the avenues to the city . the like directions mutatis mutandis to be sent to the severall and respective committees of the severall and respective counties . they are further required , that if upon the search after suspitious persons , they shall meet with any souldiers , that they take course that they may be sent to their colours , to be proceeded with according to their demerits , and the usuall course of vvar. h : elsynge , cler. parl. d. com. london : printed for edward husbands . may 20. 1644. two letters from vice-admiral john lavvson, the one to the right honourable, the lord mayor of the city of london; to be communicated to the court of aldermen, and common-council of the said city. the other, to the honorable the commissioners for the militia of the city of london. dated december the 28. 1659. lawson, john, sir, d. 1665. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88836 of text r211413 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[42]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88836 wing l721 thomason 669.f.22[42] estc r211413 99870141 99870141 163625 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88836) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163625) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[42]) two letters from vice-admiral john lavvson, the one to the right honourable, the lord mayor of the city of london; to be communicated to the court of aldermen, and common-council of the said city. the other, to the honorable the commissioners for the militia of the city of london. dated december the 28. 1659. lawson, john, sir, d. 1665. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1659] imprint from wing. expressing his confidence in them and the willingness of the navy to assist them. annotation on thomason copy: "xber [i.e., december]. 30". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng corporation of london (england) -lord mayor -early works to 1800. corporation of london (england) -court of common council -early works to 1800. corporation of london (england) -committee for the militia -early works to 1800. england and wales. -royal navy -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88836 r211413 (thomason 669.f.22[42]). civilwar no two letters from vice-admiral john lavvson, the one, to the right honourable, the lord mayor of the city of london; to be communicated to th lawson, john, sir 1659 640 1 0 0 0 0 0 16 c the rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion two letters from vice-admiral john lavvson , the one , to the right honourable , the lord mayor of the city of london ; to be communicated to the court of aldermen , and common-council of the said city . the other , to the honorable the commissioners for the militia of the city of london . dated december the 28. 1659. my lord , vvhen alderman fook , and the other two worthy gentlemen commissioners were here from your lordships court of aldermen , and common council , the 25th instant , they acquainted me , and the officers present , with what they had in their instructions ; and also propounded , that we would appoint some number , to joyn with the like number , in the behalf of the city , telling us , that the like proportion was sent to portsmouth for an equal number in the behalf of the army ; and that these commissioners in beha●f of army , city , and navie , might advise together , consider and agree of some things to be offered to the parliament , in order to the settlement of the government of the nation ; unto which we promised to return you answer by some of our own within few days , which we give as followeth , that the parliament being now returned to the exercise and discharge of their trust and authority , we are bound by duty , as we are servants to them and the commonwealth , to yield obedience to them , and to acquiesce in the judgment of parliament , as to government . and as we have publiquely disclaimed the interest of charles stuart , and all his adherents , or any interest that shall adde thereunto ; so we humbly apprehend , if your lordships court of aldermen , and common council , improve your authority in the government of the city against charls stuarts party , by a total , absolute , and publike disowning and discounterancing of them , and joyn with us in a due submission to the parliament , it would be a great demonstration of your affections , and adde much to the strengthning their hands in the settling of the peace of these nations , and abating the taxes and burthens of the people , and advancing the trade of your city in particular , and the nation in general ; and in these things , through the lords assistance , we shall contribute our utmost endeavours . i remain , my lord , your very humble servant , john lawson . james off gravesend , 28. decemb. 1659. vice-admiral lawsons letter to the commissioners of the militia of london . gentelmen , i received yours of the 26th instant by these four gentlemen my worthy friends , and therein cannot but take notice of your great respect both in your letter , as also by the gentlemen , and do rejoyce at your chearfulness and forwardnesse in helping to carry on the work of god , in securing his cause , the interest of christ and his people in their civil and religious concernments , and doubt not of your persisting therein : and i trust the lord will crown yours and others endeavours with good and comfortable issues ; amongst whom , my self and officers here shall be found ready to contribute to the utmost of our capacities ; and if in any thing we may adde to your assistance , you may be very confident of our forwardness : i have not further , but what these gentlemen will acquaint you withall , and that i am james off gravesend , 28. of decem. 1659. your assured loving friend and servant , john lawson . charles by the grace of god, king of england, scotland, france & ireland, defender of the faith, &c., to all and singular archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, deanes, and their officials ... to whome these presents shall come, greeting whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand, that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great contagion of the plague amongst our poore subiects ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1636 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22610 stc 9074 estc s3768 33150938 ocm 33150938 28827 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22610) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28827) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1877:32) charles by the grace of god, king of england, scotland, france & ireland, defender of the faith, &c., to all and singular archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, deanes, and their officials ... to whome these presents shall come, greeting whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand, that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great contagion of the plague amongst our poore subiects ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiestie: and by the assignes of iohn bill, imprinted at london : 1636. "witnes our selfe at copt-hall, the seuenth day of october, in the twelfth yeere of our reigne." reproduction of original in: harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms diev et mon droit charles by the grace of god , king of england , scotland , france , & ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all and singular archbishops , bishops , archdeacons , deanes , and their officials , parsons , uicars , curates , and to all spirituall persons ; and also to all justices of peace , maiors , sheriffes , bailiffes , constables , church-wardens , and headboroughes ; and to all officers of cities , boroughes , and townes corporate ; and to all other our officers , ministers , and subiects whatsoeuer they be , aswell within liberties , as without , to whom these presents shall come , greeting . whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand , that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great contagion of the plague amongst our poore subiects , in the cities of london and westminster , and borough of southwarke , and parts adioyning , the inhabitants of some parishes and places are brought into such distresse , as that the parishes are not able of themselues to support and relieue the poore of the said parishes , and to prouide for the infected , and for the necessary watching and warding of the houses which are shut ; and albeit , the justices of peace haue done their best endeauours , by taxing the parishes and townes adiacent , to supply these wants and necessities ; yet so many difficulties haue occurred , that although for the time past they haue prouided in some competent measure , yet by the continuance of the infection , they finde the burden to grow euery day more and more heauy : whereof our selfe being informed on the twenty fifth of september last , haue with the aduice of our councell , thought fit , that for the present , a collection should be made of the charitable beneuolences of well disposed people , within the cities of london and westminster , and in the counties of middlesex and surrey , and borough of southwarke , and to the beneuolence of all cities , townes corporate , villages , and priuiledged places within the said counties , not extending the same further for the present ; because it is hoped , that by gods goodnesse , the infection will abate ( the winter season , and cold weather now approaching ) before it shall be needfull to pray the ayde of more remote counties ; not doubting , but that all good christians , duely considering the misery , and pitifull calamity , which so many poore distressed and deiected christians doe vndergoe by such an ineuitable and grieuous visitation , will in their owne pious commiseration of their great extremity , be herewith moued , out of the bowels of compassion , and forward , as feeling members one of anothers miseries , freely and willingly to extend their liberall contributions towards the reliefe and comfort of a number of wretched creatures in this their great necessity . know ye therefore , that we well weighing the wofull and lamentable estates of our said poore and distressed subiects , and commiserating the same , of our especiall grace , and princely compassion doe order and grant , that a collection be made of the charitable deuotions , and liberalities of all our louing subiects , within the seuerall counties , cities , and townes corporate aboue named , for , and towards the reliefe and succour of the said poore inhabitants of london , and other infected places adioyning : which collection , we will , grant , appoint , and require , shall be ordered in manner and forme following : that is to say , we will , grant , appoint , and require all and singular parsons , vicars , curats of the seuerall churches and chappels within the said counties , precincts , cities , villages , and townes corporate aboue mentioned , with all possible speed to publish , and recommend this collection to the charity of all well disposed persons within their churches and precincts , with an especiall exhortation to the people , for the better stirring vp of their liberall and extraordinary contributions in so good and charitable a deed . and we will and command , that you the churchwardens of every parish within the counties , cities , and places aforesaid respectiuely , to take a care of the furtherance of the said collection : and if any housholder , or parishioner be absent when these our letters patents shall be there published , you the said churchwardens , to goe to the habitations of such persons , and to aske their charity for the purpose aforesaid : and what shall be by you so gathered , to be by the minister and your selues , endorsed on the backside of these our letters patens , or the copy or briefe hereof , in words at length , and not in figures , with your names subscribed thereunto : and the summe and summes of money so gathered and endorsed , to be paid ouer as is hereafter mentioned . and lastly , our will and pleasure is , that the moneys collected in surrey , be paid ouer to the hands of sir thomas grymes knight , and edward bromefield esquire , justices of peace in the said county of surrey , for the present reliefe of southwarke , newington and other places adiacent as stand in need by reason of the infection . and the moneys collected in middlesex , to be paid to the hands of thomas gardiner esquier , recorder of london , and to iohn herne esquier , two of the justices of peace for the county of middlesex , or to either of them , for the present reliefe of westminster , and other places in middlesex adiacent , or neere to the cities of london and westminster , as stand in need by reason of the infection . and the moneys collected in london , to be paid to the lord maior there for the time being , and by him to be deliuered euer , as there shall be any remainder at the end of his yeere , to his successor : which moneyes so collected in london , to be , vpon conference betweene the said lord maior and recorder of the city of london , disposed as shall be most needfull , not onely for the reliefe of such places , as by reason of the infection , doe , or shall stand in need , in london , westminster , and middlesex , but also as occasion and necessity shall require , shall out of the same adde thereunto to the ayde and reliefe of southwarke , newington , and other places in surrey , in manner and forme before recited , according to the true meaning of our gracious intention by these our letters patents , any statute , law , ordinance , or prouision heretofore made to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . in witnes whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents , for the space of foure whole moneths , next after the date hereof to endure . witnes our selfe at copt-hall , the seuenth day of october , in the twelfth yeere of our reigne . dawe . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . 1636. a paper presented by divers citizens of the city of london, sept. 5. 1682. to the right honourable the lord mayor and court of aldermen 1682 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a55392 wing p285 estc r213443 99825826 99825826 30217 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a55392) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30217) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2175:03) a paper presented by divers citizens of the city of london, sept. 5. 1682. to the right honourable the lord mayor and court of aldermen city of london (england). court of common council, recipient. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for e. smith [i.e. francis smith] at the elephant and castle in cornhil, london : 1682. regarding the council's delay in allowing thomas papillon and john dubois to assume the office of sheriff of london and middlesex. a different work from wing t1563a. francis smith was at the elephant and castle from 1659 to 1688, and was commonly known as elephant smith. copy stained. reproduction of the original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng papillon, thomas, 1623-1702 -early works to 1800. dubois, john -early works to 1800. sheriffs -england -early works to 1800. london (england) -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a paper presented by divers citizens of the city of london , sept. 5. 1682. to the right honourable the lord mayor and court of aldermen . the citizens of this city having duly elected thomas papillon and john dubois esquires , two of their fellow citizens sheriffs of this city and the county of middlesex for the year ensuing , and your lord ship and this court having not caused proclamation to be made for the said persons to appear and take the said office upon them according to the laws and customs of this city ; divers applications have thereupon been made by and on the behalf of us and our fellow citizens , that your lordship and this court would forthwith cause the same to be done , as in right and justice you ought : unto which after divers and tedious attendances , your lordship and this court did promise that such persons should take the office of sheriffs upon them as were duly elected , according to law , and the antient customs of this city . and the said thomas papillon and john dubois being so elected , and not yet called forth to take the said office upon them , we do therefore again , in the behalf of our selves and fellow citizens , renew our request , and of right demand that your lordship and this court will forthwith cause proclamation to be made for the said thomas papillon and john dubois to appear and seal their bonds to take upon them the said office , which we humbly conceive our selves bound by our oaths as freemen of this city to demand , and your lordship and this court by the like oaths bound immediately to grant. london , printed for e. smith at the elephant and castle in cornhil . 1682 : the queenes majesties propositions to the kings most excellent majesty. wherein is declared, her majesties gracious will and pleasure, concerning the city of london, and his excellencie sir thomas fairfax, together, with her mjaesties desires, touching the discipline of the church of england, and ease of tender consciences. briefly intimated in her majesties gracious message to the king at hampton-court. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91587 of text r204659 in the english short title catalog (thomason e407_40). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91587 wing q157g thomason e407_40 estc r204659 99864124 99864124 160529 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91587) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160529) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 64:e407[40]) the queenes majesties propositions to the kings most excellent majesty. wherein is declared, her majesties gracious will and pleasure, concerning the city of london, and his excellencie sir thomas fairfax, together, with her mjaesties desires, touching the discipline of the church of england, and ease of tender consciences. briefly intimated in her majesties gracious message to the king at hampton-court. henrietta maria, queen, consort of charles i, king of england, 1609-1669, attributed name. [8] p. die 22. septemb. 1647. printed at london, for e. cotton, [london] : mdcxlvii. [1647] "suppositious"--thomason catalogue. signatures: a⁴. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. church of england -government -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century. a91587 r204659 (thomason e407_40). civilwar no the queenes majesties propositions to the kings most excellent majesty.: wherein is declared, her majesties gracious will and pleasure, con henrietta maria, queen, consort of charles i 1647 1685 1 0 0 0 0 0 6 b the rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 aaron mccollough sampled and proofread 2009-01 aaron mccollough text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the queenes majesties propositions to to the kings most excellent majesty . wherein is declared , her majesties gracious will and pleasure , concerning the city of london , and his excellencie sir thomas fairfax , together , with her majesties desires , touching the discipline of the church of england , and ease of tender consciences . briefly intimated in her majesties gracious message to the king at hampton-court . die 22. septemb. 1647. printed at london , for e. cotton , mdcxlvii . the qveenes majesties gracious message , to her soveraigne lord the king of great brittaine . by a letter from the kings majesties court at hampton , it is intimated , that there hath lately arrived a messenger from the kingdome of france , with a message from the queen of england to the king , a copy whereof followeth : my deare heart , as there could no occasion minister greater griefe to my sorrowfull heart , then to hear of a short adjornment of these unnaturall divisions betweene you and your liege people , and presently to have the consuming flames of a new war sudenly to break out afresh in your languishing kingdomes : so there could no welcomer newes salute mine ear , then speedily to heare of a small period to be put to these unhappy distractions , that so the sweet harmony of desired peace and concord may re-unite you and your subjects , and tye you fast each to other in the sacred bands of love and unity , and therefore i shall desire your majesty to grant your parliament and people whatsoever with a good conscience and honour you may , for the further prevention of shedding innocent bloud , & preservation of those committed to your charge . sir , assure your selfe , nothing shall be displeasing to me , that displeaseth you my lord ; for i shall for ever esteeme your good , and the good of all your faithfull subjects , the only businesse of all my actions , and shall be contented to share with you and them ( not only in blessings , but ) even in the worst of times that can happen to a disconsolate & unjust banished wife . sir , concerning the propositions tendred your majesty , i humbly conceive , the chiefe things to be considered will be two , conscience and policy . for the first , i know it never entred into your royal thoughts to change the government by bishops not only concurring with the most generall opinion of most christians in all ages , as being the best ; but considering you hold your selfe bound by the oath you took at your coronation , not to alter the government of the church from what you found it . and for the churches patrimony , you cannot suffer any diminution or alienation of it , without danger to your conscience , or breach of your coronation oath ; but whatsoever shall be offered for the certifying abuses crept into the church in government or discipline , or , for the ease of tender consciences , ( indangering not the foundation , ) i desire your majesty to lend a speedy ear unto , and give your gracious answer . for as it is your majesties duty to protect the church , so it is the churches duty to assist your majesty in maintaining your just authority ; for as your predecessors have alwayes bin careful to keep the dependency of the clergy intirely upon the crown , without which ( as i humbly conceive ) it will scarcely sit fast upon your royall head ; therefore it behoves your majesty to do nothing to change or lessen this so necessary dependency . the other maine proposition will be concerning the militia : next to conscience ( certainly ) there is no fi●●r subject for a kings quarrell ; for without it , your majesties power is but a shaddow , and therefore by no meanes to be quitted , but to be maintained according to the known lawes of the land : yet for the speedy attainment of this so long looked for and wished for peace , prayed for by all good christians , that your majesty may be pleased to permit the city of london , and all other strong holds and garrisons , with other military forts , to reside in the hands of the parliaments generall sir thomas fairfax , untill articles be performed and agreed upon , to give such further assurance for performance of conditions , as your majesty shall judge necessary for the concluding of a firme and lasting peace ; which being once setled , all things may return , and run in their ancient channels . thus , dear heart , understanding that commissioners were sent to you , from both houses of parliament , with propositions , i thought good to put you in mind that you have a care of your honour ; and that if you have a peace , it may be such as may hold . farewell , my deare heart , i cannot write any more , but that i am absolutely yours . the generals declaration . vvhereas the great neglect of divers persons within the city of london , hath occasioned too many delayes in raising money for supply of the army , and other forces of the kingdome ; his excellency sir thomas fairfax , and the general-councell of the army , doth declare , that they take notice of the great wants of the souldiery , both of the army , and other forces , and garrisons ; as also of the sufferings of the county , in respect of free quarter , which might have been peevented , and a course taken for disbanding superfluous forces , and sending over of others for the reliefe of ireland , and the supplying of those that are there already , had it not been for neglect or delay of those on whom the parliament have depended in that particular , and they doe especially take notice of the delayes made by the city in advancing of that summe , which the houses have demanded of them upon the security of the arreares so long since due from the city to the army ; upon which they doe declare , and propound to this effect . 1. that they cannot but consider the notorious readinesse of the court of aldermen , to the advancing of far greater sums for the raising of a new warre , and prosecution of the late mischievous practises and designes against the parliament and army ; and that as their predipitate forwardnesse therein , was the occasion of the armies coming into these parts , so their backwardnesse to the raising or advancing of the money now required for the service of the parliament , & supply of the army , hath been and is the occasion of the armies continuance hence : and therefore they cannot but offer it is , as what they humbly conceive most just and reasonable . that for what time their defauls or delayes have occasioned , and shall further occasion the armies stay hereabouts , the charge thereof should some way be laid upon them , and their adherents about the city . that the houses would be pleased speedily to consider of the delinquencie of those that had a hand in the tumult , desine , and engagement of a new warre , and that such fines may be upon them for the same , as shall bee agreeable to justice . lastly , since it is most evident , that for the speedy bringing in of the money required upon the arrears , there wants not in the said major , aldermen , and common-councell , either authority to levy it , or ability to advance it by way of loan till it can be levyed , and it is therefore offered , that in case the money be not brought in by the time limited , the parliament would be pleased to give leave to the generall ( with the advice and directions of the committee for the army ) for the levying of the said arreares all which they rather desire from grounds of reason and evidence from the speeches of many in the city , and designes and hopes of the parliament and armies enemies to raise the army into distempers , and the country about them into confusion . this declaration was agreed upon at the head-quarters at putney , upon thursday last , there being a generall councell of the army appointed to be held every thursday . the generall councell met in the church , the generall , many generall officers , field-officers , inferiour officers , and agitators met . a great part of the time was spent in consideration , and debate of the proposals of the army , and some few things agreed upon to be altered , and explained in them , which no doubt will give much satisfaction to the kingdome . after the aforesaid declaration was finished , it was , by the appointment of his excellency , and the councell of warre , sent to the right honourable the commissioners of lords and commons residing with the army , to be presented from them to both houses of parliament , which according , with a letter from the generall and army , to this effect , vix . that they earnestly desired , some speedy course might be taken for their pay , that so they might be inabled to pay their quarters , was presented to both houses of parliament upon satturday last , and after reading thereof , ordered to be communicated to the lord major , aldermen , and common-councell of the city of london . finis . chiverton mayor. tuesday the eighth day of december 1657. an order of the lord mayor and court of aldermen, against concealing and colouring the goods of aliens and foreyners. city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription b04141 of text r173836 in the english short title catalog (wing l2864ga). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 b04141 wing l2864ga estc r173836 47012510 ocm 47012510 174477 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b04141) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 174477) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2690:21) chiverton mayor. tuesday the eighth day of december 1657. an order of the lord mayor and court of aldermen, against concealing and colouring the goods of aliens and foreyners. city of london (england). lord mayor. chiverton, richard. city of london (england). court of aldermen. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by james flesher, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : [1657] signed at end: sadler. place and date of publication taken from wing (2nd ed.) reproduction of original in: university of london. library. eng customs administration -law and legislation -london (england) -17th century. london (england) -commerce -17th century -sources. broadsides -england -17th century. b04141 r173836 (wing l2864ga). civilwar no chiverton mayor. tuesday the eighth day of december 1657. an order of the lord mayor and court of aldermen, against concealing and colouring corporation of london 1657 638 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion chiverton mayor . tuesday the eighth day of december 1657. an order of the lord mayor and court of aldermen , against concealing and colouring the goods of aliens and foreyners . whereas the offices of package , scavage , waterballiage , portage , and weighing the goods and merchandizes of alyens and foreyners , doe perteine unto this city , and for the same severall customes , fees and profits are due , and time out of mind have been payed to the officers deputed to those places , and been imployed towards reliefe of the poore , the conservation of the river of thames , the maintenance of hospitality , and support of the magistracy of this city , and other publique uses : and however the trade especially into foreyne parts is now more then ever it hath been in the hands of alyens and foreyners , who have attained to great estates under the government of this city , without bearing any charge of the same ; and yet the profits of the said offices doe fall exceedingly short of what formerly they have been , to the great hindrance of the good uses aforesaid : the decay whereof , as this court hath understood , is especially caused by many ill disposed and unworthy freemen of this city , who mindlesse of their oaths & the laws under which they live , do in complyance with alyens and foreyners ofttimes pretend that the goods they export are their own goods untill they are on ship-board or beyond the seas , when in truth such goods are for the accompt of alyens , or are contracted for by aliens or foreyners , and after such contract are the goods of alyens or foreyners , and are lyable to the said duties ; and divers other wayes do fraudulently owne and colour the goods and merchandizes bought and sould , taken in or sent out , by the said aliens and foreyners , some being received into partnership to colour the whole , some for hire permitting the use of their names , and others in their own persons , and in their own names , buying , selling and negotiating , meerly for the use and accompt of alyens and foreyners , of which sort too many cloathworkers , packers , and drawers of cloth are suspected to frequent the market of blackwell-hall , and all to defraud the city of their just rights and customes which by strongest obligations they are bound to maintaine ; this court therefore resolving to put forth the utmost of their power and indeavours for remedy of this so great a mischiefe to the city , and to bring upon the practicers of the said offences the just shame and punishment due for their perjury and unfaithfulnesse to the interest of the city , according to the laws and provisions in this behalfe ; doe require and enjoyne the severall persons deputed and intrusted in the said severall places or offices , and whom else it may concern , to be diligent and active in the finding out and apprehension of any the offenders aforesaid , and do admonish and desire all other honest and well affected freemen of this city to be assistant to them , and as they have opportunity to endeavour as well the preservation of the city in its said rights and duties , as to discover those of its own unnaturall members , and others that would violate and betray the same by any the said practices , to be dealt withall and disfranchised as by law they ought to be , and doe truely deserve . sadler . printed by james flesher , printer to the honourable city of london . by the mayor. to the alderman of the ward of [blank] whereas his highness the prince of orange, hath been pleased to signifie to me this day, that divers persons (pretending themselves to be citizens of london) in a tumultuous and disorderly manner have lately disturbed the present convention of the lords and commons at westminster ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1689 approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49075 wing l2886m estc r213279 31354871 ocm 31354871 110278 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49075) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110278) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:21 or 1928:3) by the mayor. to the alderman of the ward of [blank] whereas his highness the prince of orange, hath been pleased to signifie to me this day, that divers persons (pretending themselves to be citizens of london) in a tumultuous and disorderly manner have lately disturbed the present convention of the lords and commons at westminster ... city of london (england). lord mayor. chapman, john, sir, 1633-1689. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by samuel roycroft, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : [1689] form letter. other title information from first six lines of text. "dated the third day of february, 1688/9. wagstaffe." reproductions of originals in guildhall library (london, england) (reel 1745), and british library (reel 1928). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng offenses against public safety -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms by the mayor . to the alderman of the ward of _____ whereas his highness , the prince of orange , hath been pleased to signifie to me this day , that divers persons ( pretending themselves to be citizens of london ) in a tumultuous and disorderly manner , have lately disturbed the present convention of the lords and commons at westminster , upon pretence of petitioning : it being regular and usual for the citizens of this city , that are under the apprehension of any grievance , to make their application to my self , and the court of aldermen : therefore with the advice of my brethren , the aldermen of this city ; these are to require you , that you command your beadle immediately to give notice to every inhabitant within your ward , that they forbear any such tumultuous disturbance , or assembly ; as they will answer the contrary at their utmost peril . dated the third day of february , 1688 / 89. wagstaffe . printed by samvel roycroft , printer to the honourable city of london . the speech of sr. richard ford, knight, and alderman of london made at guild-hall to the liveries of the several companies of that city, on michaelmass day, 1670, upon their election of him to be lord mayor of the same city for the year ensuing / taken in short-hand writing by a person then present. ford, richard, sir, d. 1678. 1670 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a39902 wing f1472 estc r37348 16396632 ocm 16396632 105351 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39902) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105351) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1092:10) the speech of sr. richard ford, knight, and alderman of london made at guild-hall to the liveries of the several companies of that city, on michaelmass day, 1670, upon their election of him to be lord mayor of the same city for the year ensuing / taken in short-hand writing by a person then present. ford, richard, sir, d. 1678. [2], 5 p. printed for n.b., london : 1670. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng elections -england -london. mayors -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the speech of s r richard ford knight , and alderman of london : made at guild-hall to the liveries of the several companies of that city , on michaelmass day , 1670. upon their election of him to be lord mayor of the same city for the year ensuing . taken in short-hand writing by a person then present . london , printed for n. b. 1670. the speech of sir richard ford knight , and alderman of london : made at guildhall to the liveries of the several companies , &c. gentlemen , if i should tell you , that this election of me to this great office was to me very much unexpected , i should tell you nothing but a very great truth , and ( if you believe that ) then you will easily apprehend , that the work of this day hath put me to a great surprize ; therefore you cannot reasonably expect that i should entertain you , either with a long , or well concocted discourse ; i know according to custom ( and custom prescribed by book ) i am ( to do that which i own to be my duty too , that is ) to give you thanks , which i do with all my heart , and that to every individual person ; and first to those that have had the charity for me , as to think me in some degree capable for the manage of this great trust ; and for those that had the charity to have prevented me from an office of so great burthen , they shall not go away without a share of my thanks , i do also thank them ; and i shall be very heartily glad , that this little beginning of union of you in my thanks , may be the introduction to a perfect reconciliation of all those unhappy differences which have of late so much distracted both the councils and actions among all the degrees of citizens . you have been pleased to call me to an office , the burthen of which i always apprehended ( even in the most peaceable times , and greatest union of the hearts of the citizens ) did require a person of the greatest abilities that ever this city bred , but i tremble to think what an insupportable burthen ( and how impossible ) it will be for you and me to render our duties either to god , the king , or this great city , unless it please god to make up those breaches and animosities , which gods just judgments ( for our sins ) have lately laid upon us ; i do readily submit to the call of god by you , and will endevour by my councils and actings , to leave you at the latter end of my year , in a more perfect knot of unity . i am more conscious to my self of my own weakness , than to be an undertaker ; and i would not put my self under a promise , of which i have not a very near prospect of abilities to perform ; and therefore i shall not promise you much of my self , only thus much i do , in the presence of god , engage my self , that in the execution of this office , i shall endevour so to comport my self , as that i may prove an instrument of peace amongst all the citizens of london , as far as i can ; and i shall neither sharpen the edge of the sword ( when it comes to my hand ) to chastise any man beyond the intention of the law , for any disrespect that i may have for his person , or his principles ; nor blunt the edge of it , for fear or favour of any of his majesties subjects ; and by the grace of god ( as far as he shall enable me ) i shall in all things endevour , to perform my duty to god , the king , and this city , and in that , give you a real thanks for the honour of this day . finis . and being above -xxiijc. weight upon every hundred ijd. ... city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74093 of text r210463 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[10]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74093 thomason 669.f.11[10] estc r210463 99869261 99869261 162661 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74093) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162661) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[10]) and being above -xxiijc. weight upon every hundred ijd. ... city of london (england). court of common council. 1 sheet ([1+] p.) printed by richard cotes, printer to the honourable city of london, [[london] : [1647]] a fragment. corporate authorship conjectured from text. title from opening words of text. imprint from colophon. item is bound with items from 1647. sets fees for cartage within the city and liberties of london. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng physical distribution of goods -england -london -costs -early works to 1800. london (england) -politics and government -early works to 1800. a74093 r210463 (thomason 669.f.11[10]). civilwar no and being above -xxiijc. weight upon every hundred ijd. ... city of london 1647 796 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion and being above — xxiijc. weight upon every hundred ijd . and for seacoales the load xijd . 3 item , from any the wharfes aforesaid , to smithfield barrs , holborne barr , temple barr , or any of the barrs on the northside of the city , and places of like distance up the hill with — xviijc. weight , not exceeding — xxiijc. = weight .   for every load xxijd . and going beyond the said places , the parties to agree with the carrmen .   4 item , from any the wharfes aforesaid , to towerstreet , gracechurchstreet , bishopsgate within , cornhill , and places of like distance up the hill with — xiiijc. = weight , not exceeding — xviijc. = weight , in which may bee included xx . peices of raisins , a load of raisins of the sun , vj . bags of pepper , vj . ordinary bags of galls , iij . great bags of galls , vj . bales and barrels of indico , vj . bales of grograines , vj . ordinary bales of turky silk , viij . bales of india silk , v. hogsheads of cloves and tobacco , iiij . bales of callicoes , iij . hogsheads of wines , ij . chests of sugars ; or any other goods of the like weight xiiijd . 7 item , from london bridge to the bridgfoot westward , old swan , coleharbour , the three cranes , queenhithe , broken wharfe , paulswharfe , puddle wharfe , the wardrobe , and to all other places not exceeding the poultry , cheapside , newgate market , for — xiijc. = weight , not exceeding — xviijc. weight xiiijd . and for every load of seacoales xiid . and to all the places northward of the poultry , cheapside , newgate market , holborne bridge , and fleetstreet , for — xiiijc. weight , not exceeding — xviii c. weight xvid . 8 item , from towerstreet , gracechurchstreet fanchurchstreet , bishopsgatestreet within , cornehill , and other places of like distance , for every pack of xx . clothes , for vi . bales of clothes and kersies , vi . bales of pepper , vi . barrels of indico , v. hogsheads of cloves , and for other goods of like weight to the waterside xiid . and from broadstreet , lothbury , old-jury bassishaw , colemanstreet , iremongerlane , st. lawrence lane , milkstreet , aldermanbury , cheapside , woodstreet , fridaystreet , breadstreet , and other places of like distance to the waterside , for the like weight , conditionally , that the carrmen doe load their own carrs xiiijd . and if they refuse to doe the same , then but xiid . 1 item , that it shall be free for all merchants and others that have occasion to use carres , to choose what carres they please , except such as stand for wharfe-worke , crane-work , shops , and warehouses between tower wharfe and london bridge , which are to stand in order , and to be taken in turne , in regard of the narrownesse of the passage in those places . item , for prevention of future damage to the merchants , and suppressing of unruly and disorderly carremen , and for avoyding of danger by unruly horses , it is thought fit , and so ordered by this court , that the company of woodmongers , shall have power , and be hereby authorized to nominate and appoint streetmen , ( such as they shall thinke fit ) to be overseers of the said carremen , to see and take care , that merchants and other citizens goods be well and faithfully carryed and delivered at the rates and prices aforesaid , without any exaction , hinderance , or disturbance ; and that able persons , none under the age of eighteen years be employed to manage their horses and carres : and that such of the carremen as shall be found obstinate , and refuse to obey these orders , may receive condigne punishment , according to the laws and orders of the said company . and that such of them as shall bee disturbers , and occasion the breach of the peace bee immediately brought before the lord maior , or some other of his maiesties iustices of the peace , to bee punisht according to the law . and all constables and officers within this city and liberties , are required to be ayding and assisting unto the said overseers , in the lawfull execution of their duties . printed by richard cotes printer to the honourable city of london . plain dealing or a fair vvarning to the gentlemen of the committee for union : in a letter intended to alderman foulks, to be communicated unto them accordingly at gurney house, or elsewhere. / written by a friend to the parliament, city and kingdom, and for their vindication, is now published to the world. adams, thomas, sir, 1586-1668. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a75870 of text r204469 in the english short title catalog (thomason e416_3). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 17 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a75870 wing a497 thomason e416_3 estc r204469 99863959 99863959 116177 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a75870) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 116177) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 66:e416[3]) plain dealing or a fair vvarning to the gentlemen of the committee for union : in a letter intended to alderman foulks, to be communicated unto them accordingly at gurney house, or elsewhere. / written by a friend to the parliament, city and kingdom, and for their vindication, is now published to the world. adams, thomas, sir, 1586-1668. 8 p. s.n.], [london : printed in the first year of the agitators raign, mdcxlvii. [1647] a friend to the parliament = sir thomas adams, whose initials appear as a.t. on p.8. the union referred to in title is between parliament and the city of london. imperfect: significant bleed-through. annotations on thomason copy: "by maior tho: adams"; "nou: 17 1647". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -defenses -early works to 1800. a75870 r204469 (thomason e416_3). civilwar no plain dealing: or a fair vvarning to the gentlemen of the committee for union : in a letter intended to alderman foulks, to be communicated adams, thomas, sir 1647 2971 32 0 0 0 0 0 108 f the rate of 108 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion plain dealing or a fair warning to the gentlemen of the committee for union : in a letter intended to alderman fovlks , to be communicated unto them accordingly at gurney house , or elsewhere . written by a friend to the parliament , city and kingdom , and for their vindication , is now published to the world . math . 18. 7. ●o unto the world , because of offences : but it must needs be that offences come : but wo unto that man by whom the offence cometh . printed in the first year of the agitators raign , mdcxlvii . plain dealing or a fair vvarning to the gentlemen of the committee for union . gentlemen , that this meeting may prove effectuall by gods blessing to the end pretended , even a sweet union between the godly , and a happy composure of this unhappy difference ; i thought it my duty to give you ( as briefly and plainly as i can : ) that which i conceive , must necessarily be debated in order to this union : and were not religion , gods cause , the kingdom , nay three kingdoms so nearly con●●●ned , i would have been silent for my brethrens sakes , for whom it 〈◊〉 me at the very heart . but it may be remembred , the fathers dangers made the dumb child to speak , you know there is no sore can be throughly cured , but it must indure some smart ; if this sore be not skilfully handled , and throughly cured , it may prove fatall to the gospel , throughout all europe ; and in truth , whatsoever specious pretext to the contrary , a perpetual farewel to englands , irelands and scotlands common right and freedom * ; whatsoever mr. estwick is pleas'd to say , i am confident his own conscience tells him , the gentlemen he accuseth for promoting a new war , and his inveighing against the city remonstrance , declaration , and all the late carriages of the promoters thereof , is really from a deep sense of their duty , and the danger , this parliament was in by the armies disobedience , whose proceedings all along since , doth sufficiently justifie , and make manifest , and whether or no the fundamental laws of the land be not now subverted , and the very being of parliaments struck at , when the army hath not only refused to obey the parliament , but contrarily hath forst obedience from them , both in voting and unvoting , and hath taken upon them to judg the case of the kingdom , nay , to be the parliaments judges , and to require reasons of their votes , to be given them , or such as they confide in , as appears by that declaration of the 18 , of june , and parliament like , to receive the countryes petitions , set up a * general counsel against the great counsel of the land undertake to do that there , only proper to parliaments ; vote down the kings negative voyce , the house of pears , set periods to parliaments , give rules and directions to parliaments . i would i could not add that bold fac'd treason , when they declared the parliament to be no parliament . in a word , as they have devided the parliaments , so have they fomented and promoted all the divisions in the kingdom , that shakes the very foundations of this common-wealth ; what exceeding * juggling hath bin in the army from the beginning , and also , withall the world besides : absolon like to steal away the hearts of the people , and to cozen and cheat them out of their very understandings , to the betraying of themselves , the parliament , even to the indangering the ever having more parliaments ? what strange and undutiful expressions ? what slander and reproaches ? nay , what treasonable speeches and actions hath bin attempted against this parliament ? was not the kings taking from holdenby disowned by the army since own'd , upon very great pretences of loyally and duty to him , but what performances all the world may now see by his maiesties present escape for the safety of his person , as well as by the attempts of the agitators * , to impeach him without any authority or countenance of the parliaments ; and such other attempts upon the parliament and ministery of the gospel , that if absolon were now alive to act his treason , it might wel enough pass among the croud , for common right and freedom was not the petition disowned since owned ? was not their disobedience disowned with a great deal of fained sorrow , since own'd with a great deal of real joy ; doth any man know what to make of the army now , one piece of it is for paul , and other for apollos , and an other for sephaes , but all out of order , all disobedient to the parliament , ever and anon professing that the parliament is not yet for their turn ; so that the truth is , and i think all the world can never make it out , that there is any thing to be said for them , but that whilst they were obedient , god honoured them to be instruments to this poor kingdom ; which very service makes me pour out many a prayer to god , to pour upon them the spirit of repentance and obedience , without which i much doubt of any good by your meeting : for when god comes to enquire after all those things , i am afraid he wil charge upon the armies disobedience , the new * war you talk of , the accusation of the imprisoned and banished ones , the renting and tearing in piec●s the parliament , the city , the whole kingdom , nay 3 , kingdoms , the hinderers of irelands relief ; promoters of the famine , both of bread , and of the word of the lord , and of all the sad consequences we fear may follow : so that the subiect or matter that tends to a godly union in my opinion wil be speedily to make a religious retreat , if nature prevail so with you that you canot own the new war , yet let grace be so predominant as not to continue to charge it upon those you know are * innocent , set at liberty all those gentlemen , most of which i know you have had such signal testimonies of their faithfulness to this parliament , that as i am confident , treason wil not stick by them , so the several footsteps of gods providence ever since hath given strange commendation to their endeavors , as if god would have the world to see , that they then did but attempt to do their duty : put both houses and the city into the same posture they were in , when you first medled with them , and then know , that there is much doubt too , whether unity and uniformity be not twins to live and dye together . i am perswaded there is many great officers of the army in ●ool bloud , could heartily wish themselves where they were when they begun , but they are now in a snare , and subiect to many temptations : yet i hope their ●●genuity is such , that though ambition bids them goe on , that they will remember they have not so learned christ ; and the further they go the more misery they wil run themselves into ; for i am confident , without repentance , god wil bring them to a s●● reckoning , at last : and indeed gentlemen : how can a true israelite , a true english man , dispence with his duty ? nay can england , that has obleiged it selfe by so many solemn vows * and covenants , to preserve the parliament , when so apparently it is indangered ? were not the 11. members fain to leave the parliament , or else they would turn them out by force ? did not the parliament vote six days one after another , that , that was a parliament the army voted was none ; and would , as i think , have voted so til this day , could we say they were not now under a force ? but i believe the last great turn given to the parliament by that 1000 horse , commanded by major desborough into hide park ( to execute that dreadful declaration or poysonous purge , of which the parliament hath never yet recovered , and was such a blow to the gospel of jesus christ and to these three kingdoms ●● cannot yet be paralel'd ) wil require a thorough repentance : and though we cannot see all the plots and designs of men , yet god knows all the present juglings of this age ; and we have had so much experience in all the transactions , since this unhappy difference , as to say , surely this putting of the army thus out of joynt is to try the skil of some or other . but , i hope , the gentlemen that press an union upon that ground , wil see a providence in it , and say of their policy , all is uanity : and that surely by this division in the army , god minds us of our disobedience , and that we should trust god more in his ordinary way of providence : and let parliaments alone with the setling of church and state , as only proper to them : and if the soldiers act without , or in opposition to their officers : is it not lex talionis ? is it not the bitter fruit of their own rash councels and actions ? believe it , all the would , that observes the army , may with good reason conclude , that they are gone so far , that they now resolve only to depend upon their own strongth for indempnity : their own papers do more then intimate as much : if so then , what good issue of this meeting can be expected without some better incouragement from that party : but some kind of acknowledgment , or s●bmission or something akin to it ? and indeed , what ever is pretended that seems to be their aim , if master estwick spake their meaning at the last meeting ; and if so , ●hen know that an ungodly union cannot hold ; for if you could out-reach or out-wit men , it s to no purpose , for god wil laugh you to s●orn and have you in derision ; as its good to forget on all sides , so its dangerous to countenance any of the late passages since this difference , or to comply while they have power to drive on their own designs * . it would be too tedious to give you a taste of all the bitter fruit of the armies disobedience : but in one paper they take liberty of conscience , to desire the punishment of those gentlemen that out of conscience , and in obedience , left the army : and m. estwick more then intimated , that he greatly desired an union between the parliament and city , only some particular gentlemen should lie under the guilt of a new war ; of whose innocency , by this time , i presume he cannot be ignorant : but that self defence , which he is pleased to cal a new war , i am fully satisfied , had been the only way to preserve the parliament , city and kingdom from all those dangers both felt and feard , had they not by their craft and subtilty , sown so much division among the godly , that we thereby were in danger of a common enemy . to conclude , so long , i am confident ▪ as a counsel of agitators is set up to oppose the great counsel of parliament , and we humble not our selves for it , there is little hopes of an union ; nay it is a great dishonor to our english nation , a hissing stock and by-word in all countries . can you read , without trembling , the case of the army , and call to the army , the diurnal , & several other papers , what danger our religion is in , what dishonor is cast upon our god , what heresies and blasphemies are fomented and maintained , what hypocrisies in reference to ireland , what double dealing in reference to england . witness their own relation of his majesties escape or retirement ; indeed they have as many several designs as they are parties in the army ; and all tend to a new war , if hiding or driving of king , parliament and religion our of the kingdom wil do it , under the notion of peace and truth or common right and freedom . what indeavoring to charge their own treasons * and mischiefs upon other mens shoulders ; all which together with the present necessity of settling the king and kingdom , relieving ireland , easing the kingdom of those unnecessary , taxes , as free quarter and all other charges upon the poor country ▪ occasioned by the armies disobedience ; i say , as all these cals for fasting and prayer , and for humbling our selves to a happy speedy union ; so shal it also be the dayly prayer and sincere indeavor of yours and the kingdoms humble and faithful servant , a. t. englands sickness , irelands dying , and scotlands sad complaints are from our ●rethrens mischiefs we thought to be the saints . our religion and liberty the glory of this nation , is through their disobedience brought neer to desolation . and without our god step in to stop their persecution , we may expect at last , the parliaments dissolution ▪ and ●nstead of king & parliament , the pillars of this kingdom have community and parity for common right and freedome . but that sincere repentance may be their resolution . god give them grace , and pardon too , and send a good conclusion finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a75870e-100 * for do not soldiers usurp the parliaments authority , which is one fair step to it ? and for the ministry , they 'l be preachers ; rome may keep their iesuits at home these wil do their work for them if god prevent not . * the junto or mock parliament at putney . * is there not jugling in the kings being found at the ifle of wight . i wish his person be not st●l in danger ; and that we knew the truth . * if you see them shot to death for their attempts upon the king , parliament & city , then i hope al wil be wel , no as bad as ever without peters repentance ; even among the head officers , who sin in that also ; is it not as just for the agitators to disobey their officers as for them to disobey the parliament . * what is your own child turn'd a monster that you are asham'd to own it . * the lord maior , aldermen , the members of both houses , and divers others occused of high treason or misdemeanors . * how y●u have k●pt the coven●nt let your conscie●ces speak , that have not only ●uffered the priviledges of parliament to be b●●ken , but have broken them your selves . do not your own consciences check you if they do defer n●t repentance , un●avel & und● what you have rashly done ; for i hope you see what it is to let the golden 〈◊〉 of government loose , and if you be real converts leave jugling . * to be sure they have not power to defend king , parliament and kingdom , as appears by the kings flight at their confession & practice dayly . do not the gen●ral counc●l drive one way and the agiltators another ●● the best lie , gen. cromwel can do is but to obstruct their treason , which they chuse to suffer in h●●es of a better opportunity to act it ; and it s wel known have no smal party , and are in a desperat● c●●dition . * what difference between privat tampering now and sir io●●●●thans treasons or is there liberty for saints to act what was treason as they say in the 11. members or any elle ? or is this the way to peace to keep the parliament in the dark , or if they wil see to putout their eyes ? this machivil an polcy wil never restore englands peace surely it s neither the victory over the agitators , nor the general councel , nor any other select number of officers in the army but the armies obedience to the parliament , & the freedom of parliament and application of both kingdoms to his majesty that 's likely to procure a firm & lasting peace die lunæ. 14. novemb. 1642. whereas divers well-affected persons, citizens of the city of london, and others, have advanced severall great summes of money, and other supplies for the safety of the king, parliament, and kingdome, ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83608 of text r211445 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[106]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83608 wing e2474 thomason 669.f.5[106] estc r211445 99870170 99870170 160818 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83608) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160818) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[106]) die lunæ. 14. novemb. 1642. whereas divers well-affected persons, citizens of the city of london, and others, have advanced severall great summes of money, and other supplies for the safety of the king, parliament, and kingdome, ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] title from caption and opening words of text. place and date of publication from wing. signed at bottom of text: john brown, cler. parliament. an ordinance inviting loans of men, money, horses or arms for the service of parliament. -thomason catalogue. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -defenses -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a83608 r211445 (thomason 669.f.5[106]). civilwar no die lunæ. 14. novemb. 1642. whereas divers well-affected persons, citizens of the city of london, and others, have advanced severall great s england and wales. parliament. 1642 364 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die lunae . 14. novemb. 1642. whereas divers well-affected persons , citizens of the city of london , and others , have advanced severall great summes of money , and other supplies for the safety of the king , parliament , and kingdome , and also have set forth many souldiers under the severall commands of their excellencies the earles of essex and warwicke : notwithstanding all which said former advances , and for the better supply of the said forces , as also for the more sure preservation and safety of the king , parliament , and city , which so much concernes the publique . and no way to hinder or backward the said former undertakings or intentions ; divers of the said well-affected persons , are and doe declare themselves yet willing and ready , further to undertake and advance a considerable number of souldiers , and them to arme , maintaine and pay , for severall moneths ensuing , or during these times of dangers and distractions , for the purposes aforesaid . provided they may have the publique faith of the kingdome for repayment of all such summes of money , which they shall so advance by way of loane . all which is declared by the lords and commons in parliament , to be an acceptable service to the king , parliament , and kingdome , and necessarily tending to the preservation of them . and doe therefore order that all such as shall furnish men , money , horse or armes for this service , shall have the same fully repayed againe , with interest for the forbearance thereof from the times disbursed : and for the true payment thereof , doe hereby engage to all and every such person and persons , the publique faith of the kingdome . and doe further order , that the lord major , and sheriffes of london for the time being , shall by themselves , and such sub-committee as they shall appoint to take the said subscriptions , who are to order the performance of this service for the advancement thereof . john brown , cler. parliament . die lunæ 7mo. november, 1642. whereas in these times of publique danger and distraction, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83873 of text r211190 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[96]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83873 wing e2779 thomason 669.f.5[96] estc r211190 99869922 99869922 160809 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83873) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160809) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[96]) die lunæ 7mo. november, 1642. whereas in these times of publique danger and distraction, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by r. oulton and g. dexter, london : 1642. strangers to be examined. -steele. signed: hen: elsynge cleri. parl. d. com. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a83873 r211190 (thomason 669.f.5[96]). civilwar no die lunæ 7mo. november, 1642. whereas in these times of publique danger and distraction, ... england and wales. parliament. 1642 249 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die lunae 7mo . november , 1642. whereas in these times of publique danger and distraction , there is a recourse unto the city of london of divers persons that are come into the said city and suburbs thereof to reside , and have taken houses or lodgings for their habitations , being strangers and altogether unknown how they stand affecte ; it is therefore ordered by the commons in parliament , that the lord major of the said city , shall cause a generall search and enquirie to be made from time to time throughout the said city and suburbs thereof , and to take speciall notice of the said persons and their attendants , and of their names ; and for the better discovery how they stand affected , shall tender unto them the propositions for horse money or plate , and to take their subscriptions , and to informe himselfe whether they doe make their paiements accordingly into the guild hall of the said city ; and to returne the names of such as cannot give a good account of their coming to the said city or suburbs thereof , or that should refuse to subscribe to the said propositions , according to their severall estates and qualities , that some further course may be forthwith taken by this house in that behalfe . hen : elsynge cleri . parl. d. com. london , printed for r. oulton & g. dexter , 1642. two essays in political arithmetick concerning the people, housing, hospitals, &c. of london and paris / by sir william petty ... petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. 1687 approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54629 wing p1942 estc r13444 12363809 ocm 12363809 60342 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54629) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60342) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 220:29) two essays in political arithmetick concerning the people, housing, hospitals, &c. of london and paris / by sir william petty ... petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. [6], 21, [1] p. printed for j. lloyd ..., london : 1687. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -statistics, vital. paris (france) -statistics, vital. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion white-hall , aug. 26th 1686. let this paper be printed . sunderland p. two essays in political arithmetick , concerning the people , housing , hospitals , &c. of london and paris . by sir william petty , fellow of the royal society . — qui sciret regibus uti fastidiret olus — london , printed for i. lloyd in the middle exchange next salisbury-house in the strand . 1687. to the king's most excellent majesty . i do presume , in a very small paper , to shew your majesty , that your city of london seems more considerable than the two best cities of the french monarchy , and for ought i can find , greater than any other of the universe , which because i can say without flattery , and by such demonstration as your majesty can examine , i humbly pray your majesty to accept from your majesty's most humble , loyal and obedient subject , william petty . an essay in political arithmetick , by sir william petty , tending to prove that london hath more people and housing than the cities of paris and rouen put together , and is also more considerable in several other respects . 1. the medium of the burials at london in the three last years , viz , 1683 , 1684 and 1685 , ( wherein there was no extraordinary sickness , and wherein the christenings do correspond in their ordinary proportions with the burials and christenings of each year one with another ) was 22337 , and the like medium of burials for the three last paris bills we could procure , viz. for the years 1682 , 1683 and 1684 ( whereof the last as appears by the christenings to have been very sickly ) is 19887. 2. the city of bristol in england appears to be by good estimate of its trade and customes as great as rouen in france , and the city of dublin in ireland appears to have more chimnies than bristol , and consequently more people , and the burials in dublin were anno 1682 ( being a sickly year ) but 2263. 3. now the burials of paris ( being 19887 ) being added to the burials of dublin ( supposed more than at rouen ) being 2263 , makes but 22150 , whereas the burials of london were 187 more , or 22337 , or as about 6 to 7. 4. if those who die unnecessarily , and by miscarriage in l'hostel dieu in paris ( being above 3000 ) as hath been elsewhere shewn , or any part thereof , should be subtracted out of the paris burials aforementioned , then our assertion will be stronger , and more proportionable to what follows concerning the housing of those cities , viz. 5. there were burnt at london , anno 1666 , above 13000 houses , which being but a fifth part of the whole , the whole number of houses in the said year , were above 65000 ; and whereas the ordinary burials of london have increased between the years 1666 and 1686 , above one third , the total of the houses at london anno 1686 , must be about 87000 , which anno 1682 , appeared by accompt to have been 84000. 6. monsieur morery , the great french author of the late geographical dictionaries , who makes paris the greatest city in the world , doth reckon but 50000 houses in the same , and other authors and knowing men much less ; nor are there full 7000 houses in the city of dublin , so as if the 50000 houses of paris and the 7000 houses in the city of dublin were added together , the total is but 57000 houses , whereas those of london are 87000 as aforesaid , or as 6 to 9. 7. as for the shipping and foreign commerce of london , the common sense of all men doth judge it to be far greater than that of paris and rouen put together . 8. as to the wealth and gain accruing to the inhabitants of london and paris by law-suits ( or la chicane ) lonely say that the courts of london extend to all england and wales , and affect seven millions of people , whereas those of paris do not extend near so far : moreover there is no palpable conspicuous argument at paris for the number and wealth of lawyers like the buildings and chambers in the two temples , lincoln's inn , gray's inn , doctors commons , and the seven other inns in which are chimnies , which are to be seen at london , besides many lodgings , halls and offices relating to the same . 9. as to the plentifull and easie living of the people we say , 1. that the people of paris to those of london , being as about 6 to 7 , and the housing of the same as about 6 to 9 , we infer that the people do not live at london so close and crouded as at paris , but can afford themselves more room and liberty . 2. that at london the hospitals are better and more desirable than those of paris , for that in the best at paris there die 2 out of 15 , whereas at london there die out of the worst scarce 2 of 16 , and yet but a fiftieth part of the whole die out of the hospitals at london , and ⅖ or 20 times that proportion die out of the paris hospitals which are of the same kind ; that is to say , the number of those at london who chuse to lie sick in hospitals rather than in their own houses , are to the like people of paris as one to twenty ; which shews the greater poverty or want of means in the people of paris than those of london . 3. we infer from the premisses , viz. the dying scarce 2 of 16 out of the london hospitals , and about 2 of 15 in the best of paris , ( to say nothing of l' hostel dieu ) that either the physicians and chirurgeons of london are better than those of paris , or that the air of london is more wholesome . 10. as for the other great cities of the world , if paris were the greatest , we need say no more in behalf of london . as for pequin in china , we have no account fit to reason upon ; nor is there any thing in the description of the two late voyages of the chines's emperour from that city into east and west tartary , in the years 1682 and 1683 , which can make us recant what we have said concerning london . as for dely and agra belonging to the mogull we find nothing against our position , but much to shew the vast numbers which attend that emperour in his business and pleasures . 11. we shall conclude with constantinople and gran cairo ; as for constantinople it hath been said by one who endeavour'd to shew the greatness of that city , and the greatness of the plague which reigned in it , that there died 1500 per diem , without other circumstances : to which we answer , that in the year 1665 there died in london 1200 per diem , and it hath been well proved that the plague of london never carried away above ⅕ of the people , whereas it is commonly believed that in constantinople , and other eastern cities , and even in italy and spain , that the plague takes away ⅖ one half or more ; wherefore where 1200 is but ⅕ of the people it is probable that the number was greater , than where 1500 was ⅖ or one half , &c. 12. as for gran cairo it is reported , that 73000 died in 10 weeks or 1000 per diem , where note , that at gran cairo the plague comes and goes away suddenly , and that the plague takes away 2 or ⅗ parts of the people as aforesaid ; so as 73000 was probably the number of those that died of the plague in one whole year at gran cairo , whereas at london anno 1665 , 97000 were brought to account to have died in that year . wherefore it is certain , that that city wherein 97000 was but ⅕ of the people , the number was greater than where 73000 was ⅖ or the half . we therefore conclude , that london hath more people , housing , shipping and wealth , than paris and rouen put together ; and for ought yet appears , is more considerable than any other city in the vniverse , which was propounded to be proved . an essay in political arithmetick , by sir william petty , tending to prove that in the hospital called l' hostel dieu at paris , there die above 3000 per annum by reason of ill accommodation . 1. it appears that anno 1678 there entred into the hospital of la charité 2647 souls , of which there died there within the said year 338 , which is above an eighth part of the said 2647 , and that in the same year there entred into l' hostel dieu 21491 , and ▪ that ▪ there died out of that number 5630 , which is above one quarter , so as about half the said 5630 , being 2815 , seem to have died for want of as good usage and accommodation as might have been had at la charité . 2. moreover in the year 1679 there entred into la charité 3118 , of which there died 452 , which is above a seventh part , and in the same year there entred into l' hostel dieu 28635 , of which there died 8397 , and in both the said years 1678 and 1679 ( being very different in their degrees of mortality ) there entred into l' hostel dieu 28635 and 21491 , in all 50126 , the medium whereof is 25063 , and there died out of the same in the said two years 5630 & 8397 , in all 14027 , the medium whereof is 7013. 3. there entred in the said years into la charité 2647 and 3118 , in all 5765 , the medium whereof is 2882 , whereof there died 338 and 452 , in all 790 , the medium whereof is 395. 4. now if there died out of l' hostel dieu 7013 per annum , and that the proportion of those that died out of l' hostel dieu is double to those that died out of la charité ( as by the above numbers it appears to be near there abouts ) then it follows that half the said numbers of 7013 being 3506 , did not die by natural necessity , but by the evil administration of that hospital . 5. this conclusion seem'd at the first sight very strange , and rather to be some mistake or chance than a solid and real truth , but considering the same matter as it appeared at london , we were more reconciled to the belief of it , viz. 1. in the hospital of st. bartholomew in london there was sent out and cured in the year 1685 , 1764 persons , and there died out of the said hospital 252. moreover there were sent out and cured out of st. thomas's hospital 1523 , and buried 209 , that is to say , there were cur'd in both hospitals 3287 , and buried out of both hospitals 461 , and consequently cured and buried 3748 , of which number the 461 buried is less than an eighth part , whereas at la charité the part that died was more than an eighth part ; which shews that out of the most poor and wretched hospitals of london there died fewer in proportion than out of the best in paris . 2. farthermore , it hath been above shewn that there died out of la charité at a medium 395 per annum , and 141 out of les incurables making in all 536 ; and that out of st. bartholomew's and st. thomas's hospital , london , there died at a medium but 461 , of which les incurables are part ; which shews that although there be more people in london than in paris , yet there went at london not so many people to hospitals as there did at paris , although the poorest hospitals at london , were better than the best at paris ; which shews that the poorest people at london have better accommodation in their own houses , than the best hospital of paris affordeth . 6. having proved that there die about 3506 persons at paris unnecessarily to the damage of france , we come next to compute the value of the said damage and of the remedy thereof , as follows , viz. the value of the said 3506 at 60 li. sterl . per head , being about the value of argier slaves , ( which is less than the intrinsick value of people at paris ) the whole loss of the subjects of france in that hospital seems to be 60 times 3506 li. sterl . per annum , viz. 210 thousand 360 li. sterl . equivalent to about two millions 524 thous . 320 french livers . 7. it hath appeared that there came into l' hostel dieu at a medium 25063 per annum , or 2089 per mensem , and that the whole stock of what remain'd in the precedent months is at a medium about 2108 ( as may appear by the third line of the table n o 5 , which shall be shortly published ) viz. the medium of months is 2410 for the sickly year 1679 , whereunto 1806 , being added as the medium of months for the year 1678 makes 4216 , the medium whereof is the 2108 above mentioned ; which number being added to the 2089 which entred each month , makes 4197 for the number of sick which are supposed to be always in l' hostel dieu one time with another . 8. now if 60 french livers per annum for each of the said 4197 sick persons were added to the present ordinary expence of that hospital ( amounting to an addition of 251 thousand 820 livers ) it seems that so many lives might be saved as are worth above ten times that sum , and this by doing a manifest deed of charity to mankind . memorandum , that anno 1685. the burials of london were 23222 , and those of amsterdam 6245 ; from whence , and the difference of air , 't is probable that the people of london are quadruple to those of amsterdam . finis . the case of richard bromley as to his being concern'd in city affairs / humbly offered to the consideration of the lord mayor, aldermen and common-council in answer to the reflections of colonel pierce. bromley, richard. 1700 approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29648 wing b4887 estc r35789 15561463 ocm 15561463 103753 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29648) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103753) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1586:17) the case of richard bromley as to his being concern'd in city affairs / humbly offered to the consideration of the lord mayor, aldermen and common-council in answer to the reflections of colonel pierce. bromley, richard. 3 p. s.n., [s.l. : 1700?] caption title. date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -history -17th century. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-05 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the case of richard bromley , as to his being concern'd in city affairs : humbly offer'd to the consideration of the lord mayor , aldermen and common-council ; in answer to the reflections of colonel peirce . that the 29th of may , 1696. a committee of common-council being appointed to consider of the abuses committed by the farmers of the markets , i was imployed by them to prosecute mr. burdit , one of the said farmers for extortion , who upon a tryal before the lord chief justice holt was convicted for the same ; and the said committee having the 26th of july next following made a report to the common-council of their proceedings in those matters the said court referred by their order then made , all matters in difference between the city and the said farmers , touching an arrear of rent of about five thousand pounds , and five hundred pounds per annum for the remaining time of the said farmers lease , which was about nine years then to come ; in which business i was likewise imployed by the same committee , and was instrumental in the recovery of the said rent , which amounted in the whole to about nine thousand pounds : unto which management is owing the late improvement of the said farm , in the advancement of the rent from 3600 , unto 4350 l. per annum , besides ten thousand pounds fine . and the said committee having settled all matters as to the markets in the year 1697 , and made a report thereof unto the common-council . the said court referred to the same committee the business of the city beams , to consider how the same might be made beneficial unto the city . and i being imployed in that matter also , took great pains therein , in searching the city books , to set out their title , and in attending council with a state of the case , and in getting a new act of common-council , &c. but whilst these things were transacting , one mr. fawson , an under-weigher or porter belonging to the iron-beam died , whose place sir humphry edwin , the then lord mayor , sold unto mr. charles booth for his kinsman , for about two hundred pounds ; and the said mr. booth likewise purchased another under-weighers place of one mr. wayte , for about the like sum , but the same coming to the knowledge of the committee , they opposed his lordship's getting them admitted into the said place , by the court of aldermen : such sales and admissions being against an act of common-council , made the 13th of may , 1681. sir patient ward mayor , but sir humphry having got the money into his hands , was unwilling to part with it , and used his endeavour to obstruct all he could the passing the bill about the beams , until he had got his men admitted , and the utmost the committee could get of him , was , that the said officers should in their admissions , covenant upon their being re-paid their purchase-money , surrender up the grant under which they held , ( as was done in the case of mr. carlton and mr. pretyman , who were admitted in the year 1694. and whose discharge cost the city seven hundred pounds , besides law-charges , and abatement of rent in the case of the late farmers of the beams ) and this way of admission being not only contrary to the aforesaid act , but was like to cost the city four hundred pounds if it went on . to prevent which , i with the privity of some of the said committee , got printed an abstract of the said act , with the abstract of the oaths of an alderman , a freeman and common-council-man . and some queries and reflections made thereupon , which were as followeth , viz. by an act of common-council , made the 13th of may , 1681. ward mayor . it is amongst other things enacted , that the chamberlain of this city , for the time being , shall from henceforth pay unto the lord mayor of the city of london , for the time being , the sum of 40 l. per annum out of the profits of the king's beams , in consideration of the advantages , &c. formerly accruing to the lord mayors of this city , and that all other profits to be made and raised out of the duties of the said beams ( all necessary charges being first deducted ) shall wholly be to the vse of the mayor and commonalty , and citizens of this city , to be paid and accounted for accordingly , to the chamberlain of the said city , for the time being , and to no other vse or purpose whatsoever : and all other acts of common-council repugnant hereunto , are by the said act repealed , annulled , and made void , to all intents and purposes whatsoever . every alderman being an officer of trust , and obliged by an oath to give good and lawful counsel for the common profit of the city , and to keep and maintain the laws and franchises thereof . q. 1. whether since the making the said law for the lord mayor and aldermen , to grant the fees and profits of the said 〈◊〉 ( being an ●●●●di●ament of the city ) to any person or persons , unless for a valuable consideration to the use of the mayor and commonalty , be not a breach of trust , and repugnant to the act aforesaid ? every freeman of this city of london , upon his admission , amongst other things , swears to maintain and keep harmless the franchises and customs thereof , as much as in him is ; and to colour no foreign goods under , or in his name , whereby the king , or this city , may lose their customs or advantages , &c. q. 2. whether those freemen , who by assignment , or partnership , or otherwise , colour foreign goods , whereby this city is defrauded of its customs , be not violators of the faith and oath they have given to this city ? q. 3. whether they who are guilty of any of the practices aforesaid , are not punishable for the same , though no new law should be made for that purpose ? note , that besides the obligation of the oath of a freeman , as aforesaid , every common-council-man is sworn to give good and true counsel in all things , touching the commonwealth of this city , after his wit and cunning. and that for favour of any person , he will maintain no singular profit against the common profit of this city , &c. q. 4. whether any persons , who slight or regard not the obligations they are under , by their taking the aforesaid oaths , can either be good magistrates , senators or citizens ? this paper i gave unto the said lord mayor and aldermen , as they went into court , and it had the effect i design'd it for , in keeping mr. booth and his kinseman from being admitted into the said offices , and consequently saved the city four hundred pounds ; but the said court were very severe upon me , and without hearing what i had to say for my self , made the following order upon me , as 't is published by colonel peirce , as his answer to my affidavit . edwin mayor . jovis xv. die sep. 1698. annoque wilhelmi tertij angl ' &c. decimo . this court taking notice , that richard bromley hath printed and published several malicious and libellous papers , reflecting upon the government and magistracy of this city , which are both false and scandalous : it is agreed and ordered , that the said richard bromley shall not for the future be imployed by this court , or court of common-council , or by any committee of either , nor be admitted to inspect any books or records in any of the offices of this city , nor be any ways imployed or concerned in the business of the same . ashhurst . this i thought an unkind treatment after all my faithful and signal services done for the city . and if in this particular instance my zeal did exceed my discretion in exposing my self to the anger and censure of the court of aldermen ; yet i did not herein go beyond the bounds of truth , nor had or could have any other end or design in it , than for the benefit and service of the city ; and therefore might have challenged a more favourable construction . the said committee had an other opinion of me , and were so well satisfied with my service done for the city , that they out of their own generosity ( without any application of mine ) gave me one hundred guineas , and some of them thought i deserved a far greater reward . and i was imployed by them in city business long after this order was made , until such time as the city beams were lett to farm , and the said committee discontinued . the lord mayors may hereafter again sell the coal and corn-meeters place , and the court of aldermen grant away the fees and profits thereof , notwithstanding the late act of common-council to the contrary , with the same reason and justice as they could grant away from the city the fees and profits of the common beams , since the making of the aforesaid act in the year ●●●1 . and therefore the setting forth these matters in a due light , can never be adjudged scandalous , malicious or criminal by any good magistrate or citizen , which is all colonel peirce hath to alledge or charge against me . he takes no notice of his endeavouring to defeat the city of 800 l. per annum rent , in the business of the scavage , by a present of a thousand guineas to sir henry tulse , nor of the nineteen guineas he hath promised me upon the confirmation of his contract with the committee . what he saith as to the guinea he gave me is false . note , that the said committee not only recover'd from the farmers of the markets the full rents reserved in their lease , and relieved the market people that were then oppressed : but got an award , founded upon a rule of the court of queen's-bench , made by the honourable sir nathan wright , the now lord keeper , and sir bartholomew shower , with the approbation of the lord chief justice holt ; by which all matters in difference between the city farmers and the market people are regulated for the future , which award his lordship commended to be inrolled at guild-hall . which if it had been done , and were duly observed , would be of great use to the city , and market people . thus have i set forth a short state of my case in reference to my service done for the city , and the different treatment i have met with : all which i submit to the wisdom and justice of this honourable court. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a29648-e10 carlton admitted 〈…〉 weigher 〈…〉 steel 〈…〉 beam , 〈…〉 all fees , 〈…〉 , &c. 〈…〉 1694. 〈…〉 pretty 〈…〉 was ad 〈…〉 ed master 〈…〉 gher at 〈…〉 ron and 〈…〉 ams 〈…〉 all fees , 〈…〉 , &c. oct. 1694 , die lunæ 7[mo] november, 1642. whereas in these times of publique danger and distraction, there is a recourse unto the city of london of divers persons ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83872 of text r211190 in the english short title catalog (wing e2779). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83872 wing e2779 estc r211190 47683435 ocm 47683435 172900 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83872) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 172900) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2655:12) die lunæ 7[mo] november, 1642. whereas in these times of publique danger and distraction, there is a recourse unto the city of london of divers persons ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. elsynge, henry, 1598-1654. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed for r. oulton & g. dexter, london, : 1642. headpiece; initial. at foot of sheet: hen: elsynge cleri. parl. d. com. reproduction of original in: eton college. library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -london -17th century. a83872 r211190 (wing e2779). civilwar no die lunæ 7mo. november, 1642. whereas in these times of publique danger and distraction, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons 1642 249 7 0 0 0 0 0 281 f the rate of 281 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die lunae 7mo . november , 1642. whereas in these times of publique danger and distraction , there is a recourse unto the city of london of divers persons that are come into the said city and suburbs thereof to reside , and have taken houses or lodgings for their habitations , being strangers and altogether unknown how they stand affected ; it is therefore ordered by the commons in parliament , that the lord major of the said city , shall cause a generall search and enquirie to be made from time to time throughout the said city and suburbs thereof , and to take ●●eciall notice of the said persons and their attendants , and of their names ; and ●●r the better discovery how they stand affected , shall tender unto them the ●ropositions for horse money or plate , and to take their subscriptions , and to in●orme himselfe whether they doe make their paiements accordingly into the guild hall of the said city ; and to returne the names of such as cannot give ● good account of their coming to the said city or suburbs thereof , or that ●●ould refuse to subscribe to the said propositions , according to their severall ●states and qualities , that some further course may be forthwith taken by this house in that behalfe . hen : elsynge cleri . parl. d. com. london , printed for r. oulton & g. dexter , 1642. by the mayor whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars ... city of london (england). this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a49057 of text r39658 in the english short title catalog (wing l2883j). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a49057 wing l2883j estc r39658 18461198 ocm 18461198 107742 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49057) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107742) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:12) by the mayor whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars ... city of london (england). 1 broadside. printed by james flesher ..., [london] : [1656] second part of title taken from first two lines of text. "dated the twenty third day of janaury 1655. place and date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. eng rogues and vagabonds -england. london (england) -history -17th century. a49057 r39658 (wing l2883j). civilwar no by the mayor whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars ... corporation of london 1655 1022 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the mayor . whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues , vagabonds , and sturdy beggers that vermine of this common wealth doth now swarme in and about this city and liberties , disturbing and annoying the inhabitants and passengers , by hanging upon coaches , and clamarous begging at the doores of churches and private houses and in the streets and common wayes ; veguiling the modest , laborious and honest poore , ( the proper objects of charity ) of much releife and almes which otherwise might bee disposed to them by bountifull and well minded people : and by this meanes and their corrupt and prophane communication , doe bring dishonor to god , scandall to religion , and shame to the government of this city : and for as much as it is intended and resolved that for reformation of this living nusance , the said lawes and statutes shall bee hence-forth duely and strictly executed within this city and liberties thereof , and the penaltyes and punishments thereby appointed , imposed and inflicted upon all persons offending against the same : i doe therefore give notice thereof , and in the name of his highnes the lord protector , doe hereby require and command all constables and other officers and persons whatsoever within this city and liberties , to bee diligent and watchfull about their duties herein : for better information whereof and that none may excuse himselfe by pretence of ignorance , i have caused some branches of the said statutes of most common concernment to bee added hereunto , expecting that accordingly every constable doe presently apprehend ( and so continue to doe during his said office ) all such rogues , vagabonds and sturdy beggers as shall bee found in his parish or precinct , or shall bee brought or sent to him by any of his neighbors , and to send to bridewell the place of correction ) such of them as live within this city and liberties , who are there to bee received and dealt withall according to law ; and such as live not within the liberties aforesaid , to whipp and passe away to the place of their dwelling or last aboad . and that all other persons doe apprehend or cause to bee apprehended all such as they shall see or know to resort to their houses to receive or begg any almes , and carry or cause them to bee carried to the next constable , and that in all other things they give that furtherance to this worke as by the law is required . and further i doe hereby require all and every the said constables , to the end their dwellings may bee the better known and more readily found , that they have their staves see or fired at their streete doores , plainly to bee seene by all passengers . and moreover , that on the first wednesday in every moneth at foure of the clocke in the afternoone , they deliver in to the corporation for the poore at weavers hall , a list of the names and firnames of all such rogues and beggers as shall by them respectively bee apprehended , whipped and passed away , with the time when and the place to which they are sent . as they will answere the contrary at their perills . dated the twenty third day of january 1655. to all and every the constables within the city of london and liberties thereof . sadler . every rogue , vagabond , or sturdy begger that shall bee taken begging , vagrant , wandering , or misordering themselves , shall bee apprehended by any constable of the parish where such person shall bee taken , and bee stripped naked from the middle upwards and bee openly whipped , till his or her body bee bloody and shall bee forthwith sent from parish to parish by the said officer , the next streight way to the parish where hee was b●rn , if the same may bee known by the parties confession or otherwise , and if the same bee not known , then to the parish where bee or shee last dwelt , before the same punishment , by the space of one whole yeare , or if it bee not known where hee or shee was borne , or last dwelt , then to the parish to which hee or shee last passed without punishment &c. if any constable bee negligent and doe not his and their best endeavours for the apprehension of such vagabond , rogue , or sturdy begger , and to cause every of them to bee punished and convayed as aforesaid , then the constable in whom such default shall bee , shall loose and forfeit for every such default tenne shillings . . also if any person doe disturbe or let the execution of this law , or make rescusse against any officer or person authourised for the due execution of the premisses , such person offending shall forfeite for every such offence five pounds , and bee bound to the good behaviour . every person or persons shall apprehend or cause to bee apprehended , such rogues , vagabonds and sturdy beggers as hee or they shall see or know to resort to their houses to begg , gather , or receive any almes , and him or them shall carry or cause to bee carried to the next constable , upon paine to forfeit for every default tenne shillings . and if such constable doe not cause the said rogues , vagabonds and sturdy beggers to bee punished and convayed as aforesaid , such constable shall forfeit and loose the summe of twenty shillings for every default . printed by james flesher printer to honourable city of london . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a49057e-140 39 eliz. cap. 4. 39 eliz. cap. 4. 39 eliz. cap. 4 1 lac . cap. 7. 1 lac . cap. 7. london's plague-sore discovered. or, some serious notes and suitable considerations upon the present visitation at london wherein is something by way of lamentation, information, expostulation, exhortation and caution : whereunto is annexed, a never-failing antidote against the plague. e. n. 1665 approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52520 wing n14 estc r9701 13542952 ocm 13542952 100101 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52520) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100101) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 796:19) london's plague-sore discovered. or, some serious notes and suitable considerations upon the present visitation at london wherein is something by way of lamentation, information, expostulation, exhortation and caution : whereunto is annexed, a never-failing antidote against the plague. e. n. 8 p. printed for the author, london : 1665. signed at end: e.n. in verse. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -early works to 1800. plague -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion london's plague-sore discovered : or , some serious notes , and suitable considerations upon the present visitation at london : wherein is something by way of lamentation , information , expostulation , exhortation , and caution . whereunto is annexed , a never-failing antidote against the plague . london , printed for the author , anno 1665. reader , these are to give thee notice , that one crouch a printer hapning accidentally of the copy of the antidote at the latter end of this paper , before i had given order for any to print it , he took upon him to print it of his own accord , contrary to my consent or knowledge , and placed it in books and papers according to his pleasure , for his own private advantage , by which means i have suffered some prejudice , and have been censured by some as if i were guilty of that , which indeed is detestable to me . this i thought good to insert , that the truth might be manifested , and further false suggestions in that case might be prevented . e. n. londons plague-sore , discovered . as i of late , about the streets do go , i often hear complainings to and fro : in ev'ry corner , more or less i hear , and many people much surpriz'd with fear ; and still by observation i do find , that cares and fears do grow in peoples mind ; and discontents , do almost ev'ry where , seem to abound within this city here : but what 's the cause ? or , wherefore is it so , that such distractions more , and more should grow , amongst a people , which of late did glory , of gallant times , beyond the reach of story ; for wealth and strength they had so great a share , they scorn'd that any should with them compare . what is the reason such a lofty city , should now be willing to accept of pity ? why several things are urg'd . i pray name one . alas ! that 's easie , trading's almost gone quite out o' th city , whither shall we run ? the cry o' th poor is , we shall be undone ! for why already trading's grown so dead , our present gains will hardly yeeld us bread : our cares are doubled , and our hopes are vain ; say what you will , here 's reason to complain : and this doth greatly add unto our sorrow , we fear each day , it will be worse to morrow . and yet the great ones do oppress the poor : such times as these we never saw before . nay , more than this , the worst is yet to come , we have not yet told all , nor hardly some ; there 's something else , that loads our hearts to think , what dreadful cup is fill'd for us to drink ! alas , the plague , the pestilential plague , which lately made such havock near the hague , hath crost the seas , and found our city out , and put our greatest champions to the rout . our bravest gallants which did swagger most , and with their daring tongues would proudly boast of courage , valour , strength and noble-blood , as if they scorn'd to have their wills withstood , yet when the lord did with a challenge greet them , and sent them word , he did intend to meet them , to see if they against him would prepare , how this strange message did their worships scare ! o how did this perplex and sore affright their lofty minds , and made them take their flight , and run away from god's appointed place , as if they fear'd even to see his face . for when his angry angel did approach , to flee , they strait provide both horse and coach. then learn this lesson from it you that can , 't is vain to trust in any mortal man , for if in danger thou his help shalt crave , alas ! poor worm ! himself he cannot save . but now , alas , the common people say , 't is we must bear the burden of the day ! the mighty god hath singled out our city for wrath and vengeance , casting off all pitty ; in every corner of our famous town he sends his arrows of destruction down ; yea , round about , almost in every place , he leaves the tokens of his angry face . and now our ears are daily fill'd with cryes , and gastly sights , do grieve our woful eyes . yea , father , mother , sister , also brother do daily see the ruine of each other ; and little babes which at the breast do lye , amongst the rest do often gasp and dye , whilst grieved mothers over them do mourn , till angry death do them as good a turn . how many are depriv'd of wonted sleep ? how many eyes have lately learn'd to weep ? how many wringings of the hands for grief , because their sorrows are beyond relief ? for many years it hath not been the like , which to our hearts doth much amazement strike . alas , poor london , for thy sad estate my bowels yearn , how art thou fall'n of late ? but canst thou only of thy sorrows speak , and not discern the door through which they break ? dost thou not know the cause of thy distress to be thy sins and woful wickedness ? have not thy sins been great and manifold , thy provocations more than can be told ! thy lewdness and prophaness , past compare ! thy impudence there 's no man can declare ! thy horrid blasphemies , and cursed swearing , thy ranting , roaring , and thy domineering ! thy great uncleanness and abominations , thy drunkenness , and such like provocations , hath often urg'd the just and righteous god , to fall upon thee with his iron rod ; and then consider , how thou didst requite the god of grace for all his gospel-light that he long time unto thy soul did give , that so thou mightst repent , return and live . hast thou not much despis'd his profered grace ? hast thou not spitted in the glorious face of blessed jesus , when in love he came to wash thee from thy filthiness and shame ? hast thou not love and mercy greatly slighted , his holy spirit also much despighted ? hast thou not patience , also , much abus'd , and god's dear servants wofully misus'd ? in fine , the gospel thou hast cast behind thee , and suffered satan to bewitch and blind thee ; and those that were thy best and truest friends , how hast thou sought to bring them to their ends . examine well , and thou maist find it so ; sin is the cause of this thy present wo , and therefore now , while it is call'd , to day repent , and turn to god without delay : break off thy sins ; let righteousness take place , it may be yet thou mayst partake of grace ; but if thou still retain thy stubborn heart , thou maist expect to feel a greater smart , and this already thou mayst plainly see the bloody sword doth also threaten thee , and famine seems to stare thee in the face , impenitence may bring it on apace . then look in time , before it be too late , lest greater judgment fall upon thy pate . now therefore hark , ye gallants of the time , you that have counted godliness a crime , what do you think , or where do y' mean to stay , that you from london make such hast away ? here this from me ; if that you take along your sins with you , you do your selves but wrong to flee away , for you had better be punish'd at first , than to go longer free : for , don't you know , the longer you provoke the righteous god , the greater is his stroke ; therefore observe , the best and surest way for to escape the danger of the day , is to repent , and set the oppressed free , and then perhaps , god may entreated be . but if i' th country you in sin delight , and god's forbearance and long-suffering slight , he in the country will go search about , and never leave until he find you out , and when the angel takes his journey thither , and findeth you , and all your sins together , the fearful dreggs of this destroying cup shall be your portion , you must drink them up . hence be exhorted , then , to kiss the son , make peace with him before your glass be run , and then in life or death you will be his , and your reward shall be eternal bliss . a sovereign medicine against the plague both preservative and curative . drink a good draught of josiah's a humility next thy heart ; then take a dose of nineveh's b repentance , well soaked or steeped in the vessel of a broken c and a contrite heart , well season'd with d truth & sincerity at the bottom : then let all these boyl well together in a good quantity of david's e tears : and when thou hast done thus , then spread a broad plaister of gods grace , and bind it fast to thy soul with the swaddleband of love and serious f consideration ; then cast away all thy old infectious garments of g sin and iniquity , and put on h the lord jesus christ , as a sure garment of defence and safety : then take up as good a quantity of joshua's i resolution as thou canst well bear , and so walk up and down in those wholesome and pleasant fields , called k newness of life , and follow thy calling in the l fear of god. all which , being truly and carefully observed , will undoubtedly and infallibly preserve thee from the sting and danger of all plagues whatsoever . signatum caeli . e. n. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a52520-e2340 a 2 chron. 34. 27. b jona . 3. 8 c psal . 51. 17. d ver . 6. e psa . 6. 6. f eccles . 7. 14. g col. 3. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. h rom. 13. 14. i josh . 24. 15. k rom. 6. 4 l prov. 23. 17. & 14. 26 londineses lacrymæ londons second tears mingled with her ashes : a poem / by john crouch. crouch, john, fl. 1660-1681. 1666 approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a35206 wing c7299 estc r29669 11191750 ocm 11191750 46634 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35206) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 46634) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1439:13) londineses lacrymæ londons second tears mingled with her ashes : a poem / by john crouch. crouch, john, fl. 1660-1681. 9 p. printed for t. palmer ..., london : 1666. "chronogram. vrbs london combvsta svlt. m. dc. lxvi." reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -fire, 1666 -poetry. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-10 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion londinenses lacrymae . londons second tears mingled with her ashes . a poem by john crouch . non priamus tanti , totaque troja fuit . cronogram . vrbs london combvsta fvit . m.dc.lxvi . london , printed for t. palmer at the crown in westminster-hall . 1666. londinenses lacrymae . a poem . thou queen of cities , whose unbounded fame shadow'd thy country and thy countries name ! london ! that word fill'd the vast globe ; japan saluted londoner for english-man . 't was thy peculiar , and unrivall'd pride at greatest distance to be magnify'd . when thy next * christian sister scarce do's know whether there be another world or no : when the false dutch more known in forreign parts , buy scorn with gold ; merchants of wealth not hearts . good heavens , good in the most severe decree ! must london first burn in epitomie , and then in gross ? must , o sharp vengeance ! must the glory of the world kiss her own dust ? shall then this mole-hill , and it's ants expire by parcels , some by water , some by fire ? or do great things , like restless circles , tend from their first point , unto the last , their end ? when neither forreign nor domestick wars , the distillations of malignant stars , thunder from heaven , nor it's terrestial ape gun-powder , could thy total ruine shape ; nor the long smotherings of fanatick heats , which when they broke out ended in cold sweats : shall balls of sulphur ( hells blew tapers ) light poor london to its fun'ral in one night ? shall britains great metropolis become alike in both her fortunes to old rome ? whose seat ( if we believe antiquitie ) is full as old , though not so proud as she ; surviv'd the cornucopia of her hills : time , strongest towns , as well as bodies , kills ! but when her life had drawn so long a breath , must she be mow'd down by a sudden death ? three days undo three thousand years ? o yes , one day ( when that one comes ) shall more than this ; shall make the world one fatal hearth , that day the last that ever hearth shall tribute pay ; though now as just as law ; ( and they that curse this duty , may they want both hearth and purse . ) but as in three days our jerus'lem fell , and gave the world an easie miracle : so three ( o golden number ) years being gone , shall spring old london's resurrection . now ( dearest city ) let my pencil trace the scatter'd lines of thy dis-figur'd face ; dropping tears as i pass ; tears shed too late to quench thy heats , and bribe thy stubborn fate ! this dreadful fire first seiz'd a narrow lane , as if the dutch or french had laid a train . but grant they or that boutifeu their roy , form'd this cheval for britain 's envy'd troy ; these might the stroke , did not the wound dispense , were but the vulcans of jove's providence . sin was the common cause , no faction freed ; here all dissenting parties were agreed . and let the author of our welfare , be the welcome author of our miserie ! rather than enemies , who but fulfill heavens just decrees , more by instinct then skill ! the fierce flame gathering strength had warm'd th' air and chill'd the people into cold despair : with swift wing from it straitned corner posts , and forth-with fish-street and fat east-cheap rosts . sunday ( to scourge our guilty rest with shame ) had giv'n , full dispensation to the flame . now london-bridge ( expected to provide auxiliar forces from the other side ) alarum'd by the fall of neighb'ring bells takes fire , and sinks into its stony cells ; blocks up the way with rubbish , and dire flames , threatning to choke his undermining thames . southwark , shut out , on it 's own banks appear'd as once when fiery cromwell domineer'd . thames-street hastens it ashes , to prevent all aids and succours from the river sent . the heated wind his flaming arrows cast , vvhich snatch'd both ends , and burnt the middle last . now the proud flame had took the open field and after hearts were vanquish'd , all things yeild ! rores thorough cannon-street and lombardie triumphing o're the cities liberty . this fiery dragon , higher still it flyes , the more extends his wings , and louder cryes . just so that spark of treason , ( first supprest in the dark angles of some private brest ) breaks through the mouth and nostrills into squibs , and having fir'd the author's reins and ribs , kindles from man to man by subtile art , till rebells are become the major part : thus late fanaticks in their zeal of pride march from close wood-street into broad cheap-side . now all in coaches , carrs , and vvaggons flye , london is sack'd withour an enemy . all things of beauty , shatter'd lost and gone ; little of london whole but london-stone . as if those bull-works of her wall and thames serv'd but to circle , and besiege her flames ! such active rams beat from each opposite wall , you would have judg'd the fire an animal . vvhen ( strangely ) it from adverse vvindows ror'd : neighbour his neighbour kindl'd and devour'd . houses the churches , churches houses fir'd , while profane sparks against divine conspir'd . this devastation makes one truth appear , how sanctimonious our fore-fathers were ; how thick they built their temples , long conceal'd by lofty buildings , now in flames reveal'd . then one small church serv'd many preists , but they the truth is , eat not rost meat every day . now the profane , not superstitious rout ( whose faith ascends no higher than to doubt ) may , without help of weekly papers , tell their churches , to their eyes made visible . our non-conformists ( if not harden'd ) may scatter some tears , where once they scorn'd to pray . now the imperious element did range without controle , kept a full ev'ning change. where the religious spices for some hours , seem'd to burn incense to th' incensed powers . at last the flame grown quite rebellious , calls our sacred monarchs to new funeralls . the conquerour here conquer'd , tumbles down as conscious of the burthen of a crown . only the good old founder , standing low , his station kept , and saw the dismal show . though the change broke , he 's not one penny worse , stands firm resolv'd to visit his new burse . which by her * opticks happily was sav'd , and for the honour of the city pav'd . here a good sum of active silver rais'd th' ingenious beggar , and wise donors prais'd . all fall to work , assisted by the guard , to whom , and money , nothing seemed hard . here fires met fires , but industry reclaims lost hope , and quench'd a parliament of flames . mean time the neighb'ring steeple trembling stood , defended not by stone , nor brick , but wood : yet was secure ' cause low ; to let us see what safety waits upon humilitie ! vvhen lawrence , three-cranes , cornhill , lofty bow , are all chastis'd , for making a proud show . one steeple lost its church , but not one bell ; reserv'd by fate to ring the city's knell . now the circumference from every part the center scalds ; poor london pants at heart ! cheapside the fair , is at a fatal loss vvants the old blessing of her golden cross . poor paul the aged has been sadly tost , reform'd , then after reformation lost ; plac'd in a circle of heaven's fiery wrath : the saint was tortur'd when he broke his faith ! at the east-end a spacious sheet of lead ( rent from the rest ) his altar canoped ; but from its coale below strange fires did rise , and the whole temple prov'd the sacrifice . altars may others save , but cannot be ( vvhen heaven forsakes 'em ) their own sanctuarie ! then was their doleful musick as the quire , when the sweet organs breath was turn'd to fire . was 't not enough the holy church had been invaded in her rites and discipline ? must her known fundamentals be baptiz'd in purging flames , and paul's school chatechiz'd ? she that had long her tardy pupills stripp'd , is now her self with fiery scorpions whipp'd . but when i pass the sacred martyrs west i close my eyes and smite my troubled breast ; vvhat shall we now for his dear mem'ry do vvhen fire un-carves , and stones are mortal too ? let it stand un-repair'd , for ever keep its mournful dress , thus for its founder weep . by this time lud with the next newgate smokes , and their dry pris'ners in the dungeon chokes ; vvho left by keepers to their own reprives broke goale , not for their liberty but lives ; vvhile good eliza on the out-side arch fir'd into th' old mode , stands in yellow starch . though fancy makes not pictnres live , or love , yet pictures fancy'd may the fancy move : me-thinks the queen on white-hall cast her eye ; an arrow could not more directly flye . but when she saw her palace safe , her fears vanish , one eye drops smiles , the other tears . vvhere ( christ-church ) is thy half-cathedral now ? fallen too ? then all but heaven to fate must bow ! vvhere is thy famous hospital ? must still the greatest good be recompens'd with ill ? that house of orphans clad in honest blew ; the vvorld's example , but no parallel knew . cold charity has been a long complaint , here she was too warm like a martyr'd saint . vvhere are those stately fabricks of our halls , founders of sumptuous feasts and hospitalls ? vvhere is the guild , that place of grand resort for civil rights , the royal cities court ? forc'd to take sanctuary in the tower , to show , what safety is in regal power ! not gog or magog could defend it ; these had they had sense , had been in little-ease . chymnies and shatter'd vvalls we gaze upon our bodie politicks sad skeleton ! now was the dismal conflagration stopp'd , having some branches of the suburbs lopp'd . though most within the verge ; as if th' ad show'd their mutual freedome was to be destroy'd . vvhen after one dayes rest . the temple smokes , and with fresh fires and fears the strand provokes but with good conduct all was slak'd that night by one more valiant than a templar knight . here a brisk rumour of affrighted gold sent hundreds in ; more covetous than bold . but a brave seaman up the tyles did skip as nimbly as the cordage of a ship , bestrides the sings'd hall on its highest ridge , moving as if he were on london-bridge , or on the narrow of a skullers keel : feels neither head nor heart nor spirits reel . had some few thousands been as bold as hee , and london , in her fiery tryal free ; then ( with submission to the highest will ) london now buried had been living still . thus chant the people , who are seldom wise till things be past , before-hand have no eyes . but when i sigh my self into a pause , i find another more determin'd cause : had tyber swell'd his monstrous waves , and come over the seven hills of our flaming rome , 't had been in vain : no less than noah's flood . can quench flames kindled by a martyr's blood . now loyal london has full ransome paid for that defection the disloyal made : whose ashes hatch'd by a kind monarch's breath , shall rise a fairer phoenix after death . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a35206-e160 * [ paris . ] * mr. hooke . the finall protest, and sence of the citie this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a47853 of text r217624 in the english short title catalog (wing l1247c). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a47853 wing l1247c estc r217624 99829282 99829282 33719 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47853) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 33719) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1992:1) the finall protest, and sence of the citie l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704, attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1659] by sir roger l'estrange. a protest against the domination of the army. imprint from wing. published the same year with title: the final protest, and sense of the citie. reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. eng england and wales. -committee of safety -early works to 1800. england and wales. -army -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a47853 r217624 (wing l1247c). civilwar no the finall protest, and sence of the citie. [no entry] 1659 1134 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-12 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the finall protest , and sence of the citie . having diligently perused two printed papers , bearing date the 14th of this instant december : the one , in form of a proclamation concerning the summoning of a parliament : the other , as an order of the common-councell , commanding the city to acquiesce in expectation of that parliament : we finde therein contained , matters so contrary to the honour of the nation , and to the freedom of the city , that we stand obliged , both as englishmen , and as citizens , to protest , against the impositions of the former , as illegal , and the concessions of the latter , as a direct combination against us . these two papers are seconded by a third : ( for the two are one , both in effect , and design , ) and that is , a proclamation of banishment , directing to the late kings party , under the notion of the common enemy ; so that there 's no love lost betwixt the committee of safety , and the common council , when the general provides for the peace of the city ; and the mayor , for the safety of the army , not to argue acts of oblivion ; and the violation of publique faith in the case : that they conditioned for their lives and liberties , and compounded for their fortunes . this is not our concern , what they do suffer ; but what we may , if we trust those , that keep no faith with them : and that we 'll take a care of : when they are gone , then we are the common enemy ; so are the laws of god , and of the nation , and such is every man that loves them . what this malignant party is , these people talk of , we neither know , nor meddle ; the gentry 't is we live by , and by the laws of gratitude , and hospitality , we are bound to protect them , and as well resolved to do it , within our walls , against any other power , than that of the known law . the short of the design is this , a danger is pretended to the city , from the late kings party , and to prevent the mischief , the kind committee banishes the gentlemen ; with order to the mayor of wallingford , ( late of london ) &c. — to make strict searches for delinquents . now in pursuance of this pretious order , our houses must be forced , and we disarmed , and then , our throats cut , to preserve the city . let those that would be chronicled for slaves , and fools , submit to suffer this ; and after that infamous hour , may a yellow coat , and a wooden dagger be the badge , and distinction of a citizen . to conclude , we our selves are that city , so much the care and cry of the proclamation ; and this is our vnanimous sence , and resolve . the army proposes to pillage , and murther us , the mayor , and his worthy advisers , ireton , &c. — are to hold our hands , whiles they give the blow , so , that we are now to provide against force and treason , having one enemy within our walls , and another in our councils . but withal , we have our swords in our hands , and our brains in our heads ; so that only to strike the one , and to dis-believe the other , is to subdue and disappoint them both . we do therefore declare to the world , that we will by violence oppose all violence whatsoever , which is not warranted by the letter of the established law : and that in pursuance of this duty , both toward the nation , and city , an insolent souldier , and an apostatized magistrate shall be to us as the same thing . — not to word it much further , as we will not be bafled , by affronts , so neither will we be fooled by flatteries . — after the loss of trade , and liberty , a vast expence of blood , and treasure , after many injuries received , more threatned , and none returned ; we made a sober , and regular application , to the authority of the city , for redress . this they promised , and we expected , till at last , instead of a reparation for past wrongs , or a security against worse to come , we are paid with an expectation of a parliament in ianuary . this is is a logique we understand not . it is in english , lye still , till you have your throats cut . it would be well to commit the disposition of our fortunes , to those people , that are at this instant designing an execution upon our persons , and to requite those worthies , that have already robb'd vs of all we have lost , with the offer of that little rest they have left . but this will not do our businesse ; we will not have our murtherers , for our iudges : not will we wait . that parliament they babble of so much , will not soon vote up the city again out of ashes , nor all the saints in that holy assembly , be able to bring the poor cobler into the world again , that was kill'd by order of his brother hewson . no , the cheat is too stale , and we are determined to redeem our selves ; but with this caution ; we do solemnly profess , that we will exercise all the tendernesse which possibly the case will bear . the common souldier is engaged rather out of a heedlesse , than malitious interest : we do therefore protest , that such of those as shall not evidence their malice , by their obstinacy , shall receive a fair consideration ; but , for such as lead them , we do resolve , not to allow quarter to any one of them , that draws his sword in the quarrel : and in order to the quicker , and gentler dispatch of the businesse : we conclude with a text . fight neither with small nor great , but with the king of israel . and so god give a blessing to the endeavours of all honest men . a list of the names of the severall colonells, and their colours with the leiutenant [sic] colonells, serieant maiors, and capt. and lieutenants appointed by the committee, for the ordering of the militia of this honourable city of london. city of london (england). committee for the militia this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88351 of text r211828 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.6[8]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88351 wing l2477 thomason 669.f.6[8] estc r211828 99870520 99870520 160869 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88351) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160869) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f6[8]) a list of the names of the severall colonells, and their colours with the leiutenant [sic] colonells, serieant maiors, and capt. and lieutenants appointed by the committee, for the ordering of the militia of this honourable city of london. city of london (england). committee for the militia 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for henry overton, london : 1642. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng city of london (england). -committee for the militia -early works to 1800. london (england) -defenses -early works to 1800. great britain -militia -early works to 1800. a88351 r211828 (thomason 669.f.6[8]). civilwar no a list of the names of the severall colonells, and their colours, with the leiutenant colonells, serieant maiors, and capt. and lieutenants city of london 1642 269 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-08 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a list of the names of the severall colonells , and their colours , with the leivtenant colonells , serieant maiors , and capt. and lievtenants appointed by the committee , for the ordering of the militia of this honourable city of london . ( 1 ) alderman atkins , col. colour red . capt. royden leivtenant colonell . captaine mannering , serjeant major . captaine bunch . captaine tucker . captaine tompson . captaine hooker . mr. gautherne leivtenant . ( 2 ) alderman pennington col. colour white . captaine langham leivtenant colonell . captaine davis , serjeant major . captaine chamberlaine . captaine hervey . captaine whithcot . captaine player . m. forth goodday leivt. ( 3 ) alderman wollaston colonell , colour yellow . captaine ven leivtenant colonell . captaine bradley serjeant major . captaine turner . captaine harison . captaine titchburne . captaine cutbert . mr. william barriffe leivtenant . ( 4 ) alderman adams colonell , colour blew . captain edmond foster , leivtenant colonell . captaine carleton serjeant major . captaine west . captaine hacket . captaine vnderwood . captaine backwell . mr. bellerme leivt. ( 5 ) alderman warner colonell , colour greene . captaine covell leivtenant colonell . captaine matthew foster serjeant major . captaine owen row . captaine sheppard . captaine francis row . mr. hause leivtenant . ( 6 ) alderman towes colonell , colour orrenge . captaine rowland wilston leivt. colonell . captaine geere serjeant major . capt. thomas buxton . captaine browne . captaine chamfield . mr. woollaston leivt. london printed for henry overton , 1642. a letter of his excellencie the lord general monck, to the speaker of the parl. from guild-hall, london albemarle, george monck, duke of, 1608-1670. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a76009 of text r211555 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.23[39]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a76009 wing a858 thomason 669.f.23[39] estc r211555 99870271 99870271 163695 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a76009) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163695) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f23[39]) a letter of his excellencie the lord general monck, to the speaker of the parl. from guild-hall, london albemarle, george monck, duke of, 1608-1670. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john macock, in the year 1659. [i.e. 1660] london : dated: guildhall feb 9. 1659. includes two parliamentary responses, both dated: thursday, february 9. 1659. enquiring whether he shall destroy the gates and portcullises of the city of london. annotation on thomason copy: "feb: 13." reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a76009 r211555 (thomason 669.f.23[39]). civilwar no a letter of his excellencie the lord general monck, to the speaker of the parl. from guild-hall, london. albemarle, george monck, duke of 1660 545 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-10 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter of his excellencie the lord general monck , to the speaker of the parl. from guild-hall , london . right honourable , in obedience to the commands received from the council last night , i marched with your forces into the city this morning , and have secured all the persons except two , ordered to be secured , which two were not to be found : the posts and chaines i have given order to be taken away , but have hitherto forborn the taking down of the gates and portcullises , because it will in all likelihood exasperate the city ; and i have good ground of hopes from them , that they will levy the assess ; they desiring onely first to meet in common-council , which they intend to do to morrow morning . it seems probable to me , that they will yeild obedience to your commands , and be brought to a friendly complyance with you ; for which reason i have suspended the execution of your commands touching the gates and portcullises , till i know your further pleasure therein , which i desire i may by this bearer ; i shall onely desire , that ( so your commands may be answered with due obedience ) such tenderness may be used towards them , as may gain their affections ; they desired the restauration of those members of their common-council that are secured , which desires of theirs i shall onely commend to your grave consideration , to do therein as you shall think most expedient , and , in attendance upon your further commands , remain guildhall feb 9. 1659. your most humble and obedient servant . george monck . to the right honourable william lenthal , speaker to the parliament of the common-wealth of england at westminster . postscript . i shall become an humble suiter to you , that you will be pleased to hasten your qualifications , that the writs may be sent out ; i can assure you it will tend much to the peace of the country , and satisfie many honest men . thursday afternoon , january 9. 1659. this letter from general george monck from guild-hall , london , of the 9th of february , 1659 , was read . resolved , upon the question by the parliament , that the answer to this letter be , to send general monck the resolve of the parliament , that the gates of the city of london , and the portcullises thereof be forthwith destroyed ; and that he be ordered to put the said vote in execution accordingly , and that m. scot and m. pury do go to general monck and acquaint him with these votes . tho. st. nicholas , clerk to the parliament . thursday , february 9. 1659. resolved upon the question by the parliament , that the gates of the city of london , and the portcullises thereof be forthwith destroyed , and that the commissioners for the army do take order that the same be done accordingly . tho. st. nicholas , clerk to the parliament . london , printed by john macock , in the year 1659. by the mayor, to the alderman of the ward of [blank] whereas divers good laws have been made, and are still in force, for the suppressing and punishing of vagrants, vagabonds, and other idle persons ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1687 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49073 wing l2886j estc r41301 31354866 ocm 31354866 110277 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49073) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110277) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:19) by the mayor, to the alderman of the ward of [blank] whereas divers good laws have been made, and are still in force, for the suppressing and punishing of vagrants, vagabonds, and other idle persons ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by samuel roycroft, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : [1687] form letter. "given this 15th day of march, 1686/7. wagstaffe." reproduction of original in guildhall library (london, england). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng contraventions (criminal law) -england -london. vagrancy -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the mayor . to the alderman of the ward of _____ whereas divers good laws have been made , and are still in force , for the suppressing and punishment of vagrants , vagabonds , and other idle persons , the not executing whereof is the reason that vagrants and beggars do so much swarm in the streets and places of common resort within this city , to the great annoyance and disturbance of the citizens and inhabitants thereof , and all others resorting thereunto , and the great scandal of the government in tolerating so great a mischief : to the end therefore the said laws may be better put in execution for the future , and the streets , common passages , church-doors , and all other places of publick resort be cleared from that living nusance ; these are in his majesties name streightly to charge and require you , that you forthwith call before you all the constables within your ward , and give them your selves strict command , as by the laws in that behalf they are required , to be very careful , diligent and active to observe and apprehend all vagrants and beggars , that shall at any time be found begging in their respective parishes and precincts , and such of them as shall have dwellings or abode within the city , or the liberties thereof , that they carry to bridewell , there to be received and dealt withal according to law ; and all others that ( as the law in that behalf directs ) they punish and pass away from parish to parish , the next strait way to the parish where they were born , if the same may be known by the parties confession , or otherwise ; and if that be not known , then to the parish where they last dwelt , by the space of one whole year before the same punishment ; and if that cannot be well known , then to the parishes through which they last past without punishment . and if through the remissness or negligence of the constable of any precinct to put the said laws in execution , any vagrant shall at any time be found begging in any precinct within your ward , you are desired to cause the constable of the said precinct to be bound over to the sessions , there to answer the same ; the law having provided , that every constable shall in such case forfeit ten shillings for every default : and you are earnestly desired to press ( what in you lies ) all the said constables to a due and careful observance of their duty in this particular ; and also that you will make it your care , that where any constable shall at any time fail herein , he may certainly suffer the penalty of the law for every default . hereof fail not , as you tender the honour of the government , and the publick weal of this city . given this 15th day of march , 1686 / 7 . wagstaffe . printed by samvel rotcroft , printer to the honourable city of london . a mode the cities profound policie, in delivering themselves, their city, their vvorks and ammunition, into the protection of the armie. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a89198 of text r209816 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[69]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a89198 wing m2311 thomason 669.f.11[69] estc r209816 99868672 99868672 162719 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a89198) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162719) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[69]) a mode the cities profound policie, in delivering themselves, their city, their vvorks and ammunition, into the protection of the armie. wither, george, 1588-1667, attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n.], [london : printed in the yeere, 1647. verse "brave citizens, you have done well,"... place of publication from wing. sometimes attributed to george wither. annotation on thomason copy: "aug: 27"; before 'mode' in title: "la". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng political satire, english -early works to 1800. london (england) -politics and government -17th century -poetry -early works to 1800. a89198 r209816 (thomason 669.f.11[69]). civilwar no a mode: the cities profound policie, in delivering themselves, their city, their vvorks and ammunition, into the protection of the armie. [wither, george] 1647 924 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a mode : the cities profound policie , in delivering themselves , their city , their vvorks and ammunition , into the protection of the armie . brave citizens , you have done well , to make your slaves your masters ; your policie it doth excell , your groomes will be your tasters . my lord mayor , and the aldermen , your gownes must make them breeches ; and if you doe retort agen , they 'l make you eat your speeches . o brave common-counsell men , o brave trained-bands ! when do you thinke to get again the staffe in your owne hands ? 2 th' apprentices did vapour much , they 'd bang the army soundly , and yet their valour proved such , they durst not go to 't roundly : massey was made the generall of all your mighty forces ; but when he on the foe should fall , he wanted men and horses . o brave common-counsell men , o brave trained-bands ! when do you thinke to get again the staffe in your owne hands ? 3 wher 's hollis now and stapleton , jack maynard and clotworthy ? and where is prynne and poyntz now gone , to purge them of the scurvy ? and glyn and lewis have left all , within at six and sevens ; and waller 's gone to glocester-hall to visit mrs. stevens . o brave common-counsell men , &c 4 the souldiers now , even where they wish , will in your citie quarter , and 'fore you tast of every dish ; and for your wives will barter . your dainty ducks , whose soles nere treads upon the earth that bears them , they now will towse upon your beds , your antlers nothing scares them . o brave common-counsell men , &c. 5 sir thomas now will make his peace , even as his owne selfe listeth : and meanes to stew you in your grease , the army with with him twisteth . new halters manie , for to hang those that meant to oppose him , tell truth , do not your hearts cry twang , that ere at first you chose him ? o brave common-counsell men , &c. 6 and now the royallists will sing , aloud vive le roy ; the commons will imbrace their king , with an unwonted joy : and where 's now all your coine and toile , 't is vanish'd into aire : you may get more , if that you moile now at s. bartholmews faire . o brave common-counsell men , &c. 7 if fairfax now his soveraigne bring to london , to his people , each parish bells for joy shall ring , till they knock down the steeple : and we sir thomas his renown vvill like s. georges hallow , tom may shall all his acts write downe , or withers that apollo . o brave common-counsell men , &c. 8 the scots doe whine that they have lost their hopes at once : deare jockey , thy fine presbyterie quite is crost , the english doe but mock yee : the coine that is behind of pay , for selling of the king , you 'l have the cleane contrary way , sir thomas will it bring . o brave common-counsell men , &c. 9 the trained bands alas are tyr'd , their works they cannot man them , and therefore have , the army hyr'd , who like to chaffe doe fan them : the tower too great a trouble was , they wanted a constable ; and therefore they did bring 't to passe , sir thomas might be able . o brave common-counsell men , &c. 10 case now doth doubt , calamitie will seize on the presbyterie , calamie doubts , the case will bee so as to see 't were pitie : the synod now doth greatly doubt , that bishops , and the service , will now once more be brought about , before it please tom gervice , o brave common-counsell men , &c. 11 overton now may walke abroad , stone walls are weak to hold him ; as lilburne that same demie-god , prophetickly hath told him : and you may goe , and shake your eares , who had , and could not hold it , what you had strove for many yeares , and got ; you now have sold it . o brave common-counsell men &c. 12 you need not now to westminster to march with fife and drumme , the army so your goods preferre , they will supplie your roome . the modells now and you may lie , abed till noone , and please yee ; the armie , will your place supplie , all this is done to ease yee . o brave common-counsell men &c. 13 and now what doe ye lack fond men , alas you wanted knowledge : who would have thoght , when you had been so long at gotham colledge , you should not know to bargaine well , but so to maime your charter : the after-ages will you tell , you did not wisely barter . o brave common-counsell men o brave trained-bands ! when doe you think to get againe the staffe in your own hands ? finis . printed in the yeere 1647. [bill of mortality] 1621 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06260 stc 16743.7 estc s1340 22134775 ocm 22134775 25129 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06260) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 25129) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1731:7) [bill of mortality] city of london (england). 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1621] title devised from content of item. "from the [blank] to the [blank] 1621 [i.e. 1620?]." place and date of publication suggested by stc (2nd ed.). handwritten entry indicates bill covers the period dec. 1619-dec. 1620. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng mortality -england -london -statistics. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2008-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion from the to the 16   〈◊〉 albons woodstreet . alhallowes b●rk . alhallowes bredstr . alhallowes great , alhallows honilane alhallowes lesse alhall . lumbardstr . alhallows staining alhallowes wal alphage . andrew hubbard . andrew vndershaft . andrew wardrobe . anne aldersgate anne blacke-friers autholins parish austins parish barthol . exchange bennet fynch bennet gracechur bennet pauls whar . bennet sherehog . botolph billingsgat . christs church christophers clemēts eastcheap dionis backchurch dunstans east edmonds lūbardst . ethelborough faiths fosters gabriel fenchurch . george botolphlane gregories hellens iames garlickhith iohn baptist iohn euangelist iohn zacharie katherin coleman . katherin creechur . lawrence iewrie lawrence pountn . leonard eastcheap . leonard fosterlane . magnus parish margaret lothbury margaret moses . margaret newfish . margaret pattons mary abchurch mary aldermanbu .   〈◊〉 mary aldermarie mary bow mary bochaw mary colchurch mary hill mary mounthaw mary somerset mary staynings mary woolchurch mary woolnoth martins iremong . martins ludgate martins orgars martin outwitch martins vintre matthew fridaystr . maudl●ns milkstr . maudlin oldfishstr . michael bassithaw . michael cornehill michael crookedla . michael queenhith michael querne michael rial michael woodstreet mildred bredstreet . mildred poultrie nicholas acons nicholas coleabby . nicholas olaues olaues hartstreet . olaues iewrie olaues siluerstreet pancras soperlane peters cheape peters corne peters paulswharf . peters poore stephens coleman stephens walbrok . sloithens thomas apostle trinitie parish . bartholmew great bartholmew lesse . brides parish bridewell precinct . george southwark . tham. southwark . trinitie minories pest-house . parishes , standing part within the liberties and part without .   〈◊〉   londō midd. andrew holborne . botolph aldersgate botolph algare . botolph bishopsgate . dunstanes west . giles cripplegate . sepulchers .   londō surrey olaues southwarke sauiours southwarke . the nine out parishes .   midd. surrey clements templebarre giles fields iames clarkenwell katharine tower leonard shoreditch mary whitechappell martins fields . maudlins bermondsey sauoy parish . buried in london within the wals whereof of the plague . buryed without the wals within the liberties and the pest-house , whereof of the plague . the whole number in london and in the liberties whereof of the plague buryed of the plague without the liberties , in middlesex and surrey . christned in those places . buryed in the nine out parishes . whereof of the plague the totall of all the buryals this 〈◊〉 whereof of the plague christned in the 121. parishes parishes cleare . parishes infected . a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament, concerning diverse well affected persons and citizens of the city of london who are willing and ready to undertake and advance a considerable number of souldiers, and them to arme, maintaine, and pay for severall months ensuing, or during these times of danger, upon the publike faith. die lunæ. 14. novemb. 1642 england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82636 of text r211422 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[104]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82636 wing e1364 thomason 669.f.5[104] estc r211422 99870149 99870149 160817 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82636) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160817) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[104]) a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament, concerning diverse well affected persons and citizens of the city of london who are willing and ready to undertake and advance a considerable number of souldiers, and them to arme, maintaine, and pay for severall months ensuing, or during these times of danger, upon the publike faith. die lunæ. 14. novemb. 1642 england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] place and date of publication from wing. declaration signed: john brown, cler. parliament. signed at bottom of text: isacke pennington, major. john langham, thomas andrews, shreiffes [sic]. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -defenses -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a82636 r211422 (thomason 669.f.5[104]). civilwar no a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament, concerning diverse well affected persons and citizens of the city of london, england and wales. parliament. 1642 1076 2 0 0 0 0 0 19 c the rate of 19 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament , concerning diverse well affected persons and citizens of the city of london , who are willing and ready to undertake and advance a considerable number of souldiers , and them to arme , maintaine , and pay for severall months ensuing , or during these times of danger , upon the publike faith . die lunae . 14. novemb. 1642. whereas divers well-affected persons , citizens of the city of london , and others , have advanced severall great summes of money , and other supplies for the safety of the king , parliament , and kingdome , and also have set forth many souldiers under the severall commands of their excellencies the earles of essex and warwicke : notwithstanding all which said former advances , and for the better supply of the said forces , as also for the more sure preservation and safety of the king , parliament , and city , which so much concernes the publique . and no way to hinder or backward the said former undertakings or intentions ; divers of the said well-affected persons , are and do declare themselves yet willing and ready , further to undertake and advance a considerable number of souldiers , and them to arme , maintaine and pay for severall moneths ensuing , or during these times of dangers and distractions , for the purposes aforesaid . provided they may have the publique faith of the kingdome for repayment of all such summes of money , which they shall so advance by way of loane . all which is declared by the lords and commons in parliament , to be an acceptable service to the king , parliament , and kingdome , and necessarily tending to the preservation of them . and doe therefore order that all such as shall furnish men , money , horse or armes for this service , shall have the same fully repayed againe , with interest for the forbearance thereof from the times disbursed : and for the true payment thereof , doe hereby engage to all and every such person and persons the publique faith of the kingdome . and doe further order , that the lord major , and sheriffes of london for the time being , shall by themselves , and such sub-committee as they shall appoint to take the said subscriptions , who are to order the performance of this service for the advancement thereof . john brown , cler. parliament . according to an ordinance of parliament bearing date the fourteenth day of this present moneth of november 1642 concerning the advancing of a considerable number of souldiers , by contribution of money ; and armes , to be raised within this city , and liberties by the subscriptions of persons to be called upon in the severall wards and parishes , for the perfecting of this necessary worke , and the furtherance of the same , being directed by the said ordinance unto us the major and sheriffs of this city , and to such subcommittee , as by us shall be thought fit , for the execution of the contents of the said ordinance , we doe therefore hereby ordaine and appoint the severall persons here under mentioned that is to say ( robert sweet for la●gborne ward . john bellamie for cornehill ward . hugh smithson for cheap ward . richard willet for cordwinders ward . wylliam walwin for vintrey ward . haugan hovell for broadstreete ward . christopher nicholson for castle-bennets ward . miguel styles for candleweak ward . john hilliard for dowgate ward . rich. cotes for aldersgate without . and john leigh for aldersgate within . walter boothby for cripplegate ward . nicholas gerrard for breadstreete ward . will. and matthew fox for farington without . tho. lentall for billingsgate ward . tho. hutchins for b●shopsgate ward . richard finch for queene-hithe ward . robert meade for walbrooke ward . will. farrington for port-sokin ward without . marke hilsley for colemanstreete ward . john dethick , for limestr . ward . john kenricke for tower ward . tho. foote , for bridge ward . francis greeneway for basinghall ward . edward vaughan for farrington within . solomon vandebrooke for the dukes place , ) and to any other committes , that have not yet brought in their names unto you to be a generall committee for the mannaging of this businesse , and for the same to assemble themselves together from time to time , keeping their court at weavers hall , or where-else your selves shall finde most convenient , to consider and conclude of those things which may promote the expedition of this service , to which purpose we give you by these presents full power and authority together with the other treasurers of severall parishes to collect and receive all such subscriptions as shall be advanced for money and armes as aforesaid , and that by monethly payments to begin from the first day of this present moneth , and to deale with the deputies , common-councell men , church-wardens and all others of the severall wards and parishes within and about this city of london , and particularly with those who have not yet promoted the subscriptions in their wards or parishes , nor have hitherto chosen any treasurers nor committes for the furtherance of this worke ; to call before you all such persons , and to presse them thereunto , by vertue of the ordinance of parliament , and of this our authority given unto you in this behalfe , for the execution whereof , it will be convenient that the greatest number of you should be present at your courts , however when there shall be a defect of the greater number , then whatsoever six persons of you at the least shall debate and resolve upon , shall passe for good , and be entred for an order , and for your ease and more free attendance upon the committee court . we give you power in your seuerall parishes to chuse and appoint such person or persons as you think meet together in the subscriptions , and to bring in the same to you that are treasurers , as well as committees . isacke pennington , major . shreiffes . john langham , thomas andrews , the lord general's letter to the lord major, aldermen, and common-councell of london concerning the armies advance up to the city of london; and desiring the advance of 40000 li. presently, for pay of the army. fairfax, thomas fairfax, baron, 1612-1671. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84849 of text r211078 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[49]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84849 wing f201 thomason 669.f.13[49] estc r211078 99869815 99869815 162945 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84849) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162945) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[49]) the lord general's letter to the lord major, aldermen, and common-councell of london concerning the armies advance up to the city of london; and desiring the advance of 40000 li. presently, for pay of the army. fairfax, thomas fairfax, baron, 1612-1671. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for lawrence blaiklocke, london : 1648. dated and signed at end: windsor, ult. novemb. 1648 ... t. fairfax. imprimatur for the city of london dated: 1 decemb. 1648. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -militia -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a84849 r211078 (thomason 669.f.13[49]). civilwar no the lord general's letter to the lord major, aldermen, and common-councell of london, concerning the armies advance up to the city of london fairfax, thomas fairfax, baron 1648 371 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the lord general's letter to the lord major , aldermen , and common-councell of london , concerning the armies advance up to the city of london ; and desiring the advance of 40000 li. presently , for pay of the army . my lord , and gentlemen , being upon an immediate advance with the army towards london , we thought good hereby to give you notice thereof ; for the grounds and necessity leading us hereunto , we referre you to our late remonstrance , and to our late declaration concerning the same . we have only this further to adde , that as we are far from the least thought of plunder or other wrong to your city , or any the places adjoyning ( which we hope your former experiences of us will give you cause enough to credit us in , ) so for the better prevention of any disorder in the souldiery , or of any abuse or inconvenience to the inhabitants in the quartering of the souldiery at private houses ; wee earnestly desire , that you would take a present course for the supply of money to pay those forces , while wee shall be necessitated to stay there , upon which we assure you we shall so dispose of them into great and void houses about the city as much as may be possible , as that few or none of the inhabitants shall be troubled with quartering of any souldiers at all . and for this purpose we desire , that forty thousand pound may be forthwith provided upon the security of your arrears to be ready to be paid out to the forces to morrow night if possible . and wee shall be ready to receive from you any intimations for the further prevention of hurt , or inconvenience to the city in this businesse , i remaine windsor , ult. novemb. 1648. your lordships most assured friend and servant , t. fairfax . for the right honourable the lord major , aldermen , and common-councell of the city of london . 1 decemb. 1648. imprimatur . gil. mabbot . london , printed for lawrence blaiklocke . 1648. by the commissioners of lieutenancy for the said city city of london (england). commissioners of lieutenancy. 1688 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a48972 wing l2851a estc r19320 18368275 ocm 18368275 107410 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48972) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107410) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:23) by the commissioners of lieutenancy for the said city city of london (england). commissioners of lieutenancy. 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1688] at head of title: guild hall london. december the 11th. 1688. "ordered, that sir robert clayton knt. sir william russel knt. sir basil firebrace knt. and charles duncomb esq; be a committee from the said lieutenancy to attend his royal highness the prince of orange ..." place and date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -revolution of 1688. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion guild hall london . december the 11th . 1688 . by the commissioners of lieutenancy for the said city . ordered , that sir robert clayton knt. sir william russel knt. sir basil firebrace knt. and charles duncomb esq be a committee from the said lieutenancy to attend his royal highness the prince of orange , and present to his highness the address agreed by the lieutenancy for that purpose : and that they begin their journey to morrow morning . by the commissioners command , geo. evans , cl. lieut. london . to his highness the prince of orange . the humble address of the lieutenancy of the city of london . may it please your highness , we can never sufficiently express the deep sence we have conceived and shall ever retain in our hearts , that your highness has exposed your person to so many dangers both by sea and land for the preservation of the protestant religion , and the laws and liberties of this kingdom , without which unparallel'd undertaking we must probably have suffered all the miseries that popery and slavery could have brought upon us . we have been greatly concerned that before this time we have not had any seasonable opportunity to give your highness and the world a real testimony that it has been our firm resolution to venture all that is dear to us to attain those glorious ends which your highness has proposed for restoring and setling these distracted nations . we therefore now unanimously present to your highness our just and due acknowledgments for that happy relief you have brought to us , and that we may not be wanting in this present conjuncture , we have put our selves into such a posture that ( by the blessing of god ) we may be capable to prevent all ill designs , and to preserve this city in peace and safety till your highnesses happy arrival . we therefore humbly desire that your highness will please to repair to this city with what convenient speed you can for the perfecting the great work which your highness has so happily begun to the general joy and satisfaction of us all. december the 17th . 1688. the said committee this day made report to the lieutenancy that they had presented the said address to the prince of orange , and that his highness received them very kindly . december the 17. 1688. by the lieutenancy . ordered , that the said order and address be forthwith printed . geo. evans . sir, you may perceive by the inclosed brief for rebuilding the cathedral church of st. paul ... stillingfleet, edward, 1635-1699. 1678 approx. 21 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a93905 wing s5668 estc r42881 38875892 ocm 38875892 152417 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a93905) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 152417) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2296:12) sir, you may perceive by the inclosed brief for rebuilding the cathedral church of st. paul ... stillingfleet, edward, 1635-1699. [4] p. s.n., [london : 1678] place of publication from wing (2nd ed.). signed on p. 2: edw. stillingfleet, dean of st. pauls. "imprimatur. dat. xxx. mai. 1678. h. london (henry compton)." -cf. p. 4. reproduction of original in: bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng st. paul's cathedral (london, england) -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 john latta sampled and proofread 2007-07 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sir , you may perceive by the inclosed brief for rebuilding the cathedral church of st. paul , how much his majesty is concerned to have this work carried on , and in what particular manner he recommends it to the city of london ; and therefore i am commanded , not only to send you the briefs , but to excite you to a more than ordinary care and diligence in promoting so good a work , and which tends so much to the honour of this city . i am sensible what objections a work of this nature is like to meet with in our age ; wherein some love to cavil at whatever relates to god and his worship ; and especially if it be like to cost them any thing ; others who seem very zealous for some kind of religion , are for enjoying it on as cheap and easie terms as may be ; and many of those who declare a good will to this work , yet express great dissatisfaction both as to this method of proceeding , and the time we have chosen , which they think very unsuitable to such a design , if we either respect the present state of the city or nation . so that till such objections be removed out of mens minds , there is little reason to expect they should make any free and chearful contributions ; and if i can be any waies serviceable therein , i shall think my time and pains well employed in writing and sending this letter to you . it is a principle among those who love a thrifty and parsimonious religion , that whatever is beyond the bounds and measures of necessity and conveniency in the worship of god , is vain and superstitious , and therefore deserves no encouragement at all . i do not wonder at this principle in those men who measure their religion by their interest , and choose that which brings them the best trade , and saves them the most expence . but there are many well meaning persons among us , who look on what is great and magnificent as unsuitable to the times of the gospel , and only proper for that dispensation , wherein god declared , that he loved the gates of sion more than all the dwellings of jacob. but i desire such to consider that we worship the same god , who gave order for the building of solomon's temple ; not meerly for the conveniency of that way of worship ; but with all the splendour and greatness which was agreeable to the majesty of that god who was worshipped therein . for since it was the house of god , the sense of nature did teach the jews as well as gentiles , that it ought to bear some proportion to the greatness of him who dwelt in it : and that is the reason given by solomon to king hiram , and the house which i build is great , for great is our god above all gods . hath not god made the most glorious temple for himself in heaven , and adorned it after such a manner , as all the wit and art of his creatures can never exactly describe or imitate ? and the jews think , not without reason , that the fashion of their temple was designed on purpose to represent in little , the far more magnificent temple which god had framed for his own glory in the fabrick of the world. and certainly , it is no part of the ceremonial law , to worship god in a way agreeable to those conceptions of his greatness , which the works of his hands suggest unto us . under the gospel , i grant , that christ hath altered the way of worship which was used among the jews ; and now we are no longer tied to make any part of the places dedicated to god's worship , a kind of shambles by slaying the beasts for sacrifice , but must we therefore make them stables ? there is a natural decency and fitness to be observed in these things which christ hath never taken away , no more than he hath their separation from common use ; the destroying whereof brings such rudeness and barbarism into religion , as even the turks and scythians abhorr . and although christ appeared in a low and mean condition in the world , as most suitable to the design of his coming , yet even when he lay in the manger , he had gold , and frankincense , and myrrhe offered him ( which were all rich and costly presents ) and that by wise men too . and when he was to be buried , his body was embalmed before-hand with a costly oyntment ; and we know what a severe check christ himself gave to him that said , to what purpose is all this waste ? although at the same time he pretended great charity to the poor . it was the poverty and persecution of the primitive christians , which made them at any time to worship god in chambers and grotts : for as soon as they had any respite and ease , they erected lofty and beautiful churches , as eusebius relates ; and the first christian emperours shewed their zeal in the splendour and magnificence of the churches which they built ; and not only the emperours themselves , but the best christians of those times thought this to be for the honour of christ and of the christian religion . and do these men indeed think , that building great houses for themselves , and adorning them with the richest furniture , or raising of families , and heaping up vast treasures , is more agreeable to the design of the gospel , than serving god in a beautiful and magnificent church ? but if none of these things will move them , let them consider this work , as a design which will employ many poor men for many years ( and this they cannot deny to be a work of charity . ) let them look on it as an ornament of the city , as an honour of the nation , as like to be a standing monument of protestant affection to good and publick works ; and on such accounts as these , we are sure there can be no scruple of conscience against it . but others say , their own parish churches are not built , and therefore it cannot be expected they should do any thing yet towards the cathedral . i am heartily sorry for the occasion of this objection in any parts of the city ; and god forbid that we should hinder the building of any of the parochial churches ; but i do not understand how this will do it . all that we desire is , that the mother-church may not be forgotten , while the others are rising so fast out of their ruines , and so many of them are already finished with extraordinary beauty and conveniency . for , however length of time hath made the relation to be almost forgotten between the mother-church and the rest ; yet for some ages of the christian church , whatever other conveniencies they might have for assembling together , there was but one church in a city which had a baptistery belonging to it , that all the christians being there baptized , might own their relation to the mother-church . and although , since the great increase of the number of christians , it hath been thought fit to have the sacraments administred in parochial churches , yet it ought to be considered , that this church is properly the city church , to which our princes on extraordinary occasions , and the governours of the city have alwaies resorted , and where the worship of god hath been more solemnly performed , and the word of god set forth by preachers chosen out from the universities , and all parts of the kingdom , to the great honour as well as satisfaction of this city . and it ought not to be forgotten , that the emulous city to this for trade and riches , hath not only built a stathouse , but a magnificent church too at their own charges ; and it will be no great reputation to london to fall so much short of amsterdam in zeal for the publick worship of god. but why should the burden lie on the city which hath suffered so much of late by a dreadful fire ? this were indeed a terrible objection , if it had been made in the ruines of the city ; but thanks be to the wonderful providence of god almighty , we have lived to see the city rise with a splendour and greatness so far surpassing whatever it had before , that this were enough to put us in mind of building the house of god in a way suitable to the present grandeur of the city . i do not think that in all respects the prophet's argument will reach our case , is it time for you , o ye , to dwell in your cieled houses , and this house lie waste ? but yet methinks , those who have already laid out so many thousands on a monument of the dreadful fire , should think themselves as much concerned to contribute freely towards a monument of the resurrection of the city after it , and what can be more proper for that , that the re-building st. pauls ? lastly , those who have nothing else to object against this work , find fault with the season , as very ill chosen by us , when so many burdens and taxes lie already on the city , and men are still afraid of more . as though the season were of our own choosing ! whereas the true state of the case is this : as long as our stock held out any waies proportionably to the expence , we went on chearfully and with great diligence ; and we may say it without vanity , the stock we had hath been managed with as much care and good husbandry , as of any publick buildng whatsoever : but when we found that we could not carry on the work without farther supplies ; what should we do ? should we let the work stand still without trying other waies ? then we might have justly suffered under the clamours which would have been made against us , that the work might have gone on , if we had not been careless and negligent ; that the city would , no doubt , give very considerable supplies , if they were but asked ; that in the former repairs the chamber of london gave two hundred pounds per annum for ten years ; besides the liberal contributions of the aldermen and of the wards , and companies ; that it was not to be supposed , the city should be less able , or less willing than it was at that time ; that a very easie rate upon the new-built and inhabited houses would serve to sinish the choire ; that but a fourth part of the rate for the poor in all the parishes of england would go very far towards the body of the church ; that no citizen of london would ever refuse doing something towards it ; that at least it was but our trying this way , and if it did not succeed , we need not doubt at last of the kindness both of king and parliament . upon such discourses as these , it was thought fit by the commissioners to make an address to his majesty , for authority to gather contributions , which out of his royal clemency and great readiness to promote this work , he was pleased to grant us . and now the time is vnseasonable ! as though it were ever otherwise , to those who have no mind to it ! but is it ever unseasonable to do praise-worthy , pious and generous actions ? we do not desire men to impoverish themselves to re-build st. paul's , but to give freely and chearfully , and in such a proportion as other publick occasions will permit , and as will be no hindrance to the concernment of their trade or families . for our fears of future burdens and troubles , can we do better to prevent them than to be full of good works ? and if we were as full of troubles , as we are of fears , we may remember that the city and temple of jerusalem were fore-told to be built in troublous times : but thanks be to god , we yet enjoy peace and tranquillity ; our port is full of ships , our city of trade , and there is great store of riches among many , who without any considerable diminution to their stock , may contribute freely to this great work. i am glad the clergy of this city have already shewed so good an example to others by their own subscriptions ; and therefore we are the more encouraged to hope for your chearful assistance in procuring subscriptions and contributions from others , and your diligence in pursuing the directions contained in the brief it self . i am your affectionate brother and servant , edw. stillingfleet , dean of st. pauls , and arch-deacon of london . for the better satisfaction of all persons concerning the present state of the building , i have annexed a brief abstract of it ; and for the encouragement of others to subscribe now , i have adjoyned some of the subscriptions made in this city towards the former repairs . s t. paul's church , london . a brief account of the receipts and disbursements for the rebuilding the said church .   l. s. d. l. s. d. l. s. d. remained in cash in the chamber of london , the first day of may , 1674. ( when the work was first begun ) upon the coal duty at 4 d. ½ . per chaldron — 12038 05 03. 12707 01 02. 40525 10 3 ¼ . upon free gifts , legacies , &c. — 00668 15 11. brought more into the chamber aforesaid upon the said duty of coals ; from the said first of may , 1674. to the first of may , 1678. 18144 04 01 ½ . 27818 09 1 ¼ . and upon free gifts , &c. — 09674 05 00 ¼ . out of which hath been paid and disbursed in the said building from the said first day of may , 1674. to the first of may , 1678. including the carting away of 28000 loads of rubbish ; breaking up 11133 cubical yards of old foundation walls , with scaffolding , and taking down old walls , amounting to 4000 l. and upwards — 33000 00 00. 36000 00 00. besides there is due upon a reasonable conjecture for scaffolding and other materials , masons work not yet measured , the several accounts not being yet audited — 03000 00 00. subscriptions towards the repairs of s t. paul's , 1631 , &c. the cities gift , feb. 21. the free gift of the city out of the chamber of london , by order of the lord major and court of aldermen , the summ of two hundred pounds per annum , for ten years . the ninth annual payment i find received feb. 10. 1639. — 200. per annum for ten years . the company of merchant-taylors subscribed the summ of five hundred pounds to be paid by fifty pounds per annum , for ten years ; the first payment to begin before easter , 1632. 50 l. per annum for ten years . the company of gold-smiths four hundred pounds 50 l. per annum for eight years . the company of grocers three hundred and fifty pounds 50 l. per annum for seven years . the company of vintners one hundred pounds to be paid before the last of jan. 1631.   the company of salters one hundred and forty pounds , forty pounds in present , and the remainder at 20 l. per annum for five years . the company of skinners the summ of two hundred and eighty pounds at 40 l. per annum for seven years . the company of girdlers 10 l. per annum for seven years . the company of ironmongers 20 l. per annum for five years . the company of cloth-workers 40 l. per annum for five years . the company of stationers 15 l. per annum for ten years . the company of fishmongers 50 l. per annum , of which i find the seventh payment . the company of haberdashers 30 l. per annum , of which i find the eighth payment . i omit the other companies , these being the most considerable for subscriptions . aldermen , 1631.   l. s. d. sir john leman 30 00 00. and left by him , 1632. 50 00 00. sir robert ducie 50 00 00. sir george whitmore 20 00 00. alderman bromfield 50 00 00. sir james campbell 20 00 00. sir william acton 20 00 00. sir john gore 20 00 00. alderman pool 15 00 00. alderman backhouse &c. 15 00 00. sir paul pinder's extraordinary bounty ought never to be forgotten , who besides what he did towards adorning the quire , gave to the south end 4000 l.     wards , 1633. langborn ward 209 09 00. broadstreet ward 103 02 03. farringdon without 250 07 03. bassishaw ward 056 13 06. aldgate ward 150 09 10. farringdon without , more 126 00 02. candlewickstreet ward 050 00 00. bishopsgate ward 041 05 10. farringdon within 334 08 04. limestreet ward 039 17 09. tower-ward 153 00 00. aldersgate ward 077 05 02. cripplegate ward 045 16 04. more of the same 110 07 00. vintry ward 065 04 06. these i have only mention'd as a tast of the readiness of the city at that time , and they are faithfully extracted out of the books of the receipts then kept in the chamber of london . imprimatur . dat. xxx . mai. 1678. h. london . februar. 18. 1642. whereas the lords and commons of both houses of parliament, made request at a common councell holden this day in the afternoone, ... city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88465 of text r211650 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[125]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88465 wing l2878b thomason 669.f.5[125] estc r211650 99870360 99870360 160837 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88465) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160837) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[125]) februar. 18. 1642. whereas the lords and commons of both houses of parliament, made request at a common councell holden this day in the afternoone, ... city of london (england). lord mayor. pennington, isaac, sir, 1587?-1660. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1643] dated and signed at bottom of text: saturday this eighteenth day of february, 1642 [i.e. 1643]. isaac pennington mayor. title from caption and opening lines of text. imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a88465 r211650 (thomason 669.f.5[125]). civilwar no februar. 18. 1642. whereas the lords and commons of both houses of parliament, made request at a common councell holden this day in the afte city of london 1643 496 1 0 0 0 0 0 20 c the rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion februar . 18. 1642. whereas the lords and commons of both houses of parliament , made request at a common councell holden this day in the afternoone , for the loane of three score thousand pounds to be paid by the citizens on munday next , into the treasury at the guild hall , for the present supply of the great wants and payment of the army ( under the command of his excellency robert earle of essex ) which is very much in arreare in their pay . the common councell considering the present necessity and urgent occasion , did condiscend to doe their utmost endevours to promote the advancement of the said money . and the lord mayor , aldermen , and common councell-men then present , did freely declare what summe of money they will then bring in , towards the same . and for the more speedy advancement of the remainder of the said 60000. pounds . it was conceived requisite that the minister of every parish church , shall to morrow publish this unto his parishioners , and effectually move them freely to advance some good summe , towards the raising of the remainder of the said money , and the common councell men and churchwardens of every parish , with such others as the common councell men shall thinke fit , are desired to repaire to every inhabitant and lodger within their severall parishes , and earnestly perswade them to this good worke ; and set downe all their names and surnames , and the summes of money they shall respectively lend , and the particular answers of such able men as refuse to lend . and the said common councell men and churchwardens , are desired to collect the said monies so to be lent , and pay the same into the treasury at the guild hall , and to give receipts for what they shall collect , and upon their payment thereof to take a receipt from the treasurers . all which monies so to be lent , the lords and commons declared , shall be re-payed unto the severall lenders , out of the first monies that shall be received out of the weekely payments of money , agreed upon by an ordinance in parliament this day made , to be raised for the maintaining of the army : and the lords and commons likewise declared that they hoped that this will be the last monies that they shall require from the city in this kinde . and at the request , and by the directions of the said common councell , i doe hereby desire the minister , common councell men , and churchwardens of every parish , to doe their utmost endeavours for the speedy and effectuall promoting of this businesse , and to doe therein as is before mentioned . saturday this eighteenth day of february , 1642. isaac pennington mayor ▪ a common council holden the 29. of decemb. 1659 to this common council was presented a report by alderman fowke; as followeth. at the committee of common council, &c. city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88457 of text r211423 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[45]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88457 wing l2852o thomason 669.f.22[45] estc r211423 99870150 99870150 163628 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88457) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163628) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[45]) a common council holden the 29. of decemb. 1659 to this common council was presented a report by alderman fowke; as followeth. at the committee of common council, &c. city of london (england). court of common council. fowke, john, d. 1662. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1659] imprint from wing. votes of a common council upon a report by alderman fowke with respect to "the imminent and extraordinary danger" of the city of london, to raise six regiments of trained bands, etc. with the names of the officers appointed to them. annotation on thomason copy: "31 xber [i.e., december] 31. 1659". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. london (england) -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. london (england) -militia -early works to 1800. london (england) -defenses -early works to 1800. a88457 r211423 (thomason 669.f.22[45]). civilwar no a common council holden the 29. of decemb. 1659. to this common council was presented a report by alderman fowke; as followeth. at the commi city of london 1659 900 5 0 0 0 0 0 56 d the rate of 56 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a common council holden the 29. of decemb. 1659. to this common council was presented a report by alderman fowke ; as followeth . at the committee of common council , &c. voted , 1. that this committee conceive the city of london is at this time in imminent and extraordinary danger . 2. that they judge it absolutely necessary at this time for the court of common council to put this city forthwith in a posture of defence . 3. and in order thereunto , that the maior , aldermen and common council , settle six regiments of trained bands , with their respective commanders and officers . 4. that the naming of those commanders and officers be left to the lord maior , aldermen and common council . that the said commanders and officers commissions shall be under the common seal of the city , to be sealed in open court before the maior , aldermen and common council . touching the letters received from portsmouth & the fleet , the opinion of the committee is , that several commissionrs ▪ be forthwith appointed to confer with the l. fleetwood , with sir arthur haslrig , col. morley , and col. walton , and with vice-admiral lawson , and other officers of the fleet , in order to the safety of the city and the peace and settlement of the nation , and in due time to give an answer to general moncks letter . that in order to the obtaining of that peace and safety , the common council do impower those commissioners to propound the convening of a free parliament according to a late declaration of this court . voted , that these votes be reported to the common council by alderman fowke . which report being read and every part thereof severally debated , was by this court confirmed and approved of , saving the right of the court of aldermen . appointed commissioners to confer with vice-admiral lawson . alderman fowke . mr. richard ford . will. bateman , esq. approved commissioners to confer with sir arthur hastrig , &c. alder. tompson . col. bromfield . maximil . beard . appointed commissi . to confer with the l. fleetwood and the speaker . alder. bateman . will. vincent , esq . & john jolly , esq. inrstuctions for the commissioners . to acquaint them that this court hath received their letters , and do return thanks for their good expressions touching the peace and welfare of the nation . to acquaint them what the court hath resolved for the peace and safety and the city . and in pursuance of the declaration of decem. 20. to confer of the best way to settle the nation in a way of free parliament , and to offer what they conceive conducing thereunto , and to mediate agreement and peace between all parties in order to a free parliament . and the commissioners impowered to confer with the respective parties in any place or places they shall see fit , and to report to this court . decemb. 24. 1659. ordered that the chains and posts be set up . chosen the colonels of the six regiments of trained-bands to be raised by this city . ald. robinson . ald. bateman . ald. laurence . ald. king . ald. bolton . ald. wale . green lieut. col . tasker major kilby . cap. winstanley . cap. wil. keane . cap. hussey . cap. bluncken . red lieu. col . cleggat major stanyon . cap. locke . cap. lee . cap. cheese . cap. i. swale . setting up the posts and chains to be forborn . white lieutcol . taylor . major greenhill . cap. cooke cap. massey . cap. hudson . cap. smart , jun. orange lieu. col . alsoppe major pinkney , cap. th. bostocke . cap. andrews . cap. day . blew lieut. coll. cox major earely richard ford peter houblon thomas bonfoy robert fisher . yellow lieut. col. hind . major neale . cap. fawne . cap. bolt . cap. walton . cap. colchester . decemb. 27. 1659. alder : fowke and commissioners to vice-admiral lawson made a report of their conference . a committee appointed to attend the parliament with a petition , which after the report was given by the commissioners from portsmouth ; the common council then thought it not necessary to petition . the names of the committee appointed for regulating the mili●ia of the city of london . tho. aleyn l. maior . sir tho. atkin . sir tho. foot . alder. fowke . sir tho. vyner . alder. thompson . ald. robinson . ald. bateman . ald. laurence . ald. king . ald boulton . ald. w●le . the two sheriffs pro tempore . col. bromfeild . mr. rich. ford . major chamberline . will. bateman esq . will. vincent esq . john jolley esq . major taylor , awill . antrobus , esq . deputy steyne , mr. myn , theof . biddolph esq ▪ capt. story , deputy johnson , mr. sanders , tho. bloodworth esq . maximilian bard esq . major cox. major earley . major alsopp . dep. lenthall . col. gower . peter mil●s . mr. penning . capt. clegatt . down-right dealing, or the despised protestant speaking plain english to the kings most excellent majesty the honourable houses of parliament. the city of london. the army. and all other peace-desiring commons of this divided and self-destroying kingdome. / written by j.h. an impartiall observer of the present transactions of the court, city, and camp. howell, james, 1594?-1666. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74776 of text r202555 in the english short title catalog (thomason e408_17). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 24 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74776 thomason e408_17 estc r202555 99862793 99862793 114969 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74776) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114969) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 64:e408[17]) down-right dealing, or the despised protestant speaking plain english to the kings most excellent majesty the honourable houses of parliament. the city of london. the army. and all other peace-desiring commons of this divided and self-destroying kingdome. / written by j.h. an impartiall observer of the present transactions of the court, city, and camp. howell, james, 1594?-1666. 16 p. s.n.], [london : printed in the year of discoveries. 1647. j.h. = james howell. place of publication from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "7ber [i.e. september] 24". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britian -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -peace -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century. a74776 r202555 (thomason e408_17). civilwar no down-right dealing, or the despised protestant speaking plain english: to the kings most excellent majesty the honourable houses of parliam howell, james 1647 4417 17 0 0 0 0 0 38 d the rate of 38 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion down-right dealing , or the despised protestant speaking plain english to the kings most excellent majesty the honourable houses of parliament . the city of london . the army . and all other peace-desiring commons of this divided and self-destroying kingdome . written by j. h. an impartiall observer of the present transactions of the court , city , and camp . a kingdome , city , or house , divided against it self cannot stand . printed in the year of discoveries . 1647. to the reader . reader , what ere thou chancest to be , i neither fear , nor care : the frown of the mighty ; the fleer of the froward , nor the censure of the severe , shall neither distaste , nor deter me from publishing these few following pages : onely to prevent prejudicacy , know , that these are not the fruits of discontent , nor blessinge● of fact●●●… neither are they intended to kindle that fire , which already ( though seemingly smother'd ) blazes too fast , but rather to quench it : it may be one will tax me of arrogancy , another of simplicity , a third of singularity , 't is no matter for that , what j have writ , i have writ , truth it is j am sure , and more j beleeve then some will be willing to hear , let him that is the most guilty be the least offended , least they make the proverb true , and prove his own discoverer . all j desire is that who ever shall vouchsafe to peruse these following pages , would do it seriously and judge impartially , and then let them praise or dispraise , frown or smile , i care not : to the kings most excellent majesty . most gracious soveraign , let it not be thought a crime unpardonable , if one of the poorest of your subjects ( presuming on your clemency ) doth offer unto your majesty what he hath observed to be destructive to the peace of this poor kingdome , and dangerous ( if not speedily prevented ) to undermine not onely the honour and safety of your majesty and royall posterity , but also the supporters thereof ; ( to wit ) the law of the kingdome , and peace of the people ; in the ruin whereof your majesty and posterity must certainly bear the greatest share , and sustain the greatest losse ; the law of the kingdome , and the peoples peace , being altogether essentiall with the honour and kingly domination , of your majesty , and without which , both king and people must necessarily run into confusion , the truth hereof your majestie hath had experimentall knowledge of for these late years , and at this day cannot want examples to demonstrate the truth of this particular . now forasmuch as what is past recall , is also past cure , since what might have been commanded cannot now be entreated , since power cannot , policy must , since rage cannot prevaile , let reason reconcile , make necessity a ve●●…e , and rather conquer by courtesie , then compell by soveraignty . and now most gracious and great prince , suffer this humble but serious capitulation ▪ can it consist with wisdome ▪ if it be according to god ) to esteem any thing to great or good to be parted withall ▪ for the 〈…〉 ence , for the making up so large a breath ? for the stopping the torrent of such a doluge of crimson confusions , as have already and do dayly again threaten to break in upon your kingdomes ? a good sheep-heard will give his life for his sheep , a gracious king for his people ▪ and will not your majesty part with a superfluous sprig , a meer pun●●●…o , or thread bare excressence of honour or power for the saving of your poor people ? what man would not lose one member to save all the rest ? are you so far in love with the shaddow that to preserve it , you will hazzard the losse , nay ruin of the substance ? are you so far in love with some few ( perhaps flatterers ) if ●…ot traytors ) that to be mercifull to them , you will be unmercifull and unjust too , to all the kingdome ; certainly most gracious soveraign , there may be wisdome in so doing , but it cannot proceed from god , neither can it conduce to the good of your self , posterity of people ; surely , if your people were made for you , you were likewise made for them , one for the good of the other , and not one to destroy another ; you were made a soveraign that they might be subjects , not slaves , that you might protect them , not devour them ; that you might do justice and execute judgement , to the poor and to the rich impartially , not suffer the rich and mighty to eate up the poor and devour the widdow : the magistrate ( that is of god ) is not a terrour to good works , but to the evill , not a persecuter of the people of god but a protector and preserver of them , and what magistrate ▪ soever shall pretend to have received a power from god , if he imploy it not in all things according to gods end , he will certainly come to naught , he shall perish , and those whom he hath cast down and endeavoured to destroy , shall rise up against him , and he shall not be able to stand in that day , but shall ●lee● before them ▪ to conclude , if your majesty ( according to your so often reiterated expressions in your declarations ) do really intend to take all oppertunities to save this poor kingdome in a right sense , now is the time to manifest your self herein and by some self denying testimony effectually act for the re-establishing the poor commons of england in their ancient birth rights , and securing them therein , providing for a due execution of justice , and countenancing of godliness in your dominions , which being speedily , cordially , and effectually done , your majesty need not doubt but to finde , your present losse to produce a future gaine , by the increase both of your power and love of your people , which will cause such a mutuall confidence betwixt you and your subjects , as will both comfort your heart and strengthen your hands against the secret complotments of foes at home , or publike attempts of enemies abroad , and cause all your now discontented , and distrushing people to be united , and with one heart and assent to cry ▪ long live our gracious soveraign , &c. to the parliament . grave senators , after seven yeare sufferings , and tedious expectation to be delivered from our then declared pressures and grievances , give us leave , ( for loosers should have leave to speak ) to tell you , we cannot but with bitterness of spirit declare , that we wonder by what strange and unheard of presidents , this parliament hath acted ; there having been never before any visible rule for such actions , in or by any parliament . but leaving things that are past cure , let us come to expostulate with you about future security . can it , think you , consist with the peace and wel-fare of the kingdome , especially considering the state and temper of the people , and the present exigences of the state . that you who should be acting joyntly for the securing of the kings authority , and subjects liberty , should be divided into factions and acting for your own particular interests ? is this to discharge that trust which you have in the presence of god sworn to perform ? surely so long as you thus continue to beate and bandy one against another , to pull down one faction to set up a second ; a second to set up a third ; to hang one theef that you may make another ; so long as you are thus selvish and partial in sparing men , ( i was about , nay i will say , knaves ) because they will side with you in carrying on your own designs , so long we cannot hope for any good either by you or from you , so long we are confident ( what ere you may pretend ) you intend no good to the king or kingdome , neither can any thing you do , compose or perfect that great work which you were called to and undertook , ( to wiy ) to ease us of our burthens , and establish justice with righteousness ; since 't is a meer contradiction ; and contrary to sense or reason for us to think that ever we can be eased of oppression by oppression , or obtain justice by injustice : 't is true your great oppressions of late years may make us forget our former petty sufferings , but never settle us in a true course of freedome , nor secure us for the future from injustice . therefore to conclude unless you do immediately lay aside all by-respects and your own interests , and unanimously joyn and act for the securing of the kingdome , and give a speedy testimony thereof , by your walking in the parts of justice and righteousness ; unless you do immediately administer justice and execute judgement impartially and endeavour to settle a firm and lasting peace , whereby the king may be with due honour invested , and the kingdome in its just liberty secured ; truely the kingdome shall not onely have been by you already exposed to many hazzards , ( besides the large expence of blood and treasure ) but shall for the future be necessitated , to curse the time that ever they entrusted you ; and be forced in justice to prosecute you as persons which had power , but not wills to restore them to their ancient liberties , and that which might have been an honour to you and your posterities in the generatons to come , will be recorded as a brand of obloquie , that such a parliament sate seven yeares , to enrich themselves , enslave , the whole nation . to the city . grave citizens , in whom wisdome was once chiefly resident , though now ( it is to be feared ) a great stranger ; how comes it to passe that such a spirit of giddiness possesses you ? what , have you found out new wayes to make your selves famous ? ( i fear miserable . ) you that were the glory of the nations , the envy of your foes , and the admiration of strangers , are now become the amazement of your friends , the scorn of your enemies , and a by-word to all nations ▪ cast but an eye upon your follies , and see into what a condition your division , nay , your prlde hath brought you : you that exalted your selves almost above the heavens , are now fallen , if possible , lower than the earth ; your towring pride is now buried in the dust of division ; you have been long time in travaile with joy , and now are delivered of sorrow : i wish you could yet see in this your day the things that belong unto your peace ; what , hath the love of money , eaten up your love towards one another ? hath your earnest pursuite of religion , forst religion to a squat ; truely you have hunted fairly , you have strove so much for religion in the church that it is to be feared you have lost it in your hearts ; these are the fruits of division , your presbytery , and independency , your outward formes and formall circumstances ; what , have you strove so long for the shaddow that you have lost the substance ; have you forgot that it is neither circumcisiou nor uncircumcision that availeth ought , but a new creature ; have you forgot that love is the fulfilling of the law , and a gospell duty : surely , this division is of the devill and not of god , for god is love , and his people are carried out with a spirit of love , and not of hatred and contention , envie and emulation . therefore dear friends and fellow citizens , i beseech you lay your condition ro heart , examine the ground of your division , and you will finde it to be the pride of your hearts , your self-conceitedness , &c. and cloath your selves in self-abhorrency , let him that would be the greatest be the least among you , let him that would or thinks himself wise , be a fool for christs sake , learn to bear with one another , labour to see that you are members of one body , united unto one head , and love one another , and administer unto the necessities one of another , so shall your love encrease and your divisions dye , but if you shall continue to widen the gap , confusion will enter , and what will ye do in that day ? to the army . gentlemen , actions are alwayes honourable that are compassed by just wayes , and aim at good ends , for wee ought not to do evill to produce good , neither should there be publike pretences made use of to advantage or secure private interests , i hope the contrary now , but yet i fear the event ; when the fabrick is larger then the foundation , there is great danger in the building ; so when the undertaking is greater then the power of the undertakers , truely 't is to be feared there will be more hurt then good , more detriment then advantage acrue to the persons concerned therein . gentlemen , your undertakings and engagements thereupon i have seriously observed , and impartially scanned , i find the end good , but the manner and prosecution hitherto , hath not been so good as i could wish ; and the temper , nay , necessity of the kingdome doth require : you engaged , if i mistake not , not to give over , nor look back untill you had to the utmost of your powers made provision ( not onely for your selves , and own interests as souldiers ) but as commoners ; and with your selves , all the free commons of england , that they and you together might be for the future protected and secured from all violence and oppression whatsoever , and in whomsoever and that there might be a due administration of justice and judgement , with righteousness : now give me leave to demand the cause of your retreat from the pursuance of this so honourable action ? how comes it to passe , i hear so many private whispers among you ; that you have nothing to do to meddle with any thing that concerns the kingdome , but meerly what concerns your selves , and your own particular actings : was it just or lawfull for you to enter into an ingagement , to perform that , which you now seem to dis-own , as unlawfull : surely , either there wanted a serious consideration at first , or else interests hath abated your resolutions at last ; which if either , how dishonourable it will be to your selves , how destructive to the kingdome , be your own judges . if the welfare of the people be the supream law , as you have sometimes granted , yea affirmed ; then whatsoever is contrary or standeth in opposition to that , is destructive to that main end , and therefore not onely to be avoided at present , but prevented for the future . but oppression and injustice particular interests , &c. are direct in opposition to the welfare of the people and altogether destructive , therefore to be prevented and removed . and certainly what cannot be repelled by policy , maybe by power , for if there be not a sufficient means left for the attaining the end , it is altogether vain and to no purpose . but to every end there is a sufficient means , therefore if the welfare of the people cannot be secured by one means , it may by another , if not by policy , then by power according to the parliaments ow● language to the king , the kingdome must not be without a means to preserve it selfe . and truely if the kingdome hath a means to preserve it self against the king , being then acting against the welfare of the kingdome ; it hath a power likewise to secure it self against the parliament , and army too , if they shall act , in the same way , and shall not prosecute the main end ( to wit ) the peoples welfare . how comes it to passe i beseech you that there is such sidings among you ? one great man favours another , and stomacks his opposer ; and let him be never so bad , so he will side insecuring some great persons particular interests in power among you , he shall not only scape scot-free , but be countenanced and protected among you : little theeves are hangd and great ones let go . is this to be single hearted ? will you that have taxed the king and parliament of partiality , be partiall too ? what a blemish will this be to all your former actions ? that you should now fawn upon those for favour , who would have rejoyced to have seen both you and the kingdome weltring in flouds of blood and confusion ; and who , it is to be feared by your too great indulgence and credulity , are plotting your destruction . i beseech you gentlemen consider , you stand upon a sandy place , which will , if not carefully looked to , devoure you , lay aside all interests and be what you have pretended to be , let not your own honour or promotions be onely aimed at , but have sole respect unto the peace of the kingdome . i have with sorrow observed . that there are , i may say too many among you , too great in power , who are swaid by passion not reason , who speak much against injustice in others , but never knew what it was to be just them selves ; men neither of discretion nor religion , what ere they may pretend , who do vehemently act for to gain applause and the favour of great men , and not for any love to the peace of the kingdome : now it is very unlikely that ever such a man can do ( or at least intends ) a generall good , unless it may advantage his own interest . i beseech you observe and beware of such persons , you may easily finde them ; for such persons in your councells will do you more hurt then all your other enemies , be not deluded by pretences though never so specious ; those persons that plead so much for delay , and argue so critically , intend no good to you , but carry on a dangerous design against you and the whole kingdome . and you may assure your selves the adversary , with whom you now run a contest , could never have gained so much time , nor brought you to such an exigency , had they not been encouraged , nay , assisted by some that have too much power and influence in your councell . gentlemen , the eyes of the kingdome are upon you ; and unless you answer their expectations and perform your promises and engagements , and that speedily ; truly , you will stand at as great a distance in their affections as others have done before you ; lose not this opportunity , seek the peace of the kingdome now , and seek your selves afterward , lest while you contend so earnestly for a shaddow , you lose the substance , be for pure justice without respect of persons , and let the kingdome see , that you will not favour or disfavour any person for siding with or against you , or for being of this or the other judgement . but that all persons of each party shall receive from you equall respect , according to their merit . but if you shall appear partiall to some , and severe to others ; if you shall do the works your selves , which you condemn in others : if you shall pretend to free us from one form of slavery to involve us in another , assure your selves , division and confusion will follow , and a worm will rise from your own bowels which will certainly devour you and consume your former glory . read and practice , prevent . farewel . to my fellow commons which desire peace . moderation in a multitude is ( rara avis in terra ) especially in england , of late years ▪ where rage , not reason , hath had the rule and soveraignty ; when the reynes of the bridle are thrown in the neck the unruly beast runneth where he listeth ; and truly such hath been the practice of you my fellow-commons for this seven years almost ; although you have received many a curb , and oft bit of the bridle for it , yet still like a head-strong horse you are stubborn and untamed , fearing neither switch nor spur ; and it is to be feared you will still persist until you are quite tyred ; to prevent which give me leave to expostulate with you a little ; it hath been often said , that misery is a schoolmaster to wisdom , and that wit is the best when it is dearly payd for , and truly i beleeve you have payd enough for it , hath not the plundering of your estates , the burning of your houses , the murdering of your children , the inslaving of your persons , taught you to hate war and love peace ? how comes it to pass then that there are so many murmurings amongst you , one part for the king , another for the parliament , another for the army , another for neither ; what are you frantick ? hath reason given place to rage , wisdom to folly , meekness to madness ? have you been so patient under seven years sufferings by war , and cannot you contain your selves one year in peace ; what , like children , all at an instant or none at all ? just like a fool that because he could not be rich in one day , would be a beggar all his life . certainly a spirit of fury ( i may say folly ) hath bewirched you , and put you upon the purchase of perpetual desolation to your selves and posterities ; and you with eagerness pursue it , in despite of those that would prevent it . in a word ; know therefore , unless you do with patience wait for the establishing of that peace which you desire , and give limits to your unlimited contentions , unless you lay aside your prejudicacy and censuring until you see the event , unless you seriously apply your selvs to make up the breach between your selves and your soveraign , the parliament , army , and city , and one another , and every one in his place and relation set his hand to the reducing of things to their proper center , unless both magistrates and people do i say with one accord , seek peace and establish judgment and righteousness , in vain are and will be all these mutterings and commotions , and do what they and you can , confusion and desolation wil break in upon them and you , and then when it is too late you may repent , but not prevent your destruction . this is the sence of him that sees great cause to fear this wil be the end of all this division if providence do not interpose very suddenly . postscript . i beseech you labour to love one another , and to be faithful each to other . let soveraigns seek the good of their subjects , and subjects the honour and peace of their soveraigns . let parliaments be faithful , and people peaceable : let souldiers be valiant for justice , but not factious for preferment ; let king , parliament , city , army , and people unite and joyn in the bonds of love , and leave judging , suspecting and reviling one another . then shal you see and enjoy a happy peace and the fruits thereof ; then shal the lamb lie down with the lion ; then shal not the voyce of the oppressed be heard in our streets , but joy , peace , plenty , and the most wished delights that are , or can be imaginable , or desired , be freely communicated unto you by the hand of jehovah , who is the god of peace , and hath annexed a blessing to the lovers thereof . farewel . thine , if thou studiest the peace of england . j. h. finis . to the right worshipful iohn fowke, alderman of the ward of farrington within, to the deputy, common-counsell, and to the rest of the inhabitants of the aforesaid ward. the humble petition of joseph hunscot citizen and stationer of london. hunscot, joseph. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86895 of text r210732 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[107]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86895 wing h3729 thomason 669.f.11[107] estc r210732 99869495 99869495 162759 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86895) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162759) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[107]) to the right worshipful iohn fowke, alderman of the ward of farrington within, to the deputy, common-counsell, and to the rest of the inhabitants of the aforesaid ward. the humble petition of joseph hunscot citizen and stationer of london. hunscot, joseph. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1647] imprint from wing. petitioning for the position of beadle in the ward of farrington. annotation on thomason copy: "december 15. 1647". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng hunscot, joseph -early works to 1800. fowke, john, d. 1662 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a86895 r210732 (thomason 669.f.11[107]). civilwar no to the right worshipful iohn fowke, alderman of the ward of farrington within, to the deputy, common-counsell, and to the rest of the inhabi hunscot, joseph. 1647 310 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the right worshipful iohn fowke , alderman of the ward of farrington within , to the deputy , common-counsell , and to the rest of the inhabitants of the aforesaid ward . the humble petition of joseph hunscot citizen and stationer of london : humbly sheweth , whereas by the late death of thomas nichols , the beadles place of the ward aforesaid is become void , and your petitioner having lived these forty yeers and upwards in the said ward , and borne all offices in his parish where he lived , and hath from time to time manifested his good affection to the service of the parliament , not only in paying of taxes and assesments imposed on him , but before did voluntarily carry in a horse , monies , and in person with his sonne and three servants actually served the parliament , to the losse both of the benefit of his servants times , and also of his trade ; and since hath printed severall books by the direction of the parliament , which amounts to a good value , for all which he hath had no satisfaction . the premises considered , your petitioner humbly prayes your worships and the rest of the said ward , to grant him your favours and furtherance to be the beadle for the ward in the room of the said mr. nichols deceased ; in discharge whereof he promises all faithfulnesse and diligence both to your worships and the ward ; and as in duty bound , your petitioner shall ever pray , &c. and your petitioner will undertake to discharge the inhabitants of the said ward from all other taxes levied upon the said ward , for and toward the beadles salery , and to maintain a sufficient watch according to the ancient custome . die sabbathi 24. iulii 1647. the lords and commons having seene a printed paper intituled, a petition to the lord mayer, aldermen, and commons of the city of london in the guild hall assembled, ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82877 of text r210571 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[49]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82877 wing e1636 thomason 669.f.11[49] estc r210571 99869356 99869356 162698 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82877) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162698) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[49]) die sabbathi 24. iulii 1647. the lords and commons having seene a printed paper intituled, a petition to the lord mayer, aldermen, and commons of the city of london in the guild hall assembled, ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for john wright at the kings head in the old bayley, london : 1647. order to print signed: joh. brown cler. parliament. a printed paper 'a petition to the lord mayer, aldermen, and commons of the city of london in the guild hall assembled', together with a dangerous engagement by oath and vow to make other terms with the king than those sanctioned by parliament are in circulation; it is ordered by parliament that no one is to proceed in the matter or set his name to it on pain of high treason -cf. steele. a response to "to the right honorable the lord mayor, the right worshipfull the aldermen and commons of the city of london in the common or guildhall of the city of london assembled" (wing t1659) and to "a soleme ingagement of the citizens, commanders, officers and souldiers of the trained bands and auxilaries" (wing s4439). reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a82877 r210571 (thomason 669.f.11[49]). civilwar no die sabbathi 24. iulii 1647. the lords and commons having seene a printed paper intituled, a petition to the lord mayer, aldermen, and commo england and wales. parliament. 1647 307 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die sabbathi 24 iulii 1647. the lords and commons having seene a printed paper intituled , a petition to the lord mayer , aldermen , and commons of the city of london in the guild hall assembled , under the name of divers citizens , commanders , officers , and souldiers of the trained bands , auxiliaries , and others , young men and apprentices , sea-commanders ; sea-men , and watermen , together with a dangerous engagement of the same persons by oath and vow concerning the kings present comming to the parliament upon tearmes far different from those which both houses after mature deliberation , have declared to be necessary for the good and safety of this kingdome , casting reflections upon the proceedings both of the parliament and army , and tending to the imbroiling the kingdom in a new warre : and the said lords and commons taking notice of great endeavours used by divers ill-affected persons to procure subscriptions thereunto , whereby well meaning people may be mis-lead , doe therefore declare , that whosoever after publication or notice hereof shall proceed in , or promote or set his name to , or give consent that his name be set unto , or any way joyne in the said engagement , shall be deemed and adjudged guilty of high treason , and shall forfeit life and estate , as in cases of high treason accustomed . ordered that this declaration be published forthwith by order of the lord mayor , sheriffes , and committee of the militia by beat of drumme and sound of trumpet in the cities of london , westminster , and within the lines of communication . joh. brown cler. parliament . london printed for john wright at the kings head in the old bayley . 1647. a few lines in true love to the inhabitants of england, especially this great city of london, who are called christians. fisher, a. abigail. 1696 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41346 wing f985 estc r218287 99829896 99829896 34343 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41346) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 34343) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2029:16) a few lines in true love to the inhabitants of england, especially this great city of london, who are called christians. fisher, a. abigail. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed and sold by t. sowle, in white-hart-court in grace-church-street, london : 1696. signed at end: a.f., i.e. abigail fisher. reproduction of the original in the friends house library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng christian life -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -early works to 1800. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a few lines in true love to the inhabitants of england , especially this great city of london , who are called christians . dear people , many are so called , that have not yet considered the end of christ in his coming , who came not to call the righteous , but sinners to repentance ; therefore to you that are in that state , his call is yet extended , that you may now consider while you have time , lest any or many of you should prove of that number that hates to be reformed , but will still persist to go on in pride and wickedness to destruction , provoking the righteous god to anger , who is angry with the wicked every day ; then consider how many days , months , and years , some of this generation hath been kindling the anger of the lord , which in his hot displeasure ( if it should break forth ) will be terrible to the workers of iniquity : therefore , let such repent , and seek the lord while he is to be found in mercy , or otherwise he may be seen in judgment ; and therefore all prepare and seek the lord , oh inhabitants of england ; professor and prophane , for you the lord hath often visited , with the tenders of his love , by and through his son christ jesus , who gave himself a ransom for all mankind , that he might redeem them out of that state in which the lord was displeased with them : therefore , consider all you who bear the name of christians ; but too many are still found out of that pure peaceable spirit of truth and righteousness , that christ jesus left an ensample of , but many have been , and still are resisting his spiritual appearance , which is the way that god hath appointed for man's salvation and restauration out of that fallen state of deprivation , in which he is separated from the glory of his power , and the belief of the benefit they may receive thereby ; through which we see by woful experience , that the spirit of antichrist hath prevailed over nations , kindreds , tongues and people ; but the lord hath looked and beheld their babel-buildings , although their tops have seemed to reach to heaven ; he will confound the wise builders , and bring to nought the understandings of the prudent professors of his worthy name , who will not bow to the yoak and cross of our lord and saviour christ jesus , by which they may come to live that righteous life which doth bespeak his glory and his fame : therefore , dear people , all consider while there is a day of mercy yet extended , and remember what severity hath been shown to other nations and places ▪ and forget not how the lord doth yet spare you , and lengthen out the day of your visitation , to see , if by any means , that may work a reformation from those evil corruptions that do abound in the nation ; and o how ready people are to forget both mercies and judgments which the lord hath often mixed in , and to the city of london ; therefore it is high time now to consider and remember to be wise , and depart from iniquity , which is of many kinds ; and forsake all those crying sins that do abound , for the call of the lord is come out of babylon , partake not of her sins , lest you should partake of her plagues ▪ and also remember his gracious call hath been extended many ways : how gently did the lord lately shake the earth , as many know , that people might hear and fear before him , the great almighty powerful god , who will not only shake the earth , but the heavens also ; for he will not hold them guiltless that take his name in vain : therefore , dear people , once more hear and fear , and prepare to meet the lord ; that if happily you may obtain farther mercy from the gracious long-suffering god , who can afford us peace and plenty , if people will love him and forsake iniquity , which is of absolute necessity for all that desire englands prosperity , and the good of their own souls . a. f. and the lord said , my spirit shall not always strive with man , gen. 6.3 . tribulation and anguish shall be upon the soul of every man that doth evil , of the jew first , and also of the gentile , rom. 2.9 . london , printed and sold by t. sowle , in white-hart-court in grace-church-street , 1696. a true copy of the letter sent from the lord mayor, aldermen and common-council, at a common-council holden in guildhall london, on the 29th of december, 1659 directed to the right honorable george moncke, general of the forces in scotland. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a95020 of text r211442 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[58]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a95020 wing t2647 thomason 669.f.22[58] estc r211442 99870169 99870169 163640 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a95020) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163640) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[58]) a true copy of the letter sent from the lord mayor, aldermen and common-council, at a common-council holden in guildhall london, on the 29th of december, 1659 directed to the right honorable george moncke, general of the forces in scotland. aleyn, thomas, sir, fl. 1660. city of london (england). court of common council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., london : printed in the year of our lord, 1659. [i.e., 1660] expressing their approval of his resolution to vindicate the civil and religious liberties of the country. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng albemarle, george monck, -duke of, 1608-1670 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a95020 r211442 (thomason 669.f.22[58]). civilwar no a true copy of the letter sent from the lord mayor, aldermen and common-council, at a common-council holden in guildhall london, on the 29th aleyn, thomas, sir 1659 651 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-07 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true copy of the letter sent from the lord mayor , aldermen and common-council , at a common-council holden in guildhall london , on the 29th . of december , 1659. directed to the right honorable george moncke , general of the forces in scotland . right honorable , we dare not enter upon the answer , to the merits of your honors letter of the 12th . of november , ( which was the first and onely , that came to us ) without prefacing our hearty and thankful admiring , and acknowledging the transcendent mercy of god , in putting into your heart those pious and noble resolutions , to appear at such an exigent , to be the glorious instrument in his hand to assert and vindicate the greatest interess of these nations , both religious and civil . and next , that , your great humility of spirit , and singular affection to this city , in communicating to us , so early , those your just resolves ; and inviting us to share in the honor of assisting to the obtaining of those great and glorious ends , in which the happiness of these nations in general , and of this city , as a corporation , consists . in all which , our spirits were both enlightened and warmed by a spark from your zeal , and actuated by god to a present activity in our sphere and capacity , in complyance with your honors advice , as we hope , the whole world that hath seen our actings , can bare us witness ; and that , we trust may be our sufficient plea for pardon , for our not returning a more timely answer to your honors said letter ; but we pray you to beleive that it was principally retarded , first , by suspicion cast on the authentickness of it , by those who had the confidence on that score , to imprison the deliverers . and next , by the interposition of the forces here , and led out against your honor , who lay in the passage to you . but now ( may it please your excellency ) seeing it hath pleased god in some degree to remove those obstructions , we presume by this , to assert in writing , what we hope all our actions since the receipt of your honors advice , have evidenced . that we have cordially concurred with your honor , in disowning the authors of that force who interrupted the parliament , and ravish'd the birth-right of these nations , by daring to null and make voyd acts of parliament : and we hope we have contributed somewhat , by gods blessing , in our councils , and actions , to the preventing of the sad consequences of that exorbitant presumption . how fully and entirely we comply with your honor , in asserting the authority and freedome of parliament ; a national ministery , for the enlightening of the ignorant , and suppressing of atheisme ; and the peoples just rights and liberties ; we humbly referre your honor to our enclosed declaration : and do seriously assure your honor , that we shall by gods assistance persist faithfully and vigorously in this good cause . and praying god to preserve your excellency , and those noble commanders with you in those just , honorable , and christian undertakings , shall remain your honors humble servants . signed , sadler clerk . [ the city sword-bearer was appointed by the court to carry this letter ; and he was ordered to ride post with it : accordingly he went away on the 30th . of december , being friday , in the morning early . ] london , printed in the year of our lord , 1659. the cities x commandements, commanded to be read in all churches, by mr l. warner and the common councell. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79808 of text r210812 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[133]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79808 wing c4334 thomason 669.f.11[133] estc r210812 99869569 99869569 162786 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79808) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162786) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[133]) the cities x commandements, commanded to be read in all churches, by mr l. warner and the common councell. warner, john, sir, d. 1648 attributed name. city of london (england). court of common council attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1648] imprint from wing. a satire; not in fact by sir john warner or the court of common council. annotation on thomason copy: "feb. 27 1647". reproduction of the original in the british library. the cities x commandments -the city lords prayer -the cities creed. eng ten commandments -parodies, imitations, etc. -early works to 1800. lord's prayer -parodies, imitations, etc. -early works to 1800. apostles' creed -parodies, imitations, etc. -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -humor -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -humor -early works to 1800. a79808 r210812 (thomason 669.f.11[133]). civilwar no the cities x commandements, commanded to be read in all churches, by my l. warner and the common councell. [warner, john, sir] 1648 999 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the cities x commandements , commanded to be read in all churches , by my l. warner and the common councell . estote proditores . sine rex sine lex . i. thou shalt not worship any god save oliver , harry martin , and mr. warner , a trinitie in unitie , and unitie in trinitie . ii. thou shalt not make any resistance against them , or either of them , or yeeld obedience to any power , not derived from them ; neither shalt thou grave any image except of mr. warner , mounted on his palfray , with a branch of holly on his head , and a tod of yvie at his tayle ; thou shalt not when thou beholdest thy king , either bow downe to him , or worship him ; for wee of the city are zealous animals , and will cause our masters at westminster , to visit such unto the third and fourth generation , of them that hate us for our base cowardice , and will not obey our masters ordinances . iii. thou shalt not take the name of my lord mayjor in vaine , by calling him pigwidgin sectarie , or coxscomb , for wee of the common counsell will not hold him guiltlesse , that taketh his name in vaine . iiii. remember , that thou keep holy all our thanksgiving dayes , on which we feast the greedie cormorants of westminister , especially let that day , be celebrated , on which k. tom , had a dinner given him by us , to the expence of 500. l. on that day thou shalt doe no manner of work , thou nor thy sonne , nor thy daughter , for we have entred that day into the kalendar , and command it to bee kept holy . v. thou shalt honour no father , save the penniefathers at westminister , nor no mother save the new church , which we the sectaries of the common counsell have set up , so will we intreat our masters for thee , that thy dayes may be long in these sequestred lands which they legally and justly have ceazed on . vi . thou shalt aide and assist us of the common counsell , to imprison and murther all , that will not yeild obedience , to the decrees of our masters , at westminster . vii . thou shalt follow the example of thy lord major , and us of the common counsell , and not refraine to commit adulterie , with any well shapt woman . viii . thou shalt steale , or purloine anything , from those that are not saints of our new moddell , but that under a pretence of justice , provided thou bee invested with the power of a parliament man , a common counsell man , or committee man . ix . thou shalt beare false witnesse against thy neighbour , upon all occasions , that wee of the common counsell , call him before us , provided he be rich and worthy the screwing , thou shalt follow our example , to squeeze all men , imprison some men , and spare no man . x. thou shalt and art hereby authorized , if any warrant come to thee from us , bearing date from westminster , to take from thy neighbour , his wife his house , his oxe , or his asse , or anything that belongs unto him , all which our masters , are first to view and wee to share the reversion . all these our commandements wee require all the inhabitants of great brittaine strictly to observe , and put in practise , and we of the common counsell , will not be wanting , at all times to put you in minde of keeping the same . the city lords prayer . ovr fathers which are at westminster hallowed be your names , for that you have brought us into perfect bondage , and fgyptian slaverie , your kingdome come , which can never bee , so long as king charles is possessed with life , or any of the royall progeny , your wills are done on earth , though you breake his will that is in heaven , give us this day our daily bread ; for you have brought us to that passe , that without you , we can have nothing , and forgive us our trespasses , though we cannot forgive you , that have trespassed against us , and lead as not any more into such temptations , as for these seaven years past you have done ; now at length become honest and deliver us from those evills , that now hang over our heads , for yours is the kingdome , and the power , though you merit no glory , but we hope it will not last for ever and ever , amen . the cities creed . i believe in warner , the father of all fopperie , maker of trouble , and tumults , and in col. barkstead , his sonne by adoption , who was conceived of a dairie maid in long sutton , borne at winchester , brought up at salsbury , suffered under the heavie crosse of doing pennace , he descended into olivers favour , and rose the third day into fairfax favour , and now sitteth at the right hand of the sophies at westminster , from wgence each day , he comes to hunt out the royall partie , to judgement ; i beleive he will come to an jill end ; as also all the communion of our new saints , for that it is impossible for them , to gaine the forgivenesse of their sinnes , at the resurection of the dead , or to injoy life everlasting , amen . finis . a general bill for this present year ending the 19. of december, 1665. according to the report made to the kings most excellent majesty. by the company of parish clerks of london, &c. bills of mortality. 1665-12-19. worshipful company of parish clerks. 1665 approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42600 wing g491 estc r219855 99831302 99831302 35765 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42600) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 35765) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2049:13) a general bill for this present year ending the 19. of december, 1665. according to the report made to the kings most excellent majesty. by the company of parish clerks of london, &c. bills of mortality. 1665-12-19. worshipful company of parish clerks. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1665] imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the university of london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be 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standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng mortality -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century. london (england) -statistics, vital -early works to 1800. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a general bill for this present year , ending the 19. of december , 1665. according to the report made to the kings most excellent majesty . by the company of parish clerks of london , &c.   buried pla. st albans woodstreet 200 121 st alhallowes barking 514 330 st alhallowes breadst . 35 16 st alhallowes great 455 426 st alhallowes honila . 10 5 st alhallowes lesse 239 175 st alhall . lumbardstr . 90 62 st alhallowes staining 185 112 st alhallowes the wall 500 356 st alphage 271 115 st andrew hubbard 71 25 st andrew undershaft 274 189 st andrew vvardrobe 476 308 st anne aldersgate 282 197 st anne black-friers 652 467 st antholins parish 58 33 st austins parish 43 40 st barthol . exchange 73 51 st bennet fyrch 47 22 st benn . grace-church 57 41 st bennet pauls wharf 355 172 st bennet sherehog 11 1 st botolph billingsgate 83 50 christs church 653 467 st christophers 60 47 st clements eastcheap ●8 20 st dionis back-church 78 27 st dunstans east 265 150 st edmunds lumbard . 70 36 st ethelborough 195 106 st faiths 104 70 st fosters 144 105 st gabriel fen-church 69 39 st george botolphlane 41 27 st gregories by pauls 376 232 st hellens 108 75 st james dukes place 262 190 st james garlickhithe 189 118 st john baptist 138 83 st john evangelist 9   st john zacharie 85 54 st katherine coleman 299 213 st katherine creechu . 335 231 st lawrence jewry 94 48 st lawrence pountney 214 140 st leonard eastcheap 42 27 st leonard fosterlane 335 255 st magnus parish 103 60 st margaret lothbury 100 66 st margaret moses 38 25 st margaret newfishst . 114 66 st margaret pattons 49 24 st mary abchurch 99 54 st mary aldermanbury 181 109 st mary aldermary 105 75 st mary le bow 64 36 st mary bothaw 55 30 st mary colechurch 17 6 st mary hill 94 64 st mary mounthaw 56 37 st mary summerset 342 262 st mary staynings 47 27 st mary woolchurch 65 33 st mary woolnoth 75 38 st martins iremonger . 21 11 st martins ludgate 196 128 st martins orgars 110 71 st martins outwitch 60 34 st martins vintrey 417 349 st matthew fridaystr . 24 6 st maudlins milkstreet 44 22 st maudlins oldfishstr . 176 121 st michael bassishaw 253 164 st michael cornhill 104 52 st michael crookedla . 179 133 st michael queenhith . 203 122 st michael querne 44 18 st michael royal 152 116 st michael woodstreet 122 62 st mildred breadstreet 59 26 st mildred poultrey 68 46 st nicholas acons 46 28 st nicholas coleabby 125 91 st nicholas olaves 90 62 st olaves hartstreet 237 160 st olaves jewry 54 32 st olaves silverstreet 250 132 st pancras soperlane 30 15 st peters cheape 61 35 st peters cornhill 136 76 st peters pauls wharf 114 86 st peters poor 79 47 st stevens colmanstr . 560 391 st stevens walbrooke 34 17 st swithins 93 56 st thomas apostle 163 110 trinity parish 115 79 buried in the 97 parishes within the walls , 15207 whereof , of the plague , 9887 st andrew holborne 3958 3103 st bartholomew great 493 344 st bartholomew lesse 193 139 st bridget 2111 1427 bridewell precinct 230 179 st botolph aldersga . 997 755 st botolph algate 4926 4051 st botolph bishopsg . 3464 2500 st dunstans west 958 665 st george southwark 1613 1260 st giles cripplegate 8069 4838 st olaves southwark 4793 2785 st saviours southwark 4235 3446 st sepulchres parish 4509 2746 st thomas southwark 475 371 trinity minories 168 123 at the pesthouse 159 156 buried in the 16 parishes without the walls , 41351 whereof , of the plague , 28888 st giles in the fields 4457 3216 hackney parish 232 132 st james clarkenwel 1863 1377 st katherines tower 956 601 lambeth parish 798 537 st leonard shorditch 2669 1949 st magdalen bermon 1943 1363 st mary newington 1272 1004 st mary islington 696 593 st mary whitechappel 4766 3855 redriffe parish 304 210 stepney parish 8598 6583 buried in the 12 out parishes , in middlesex and surrey 28554 whereof , of the plague 21420 st clement danes 1969 1319 st paul covent garden 408 261 st martins in the field 4084 2883 st mary savoy 303 198 st margaret westminst . 4710 3742 whereof at the pesthouse   156 buried in the 5 parishes in the city and liberties of westminster 12194 whereof , of the plague 8403 the total of all the christnings 9967 the total of all the burials this year 97306 whereof , of the plague 68596 the diseases and casualties this year . abortive and stilborne 617 aged 1545 ague and feaver 5257 appoplex and suddenly 116 bed●d ●● blasted 5 bleeding 16 bloody flux , scowring and flux 185 burnt and scalded 8 calenture 3 cancer , gangrene and fistula 56 canker and thrush 111 childbed 625 chrisomes and infants 1258 cold and cough 68 chollick and winde 134 consumption and ptisick 4808 convulsion and mother 2036 distracted 5 dropsie and timpany . 1478 drowned 50 executed 21 flox and small pox 655 found dead in streets , fields , &c. 20 french pox 86 frighted ●● gout and sciatica 27 grief 46 gripping in the guts 1288 hang'd and made away themselves 7 headmouldshot and mouldfallen 14 jaundies 110 imposthume 227 kill'd by several accidents 46 kings evil 86 leprosie 2 lethargy 14 livergrown 20 meagrom and headach 12 measles 7 murthered and shot 9 overlaid and starved 45 palsie 30 plague 68596 plannet 6 plurisie 15 〈◊〉 ●1 quinsie 35 rickets 557 rising of the lights 397 rupture 34 scurvy 105 shingles and swine pox 2 sores , ulcers , broken and bruised limbs 82 spleen 14 spotted feaver and purples 1929 stopping of the stomack 332 stone and strangury 98 surfet 1251 teeth and worms 2614 vomiting 51 wenn 1 christned males 5114 females 4853 in all 9967 buried males 48569 females 48737 in all 97306 of the plague 68596 increased in the burials in the 130 parishes and at the pesthouse this year 79009 increased of the plague in the 130 parishes and at the pesthouse this year 68590 nineteene humble propositions for peace, which the author desireth to cleere and make evident to all the true-hearted citizens of london if god will direct their hearts to heare and imbrace the same (and importune the parliament for the practice thereof) for the good of city and countrey, humbly shewing. nutt, thomas, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a89782 of text r212078 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.8[21]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a89782 wing n1474 thomason 669.f.8[21] estc r212078 99870730 99870730 161072 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a89782) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161072) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f8[21]) nineteene humble propositions for peace, which the author desireth to cleere and make evident to all the true-hearted citizens of london if god will direct their hearts to heare and imbrace the same (and importune the parliament for the practice thereof) for the good of city and countrey, humbly shewing. nutt, thomas, 17th cent. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1643] anonymous. by thomas nutt. annotation on thomason copy: "august 10 1643:"; "[illegible] t. nutt carrier norwich". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -peace -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a89782 r212078 (thomason 669.f.8[21]). civilwar no nineteene humble propositions for peace, which the author desireth to cleere and make evident to all the true-hearted citizens of london, if nutt, thomas 1643 852 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 jason colman sampled and proofread 2007-08 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nineteene humble propositions for peace , which the author desireth to cleere and make evident to all the true-hearted citizens of london , if god will direct their hearts to heare and imbrace the same ( and importune the parliament for the practice thereof ) for the good of city and countrey , humbly shewing , that your poor and almost restlesse suppliant , who for the space of eight or nine moneths in the neglect of his own private affairs and livelihood having continually almost had new solicitations in his thoughts of certaine probable wayes and means for the deliverance of this city and almost the whole kingdome with the spare of much money now spent , and bloud now spilt , hath sought continuall opportunity to declare the same to you that being faithfull had power to execute the same , yet notwithstanding could never get a hearing , gods time being not then come , do yet once more , not knowing gods time , try if god will now at last move your hearts in generall , or any particulars of you , to joyn together to hear him at large concerning that , the heads whereof he hath here set down , he doth not doubt but if god affect your hearts to hear , and endeavour the practice of the same , that you will think it the best spent time you spent in temporall occasions since our king departed from us , which also will be joyfull to many , and incourage them in your defence , which at present for feare dare not move therein , for if god do it , he will do it i conceive by a means yet unthought of in generall . 1 how to secure the store of food , and chief goods both in city and countrey for the use of the owners thereof . 2 how to treble your strength , and make them your helpers , that now ( fearing your side the weakest ) dare not . 3 how to make your enemies not onely defend your cause , but to doe it willingly , because thereby they should make their owne estates the more secure , and have a lawfull satisfactory excuse if they be taken . 4 how notwithstanding the enemies threatning , yet to keep the city and countrey yet unplundered from starving or fear of starving . 5 how to prevent the enemies troupes , coming among us , of subsistence , except by yeelding up horses and armes , which they will rather do then lose their lives . 6 how to prevent a way of destruction which is like to come by the corne which our god ordinarily sendeth for our preservation . 7 how to make a comfortable defence about all places yet unplundered , to the great joy of the inhabitants , whereby they shall be a refreshing to the city , and the city to them . 8 how to increase bread by destroying drunkennesse . 9 how to increase our friends and store with the losse of nothing but such members as we would not own and enjoy . 10 how it will so appear unto all , that they shall prevail in your cause , and thereby enjoy their lives , goods and priviledges , as it will much increase their courage therein . 11 how abundance of money of colonels , captaines and officers wages , as also of the horse and his rider might be spared . 12 how to give warning of the approach of the enemy , and to discover the number of them to the countrey about , and which way they march , without sending to them . 13 how both food and firing would hold out foure times as long as it is like to last , in a way much more profitable to the city and countrey . 14 how this course would keep many friends among us that are daily flying beyond the seas . 15 how many women and maids would be as beneficiall as men . 16 how full of joy the practice hereof would fill the hearts of city and countrey . 17 how it would in an ordinary way of providence be to the great increase of friends , food and store . 18 how to keep your secrets from your enemies , and any other letters from passing to them . 19 the losse of enemies , which as it will be the increase of our food , which they being among us spend , so it will cause a scarcity of food among the enemies , and store of food will procure friends . i beseech you consider , and use your best endeavour , if the lord will shew you in this your day the things that belong to your peace . the weaker the means , and baser the instrument , the more gods own hand is seen . t. nutt published according to order . by the committee of safety. a proclamation forasmuch as this committee hath received certain information of several designs and endeavours of persons ill-affected to the publique peace and good of this common-wealth, ... england and wales. committee of safety. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84448 of text r211351 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[13]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84448 wing e744 thomason 669.f.22[13] estc r211351 99870081 99870081 163596 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84448) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163596) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[13]) by the committee of safety. a proclamation forasmuch as this committee hath received certain information of several designs and endeavours of persons ill-affected to the publique peace and good of this common-wealth, ... england and wales. committee of safety. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by henry hills and john field, printers to the committee of safety, london : [1659] title from caption and first lines of text. dated at end: given at the committee of safety at whitehall, the first day of december, 1659. prohibits "the contrivance or subscription of any petitions or papers for the promoting of designs dangerous to the peace of the commonwealth." annotation on thomason copy: "xber [i.e. december]. 3.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng censorship -england -early works to 1800. dissenters -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a84448 r211351 (thomason 669.f.22[13]). civilwar no by the committee of safety. a proclamation forasmuch as this committee hath received certain information of several designs and endeavours o england and wales. committee of safety. 1659 519 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms by the committee of safety . a proclamation forasmuch as this committee hath received certain information of several designs and endeavours of persons ill-affected to the publique peace and good of this common-wealth , by untrue reports and suggestions , to beget and foment distempers in the mindes of the people , and thereby , under specious pretences , to promote their own private and sinister ends and designs , to the endangering the peace and safety of the common-wealth : and that in order to such attempts divers of the said ill-disposed persons , have set on foot papers under colour of petitions , of their own framing , and labour to get subscriptions thereunto in and about the city of london and other parts , the better to countenance their own mischievous intentions against the peace of the nation ; the committee of safety knowing of how dangerous consequence it may be to the inhabitants of the cities of london and westminster , as well as the whole common-wealth , if the same be not prevented : and least any may , by the plausible pretences of such men , be seduced and drawn in to write their names to such papers for the carrying on of designs tending to the ruine of themselves and these nations , the said committee of safety have thought fit to publish and declare their resentments of such undue and dangerous practises ; and do hereby prohibite and forbid all and every person and persons whatsoever , to contrive , promote or subscribe any such papers , as are now , or shall be on foot in and about the cities of london and westminster , for the ends and designs aforesaid , or to endeavour or sollicite the getting hands or subscriptions unto any such papers : and that if any such paper be offered to any person or persons to be by them subscribed , that such person to whom the same shall be tendered do suppress the same , or give information thereof to the lord mayor of the city of london , the alderman of the ward , or next iustice of the peace , who are hereby enjoyned and required , to cause the person so endeavouring to get hands thereunto , to be apprehended , and kept in safe custody , and such papers suppressed . and this committee do require and enjoyn , that no person or persons whatsoever , do after the publication hereof , promote such papers or subscriptions , or endeavour to get hands or subscriptions thereunto , as they tender the good and peace of the said cities and this common-wealth , and as they desire to avoid being accounted disturbers and enemies thereof . given at the committee of safety at whitehall , the first day of december , 1659. ordered , that this proclamation be forthwith printed and published . william robinson , clerk to the committee of safety . london , printed by henry hills and john field , printers to the committee of safety . sir, you are desired to send in your horse & armes required of you by warrant from the militia of london, to the new artillary-ground, upon monday next being the nine and twentieth of this instant iuly, by eight of the clock in the forenoone. dated this 26 of iuly 1650. your reall freind[sic] jacob strange. strange, jacob. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a93957 of text r205913 in the english short title catalog (thomason e608_14). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a93957 wing s5809 thomason e608_14 estc r205913 99865141 99865141 165699 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a93957) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 165699) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 93:e608[14]) sir, you are desired to send in your horse & armes required of you by warrant from the militia of london, to the new artillary-ground, upon monday next being the nine and twentieth of this instant iuly, by eight of the clock in the forenoone. dated this 26 of iuly 1650. your reall freind[sic] jacob strange. strange, jacob. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1650] a form sent to george thomason and philemon stevens by the militia of london. date and place of publication from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "vide 4th june 1650 in ye follio collection.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng city of london (england). -committee for the militia. london (england) -history, military -17th century. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a93957 r205913 (thomason e608_14). civilwar no sir, you are desired to send in your horse & armes required of you by warrant from the militia of london, to the new artillary-ground, upon strange, jacob 1650 66 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-07 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sir , you are desired to send in your horse & armes required of you by warrant from the militia of london , to the new artillary-ground , upon monday next being the nine and twentieth of this instant iuly , by eight of the clock in the forenoone . dated this 26 of iuly 1650. your reall freind jacob strange . to mr. _____ animadversions on the late vindication of slingsby bethel, esq., wherein the ancient and laudable customs of the city of london are asserted against the scandalous reflections he has made upon them : in a letter to the lord mayor and court of aldermen / by a loyal citizen. w. w., loyal citizen. 1681 approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a65468 wing w138 estc r12206 13574992 ocm 13574992 100438 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65468) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100438) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 804:11) animadversions on the late vindication of slingsby bethel, esq., wherein the ancient and laudable customs of the city of london are asserted against the scandalous reflections he has made upon them : in a letter to the lord mayor and court of aldermen / by a loyal citizen. w. w., loyal citizen. 4 p. printed for the use of the english merchants, hamborough : 1681. caption title. signed and dated: w.w., tower hill, may 2, 1681. imprint from colophon. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bethel, slingsby, 1617-1697. -vindication of slingsby bethel. london (england) -history -17th century. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion animadversions on the late vindication of slingsby bethel esq wherein the ancient and laudable customs of the city of london are asserted against the scandalous reflections he has made upon them . in a letter to the lord mayor and court of aldermen . by a loyal citizen . my lord and fellow citizens , as it has been the opinion of many worthy members of our city ( since the election of this sheriff ) that we did very ill to call a person to that office from his private station in the country ( tho' not so qualified for this place by the laws as some others were ) so it has been of very great trouble to us to find him not answer either the design or honour of such our election . 't is his pleasure to acknowledge he was getting an estate by trade when the rebellion broke out in england ; and that i suppose fitted him afterwards to bear a part in that blustrous government , as to have the honour to be nominated a steers-man in that committee of safety , which had like to have ruined the whole commonwealth . and yet , 't is true , a man may be of very ill principles in 1658. and become a wonderful good man again in 1660. when his beloved estate and safety , begins to be call'd in question ; which made the pleasant fellow , who ( walking with a great lanthorn and candle lighted at noon-day , on the 29 th . of may , on the king's return ) said , that he had been seeking for a round-head all that day , but verily and truly could not find one from westminster to aldgate . but to come to the point : was there ever such a man of vertue heard of since adam ( that managed a trade ) who thus confidently avers , that his conversation has been such , in all his dealings in the world , as to deserve no reproach from any man upon earth ? we all well know , that in traffique and trade in the world the justest man falls seven times a day , as occasion may offer . and 't is to be supposed , that a man that gets an over-grown estate amongst us in a way of trade , cannot get every peny so exactly just as not to be liable to the reproach of any tongue whatsoever ; surely if that had been true which our sheriff affirms , he had never fallen under the present obloquy . but — now after all this , since you called him forth from his private retirement to the honour he now enjoys : behold , ( good man ) how he calls in one of the prophets to testifie against you , for maliciously reproaching , scandalizing and making his office troublesom to him . why now , let any man judge if ever sheriff ( since richard the ill 's time ) was so abused by his fellow citizens : surely we have not lost our manners and due regards to that honourable office , have we ? come let us but impartially enquire into the reasons of these things . first he says , we charge him with being a papist and a jesuit ; and to colour our lies call in the kings evidence to testifie against him ; why truly this could not be said but by an errant tory , or some masquerading fellow ; no loyal , honest or sober citizen could have offer'd such an affront to his worship ; and yet dr. oats is a shrewd man too at guessing ; — but however , we may say there was an odd jesuitical principle that actuated in the late times , to do even such things as jesuits would if they could ; and so possibly there may be colour for some such tittle tattle among the people at the election in southwark : but when dr. oats comes to town he will clear this point . and for the election in southwark , i may freely say this , that the commoners did very discreetly in electing two unquestionable loyal persons , capt. rich and sir r. how ; and in such elections there do not want reflections on each candidate ; for i have been told that some of the sheriff's party did bespatter them too with the title of abhorrers , and i overs of arbitrary power ; so that 't is pretty even on both sides . as for what he is accused of in being a souldier of the late times , i am apt to believe his worship says truth ; but what to say to that malicious whisper of words spoken by him at hambrough about the king's death , i leave that to be decided by law ; only a man would think our sheriff no good king's man , since he is thus traduced by persons of the same rank and place he dwelt in , and his daily companions . but for the next malicious slander , of his being one of those in vizards that assisted at the death of his late majesty ; i profess i wonder any person should be so confident to accuse him ; for after all the imaginable care and scrutiny to find the truth , ( by the council and the parliament ) upon his majesties return , they never yet could learn who those bloudy villains were that murthered our dear sovereign o● blessed memory ; so that we might as well have said they were two of oliver's chaplains , as well as our sheriff and another person in masquerade ; so far i must do him all the right i can . as to the story of the waterman's coat , 't is very odd ; such a thing might be ; for all men are not in a good humour with watermen at all times : tho' a kings waterman ( to some constitutions ) is more obnoxious than a city waterman . and so much for that point too . but i shall now come home to the matter in hand ( so far as concerns us citizens ) in taking notice of our sheriff's vindication . as for his house-keeping , he does very elaborately let us know that he does not dwell in a garret , ( nor hired cellar or pantry i suppose ) and that if we had not anger'd him , in choosing mr. pilkington ( a meer commoner ) alderman of the ward , and gave him the go-by , he would have dwelt in a larger ( taylor 's ) house , and established his tables , and taken in officers , &c. why truly this is a very good reason for a man to be angry with house-keeping and maintaining any part of the repute and honour of the city ; and so , for ought i see , we must be contented with it ; for there is an honourable thriftiness as well as an honourable prodigal lavish house-keeping , especially among the magistrates of the city of london ; and for a man to relieve poor distressed citizens , and prisoners , and others in want , when the law of the land provides for them otherwise , is a thing so lavish and prodigal , that no sheriff of london ought to evade it , especially when the loss of being alderman of the ward and knighthood is in the case . and then when a man consults the wholsom laws against excess of feasting , which our sheriff says are the most wholsom , ( nay more wholsom laws than the 35 th . of eliz. or 16 th . of our king ten to one : ) why truly no man breathing would feast every day , or endure it in his house . when i came to one paragraph , ( which is a quotation out of some modern jesuit ) i protest i stood amazed to hear of a meritorious congruity as well as condignity ; now where there can be no congruity , there ought to be condignity , that 's most clear ; and therefore since we could not agree to make him alderman of the ward , 't is fit he should tell us of it by the way of condignity . and so much for a meritorious congruity . but since the preferment is gone , and we have abused him into the bargain , he tells you , that he cares not a f — for 't , for he has tasted morepleasure in a retired life , than ever to thrust himself into troublesom and lofty places : which yet to me seems strange ; for if he had continued in his state of privacy , and paid the usual fine to the city , he might have been excused as well as others have been , and consequently undergon no reproach ; but some think 't was a fit time for such men to up and be doing something against popery and arbitrary government , and to preserve liberty and property , &c. to hinder wholsom laws made against protestant dissenters from being put in execution : truth is , i must needs say , that we that had so much throng and sweat to choose him , ought not to bespatter him at the rate we have done ; for he could not honestly deny us when we chose him so freely , as he saith ; but yet not so freely neither , but that there was tugging and pulling at it , and a world of pudder made by the tory and tantivy party , viz. the folks of the church of england , or the old protestants , who were generally against it . then , in the next place , comes in three or four paragraphs of rhetorical harangues upon the city to shew a further reason of not keeping up the port and grandeur of his office by generous and publick house-keeping . now here lies the point ; can any lord , knight , gentleman , citizen , stranger or foreigner possibly make a meal out of a dish of sheriffs paragraphs ? can any of the poor prisoners in any of the gaols feed on a basket of paragraphs ? if they can , much good may they do 'em ; i had , for my part , rather dine with my countrey-man sheriff cornish ( who i hear retains a western kind of generous hospitality ) than at such a feast . the next paragraph is to display the several atchievments and common customs of the city , and ( much like jordan's annual lord mayors shew ) tells us what we observe and practice in relation to maintaining the publick honour and reputation of the city , but begs your pardon for appearing in them himself on all occasions . first , because my lord mayor was not well lately . secondly , that the easter sermons were at sepulchre's , when they should have been at the spittle . and another reason may be too possibly , because a bishop and a dean preached ; the latter having lately wrote an excellent piece against protestant dissenting brethren . but now we are at house-keeping again , and we will shew more and stronger reasons for no feasting than for feasting : and first , he says , 't is of no honour to the city , but a reat prejudice and scandal to the government . ( still our worship saves our bacon . ) 2dly . that 't is customary to feast companies on set days , and entertain particular friends on others : from which i conclude our sheriff loves not this formal feasting . 3dly . that the honour the sheriff gets by such feasting is not tantamount to the charge , though two guinies be given by every livry-man for his double treat and spoon . i 'le assure you a very good caution these hard times to our city livry : men : but then , 4 thly . and beyond all , his worship compares this generous , honourable and hospitable way of the sheriff's feasting to a poor countrey-wedding , the way being to invite a great many to a great feast , ( which however is beyond some sheriffs too , by your leave , ) on purpose to get money and houshold stuff for them to begin the world with ▪ now how the comparison will hold in this case let any man judge : but then we livry-men must have a care what we do now , for we are forbid to hearken to either master or wardens this year , since the sheriff resolves not to accept of our guinies , for the several reasons before-mentioned . well , in the next place , you the several former sheriffs , that have emulated one another in feasting on private days , and out-vy'd each other in splendour and gallantry , ( now one would think this should mean the king 's being treated at supper at some of your houses not many years since , ) i say you are severely rebuked , and for ought i perceive compared to the wantons of jerusalem , who with so much fulness of bread and idleness provok'd the heavy judgments of god to fall upon them . now whether your sort of feasting be like theirs , that 's the point : for my part i think hospitable house-keeping and feeding the poor and needy ( as we may see at lambeth house every day , and other good houses ) are very laudable and honourable things , in no wise offensive , to god , to religion and good custom ; i think far from that riotous feasting at jerusalem . and so much for feasting without a meal . and now who would think that this very sin of feasting should make our sheriff carefully and tenderly affraid , lest an angel he sent from heaven with the plagues of sodom on our city too ? god forbid we should ever requite the lord so for his stupendious goodness to us in our late deliverances from the hands of popish conspiracy and lanatick rage , and i am , with his worships favour , and on better grounds and reasons , more afraid that the whoredoms , false oaths , rebellious witchcrafts ( that stink in the nostrils of heaven ) will bring judgments on us , as in the case of korah dathan and abiram , than innocent feasting , by sheriffs or other citizens . and so much for this point too at present . but to conclude : methinks among all the worthy and loyal booksellers in our city , mr. sheriff might have pleased to have chosen one out of them to print and expose his vindication , rather than frank smith ( his prisoner for treason , as some say ; ) but however , every man to his fancy ; for my part i would never have his name to any thing i shall ever write , for this very reason . that he never yet printed any thing ( save our worships vindication ) but was either tinkerly heresie , or seditious naked truth , or welsh glosses on divine ones : and so i wish him a safe deliverance , and our sheriff well out of his troublesom office ; taking my leave and subscribe , tower hill may 2 1681. my lord and fellow citizens your lordships servant ▪ and faithful and honest brother citizen , w. w. h●amb●rough : printed for the use of the english merchants . a common councell holden in the chamber of the guild-hall of the city of london, the eighth day of july, in the yeare of our lord 1657 ... city of london (england). this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a48983 of text r39339 in the english short title catalog (wing l2852j). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a48983 wing l2852j estc r39339 18368314 ocm 18368314 107412 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48983) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107412) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:25) a common councell holden in the chamber of the guild-hall of the city of london, the eighth day of july, in the yeare of our lord 1657 ... city of london (england). city of london (england). court of common council. 1 broadside. printed by james flesher ..., [london] : [1657] reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. eng markets -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. a48983 r39339 (wing l2852j). civilwar no a common councell holden in the chamber of the guild-hall of the city of london, the eighth day of july, in the yeare of our lord 1657 ... corporation of london 1657 806 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms a common councell holden in the chamber of the guild-hall of the city of london , the eighth day of july , in the yeare of our lord 1657. before the right honorable sir robert tichborne kt. lord mayor of the city of london , sir thomas viner kt and alderman , stephen eastwick alderman , john fredrick alderman , and tempest milner alderman and one of the sheriffes of the same city , and more then fourty commoners of the common councell of the same city , then and there assembled . whereas by the great resort of people to the market in leaden-hall street , the same street is so thronged , pestered and annoyed , that the common passage is hindred , and made dangerous to the inhabitants and passingers , and many evills and inconveniencies have thence happened and arisen : it is for remedy and prevention thereof for time to come , and for incouragement and accomodation of the people resorting to buy and sell in the said market enacted , ordained and established by the right honorable the lord maior , the right worshipfull the aldermen his brethren , and the commons of the city of london , in common councell assembled , and by the authority of the same : that from and after the first day of august next ensuing , the market for mutton , veale , lamb , and porke shall no longer be , or be holden or kept in the street of leaden hall , but shall be thenceforth kept in the green-yard within the same hall , to which place all country butchers , farmers and such others as may keep and frequent the said market to sell any sort of flesh before mentioned , shall and may come , remaine and abide with their goods and commodities on mondayes , wednesdaies , fridaies and saterdaies weekly from the twenty ninth day of september to the twentie fifth day of march till five of the clock in the afternoone , and from the twentie fifth day of march till the nine & twentieth day of september , till seven of the clock in the afternoone and no longer , and shall or may have standings assign'd or set out unto them paying for every standing fower pence a day , that is to say , two pence halfe penny a day to the city officer that is or shall be appointed collector of the said duty , to the use of the chamber of london , and the other three halfe pence thereof to the serjeant of the channell for the time being . provided that no standing shall exceed four foot in bredth , and five foot in length . provided also , and it is further enacted , that any country farmer , victualler , or other that doth and may serve and supply the said market with any sort of flesh before mentioned , may also bring into the said greene yard together with their flesh and there sit and sell any other provisions of victuall excepting beefe , which is still to be sold in the ancient market place of leaden-hall , as by sundry lawes and orders in this behalfe is directed and provided . and for the better execution of this act , the serjeant of the channell and all other officers and persons whom it may concerne , are hereby enjoyned and required to be intent and diligent in avoiding the said street of the flesh victualls , and provisions before mentioned , in manner aforesaid , and setling the countrey butchers , farmers and victuallers who sell the same in the greene yard aforesaid , and to see to the full execution of this act , at their uttermost perils . provided that the serjeant of the channell for the time being , doe provide boards of the size allowed in other markets for such as doe require them , and keèp the foresaid markets cleane swept , and the soile carried away at his owne charge . provided alwaies that beefe shall still be sold at the stalls and places for that purpose appointed in leadenhall and the greene yard there , and not elswhere , and that any other sort of flesh aforesaid may be there also sold according to an act of common councell in that behalf made and provided the sixteenth day of october 1646. and that all fees and duties for the said stalls and places in the said ancient market place within leaden-hall and the greene yard , shall be paid as formerly , any thing in this present act notwithstanding . sadler . printed by james flesher , printer to the honorable city of london . the resolve of the citie this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87901 of text r211401 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[32]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87901 wing l1299 thomason 669.f.22[32] estc r211401 99870130 99870130 163615 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87901) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163615) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[32]) the resolve of the citie l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704, attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1659] sometimes attributed to sir roger l'estrange. protesting against the terms of "the agrement [sic] of the general council of officers of the armies of england, scotland, and ireland". imprint from wing. dated at end: december 23. annotation on thomason copy: "xber [i.e., december]. 27. 1659". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -army. -council -the agreement of the general council of officers of the armies of england, scotland, and ireland -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a87901 r211401 (thomason 669.f.22[32]). civilwar no the resolve of the citie. [l'estrange, roger, sir] 1659 1056 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the resolve of the citie . ovr respects to peace , and order , are too notorious to be questioned , since by the meer impressions of charity and obedience , we have thus long suspended the justice we owe to our selves , together with that vengeance , which the blood of our murthered companions requires at our hands . nor hath the power of these principles of publique tendernesse been lesse eminent , upon our judgements , than upon our passions ; for , we have as well believed , in contradiction to evidence of experiment , as we have suffered , in opposition to the very elements , and dictates of humanity . witnesse that execrable munday ( sacred to the eternal infamy of this city ) even then ; when we had that enemy at our mercy , toward whom , by the rights of nature , and of generosity , we were not bound to exercise any ; even then , i say , in the very heat , and course of an honest , and powerfull indignation , we returned quietly , to our houses , upon the first notice , that the authority of the city would have it so . but it is likewise true , that this assurance , was added to the message , viz. that the common council , was sensible of our grievances , and would duly consider them . since this , we find nothing done in pursuance of that promise ; but on the contrary , iniuries are multiplyed upon us ; and those of that day , serve but as arguments of encouragement to greater . some of us killed , others wounded , and lead in triumph naked through the strets : two or three hundred thousand persons looking on , to celebrate the conquest , and the shame . a citizens skull , is but a thing to try the temper of a souldiers sword upon ; give us but every man a red-coat for a cash keeper , and the work 's done . they 're come within a trifle on 't already ; and all this while , an order to be quiet , is all our patient masters would afford us . give us an order that may make us safe ( although we need not ask , what we can give our selves ) perswade these people to be gone , or bid us drive them out ; what law made pauls , and gresham colledge , garrisons ? if nothing else will do , wee 'l do 't our selves : we have engaged , and sworn the vindication of the city , and nothing can absolve us from the oath we have taken this must be done betimes too , 't will come too late else , to prevent , either the necessity of a tumult , or the greater mischief , of a supine , and credulous security . a parliament in january , will do us no more good , than a cordial will do him that was hanged last sessions . our sense at large , we delivered to the world , in a paper , entinuled , the final protest , and sense of the city : which is publique enough , notwithstanding the great design used to suppresse it , and the insolences of diverse persons , disaffected to the good of the city , toward those that sold them . to that we adhere , that protest of ours , produced another from the common council , of the 20th . current , to which something ought to be said , ( by the way , let the reader take notice of an error in the printing , and , for — not soon vote up the city , & e. read , soon vote up , &c. — ) the sum of that order is , but in effect , the iustification of the lord mayor , in the matter of prudence and integrity : we do not deny , but finding our selves abandoned to all sorts of outrages , by the cold proceedings of the court , in our behalf , we were transported to some bitter reflections : involving the present mayor , with his more criminal predecessor , ireton , in the imputation . we shall not more gladly find it a mistake , than readily confess it one , when we reap the effects of that care for the good of the city ; but so long as we are tyed up from all lawful defence , and the publique enemy at liberty to practise all unlawful violences upon us , we desire to be pardoned , if we suspend in the case . the cloze indeed is very noble , and worthy of the court , where they declare ; for the fundamental lawes , and the protestant religion , &c. — and in fine , to endeavour the convening of a free parliament , in order thereunto . but in contradiction to this resolve , the committee of officers have yesterday published a paper , entituled , the agreement , &c. — — fairly telling us , that we are to be governed by people of their chusing , & by a model of their framing , without any regard had to the practice , and reason of the antient laws , or to the interest , and liberty of every freeborn englishman . this vsurpation is to be considered in its due place ; at present it concerns us , to hinder them from making the slavery of the city , their first step towards the subjection of the nation . the seasonable care of this , we do humbly , and earnestly recommend to the court of common council ; our hopes are , that we are now fallen into better hands , and if our magistrates will but command us , they have an hundred thousand lives in readiness to engage for them . if wee should be so unhappy , as to be still delayed ; wee doe however wash our hands of the consequences : and so god direct and deliver us . december 23. the speech of the right honourable sir john moore, kt., lord mayor elect, at guild-hall, sept. 29, 1681 moore, john, sir, 1620-1702. 1681 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a51231 wing m2556 estc r9457 13540495 ocm 13540495 100078 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51231) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100078) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 796:9) the speech of the right honourable sir john moore, kt., lord mayor elect, at guild-hall, sept. 29, 1681 moore, john, sir, 1620-1702. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for jonathan robinson ..., london : 1681. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng moore, john, -sir, 1620-1702. london (england) -politics and government. broadsides -england -london -17th century 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-12 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-12 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the speech of the right honourable sir john moore , kt. lord mayor elect , at guild-hall , sept. 29 , 1681. gentlemen , and worthy citizens , i give you all my hearty thanks for the great honour you have done me this day , in chusing me your chief magistrate for the year ensuing . it is a very great trust you have reposed in me ; and a high and honourable employment to which you have called me . it shall be my great care , to the uttermost of my power , with god's blessing , and your assistance , to discharge it faithfully . it is a work i never did , and requires that strength i never had , which i hope the lord will grant me . god by you hath called me to it , and i trust will carry me through it . magistracy is an ordinance set up by divine authority , and government is appointed for the good of mankind , to keep the world in order , to which is due great reverence and obedience ; i wish all men did their duty . i am sorry to hear and see such great divisions amongst us ; certainly they are in a great error that are promoters of them . it 's the design of rome to divide us ; it will be the wisdom of protestants to prevent and disappoint them , by living together as brethren in unity amongst themselves . and my request to you all is , to exercise christian charity , to forbear reproaching and backbiting one another ; to study quietness among your selves , to discourage sin and wickedness , to promote piety and godliness : which will bring glory to god , honour to the king and his government , peace , happiness and prosperity to this city ; which god almighty grant , and let all the people say , amen . london , printed for jonathan robinson , at the golden lyon in st. paul's church-yard , 1681. the loyall subjects lamentation for londons perversenesse, in the malignant choice of some rotten members, on tuesday the 19. of march 1661. 1661 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a91839 wing r1531 thomason 669.f.27[3] estc r210249 99869064 99869064 170700 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91839) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 170700) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 256:669f27[3]) the loyall subjects lamentation for londons perversenesse, in the malignant choice of some rotten members, on tuesday the 19. of march 1661. rise, augustin, attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], london : printed in the year, 1661. anonymous. attributed to augustin rise. verse "oh horrid monsters! what strange newes is here,". annotation on thomason copy: "march 28"; the second 1 in the imprint date has been altered in ms to "0". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -parliament -humor -early works to 1800. london (england) -politics and government -17th century -humor -early works to 1800. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the loyall subjects lamentation for londons perversenesse , in the malignant choice of some rotten members , on tuesday the 19. of march 1661. oh horrid monsters ! what strange newes is here , when factious locusts thus in swarms appear . at guild-hall-gate , where they do freely vote for such vild scabs , who soon would cut the throat of justice , and would have all idle sport in churches us'd ; nay , they a tennis-court would make it , if they could ( by lot or fate ) obtain the pow'r to rule in church or state. the city vermine in guild-hall did cry ( both independent and presbytery . ) for love , whose zeal so hot was set on work , that he declar'd hee 'd rather see a turk then a sursingle , rub on , ther 's none can bowl better then this independent man. then anabaptists they aloud did cry with jack presbyter ' gainst episcopy . saying , fowk was a member fit they knew , who had the brains to cheat a subtle jew . so well his cash , with cursed self he loves , as did appear by those left-handed gloves . he sold the jew alone , but after they were gone , he made his chapman soundly pay for fellows to them , thus his pregnant wit makes him a man for parliament so fit . next eccho'd forth a dismal thundring voice , crying for thompson ; oh such hellish choice will us undo ; london , thy case all pitty , and pray these vermine may not spoil thy city . such shrubs and stumps will spoil a royal oak , who have their rise from stinking indian smoak . as this rare pedlar , whose ever smoaking brains doth smoak and smell as hot and strong as grains , the house wherein he sits , o england , pity , for why , his breath will poison a committee . the next was jones , another smoaker , chose , that all good subjects by the choice suppose they did appoint that day for to undo themselves , their king , i and their countrey too . but stay , methinks i hear blinde justice say the vote is carri'd a contrarie way ; for independent voices did appear : the anabaptist and the presbyter , many of whom we may malignants make because they never yielded yet to take the oath of true allegiance to their king ▪ which well their persons might in question bring with their estates ; how can the vote of such stand firme , who have no note of loyalty ; i do presume they are chose by malignants ; ergo , 't is not faire . thus have you four sad stewards chose , god send them ne're to sit , or soon to have an end . london , lament your case , you plainlie see your worthy burgesses , and what they be , base factious persons , of a rigid spirit , chose by sad persons without grace or merit . yet if they stand without a just return , god send the commons house may soon adjourne . and all that can displease so milde a king as charles the second , god in due time bring them to an end , and grant they may as well hoyle themselves as did achitophel . london , printed in the year , 1660 notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a91839-e10 the only honest man amongst them if any . orders set downe by the court of lord mayor and aldermen of the city of london, concerning the rates of carriages with carrs within this city and the liberties thereof, to continue untill further order be taken in that behalf. city of london (england). lord mayor's court this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription b04140 of text r179965 in the english short title catalog (wing l2864fa). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 b04140 wing l2864fa estc r179965 53299185 ocm 53299185 179929 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b04140) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179929) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2808:34) orders set downe by the court of lord mayor and aldermen of the city of london, concerning the rates of carriages with carrs within this city and the liberties thereof, to continue untill further order be taken in that behalf. city of london (england). lord mayor's court 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1655] some text in black letter. at head of title: february 15. 1654. place and date of publication suggested by wing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in: bodleian library eng freight and freightage -rates -england -london -17th century -sources. london (england) -history -17th century -sources. broadsides -england -17th century. b04140 r179965 (wing l2864fa). civilwar no february 15. 1654. orders set down by the court of lord mayor and aldermen of the city of london, concerning the rates of carriages with car city of london 1655 636 2 0 0 0 0 0 31 c the rate of 31 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion february 15. 1654. orders set down by the court of lord mayor and aldermen of the city of london , concerning the rates of carriages with carrs within this city and liberties thereof , to continue untill further order be taken in that behalf . whereas daily complaint is made by merchants and other citizens , of the excessive rates demanded and received by carmen , above what is reasonable and hath been limited and appointed for carriages within this city and liberties : now upon due consideration had as well of former times as of the present , wherein the prices of some commodities of necessary and principal use to the carmen are risen , and consequently require some increase of the rates heretofore set for their labour and carriage ; it is therefore ordered by this court , that all carmen trading or working with carres in the city of london and liberties thereof , shall and may demand and take for every carriage or load of the commodities under mentioned , the rates hereafter following , and shall not exceed the same upon pain to be strictly punished and proceeded against for every offence to the contrary ; that is to say , 1. first , from any the wharfs between the tower and london-bridge , to tower-street , gracechurchstreet , fanchurchstreet , bishopsgatestreet within , cornhill , and places of like distance up the hill with xviij c weight , not exceeding xxiij c weight . in which may be included , two punchions of prunes , two bales of macher , twenty barrels of figs , two fats of fustians , five ordinary sacks of cotton-woolls of smyrna , and three extraordinary ; as bags of cyprus wooll , butts of currans , great butts of oyles , three chests of sugars , eight bags of allums , one laste of flax , one laste of hemp , and and other goods of the like kinde and weights , for every load — xx d. and for seacols the load — xij d 2. also from any the wharfs aforesaid , to broadstreet , lothbury , old-jury , bassishaw , colemanstreet , ironmongerlane , st. laurence-lane , milkstreet , aldermanbury , cheapside , woodstreet , friday-street , breadstreet , and places of like distance , for the like weight of xviij c not exceeding xxiij c for the goods aforesaid , and others of the like kinde for every load — xxij d 〈…〉 5. also from any the wharfs aforesaid , to broadstreet , lothbury , old-jury , bassishaw , colemanstreet , ironmonger lane , st. laurence lane , milkstreet , aldermanbury , cheapside , woodstreet , fridaystreet , breadstreet , and places of the like distance , for any of the said goods of the same quantity and weight , for every load — xx d 6. also from any the wharfs aforesaid , to towerstreet , gracechurchstreet , fanchurch-street , bishopsgatestreet within , cornhill , and other places of like distance up the hill with viij c weight , not exceeding xiiij c weight ; in which may be included , all butts and pipes of wine , packs of canvas , two hogsheads , or three terces , a fat of fustians , and all other goods of the like bulk and weight , for every load — xvj d and from any the wharfs aforesaid , to broadstreet , lothbury , old-jury , bassishaw , colemanstreet , ironmonger lane , st. laurence lane , milkstreet , aldermanbury , cheapside , woodstreet , fridaystreet , breadstreet , and other places of like distance , for any other goods of like load and weight , for every load — xviij d 〈…〉 the prince of orange his speech to the citizens of london. william iii, king of england, 1650-1702. 1688 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a96571 wing w2481a estc r186719 47683559 ocm 47683559 173014 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96571) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 173014) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2661:19) the prince of orange his speech to the citizens of london. william iii, king of england, 1650-1702. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed for g.r., london, : 1688. reproduction of original in: eton college. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -revolution of 1688. london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -england -london -17th century. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-07 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the prince of orange his speech , to the citizens of london . worthy gentlemen , it is not a little satisfaction to me , that having an army compos'd of so many different nations ; i do notwithstanding find them unanimously bent to maintain and prosecute , to the utmost , the cause i have now undertaken . and though by several declarations , i have ( as i believe ) sufficiently satisfied both you , and all england , of the sincerity , as well as the necessity of these my actions and designs . i shall not , however , think it unnecessary , or superfluous , briefly to repeat and summ up some things which may serve you for satisfaction , as to matters past , as well as encouragement for the future . that england , and the vnited provinces , are the two main pillars , whereon all the reformed churches of europe seem to depend , is to us rather the envy than the doubt of our adversaries now at the court of rome , and lately of england , not only to weaken , but wholly to root out even the name of protestant , each man 's private diurnal , as well as our publick annals , do sufficiently testifie ; nor is the breach made by the restless malice of our enemies ( urg'd by a late opportunity ) in the laws and liberties of these kingdoms , so effectually made up as to free us from the suspicion and fear of a more dangerous relapse . what therefore remains , but that we apply such remedies , as shall not only for the present ease us , but for the future secure us . lenitives have , to our cost , been too long thrown away on the canker'd hearts of our irreconcilable enemies . god's providence , not our swords , proving the only antidote against their poyson . the present persecution of the poor protestants in ireland , is but as a prologue to their intended miseries , had it not by providence been timely prevented : nor did the laws and liberties of the people of england , seem a sufficient sacrifice to their hungry zeal for the present , unless by methods as sophistical as their doctrine , they might bind and secure them to posterity . we have seen the corruption of judges ( those betrayers of their country , ) the oppression of the bishops , ( those pillars of the church , ) the abuses of most of the great offices ( civil and military , ) private cabals , and publick grievances ; and all to promote a faction as uneasie , as contrary to all moral conversation . let us therefore , gentlemen and fellow soldiers , with courage and constancy , oppose and disarm these common disturbers of the peace of christendome . if our adversaries boast of french supplies , and irish succours ( while you are resolv'd and united in your hearts : ) i value them not ; i fear not the strength of the one ; and , i thank god , can laugh at the malice of the other . let us vigorously tread that path , which god almighty seems to have peculiarly mark'd out for us . if there be any of you , that either distrust your own courages , or are dissatisfied with the cause you have undertaken , i freely give you liberty , and fase conduct to your several abodes . i will , my self , be both the spectator and rewarder of all your actions ; resolving to be the personal example of your courage and resolution . i exhort and command you to be dutiful and obedient to your several respective commanders . to forbear , on pain of death , all fraud or pillages of the citizens ; and to be careful and vigilant in your several posts ; and , as i believe , you are sufficiently satisfied with the justice of our cause ; so , by the help of god , which i chiefly exhort you constantly to pray for ) i doubt not of a happy and speedy ●uccess , as in other places , so in london . london , printed for g. r. 1688. mr. pepys to the right honourable sir francis child, kt. lord mayor, and to the court of aldermen upon the present state of christ-hospital. pepys, samuel, 1633-1703. 1699 approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54298 wing p1451e estc r222474 99833641 99833641 38119 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54298) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 38119) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2175:16) mr. pepys to the right honourable sir francis child, kt. lord mayor, and to the court of aldermen upon the present state of christ-hospital. pepys, samuel, 1633-1703. child, francis, sir, 1642-1713, recipient. city of london (england). court of common council, recipient. [6] p. s.n., [london : 1699] caption title. signed at end: s. pepys. dated at head: york-buildings, march 7th. 1698/9. [i.e. 1699] imprint from wing. copy stained, with heavy print show-through. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library, oxford. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng christ's hospital (london, england) -early works to 1800. orphans -england -london -early works to 1800. charities -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -economic conditions. -early works to 1800. 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mr. pepys to the right honourable sir francis child , kt. lord mayor , and to the court of aldermen , upon the present state of christ-hospital . york-buildings , march 7 th . 1698 / 9. my lord and gentlemen , that nothing may rest uncommunicated to this court , of what goes from me to that of christ-hospital ; any more than , by your allowance , i with-hold from them , ought of what i offer you : i here tender you a copy of a letter of mine thither , of the 25. of january . the contents of which bearing my farewel to them , as with all respect my purpose is in this to you ; i cannot but recommend the perusal thereof to this court ; as carrying with them such a representation of the perishing state of that house , in some fresh particulars essential to the well-being of it , as render it a thing little less than hopeless for me ( by ordinary means , at least ) any longer to think of saving it : after finding my self put to above seven months labour , in compassing only its treasurer's signing that one article of his account , which you had before had from him vnsign'd ; and more than ten , in finding passage only , through this court thither , to my late report of the state of the same . and what it is that may be look't-for from it , even now it is there , with a committee of few less than forty , and of them the majority such , as will find little work for them in it , but self-arraignment ; i submit to your lordship and this court. especially , when you shall be pleas'd to reflect upon the present circumstances of that house's government ; viz. vnder the guidance of a president , equal indeed to the worthiest of his predecessors , both in his general virtues , and special munificence to that place . but one , whose piety has out-liv'd his strength for being otherwise personally aidful to it , in any of the weightier duties of that charge . vnder a treasurer , who ( besides what you have elsewhere before you concerning him ) was also pleas'd to declare himself unable both in mind and body , for the longer execution of his office ; and therefore made his formal resignation of it , and had it as formally accepted-of from him in court there , above two years since . vnder the direction of gentlemen acting indeed as governours , and to whom as such i have for more than 23. years had the honour of reckoning my self a fellow-servant ; but are said to stand reported to you at this day by your learned council , not to be such , nor capable of being so , without ( what they have never yet had ) the confirmation of this court. and lastly , vnder an administration also on the part of your lordship and your honoured brethren , so gentle ; as to have suffer'd your orders thither , even in points the most important , to lye 7. months together wholly neglected , and your authority as openly renounc'd ; without having yet thought fit to have ought done ( within my notice at least ) in assertion of it . a reflection , my lord , as hard to be accounted-for , as in it self grievous . forasmuch as , if after so uninterrupted a jurisdiction , as has been always exercis'd by this court , and with a submission as constantly paid thereto from these hospitals ; if after so long a succession of gifts and bequests to them , and those to great values , in reliance upon the credit and authority of this court alone for their security ; if after so establish'd a veneration acquir'd to it , as guardians of these foundations , and particularly as the moral fathers of the orphans of this house , when in your easter and other solemnities , they , as your children , bear no small part in the honour of your processions ; and lastly , if after what in my particular i have been endeavouring herein for your service , and for the service of the poor ; this court shall appear to have been all this while thus credited and thus obey'd , without authority at this day , under the greatest of their miscarriages , to visit and reform them ; for so also your learned council are said to have determin'd . what must be thought of this mistake ? and particularly , how will the pious credulity of our princely founders and past benefactors be to be lamented ; and what more to be either hop'd or wish'd-for of them , on these terms , in time to come ? what must the apprehensions now be of those , whose subsistence rests upon the authority only of this court , for the payments that house stands charg'd with to their vse , out of the larger benevolences of their charitable auncestors ? or theirs ; whose debts of more modern date , lye unpaid ( many thousand pounds deep ) by that hospital at interest , upon no other security ? what is there to be rely'd-on of fruit from the retrospections said to be now on foot there , or those lying before your lordship and this court , from my report ? or in a word ; what to be hop'd-for either of satisfaction for so much of our poor's stock and benefactor 's bounties as has already miscarry'd ; or of better provision in time to come , for securing the remainder ? what , i say my lord , must the result of all this be , and how to be answerd-for ; should this court be so unhappy , as knowingly to permit such a foundation and its revenue to rest one day longer , in hands no otherwise qualify'd-for , nor better intitled to the trust of it ? while by a resolution of its own , not yet 16. months old , you have been pleas'd to declare your selves standing governours of the same , and ( as such ) required your being ( as anciently ) summon'd to every of its courts , and accordingly have ever since been so , and now are : to the entitling your selves ( i fear ) to a nearer concernment in the fate of it , than may have been yet sufficiently reflected-on ; and possibly , to an accountableness with them , for the good or bad events of their managements there . a consideration i am the more willingly your present remembrancer in , from the fresh endeavours said to be now on foot there , for resuming their old liberty of taking-in children , while unprovided of a bit of bread for those they now have , otherwise than by running into new debt , or length'ning their score of interest upon the old ; besides sacrificing the innocence of so many fresh infants , to the dissoluteness of manners now reigning , among those they are to be there mixed-with . the evil of whose contagion , and pressure of which debt , i take to be no otherwise removable , than by a total stop to be for some time put , to the occasions of both. an expedient , that i well know will at the first hearing be thought as impracticable , as in other respects extraordinary . but the case is extraordinary too ; and consequently , to restrain its remedy to ordinary methods only , is little other , than to leave it remedy-less . which i cannot think any gentleman , who hath the honour and trust of a governour there , will contentedly sit-down with , while furnish'd with any thing to offer towards the saving it , as ( for want of better ) i do this : and yet with an opinion so far from deeming it impracticable , as to reckon it a work neither of length nor difficulty ; if , in atonement for that misconduct of ours , by which , from the prosperity this house was in while under the care but of 16. governours with 500. children , it has been brought into the condition it now lies with 400. governours ( little more or less ) and but 400. children ; if ( i say ) in atonement for that misconduct , we would improve the opportunity of this nearness in our numbers , to the easing the house at once of the whole , by every governour 's taking to himself one : thereby leaving the income of it entirely free to the discharge of its debts , doing right to its founders and benefactors , and that being done , to the setting-out afresh , with a revenue clear'd , its discipline reform'd , and provision made for its future better conduct through the whole . and this i lay with all deference before your lordship and this court , as that without which , or some other aequivalent , i must avow my despair of ever seeing this unhappy house in the state it ought to be ; and therefore would be glad , with your concurrence and the concurrence of the gentlemen of that body , to be doing my part , either in this or any other effectual proposition , towards it . i am well aware , my lord , of the censure this fervor of mine may expose me to , as one overpressing in a cause , wherein others neither less interested nor less discerning than my self , are pleas'd to shew so little of the dissatisfaction i do ; and without any surprise on my side at it , as well remembring how little different my own sentiments were of it , while my knowledge thereof ( like theirs ) had no other direction , than the information of others . whereas no sooner was i engaged in the closer and more deliberate enquiries apply'd thereto of my own , but that indifference of mine was awaken'd to the degree of concernment i now profess ; and which , on like conviction , would be no less in any other , whose morals ( like mine ) know no middle , in matters of trust at least , between scrupulously iust , and down-right the contrary . or to speak more plainly ; between mixing my own hand in the ruin of this religious house , and sitting silently within view of its being brought-about , by the vanitie , supineness , prodigality , or self-interest of others . indulge me therefore , my lord , the liberty of this one only closing note to your lordship upon this subject . namely , that as the direction of the hospitals , has in all times hitherto been undeniably exercised by your honourable predecessors , in this place ; and as uninterruptedly submitted-to . so is it no less evident , that however an occasion has now ( after sevenscore years practice ) been administred to the questioning it ; your said predecessors , ( the lord mayor , commonalty , and citizens of london ) upon covenants first by them entered-into with k. edward vi. for the good government of them , were by his special charter of incorporation as governours thereof , furnished with all the powers requisite to the enabling them to make-good those covenants . in consideration of which , and in duty to your lordship , to the city , to this court , and to the poor , i cannot ( as a servant to all ) but most earnestly pray ; that this matter may without delay , be laid for remedy before that body corporate , where-ever it now rests ; in order to the preventing , if possible , any unnecessary recourse to methods extraordinary , for what should be thought attainable by ordinary . especially while , sitting a parliament , with so many of your own number , and of the hospital's , members therein , and with a bill already ( i take it ) before them , relating to charitable uses ▪ no reasonable supplement ought to be doubted from it , to that ordinary power : if any such can be judg'd wanting , after so illustrious a proof , as i have sometime since given you , of the issue of his lordship , the present lord chancellor's proceeding in the late memorable case of st. katharines 〈◊〉 proceeding i cannot but remind you of ; as well as of the check put but few years before at the great seal , to a visitation then offered-at , in a method less regular , in the case of st. thomas's . to conclude , my lord , this calamity of ours in our hospital-concernment is a spot not to be cover'd in our feasts of charity , once the glory of this city . and a spot not at the worst neither , but daily spreading , and daily deepening too , through every part of it . witness its appearance ( where least to have been lookt-for ) in the very last act of our treasurer's signing this account ; as giving you therein , his own hand in evidence against the truth of what you had had before from him vnsign'd ; and in which , as in all other its former editions , to my self , to the hospital , and from thence to the lords of the treasury , there had been suppress'd in the single article of sea wages , a sum no less than 1400 l. besides others of greater moment yet behind . and this too , notwithstanding repeated cautions to them concerning it ; and particularly in my last , whereof this brings you a copy . and since which ( as fresh at it is ) they have nevertheless adventur'd to ask , and actually received more than 700 l. upon that very head on which the treasurer has so lately own'd his having twice that sum of the king 's in his hand , yet to be accounted-for . be pleased therefore to think of some speedy prevention to the growth of this our reproach . and towards it , permit me only to say ; that as uneasy as the vndertaking may appear to others ; i see no cause of apprehending any thing of more difficulty needful towards it ( whether as to the due animadverting upon what is past , or better providing for what is to come ) than a right choice of a very few hands to be assign'd thereto , supported with an authority suited to the work , and powers requisite to the rendring their labours and determinations therein effectual . which being adjusted , and that only ; i should with great assurance of success , both readily and gladly pay the utmost of my personal service to the gentlemen so commission'd ; as well in detecting the errors of my own calculations ( and which for the poor's sake i could wish more , than i dare yet hope them to be ) as suggesting and applying adequate remedies , to what those gentlemen in their happyer enquirys may find truly needing the same . but if after all ( which god avert ) it should be our infelicity , even with the aid of that charter , not to have wherewith of our own to help our selves herein . the cause nevertheless is too sacred , both in it self , and as it is the king 's , to be permitted to sink , while within the support i have so often mention'd , of his own soveraign visitation ; and more particularly in what relates to himself within our care in the mathematical foundation ; by translating it , from the hands in which it now languishes , to those he is pleased to intrust with that of his own later erection , to the same royal purpose in the advancement of navigation , within his own palace and inspection at greenwich . i am in most respectful manner , my lord and gentlemen , your ever most faithful and obedient servant , s. pepys . by the king. his majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of london and vvestminster. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78812 of text r211126 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[89]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78812 wing c2344 thomason 669.f.5[89] estc r211126 99869859 99869859 160802 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78812) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160802) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[89]) by the king. his majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of london and vvestminster. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] place and date of publication from wing. "given at our court at ayno this 27 of october, in the eighteenth yeare of our raigne." reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78812 r211126 (thomason 669.f.5[89]). civilwar no by the king. his majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of london and vvestminster. england and wales. sovereign 1642 922 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . his majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of london and vvestminster . whereas amongst other arts used by the promoters of this horrid and desperate rebellion against vs , great industry and subtility hath been applyed to corrupt our subjects of our cities of london and westminster , first by engaging them in factions and tumults to awe the members of both our houses of parliement who would not consent to their seditious designes ; then by perswading them to loanes and contributions for the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against vs , upon pretence that the same was raised for the defence of our person , the protestant religion , the laws of the land , and priviledge of parliament ( whereas in truth it is for the destruction of them all ) by their yeelding obedience to , and executing the pretended ordinance of the militia : and lastly by infusing into them a desperate sense of their own condition , and that we are so much incensed against them for the premises , that we intend to plunder , and give up the wealth of those our cities , as a prey to our souldiers : we do hereby declare , that we are yet far from being so much incensed against those our cities , as these men desire to be believed , and in truth have endeavoured to make vs : but we beleive that those tumults were contrived by the persons whom we haue formerly accused of that practice , and raised out of the meanest and poorest people of those our cities and suburbs , without the privity and consent of the best and substantiall gi. izens and inhabitants , and that the loanes and contributions which have been since raised ( though they have passed more generally than we expected from the duty and sobriety of men of fortunes and understanding ) have beene wrested and extorted from them by threats and menaces , and feare of plundering and violence . and therefore we do hereby offer our free and gracious pardon to all the citizens and inhabitants of our said cities of london and westminster , for all offences concerning the premises committed against vs before the publishing of this our proclamation ( except all those persons whom we have excepted in our declaration of the 12 of august , and except alderman fulke and captaine manwaring , against all which we shall proceed according to the rules of law , as against traytors and stirrers of sedition against vs ) and we do assure them in the word of a king , that no violence shall be offered by our army , or any part of it to any of them , not doubting but their demeanour will henceforward be such , that vve shall not be compelled to bring our army against them . provided that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation shall presume by loane or contribution to assist the said army of rebels to assemble and muster themselves in armes without authority derived from vs under our hand , or to enter into any oath of association for the assistance of the earle of essex , how spetiously soever the same be pretended for our safety , for since the encounter on sunday 23. of this moneth , where they used all possible meanes and malice to have destroyed vs , and where it pleased god to give vs so great a victory over them ( though with the losse of many worthy men ) no man can be satisfied in the mischiefe and malice of their rebellion , shall take armes by vertue of any pretended ordinance , or shall enter into any oath of association against vs , or without our consent , shall be esteemed by vs as an enemy to the publique peace , a person disaffected to vs , the religion and law of the kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment ; of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . and to the end that they may receive all possible and particular assurance from vs of our gratious intentions towards them , we shall be willing that such a number of grave and substantiall citizens be imployed from our said city to vs , as shall by them be thought fit , who may propose such things to vs on their behalfe as shall be desired , to which we shall give a gracious and just answer . and we do assure them and all the world , that as the scandals and imputations upon vs concerning our favouring of papists have been groundlesse , and maliciously contrived by the authors of this rebellion to beget a misunderstanding between vs and our subjects , so all the professions we have made in our severall declarations for the suppression of popery , and the maintenance of the true reformed protestant religion established in the church of england , and for the defence of the laws of the land , and the just priviledges of parliament shall be as inviolably observed by vs , as we expect blessing from the almighty god , and obedience from our subjects . given at our court at ayno this 27 of october , in the eighteenth yeare of our raigne . by the king a proclamation for the better discouery and apprehension of those malefactors, who were actors in the late insolent riots and murders committed in fleetstreet, london, vpon friday, the tenth day of this instant moneth of iuly. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1629 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22510 stc 8933 estc s122762 33150662 ocm 33150662 28694 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22510) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28694) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:116) by the king a proclamation for the better discouery and apprehension of those malefactors, who were actors in the late insolent riots and murders committed in fleetstreet, london, vpon friday, the tenth day of this instant moneth of iuly. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : anno dom. m.dc.xxix [1629] caption title. imprint from colophon. "giuen at our court at whitehall, the eighteenth day of iuly, in the fift [sic] yeere of our reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng vaughan, henry. stamford, henry grey, -earl of, 1599?-1673. fleetstreet riot, london, england, 10 july 1629. riots -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-06 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-00 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king. a proclamation for the better discouery and apprehension of those malefactors , who were actors in the late insolent riots and murders committed in fleetstreet , london , vpon friday , the tenth day of this instant moneth of iuly . whereas vpon friday , the tenth day of this instant moneth , vpon the occasion of an arrest then made by the sheriffes officers of the citie of london , diuers insolent assaults and tumults were made and raised vpon the constables and watches of the citie , whereupon much bloodshed , and the barbarous murther of diuers of our louing subiects hath insued , and those insolencies so long continued , and at the last grew to such height , that there was an open and violent resistance and opposition made against our lord maior of london , and our sheriffes of our citie , assisted with some of the trained bands necessarily drawne forth to suppresse those outrages , which were committed rather in rebellious then in a riotous manner ; we hauing taken these affronts to justice , and to our publique officers and ministers , into our princely consideration , and hauing already giuen a strict charge and command for the due examination of these so bold and audacious attempts , and finding by the returne of those , whose paines wee haue imployed in that seruice , that very few of the principall actors can by their industry bee yet taken or discouered , and , wee bring resolued , in a case of this extraordinary qualitie and consequence , to proceed according to the strict rule of iustice , against all those who shall bee found to bee the offendors , that by their examples others may hereafter be warned not to dare to runne into the like : to the end therefore that those malefactors may not be concealed , and so escape their due punishments , these are to will and command , all and euery our louing subiects whom it may concerne , especially the chirurgions , in , or neere our city of london or westminster , who haue , or since that day had , any hurt or wounded men in their cure , that they and euery of them vpon their allegiance to us , and the duty they owe to the publike peace of our state , and vpon paine of such punishments , as by our lawes , or by our prerogatiue royall ran be inflicted vpon them , for their neglect herein , doe foorthwith vpon publication of this our royall pleasure , discouer to the lord president of our priuie councell , or to one of our principall secretaries of state , the names of all such persons as they know , or by probable coniecture , doe suspect to have beene actors in any of those late tumults , and the places of their abidings , and that they , and all other persons whatsoeuer , doe their best indeauours , to detaine or apprehend them , or cause them to bee detained or apprehended without expecting any further or other warrant in that behalfe , and by name that they apprehend , or cause to bee apprehended , wheresoever they shall be found , captaine vaughan , henry stamford , and one ward , an ensigne , that so they and euery of them , may bee ready to answere such matters , as on our behalfe shall be obiected against them ; hereof all and euery persons , whom it may concerne in their seuerall places , are to take notice , and carefully to obserue the same , at their vttermost perills . giuen at our court at whitehall , the eighteenth day of iuly , in the fift yeere of our reigne , of great britaine , france , and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxix . die veneris 4 octob. 1644. an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament for sending forth five regiments out of the city of london; and parts adjacent. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83133 of text r212198 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[15]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83133 wing e1924 thomason 669.f.9[15] estc r212198 99870844 99870844 161113 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83133) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161113) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[15]) die veneris 4 octob. 1644. an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament for sending forth five regiments out of the city of london; and parts adjacent. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by richard cotes, printed at london : 1644. signed: joh. brown cler. parliamentorum. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng city of london (england). -committee for the militia -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a83133 r212198 (thomason 669.f.9[15]). civilwar no die veneris 4 octob. 1644. an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament: for sending forth five regiments out of the city o england and wales. parliament. 1644 885 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die veneris 4 octob. 1644. an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament : for sending forth five regiments out of the city of london ; and parts adjacent . it is this day ordained by the lords and commons in parliament assembled , that the committee of the militia of the city of london and parts adjacent , within the lines of communication , and parishes mentioned in the weekly bills of mortality , shall have power , and is hereby authorised to command the red and blue regiments of trayned bands of the said city ; and the red regiment of trayned bands of westminster ; the yellow regiment of trayned bands of the borough of southwark ; and the yellow regiment of auxiliaries of the hamblets of the tower , consisting of five thousand men , or thereabouts , and such other forces as they shall think fit , either of horse , or foot , raised or to bee raised under the command of the said committee of the militia , within the limits aforesaid , to march from the severall parts aforesaid , according to the discipline and order of warre , under the conduct and command of such major generall , collonels , lieutenant collonels , captains , and other officers , as the said committee shall appoint , together with all such necessary provisions of armes ammunition , ordnance , and other carriages , and to joine with such other forces of horse and foote , as are under the command of the earle of manchester , and sir william waller , or either of them , according as they shall bee directed by both houses , or the committee of both kingdomes ; to resist and subdue the forces raised without authority of parliament ; and to recover , and preserve such places as are now possessed by the enemy . and for prevention of such inconveniences , as by experience hath been discovered to fall out in former expeditions by giving great summes of money before hand to hired souldiers , and by their refusing to serve ; unlesse they may have their owne demands . it is further ordained , that no advance shall be henceforth given before hand , to any souldiers hired , or to bee hired , besides their weekly pay ; and that the committee of the militia , and their sub-committees respectively , shall have power to impresse within their severall limits , all such persons as shall be by them thought fit to bee hired , to serve in this expedition , excepting such persons as are excepted in the ordinance of parliament , made the 12 of july last , 1644. and it is further ordained , that the said committee shall have power , and is hereby authorized to call backe such forces as they shall command to march forth by vertue of this ordinance , when they shall thinke fit ; and that all the said colonells , lieutenant colonells , captaines , officers , souldiers , and other persons under the command of the said committee of the militia , whether masters , or servants , shall obey the directions of the said committee of the militia from time to time , upon paine of imprisonment , or expulsion out of the limits aforesaid , and such other punishments as the said committee shall thinke fit to impose upon them by reasonable fines , or according to the course of warre : and to levy the said fines , by distresse , and sale of their goods , and to imploy the same for the service of the city , as the said committee shall appoint : and all sub-committees made , or to bee made , constables , headboroughs , provost marshals , and other officers , are hereby required to bee aiding and assisting from time to time for the better furthering and effecting all such services as are contained or intended by this ordinance , according as they shall bee directed by the said committee within the limits aforesaid ; as they will answer the contrary under the penalties herein mentioned . and it is further ordained , that all such forces as shall be sent forth by the said committees of the militia , by vertue of this ordinance , shall bee payed during their continuance abroad by the parliament , according to the new establishment of the army under his excellency the earle of essex . and it is further ordained , that the sub-committees appointed , or to bee appointed by the said committee of the militia shall have power , and are hereby authorized to cause all or any the clauses conteined in this ordinance to bee put in due execution , when , and as often as they shall receive directions from the said committee ; and as well the said committee , as also their sub-committees , and all other persons acting in the premises , according to the true intent of this ordinance , shall bee saved harmelesse by the authority of both houses of parliament . joh. brown cler. parliamentorum . printed at london by richard cotes , 1644. at a common councel holden in the guildhall london, on tuesday the 20th of december, 1659. city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88455 of text r211396 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[28]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88455 wing l2852n thomason 669.f.22[28] estc r211396 99870125 99870125 163611 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88455) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163611) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[28]) at a common councel holden in the guildhall london, on tuesday the 20th of december, 1659. city of london (england). court of common council. alleyne, thomas, sir, fl. 1660. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by james flesher printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : [1659] publication date from wing. a declaration by the common council, vindicating the lord mayor and others from "certain scandalous aspersions, contained in a pamphlet entitled, the final protest and sense of the city" -thomason catalogue. annotation on thomason copy: "xber [i.e. december]. 21". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng alleyne, thomas, -sir, fl. 1660 -early works to 1800. final protest and sense of the city -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88455 r211396 (thomason 669.f.22[28]). civilwar no aleyn mayor. at a common councel holden in the guildhall london, on tuesday the 20th of december, 1659. city of london 1659 447 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion aleyn blazon or coat of arms mayor . at a common councel holden in the guildhall london , on tuesday the 20th of december , 1659. this court having taken notice of divers affronts put upon the right honourable thomas aleyn , the present lord-mayor of this city with many false and scandalous aspertions cast upon his lordship , and the committee appointed by this court to confer with the lord fleetwood touching the peace and safety of this city : as if they had deserted their trust , or betrayed the rights and liberties of this city , and in particuler , that the said committee seemed satisfied withthe limitations of parliament , called the seven principles or unalterable fundamentals , printed in a late scandalous pamphlet stiled the publick intelligencer ; the said committee here openly declaring that they never heard the said principles , or had them any way communicated to them , much less ever consented to the same or any of them . this court being deeply sensible of these great indignities , doth declare , that the said lord-mayor is so far from deserving any of the said affronts or aspertions , that he hath highly merited the great honour and esteem of this court and the whole city , having in all things demeaned himself with much prudence and faithful integrity to this city and court , which doth therefore return his lordship their most hearty thanks . and that the said committee in all their transactions , touching the peace and safety of this city , have also discreetly and faithfully discharged their trust , to their own trouble and great satisfaction of this court . and whereas this court and city hath been lately represented by some , as having deserted their first cause and declarations for their taking armes or joyning with the parliament in defence of the city or the commonwealth : this court doth declare that they still doe , and with gods assistance alwayes will adhere to their former principles & declarations in the use of all lawfull meanes for the maintenance of the true reformed protestant religion according to the scriptures ; the support and maintenance of a settled lawfull magistracy , a learned pious ministery and publick universities , with the antient fundamental laws of the nation , iust rights , properties and liberties of all persons : and for these ends will endeavour , all they lawfully may the speedy convening of a free parliament to fit and act without interruption or molestation , by any persons whatsoever . sadler . printed by james flesher printer to the honourable city of london , 1659. the speech of the honorable sir george treby, knight, recorder of the city of london, upon the presenting the honorable dudley north and peter rich, esquires, sheriffs of the city of london and county of middlesex, in the exchequer chamber at westminster, on the 30th of september, 1682 treby, george, sir, 1644?-1700. 1682 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a63110 wing t2105 estc r5488 11963192 ocm 11963192 51629 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a63110) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51629) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 518:35) the speech of the honorable sir george treby, knight, recorder of the city of london, upon the presenting the honorable dudley north and peter rich, esquires, sheriffs of the city of london and county of middlesex, in the exchequer chamber at westminster, on the 30th of september, 1682 treby, george, sir, 1644?-1700. crawley, francis, 1610 or 11-1683. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for jonas hyther, london : 1682. broadside. caption title. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng north, dudley, -sir, 1641-1691. rich, peter, -sir, 1630-1692. london (england) -officials and employees. broadsides -england -london -17th century 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2009-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the speech of the honorable sir george treby , knight , recorder of the city of london , upon the presenting the honorable dudley north and peter rich esquires , sheriffs of the city of london and county of middlesex , in the exchequer chamber at westminster , on the 30th of september , 1682. mr. baron crawley , the kings and queens of this kingdom have made several gracious grants and confirmations to the city of london , and the county of middlesex ; and in these grants they did make reservations , and intend that they should be attended with the new sheriffs at their coming into their office , and with the old sheriffs that are going out , and it is upon this occasion that we present them here . here is the lord mayor attended with the citizens , and they have proceeded to the choice of sheriffs , which they have made and sworn ; and the persons who are the present sheriffs , that are presented here , are the honorable dudley north and peter rich , esquires : from these persons they raise great expectations , considering they are men of great sincerity , loyalty and fidelity ; and that they will recommend their office to the esteem of all good people , and that they will at iast cause this honorable question to be put , why was not every man for these men at first ? these worthy gentlemen that were the late sheriffs mr. pilkington and mr. shute have given an account of their office to the city , and now they are come to do it to the king here before you . the honorable mr. baron crawley's reply to mr. recorders speech . mr. recorder , you have certified these worthy gentlemen to be sheriffs of the city of london , and county of middlesex ; and i do admit of the choice , and do not doubt but these gentlemen will so discharge the trust reposed in them , that it may make high for the honour of the king ( whom god long preserve ) and the good of all his loyal subjects . and i do desire god would grant an happy vnion between his majesty and the ancient city of london , that they may all live in peace and vnity one amongst another . this speech of the recorders , and reply of mr. barons , was to the purpose and effect above . london , printed for jonas hyther , 1682. the committee of the militia london, and the liberties thereof, earnestly desire you to enquire what armes are in your ward, ... city of london (england). committee for the militia. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80247 of text r210784 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.12[29]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80247 wing c5566 thomason 669.f.12[29] estc r210784 99869541 99869541 162822 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80247) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162822) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f12[29]) the committee of the militia london, and the liberties thereof, earnestly desire you to enquire what armes are in your ward, ... city of london (england). committee for the militia. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1648] title from opening lines of text. imprint from wing. "dated at guild-hall the twentyeth of may, 1648. signed in the name, and by the warrant of the committee of the militia london, [blank], clerk to the said committee." annotations on thomason copy: "by adam bankes"; "farmingdon within"; [on verso, most likely not by thomason] "to mr. george thomason comon counsell-man". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a80247 r210784 (thomason 669.f.12[29]). civilwar no the committee of the militia london, and the liberties thereof, earnestly desire you to enquire what armes are in your ward, ... city of london 1648 162 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the committee of the militia london , and the liberties thereof , carnestly desire you to enquire what armes are in your ward , which belong to auxiliaries ; and to take care that good and sufficient guards be set upon them , because the committee hath information that there is a purpose of some evill disposed persons speedily to seize the said armes , and use them upon a mischievous design : and within a very few days the committee will ease of this trouble , and provide a convenient place for them , where they may be safely kept for the publike good of the city , if you shall think fit . dated at guild-hall the twentyeth of may , 1648. signed in the name , and by the warrant of the committee of the militia london , by adam banckes clerk to the said committee . to the deputy and common-councell-men in the ward of farington wthin whereas i am informed that some evil disposed persons (upon pretence of imployment or authority from me, to hire and bring in teams of draught horses and carts, for the service of the king and parliament) ... richardson, thomas, waggon-master-general. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91799 of text r211709 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[18]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91799 wing r1416 thomason 669.f.7[18] estc r211709 99870415 99870415 161000 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91799) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161000) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[18]) whereas i am informed that some evil disposed persons (upon pretence of imployment or authority from me, to hire and bring in teams of draught horses and carts, for the service of the king and parliament) ... richardson, thomas, waggon-master-general. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1643] signed at end: thomas richardson wagon-master generall. title from first lines of text. a notice from thomas richardson, wagon-master general, of certain persons having fraudulently received money from some of his majesty's subjects, upon pretence of employment by him. dated at end: "dated at plumbers-hall, london, this 29. of may. 1643. imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng carriages and carts -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a91799 r211709 (thomason 669.f.7[18]). civilwar no whereas i am informed that some evil disposed persons (upon pretence of imployment or authority from me, to hire and bring in teams of draug richardson, thomas, waggon-master-general 1643 240 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion whereas i am informed that some evil disposed persons ( upon pretence of imployment or authority from me , to hire and bring in teams of draught horses and carts , for the service of the king and parliament ) have by colour thereof ( extorsively and corruptly ) taken and received money from divers of his majesties subjects , to release some teams , and protect others from doing service ; which hath tended to the great prejudice of the parties so extorted from , the hinderance of the publike service , and scandall ( as much as in them lay ) of my office , and the due execution thereof . i have thought fit hereby to give publike notice , that i shall take it for a favour of any man that will inform me of the particular name or names , and offences of any person or persons that have been , or hereafter shall be offenders in this kinde ; and i will readily contribute my best and utmost endeavours , not onely to bring them to condigne punishment , but also to procure the parties wronged restitution of their moneys ; with such other reparation , as to the wisdom of the committee of the honorable house of commons for examinations shall be thought meet . dated at plumbers-hall , london , this 29. of may . 1643. thomas richardson wagon-master generall . an ordination and declaration of both houses of parliament sent to the lord maior of london for the religious observation of the lords day commonly called sunday and a command from the maior directed to all church-wardens and constables in every ward in the city of london for the due execution thereof : also concerning the election of certaine new captaines chosen for the security of the city in these dangerous times with the names of the said captaines chosen for the new militia : also a relation of a late tumult happening in chancery lane by certaine gentlemen of lincolnes-inne to the great disturbance and amazement of all the inhabitants. england and wales. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a69947 of text r7969 in the english short title catalog (wing e2117). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a69947 wing e2117 estc r7969 12272903 ocm 12272903 58349 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69947) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 58349) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 247:e119, no 28 or 1700:24) an ordination and declaration of both houses of parliament sent to the lord maior of london for the religious observation of the lords day commonly called sunday and a command from the maior directed to all church-wardens and constables in every ward in the city of london for the due execution thereof : also concerning the election of certaine new captaines chosen for the security of the city in these dangerous times with the names of the said captaines chosen for the new militia : also a relation of a late tumult happening in chancery lane by certaine gentlemen of lincolnes-inne to the great disturbance and amazement of all the inhabitants. england and wales. penington, isaac, sir, 1587?-1660. 8 p. printed for iohn hawes, london : 1642. this item appears at reel 247:e.119, no. 28 (incorrectly identified?) as wing e1763, and at reel 1700:24 as wing e2117. reproduction of originals in thomason collection, british library, and union theological seminary library, new york. eng sunday legislation -england. london (england) -history -17th century -sources. a69947 r7969 (wing e2117). civilwar no an ordination and declaration of both houses of parliament sent to the lord maior of london, for the religious observation of the lords day, england and wales. parliament 1642 1719 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an ordination and declaration of both houses of parliament sent to the lord maior of london , for the religious observation of the lords-day , commonly called sunday . and a command from the maior , directed to all church-wardens and constables , in every ward in the city of london , for the due execution thereof . also concerning the election of certaine new captaines chosen for the security of the city , in these dangerous times , with the names of the said captaines , chosen for the new militia . also a relation of a late tumult , happening in chancery lane , by certaine gentlemen of lincolnes-inne , to the great disturbance and amazement of all the inhabitants . h. elsing . cler. parl. d. c. london , printed for iohn hawes . 1642. an ordinance and declaration of both houses of parliament , sent to the lord maior of london , for the religious observation of the lords day commonly called sunday . the good of the common-wealth , consisting in the due and religious conformity to the lawes both of god and the king , which the parliament , hath and doth with vigilant and exact care , seeke to promote by their prudent and pious consultations , they considering that nothing is more pleasing to god , and consonant to the protestant religion , than the carefull keeping of the lords day , and vindicating it from the abuses which are commonly committed by prophane persons , who despise all order and regular government concordant to the purity of religion , have heretofore formerly sought to keepe it pure and entire from all prophanation , and the maior of this honourable city of london , duely weighing the premises aforesaid , being the religious observation of the lords day , hath carefully tooke order for the same through all parishes , as may appeare by his speciall command hereunto annexed . and as the feare of god is the beginning of wisedome , & strength unto a nation & kingdome , prayer and supplication unto god , with the observation of the sabboth day , being the internall meanes to avert the imminent dangers now threatning this land , so the vigilant care of the citie , considering the present distractions of the times , and the disorderly tumults of ill-affected persons , as that in chancery lane , and endevouring to restraine all eruptions and civill mutinies , engaging the city into common danger , have therefore , for the more assurance , and safety of the city , lately chosen and elected divers worthy and well-affected captaines , for extraordinary military service upon any emergent occasion , in whose knowledge , vigilancy , and fidelity , they do for the better security of the city , much confide . the names of these men elected captaines , being underneath inserted . the names of the colonels , lievtenant colonels , serjeant majors and captaines , appointed by both houses of parliament , for the ordering and governing of the new militia for the preservation of the city of london . captaine ven , captaine manering , colonels ; captaine roe , captaine bradley , lievtenant colonels ; captaine buxton captaine shepheard serjeant majors . the captaines names . captaine sanders . capt. basse . capt. southerne . capt. hanes . capt. langham . capt. pane . capt. lane , capt. andrewes . capt. back stead . capt. pinchon . capt. stackhouse . capt. simmons . capt. player . capt. wilson . an order from the lord maior of london . forasmuch as the lords-day , commonly called sunday , is of late , much broken and prophaned by a disorderly sort of people , by frequenting tavernes , ale-houses , and the like , and in carrying and putting to sale victuall and other things , and in executing unlawfull games and pastimes , to the great dishonour of god and reproach of religion , whereof the house of commons now assembled have been pleased to take notice , and by their order intimation hath been given , that the statutes for the due observing of the sabbath be put in execution . these are therefore in his majesties name to will and require you , forthwith upon the sight hereof , that you give strict charge and command unto all and every the church-wardens and constables within your ward , that from henceforth they doe not permit or suffer any person or persons in the time of divine service , or at any time upon the sunday other then at dinner or supper-time onely to be drinking in any taverne , inne , or tobacco-shop , ale house , or other victualling house whatsoever , nor suffer any fruiterers or hearbe-women to stand with fruit , hearbes , or other victuall or wares in any streetes , lanes , or allyes within your ward , or any other wayes to put these things , or any other to sale upon the sunday at any time of the day , or in the evening ; or any milke-woman to cry milke on that day in any the streets or places aforesaid , nor to permit or suffer any person to use or exercise upon that day their labour in unlading their vessels of fruit , or any other goods , or in carrying goods on shoare , or in the streets , or in packing and loading any goods , or to doe any unlawfull exercises and pastimes within your ward ; and that expresse charge be given to every keeper of any taverne , inne , cooks shop , tobacco-house , ale-house , or any other tipler or victualler whatsoever within your ward , that hereafter they receive not or suffer to remaine any person or persons whatsoever , as their guests or customers , to tipple , eat , drinke , or take tabacco in their houses upon any sunday , other then that inholders may receive their ordinary guests or travellers , and such like , who come or remaine for a time in their inne for dispatch of their necessary businesse according to the lawes of this kingdome : and if any person or persons shall be found offending in the premisses , that then they be brought before me the lord major , or some other of his majesties iustices of the peace within this city to them , they may receive such punishment as the lawes doe prescribe , or as to justice shall appertaine . and hereof not to faile , as you will answer the contrary at your perill . this 27. day of september . 1642. a relation of a late tumult hapning in chancery-lane by certain gentlemen of lincolnes-inne . the night as wellas the day is not exempted from nefarious practises ; for on the fasting-day night 28 of september , at 11 or 12 a clock , 9 or 10 gentlemen would violently have attempted to set fire on the court of guard-house in chancery-lane , taking thence away divers boards ; but by the sudden confluence and flocking together of many of the inhabitants of the lane , they were disturbed in their intent and opposed , so that they conglomorated and gathered together to the number of 20 or 25 , threatening sudden destruction to all opposers . m. lee an apothecary being a spectator of this beginning mutiny , came downe to give captaine browne information thereof , and desire his assistance , who replyed that there were at the exchangesome city forces , but knew not whether he should meet them oportunely or no ; and therefore he would beat up his drums for security of his owne men , while these distractions continued , and matters were in the heate of agitation . captaine lievtenant flanes led 60 or 80 men into the lane , not advancing any further , because he had certaine information of iminent danger and destruction . this doubtfull retraction in the captaine animated one iohn reeve a cooke to be forward in this designe , desiring his staffe out of his hand , and promising to leade them up boldly to the gates of lincolnes-inne , to affront and suppresse the said delinquents : whereupon , by his earnest perswasion , and forward preferring of himselfe , the captaine at his instigation resigned and delivered him up his staffe , who with a valiant resolution conducted his men forward with his sword drawn and elevated in his hand , victoriously captivating 3 of the delinquents opponents prisoners , who had formerly transported by their owne unjust passion , which blinds judgement , inflicted disgracefull punishment on his man , insomuch as they pumpt him most opprobriously for a trespasse of words , in saying , that the house that was building in iack-an-apes-lane , and in chancery-lane , was a court of guard-house : whereupon they presently carried him away , and in executing on him their punishment of pumping , they upbraided him with many menacing cominations , saying , that they would instruct his ignorance in the definition and nature of a court of guard-house , and teach him to know what it was , and after many bitter and reviling speeches , their anger being growne outragious , they conveyed him to the pump and pumpt him , which disgrace reflecting on his master must needs irritate and incense him much by this indignity thus offered in this conflict and sudden mutiny , he said , iohn reeve was wounded in both his shoulders , the inhabitants by this unexpected tumult were put into a great distraction , feares and murmurs being alwayes the consequents of such temerarious rash actions ; but because they were afraid to give impediment to their trading , that private interest stopt the clamour and activity of this disordered eruption of the gentlemen , and the various accidents aforesaid , though most certaine and too lately done , were silenced . thus discontentments , though long stifled , daily breake out in this kingdome . finis . by the major. forasmuch as notwithstanding divers good acts and ordinancees of parliament, and the frequent aadmonitions formerly given in this behalf by the present lord maior, this predecessors late lord maiors of this city, it is observed, that the lords day, and the days of publike fast, are in these sad times of distraction and calamity much profaned, ... city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88475 of text r211019 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.12[102]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88475 wing l2882g thomason 669.f.12[102] estc r211019 99869758 99869758 162893 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88475) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162893) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f12[102]) by the major. forasmuch as notwithstanding divers good acts and ordinancees of parliament, and the frequent aadmonitions formerly given in this behalf by the present lord maior, this predecessors late lord maiors of this city, it is observed, that the lords day, and the days of publike fast, are in these sad times of distraction and calamity much profaned, ... city of london (england). lord mayor. warner, john, sir, d. 1648. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, printer to the honourable city of london, london : [1648] title from caption and opening lines of text. date of publication from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng sunday legislation -england -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88475 r211019 (thomason 669.f.12[102]). civilwar no by the major. forasmuch as notwithstanding divers good acts and ordinancees of parliament, and the frequent aadmonitions formerly given in t city of london 1648 1071 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ by the major . forasmuch as notwithstanding divers good acts and ordinances of parliament , and the frequent admonitions formerly given in this behalf by the present lord maior , & his predecessors late lord maiors of this city , it is observed , that the lords day , and the days of publike fast , are in these sad times of distraction and calamity much prophaned , and not so strictly and solemnly kept as they ought to be ; and that the odious sin of drunkennesse and prophane swearing and cursing is still too common , being the root and foundation of many other enormous sins , drawing gods heavy iudgments upon this kingdom ; which offences are apprehended to arise and continue , to the great dishonour of almighty god , and reproch of the true protestant religion , through the neglect of due execution of the said acts and ordinances made and established for redresse thereof : wherefore john warner , lord maior of the city of london , intending by all the best means and power that he can use , a reformation of the said evills and mis-demeanors committed within this city and liberties thereof , hath thought fit again to revive and publish this in print , and hereby strictly to charge and command , that henceforth no person or persons whatsoever shall in any wise shew forth or put to sale upon the lords day , and dayes of publique fast , any wares , merchandizes , fruit , herbes , goods or chattells whatsoever ( except in extreme necessity ) nor upon those dayes shall travail with horse , cart , or wagon , without iust cause for the same , nor shall carry any burthens , or doe any worldly labour unnecessarily : and that no vintner or taverner , inholder , alehouse-keeper , cooke , tobacco-seller , nor other victualler or keeper of ordinaries whatsoever , shall receive into his or their houses upon the lords day , and days of publike fast , any person or persons to drink or tipple ; nor shall permit or suffer any person whatsoever upon any other day , to remain and abide tippling and drinking in his or their houses contrary to the acts and ordinances of parliament , and shall shut in his or their gates and doores by nine of the clock in the evening , and keep the same shut untill six of the clock in the morning , for and during the winter season ; and by ten of the clock in the evening , and keep the same shut until five of the clock in the morning , during the summer season ; and between the said houres of shutting in and opening , shall not receive any persons into his or their houses to drink or tipple . and the lord maior doth hereby also charge and command all and every the constables , church-wardens and others , whom it may any way concern , within their severall and respective parishes and precincts within this city and liberties thereof , to notifie and make knowne this his proclamation to all the vintners , inkeepers , alehouse-keepers , cooks , and other victualling houses within the same , and to make diligent search and enquiry of all and every the said offences committed upon those dayes , and other times , as wel in the day as in the night , in any the taverns , innes , alehouses , and other victualling houses & places within their severall and respective divisions , and to take the names and dwelling places of all such persons as they at any time shall know not to observe strictly the lords day , and dayes of publique fast , according to the acts and ordinances of parliament in that behalfe made ; and also the names of all such persons as they shal find at any time drunk , prophanely swearing , cursing , tippling , or drinking contrary to the said acts and ordinances ; and likewise to take the names and dwelling places of all and every the inhabitants of every such house where the offence shall be committed , and present the same , or bring the offenders before the lord maior , or some other of his maiesties iustices of the peace , that such punishment may be inflicted upon them , as by the said acts and ordinances are imposed . and the lord maior doth hereby further charge & command all and every the said constables , churchwardens , and other officers whatsoever , to whom it appertaineth , to see that no rogues , vagabonds and beggers doe hereafter wander or beg in the streets of this city upon the lords day , and dayes of publique fasting , or at any other time ; and that all the acts and ordinances of parliament , in all the parts and branches of the same , as well against the said rogues , vagabonds , and beggers , as against any other offender in the premisses , be duely and exactly executed , as they , and every of them will answer the contrary at their uttermost perills . and his lordship doth also hereby require the aldermen of the severall wards of this city , or their deputies , and common councell men to endeavour to their utmost power a reformation of the said offences , in pursuance of the said acts and ordinances , and to take care that the names of all such of the said constables , churchwardens and other officers as shall at any time be found remisse or negligent in the performance of their respective duties required by the severall acts and ordinances of parliament heretofore made for redresse of the severall offences aforesaid , be returned unto his lordship , or some other of his maiesties iustices of the peace of the city of london , to the end such course may be taken for the severe punishment of such of them as shall so offend , according to iustice , and as the said acts and ordinances require . guildhall london , the eight day of august , 1648. london , printed by richard cotes , printer to the honorable city of london . another essay in political arithmetick, concerning the growth of the city of london with the measures, periods, causes, and consequences thereof, 1682 / by sir william petty ... petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. 1683 approx. 46 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54607) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60186) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 220:17) another essay in political arithmetick, concerning the growth of the city of london with the measures, periods, causes, and consequences thereof, 1682 / by sir william petty ... petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. 47 p. printed by h.h. for mark pardoe ..., london : 1683. reproduction of original in yale university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -population. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion another essay in political arithmetick , concerning the growth of the city of london : with the measures , periods , causes , and consequences thereof . 1682. by sir william petty , fellow of the royal society . london : printed by h. h. for mark pardoe , at the black raven ▪ over against bedford-house , in the strand . 1683. the principal points of this discourse . 1. that london doubles in forty years , and all england in three hundred and sixty years . 2. that there be , anno 1682. about six hundred and seventy thousand souls in london , and about seven millions , four hundred thousand in all england and wales ; and about twenty eight millions of acres of land. 3. that the periods of doubling the people , are found to be in all degrees , from between ten , to twelve hundred years . 4. that the growth of london must stop of its self , before the year 1800. 5. a table helping to understand the scriptures , concerning the number of people mentioned in them . 6. that the world will be fully peopled within the next two thousand years . 7. twelve touch-stones , whereby to try any proposal , pretended for the publick good. 8. how the city of london may be made ( morally speaking ) invincible . 9. an help to vniformity in religion . 10. that 't is possible to increase mankind by generation four times more than at present . 11. the plagues of london is the chief impediment and objection against the growth of the city . 12. that an exact account of the people is necessary in this matter . of the growth of the city of london : and of the measures , periods , causes , and consequences thereof . by the city of london , we mean the housing within the walls of the old city , with the liberties thereof , westminster , the burrough of southwark , and so much of the built ground in middlesex and surrey , whose houses are contiguous unto , or within call of those afore-mentioned . or else we mean the housing which stand upon the ninety seven parishes within the walls of london ; upon the sixteen parishes next , without them ; the ten parishes of westminster , and the seven parishes without them all ; all which one hundred and thirty parishes are comprehended within the weekly bills of mortality . the growth of this city is measured , 1. by the quantity of ground , or number of acres upon which it stands . 2. by the number of houses , as the same appears by the hearth-books and late maps . 3. by the cubical content of the said housing . 4. by the flooring of the same . 5. by the number of days-work , or charge of building the said houses . 6. by the value of the said houses , according to their yearly rent , and number of years purchase . 7. by the number of inhabitants ; according to which latter sense only , we make our computations in this essay . till a better rule can be obtained , we conceive that the proportion of the people may be sufficiently measured by the proportion of the burials in such years as were neither remarkable for extraordinary healthfulness or sickliness . that the city hath increased in this latter sense , appears from the bills of mortality , represented in the two following tables , viz. one whereof is a continuation for eighteen years , ending 1682 , of that table which was published in the 117 th . pag. of the book of the observations upon the london bills of mortality , printed in the year 1676. the other sheweth what number of people dyed at a medium of two years , indifferently taken , at about twenty years distance from each other . the first of the said two tables . an. dom. 97 parishes . 16 parishes . one parishes . buried in all . besides of the plague . christened . 1665 5320 12463 10925 28708 68596 9967 1666 1689 3969 5082 10740 1998 8997 1667 7761 6405 8641 15807 35 10938 1668 ●796 6865 9603 17267 14 11633 1669 1323 7500 10440 19263 3 12335 1670 1890 7808 10500 20198   11997 1671 1723 5938 8063 15724 5 12510 1672 2237 6788 9200 18225 5 12593 1673 2307 6302 8890 17499 5 11895 1674 2801 7522 10875 21198 3 11851 1675 2555 5986 8702 17243 1 11775 1676 2756 6508 9466 18730 2 12399 1677 2817 6632 9616 19065 2 12626 1678 3060 6705 10908 20673 5 12601 1679 3074 7481 11173 21728 2 12288 1680 3076 7066 10911 21053   12747 1681 3669 8136 12166 23971   13355 1682 2975 7009 10707 20691   12653 according to which latter table , there dyed as followeth . the latter of tie said two tables . there dyed in london , at a medium between the years . 1604 and 1605 — 5135. a. 1621 and 1622 — 8527. b. 1641 and 1642 — 11883. c. 1661 and 1662 — 15148. d. 1681 and 1682 — 22331. e. wherein observe , that the number c. is double to a. and 806 over . that d. is double to b. within 1906. that c and d. is double to a. b. within 293. that e. is double to c. within 1435. that d. and e. is double to b. and c. within 3341. and that c. and d. and e. are double to a. and b. and c. within 1736. and that e. is above quadruple to a. all which differences ( every way considered ) do allow the doubling of the people of london in forty years , to be a sufficient estimate thereof in round numbers , and without the trouble of fractions . we also say , that 669930 is near the number of people now in london , because the burials are 22331. which multiplyed by 30 , one dying yearly out of 30 , as appears in the 94 pag. of the aforementioned observations ) maketh the said number ; and because there are 84 thousand tenanted houses ( as we are credibly informed ) which at ●8 in each , makes . 672 thousand souls ; the said two accounts differing in considerably from each other . we have thus pretty well sound out in what number of years ( viz. in about 40 ▪ ) that the city of london ▪ hath doubled , and the present number of inhabitants to be about 670 thousand . we must now also endeavour the same for the whole territory of england and wales . in order whereunto , we ▪ first say , that the assessment of london is about an eleventh part of the whole territory , and therefore that the people of the whole may well be eleven times that of london , viz. about 7 millions , 369 thousand souls ; with which account that of the poll-money , hearth-money , and the bishops late numbring of the communicants , do pretty well agree ; wherefore although the said number of 7 millions , 369 thousand , be not ( as it cannot be ) a demonstrated truth , yet it will serve for a good supposition , which is as much as we want at present . as for the time in which the people double , it is yet more hard to be found : for we have good experience ( in the said 94 pag. of the afore-mentioned observations ) that in the countrey , but one of fifty dye per annum ; and by other late accounts , that there have been sometimes but 24 births for 23 burials , the which two points , if they were universally , and constantly true , there would be colour enough to say , that the people doubled but in about 1200 years . as for example : suppose there be 600 people , of which let a fiftieth part dye per annum , then there shall dye 12 per annum ; and if the births be as 24 to 23 , then the increase of the people shall be somewhat above half a man per annum , and consequently the supposed number of 600 , cannot be doubled but in 1126 years , which to reckon in round numbers , and for that the afore-mentioned fractions were not exact , we had rather call 1200. there are also other good observations , that even in the countrey , one in about 30 , or 32 per annum hath dyed , and that there have been five births for four burials . now , according to this doctrine , 20 will dye per annum out of the above 600 , and 25 will be born , so as the increase will be 5 , which is a hundred and twentieth part of the said 600. so as we have two fair computations , differing from each other as one to ten ; and there are also several other good observations for other measures . i might here insert , that although the births in this last computation be 25 of 600 , or a twenty fourth part of the people ; yet that in natural possibility , they may be near thrice as many , and near 75. for that by some late observations , the teeming females between 15 and 44 , are about 180 of the said 600 , and the males of between 18 and 59 , are about 180 also , and that every teeming woman can bear a child once in two years ; from all which it is plain , that the births may be 90. ( and abating 15 for sickness , young abortions , and natural barrenness ) there may remain 75 births , which is an eighth of the people ; which by some observations we have found to be but a two and thirtieth part , or but a quarter of what is thus shewn to be naturally possible . now , according to this reckoning , if the births may be 75 of 600 , and the burials but 15 , then the annual increase of the people will be 60 ; and so the said 600 people may double in 10 years , which differs yet more from 1200 , above-mentioned . now , to get out of this difficulty , and to temper those vast disagreements , i took the medium of 50 and 30 dying per annum , and pitch'd upon 40 ; and i also took the medium between 24 births and 23 burials , and 5 births for 4 burials , viz. allowing about 10 births for 9 burials ; upon which supposition , there must dye 15 per annum out of the above-mentioned 600 , and the births must be 16 and two thirds , and the increase 1 , and two thirds , or five thirds of a man , which number compared with 1800 thirds , or 600 men , gives 360 years for the time of doubling ( including some allowance for wars , plagues , and famine , the effects whereof , though they be terrible at the times and places where they happen , yet in a period of 360 years , is no great matter in the whole nation . for the plagues of england in 20 years hath carried away scarce an eightieth part of the people of the whole nation ; and the late 10 years civil wars , ( the like whereof hath not been in several ages before ) did not take away above a fortieth part of the whole people . ) according to which account or measure of doubling , if there be now in england and wales , 7 millions 400 thousand people , there were about 5 millions 526 thousand in the beginning of queen elizabeths reign , anno 1560. and about two millions at the norman conquest , of which consult the dooms day book , and my lord hale's origi●ation of mankind . memorandum , that if the people double in 360 years , that the present 320 millions computed by some learned men , ( from the measures of all the nations of the world , their degrees of being peopled , and good accounts of the people in several of them ) to be now upon the face of the earth , will within the next 2000 years , so increase , as to give one head for every two acres of land in the habitable part of the earth . and then , according to the prediction of the scriptures , there must be wars and great slaughter , &c. wherefore , as an expedient against the above-mentioned difference between 10 and 1200 years , we do for the present , and in this countrey admit of 360 years to be the time wherein the people of england do double , according to the present laws and practice of marriages . now , if the city double its people in 40 years , and the present number be 670 thousand , and if the whole territory be 7 millions 400 thousand , and double in 360 years , as aforesaid ; then by the under-written table it appears , that anno 1840 , the people of the city will be 10718880 , and those of the whole country but 10917389 , which is but inconsiderably more . wherefore it is certain and necessary that the growth of the city must stop before the said year 1840 : and will be at its utmost height in the next preceeding period , anno 1800 , when the number of the city will be eight times its present number , viz. 5 millions 359 thousand . and when ( besides the said number ) there will be 4 millions 466 thousand to perform the tillage , pasturage , and other rural works necessary to be done without the said city , as by the following table , viz.   annis . burials . people in london . people in england .   1565 — 2568 77040 5526929. as in the former table . 1605 — 5135     1642 — 11883     1682 — 22331 669930 7369230.   1722 — 44662       1762 — 89324       1802 — 178648 5359440 9825650.   1842 — 357296 10718880 10917389. now , when the people of london shall come to be so near the people of all england , then it follows , that the growth of london must stop before the said year 1842 , as aforesaid , and must be at its greatest height anno 1800 , when it will be eight times more than now , with above four millions for the service of the countrey and ports , as aforesaid . of the afore-mentioned vast difference between 10 years and 1200 years for doubling the people , we make this use , viz. to justifie the scriptures and all other good histories concerning the number of the people in ancient time. for supposing the eight persons who came out of the ark , increased by a progressive doubling in every 10 years , might grow in the first 100 years after the flood from 8 to 8000 , and that in 350 years after the flood ( when abouts noah dyed ) to one million , and by this time 1682 , to 320 millions ( which by rational conjecture , are thought to be now in the world ) it will not be hard to compute , how in the intermediate years , the growths may be made , according to what is set down in the following table , wherein making the doubling to be 10 years at first , and within 1200 years at last , we take a discretionary liberty , but justifiable by observations and the scriptures for the rest , which table we leave to be corrected by historians , who know the bigness of ancient cities , armies , and colonies in the respective ages of the world , in the mean time affirming that without such difference in the measures and periods for doubling ( the extreams whereof we have demonstrated to be real and true ) it is impossible to solve what is written in the holy scriptures and other authentick books . for if we pitch upon any one number throughout for this purpose , 150 years is the fittest of all round numbers ; according to which , there would have been but 512 souls in the whole world in moses's time ( being 800 years after the flood ) when 603 thousand israèlites of above 20 years old ( besides those of other ages , tribes , and nations ) were found upon an exact survey appointed by god , whereas our table makes 12 millions . and there would have been but 8000 in david's time , when were found 1100 thousand of above 20 years old ( besides others , as aforesaid ) in israel , upon the survey instigated by satan , whereas our table makes 32 millions . and there would have been but a quarter of a million about the birth of christ , or augustus his time , when rome and the roman empire were so great , whereas our table makes 100 millions . where note , that the israelites in about 500 years between their coming out of egypt to david's reign , increased from 603 thousand to 1100 thousand . on the other hand , if we pitch upon a less number , as 100 years , the world would have been over-peopled 700 years since . wherefore , no one number will solve the phaenomena , and therefore we have supposed several in order to make the following table , which we again desire historians to correct , according to what they find in antiquity concerning the number of the people in each age and countrey of the world. we did ( not long since ) assist a worthy divine , writing against some scepticks , who would have baffled our belief of the resurrection , by saying , that the whole globe of the earth could not furnish matter enough for all the bodies that must rise at the last day , much less would the surface of the earth furnish footing for so vast a number ; whereas we did ( by the method aforementioned ) assert the number of men now living , and also of those that had dyed since the beginning of the world , and did withal shew , that half the island of ireland would afford them all , not only footing to stand upon , but graves to lye down in , for that whole number ; and that two mountains in that countrey were as weighty as all the bodies that had ever been from the beginning of the world to the year 1680 , when this dispute happened . for which purpose , i have digressed from my intended purpose , to insert this matter , intending to prosecute this hint further , upon some more proper occasion . a table shewing how the people might have doubled in the several ages of the world. anno after the flood . periods of doubling     in 10 years 1 — 8 persons . 10 — 16 20 — 32 30 — 64 40 — 128 50 — 256 60 — 512 70 — 1024 80 — 2048 90 — 4096 100 — 8000 and more in 20 years 120 years after the flood . 16 thousand . 140 — 32 30 — 170 — 64 200 — 128 40 — 240 — 256 50 — 290 — 512 60 — 350 — 1 million and more . 70 — 420 — 2 millions . 100 — 520 — 4 millions . 190 — 710 — 8 millions . 290 — 1000 — 16 in moses time. 400 — 1400 — 32 about davids time. 550 — 1950 — 64 750 — 2700 — 128 about the birth of christ. 1000 — 3700 — 256 in 300 / 1200 — 4000 — 320 it is here to be noted , that in this table we have assigned a different number of years for the time of doubling the people in the several ages of the world , and might have done the same for the several countries of the world , and therefore the said several periods assigned to the whole world in the lump , may well enough consist with the 360 years especially assigned to england , between this day , and the norman conquest ; and the said 360 years may well enough serve for a supposition between this time , and that of the worlds being fully peopled ; nor do we lay any stress upon one or the other in this disquisition concerning the growth of the city of london . we have spoken of the growth of london , with the measures and periods thereof , we come next to the causes and consequences of the same . the causes of its growth from 1642 to 1682 , may be said to have been as followeth , viz. from 1642 to 1650 , that men came out of the countrey to london , to shelter themselves from the outrages of the civil wars , during that time ; from 1650 to 1660 , the royal party came to london , for their more private and inexpensive living ; from 1660 to 1670 , the kings friends and party came to receive his favours after his happy restauration ; from 1670 to 1680 , the frequency of plots and parliaments , might bring extraordinary numbers to the city ; but what reasons to assign for the like increase from 1604 to 1642 , i know not , unless i should pick out some remarkable accident happening in each part of the said period , and make that to be the cause of this increase ( as vulgar people make the cause of every mans sickness , to be what he did last eat ) wherefore , rather than so to say quidlibet de quolibet ; i had rather quit even what i have above-said to be the cause of london's increase from 1642 to 1682 , and put the whole upon some natural and spontaneous benefits and advantages that men find by living in great more than in small societies ; and shall therefore seek for the antecedent causes of this growth , in the consequences of the like , considered in greater characters and proportions . now , whereas in arithmetick , out of two false positions the truth is extracted , so i hope out of two extravagant contrary suppositions , to draw forth some solid and consistent conclusion , viz. the first of the said two suppositions is , that the city of london is seven times bigger than now , and that the inhabitants of it are four millions 690 thousand people , and that in all the other cities , ports , towns , and villages , there are but two millions 710 thousand more . the other supposition is , that the city of london is but a seventh part of its present bigness , and that the inhabitants of it are but 96 thousand , and that the rest of the inhabitants ( being 7 millions 304 thousand ) do co-habit thus , 104 thousand of them in small cities and towns , and that the rest , being seven millions 200 thousand , do inhabit in houses not contiguous to one another , viz. in 1200 thousand houses , having about 24 acres of ground belonging to each of them , accounting about 28 millions of acres to be in the whole territory of england , wales , and the adjacent islands ; which any man that pleases may examine upon a good map. now , the question is , in which of these two imaginary states , would be the most convenient , commodious and comfortable livings ? but this general question divides it self into the several questions , relating to the following particulars , viz. 1. for the defence of the kingdom against foraign powers . 2. for preventing the intestine commotions of parties and factions . 3. for peace and vniformity in religion . 4. for the administration of iustice . 5. for the proportionably taxing of the people , and easie levying the same . 6. for gain by foraign commerce . 7. for husbandry , manufacture , and for arts of delight and ornament . 8. for lessening the fatigue of carriages and travelling . 9. for preventing beggars and thieves . 10. for the advancement and propagation of vseful learning . 11. for increasing the people by generation . 12. for preventing the mischiefs of plagues and contagions . and withal , which of the said two states is most practicable and natural ; for in these and the like particulars , do lye the tests and touch-stones of all proposals , that can be made for the publick good. first , as to practicable , we say , that although our said extravagant proposals are both in nature possible , yet it is not obvious to every man to conceive , how london , now seven times bigger than in the beginning of queen elizabeths reign , should be seven times bigger than now it is , and 49 times bigger than anno 1560. to which i say , 1. that the present city of london stands upon less than 1500 acres of ground , wherefore a city seven times as large may stand upon 10500 acres , which is about equivalent to a circle of four miles and a half in diameter , and less than 15 miles in circumference . 2. that a circle of ground of 35 miles semidiameter will bear corn , garden-stuff , fruits , hay , and timber for the four millions 690 thousand inhabitants of the said city and circle , so as nothing of that kind need be brought from above 35 miles distance from the said city ; for the number of acres within the said circle , reckoning one acre sufficient to furnish bread and drink-corn for every head , and two acres will furnish hay for every necessary horse ; and that the trees which may grow in the hedge-rows of the fields within the said circle , may furnish timber for 600 thousand houses . 3. that all live cattel and great animals can bring themselves to the said city ; and that fish can be brought from the lands-end and berwick as easily as now . 4. of coals there is no doubt : and for water , 20 s. per family ( or 600 thousand pounds per annum in the whole ) will serve this city , especially with the help of the new river . but if by practicable be understood , that the present state may be suddenly changed into either of the two above-mentioned proposals , i think it is not practicable . wherefore the true question is , unto or towards which of the said two extravagant states it is best to bend the present state by degrees , viz. whether it be best to lessen or enlarge the present city ? in order whereunto , we enquire ( as to the first question ) which state is most defensible against forraign powers , saying , that if the above-mentioned housing , and a border of ground , of 3 quarters of a mile broad , were encompassed with a wall and ditch of 20 miles about ( as strong as any in europe , which would cost but a million , or about a penny in the shilling of the house-rent for one year ) what foraign prince could bring an army from beyond seas , able to beat , 1. our sea-forces , and next with horse harrass'd at sea , to resist all the fresh horse that england could make , and then conquer above a million of men , well united , disciplin'd , and guarded within such a wall , distant every where 3 quarters of a mile from the housing , to elude the granadoes and great shot of the enemy ? 2. as to intestine parties and factions , i suppose that 4 millions 690 thousand people united within this great city , could easily govern half the said number scattered without it , and that a few men in arms within the said city , and wall , could also easily govern the rest unarmed , or armed in such manner as the soveraign shall think fit . 3. as to vniformity in religion , i conceive , that if st. martins parish may ( as it doth ) consist of about 40 thousand souls , that this great city also may as well be made but as one parish , with 7 times 130 chappels , in which might not only be an uniformity of common prayer , but in preaching also ; for that a thousand copies of one judiciously and authentically composed sermon , might be every week read in each of the said chappels without any subsequent repetition of the same , as in the case of homilies . whereas in england ( wherein are near 10 thousand parishes , in each of which upon sundays , holy-days , and other extraordinary occasions , there should be about 100 sermons per annum , making about a million of sermon per annum in the whole : ) it were a miracle , if a million of sermons composed by so many men , and of so many minds and methods , should produce vniformity upon the discomposed understandings of about 8 millions of hearers . 4. as to the administration of iustice . if in this great city shall dwell the owners of all the lands , and other valuable things in england ; if within it shall be all the traders , & all the courts , offices , records , iuries , and witnesses ; then it follows , that iustice may be made with speed and ease . 5. as to the equality and easie levying of taxes , it is too certain , that london hath at some times paid near half the excise of england ; and that the people pay thrice as much for the hearths in london as those in the countrey , in proportion to the people of each , and that the charge of collecting these duties , have been about a sixth part of the duty it self . now , in this great city , the excise alone according to the present laws , would not only be double to the whole kingdom , but also more equal . and the duty of hearths of the said city , would exceed the present proceed of the whole kingdom . and as for the customs , we mention them not at present . 6. whether more would be gain'd by foraign commerce . the gain which england makes by lead , coals , the freight of shipping , &c. may be the same , for ought i see , in both cases . but the gain which is made by manufactures , will be greater , as the manufacture it self is greater and better . for in so vast a city manufactures will beget one another , and each manufacture will be divided into as many parts as possible , whereby the work of each artisan will be simple and easie ; as for example . in the making of a watch , if one man shall make the wheels , another the spring , another shall engrave the dial-plate , and another shall make the cases , then the watch will be better and cheaper , than if the whole work be put upon any one man. and we also see that in towns , and in the streets of a great town , where all the inhabitants are almost of one trade , the commodity peculiar to those places is made better and cheaper than elsewhere . moreover , when all sorts of manufactures are made in one place , there every ship that goeth forth , can suddenly have its loading of so many several particulars and species , as the port whereunto she is bound can take off . again , when the several manufactures are made in one place , and shipped off in another , the carriage , postage , and travelling-charges will inhance the price of such manufacture , and lessen the gain upon foraign commerce . and lastly , when the imported goods are spent in the port it self , where they are landed , the carriage of the same into other places , will create no surcharge upon such commodity ; all which particulars tends to the greater gain by foraign commerce . 7. as for arts of delight and ornament , they are best promoted by the greatest number of emulators . and it is more likely that one ingenious curious man may rather be found out amongst 4 millions than 400 persons . but as for husbandry , viz. tillage and pasturage , i see no reason , but the second state ( when each family is charged with the culture of about 24 acres ) will best promote the same . 8. as for lessening the fatigue of carriage and travelling , the things speaks it self , for if all the men of business , and all artisans do live within five miles of each other ; and if those who live without the great city , do spend only such commodities as grow where they live , when the charge of carriage and travelling could be little . 9. as to the preventing of beggars and thieves , i do not find how the differences of the said two states should make much difference in this particular ; for impotents ( which are but one in about 600 ) ought to be maintained by the rest . 2. those who are unable to work , through the evil education of their parents , ought ( for ought i know ) to be maintained by their nearest kindred , as a just punishment upon them . 3. and those who cannot find work ( though able and willing to perform it ) by reason of the unequal application of hands to lands , ought to be provided for by the magistrate and land-lord till that can be done ; for there needs be no beggars in countries , where there are many acres of unimproved improvable land to every head , as there are in england . as for thieves , they are for the most part begotten from the same cause ; for it is against nature , that any man should venture his life , limb , or liberty , for a wretched livelyhood , whereas moderate labour will produce a better . but of this see sir thomas moor , in the first part of his vtopia . 10. as to the propagation and improvement of vseful learning , the same may be said concerning it as was above-said concerning manufactures , and the arts of delight and ornaments ; for in the great vast city , there can be no so odd a conceit or design , whereunto some assistance may not be found , which in the thin , scattered way of habitation may not be . 11. as for the increase of people by generation , i see no great difference from either of the two states , for the same may be hindred or promoted in either , from the same causes . 12. as to the plague , it is to be remembred , that one time with another , a plague happeneth in london once in 20 years , or thereabouts ; for in the last hundred years , between the years 1582 and 1682 , there have been five great plagues , viz. anno 1592 , 1603 , 1625 , 1636 , and 1665. and it is also to be remembred , that the plagues of london do commonly kill one fifth part of the inhabitants . now , if the whole people of england do double but in 360 years , then the annual increase of the same is but 20000 , and in 20 years 400000. but if in the city of london there should be two millions of people , ( as there will be about 60 years hence ) then the plague ( killing one fifth of them , namely , 400000 , once in 20 years ) will destroy as many in one year , as the whole nation can re-furnish in 20 : and consequently the people of the nation shall never increase . but if the people of london shall be above 4 millions ( as in the first of our two extravagant suppositions is premised ) then the people of the whole nation shall lessen above 20000 per annum . so as if people be worth 70 l. per head ( as hath elsewhere been shewn ) then the said greatness of the city will be a damage to it self and the whole nation of 14 hundred thousand pounds per annum , and so prorata , for a greater or lesser number ; wherefore to determine , which of the two states is best , ( that is to say , towards which of the said two states authority should bend the present state ) a just balance ought to be made between the disadvantages from the plague , with the advantages accruing from the other particulars above-mentioned ; unto which balance a more exact account of the people , and a better rule for the measure of its growth is necessary , than what we have here given , or are yet able to lay down . post-script . it was not very pertinent to a discourse concerning the growth of the city of london , to thrust in considerations of the time when the whole world will be fully peopled ; and how to justifie the scriptures concerning the number of people mentioned in them ; and concerning the number of the quick and the dead , that may rise at the last day , &c. nevertheless , since some friends liking the said digressions and impertinencies ( perhaps as sauce to a dry discourse ) have desired that the same might be explain'd and made out . i therefore say as followeth . 1. if the number of acres in the habitable part of the earth , be under 50. thousand millions ; if twenty thousand millions of people , are more than the said number of acres will feed ; ( few or no countries being so fully peopled ; ) and for that in six doublings ( which will be in 2000 years ) the present 320 millions will exceed the said 20 thousand millions . 2. that the number of all those who have dyed since the flood , is the sum of all the products made by multiplying the number of the doubling periods mentioned in the first column of the last table , by the number of people respectively affixed to them , in the third column of the same table ; the said sum being divided by 40 ( one dying out of 40 per annum , out of the whole mass of mankind ) which quotient is 12570 millions ; whereunto may be added , for those that dyed before the flood , enough to make the last mentioned number 20 thousand millions , as the full number of all that dyed , from the beginning of the world , to the year 1682 ; unto which , if 320 millions , the number of those who are now alive , be added , the total of the quick and the dead , will amount but unto one fifth part of the graves , which the surface of ireland will afford , without ever putting two bodies into any one grave ; for there be in ireland 28 thousand square english miles , each whereof will afford about 4 millions of graves , and consequently above 114 thousand millions of graves , viz. about 5 times the number of the quick and the dead , which should arise at the last day , in case the same had been in the year 1682. 3. now , if there may be place for five times as many graves in ireland , as are sufficient for all that ever dyed ; and if the earth of one grave weigh five times as much as the body interr'd therein , then a turf , less than a foot thick , pared off from a fifth part of the surface of ireland , will be equivalent in bulk and weight to all the bodies that ever were buried ; and may serve as well for that purpose , as the two mountains afore-mentioned in the body of this discourse . from all which it is plain , how madly they were mistaken , who did so petulantly vilisie what the holy scriptures have delivered . finis . observations upon the dublin bills of mortality , m.dc.lxxxi . and the state of that city . by the observator in the london bills of mortality . in octavo . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a54607-e410 what is meant by london . what is meant by the growth of london . in what measures the city hath increased . the people of london are about the eleventh part of all england and wales . the people of england about 7 millions and 400 thousand . that the time of doubling is here and now 360 years . 320 millions now in the world. that london will be at its highest growth , and eight times as great as now , anno 1800. a digression of the use of the vast difference between 10 and 1200 years of doubling . by the protector an order and declaration of his highness, by the advice of his council, commanding all persons who have been of the late kings party, or his sons, to depart out of the cities of london and westminster, and late lines of communication, on or before monday the fifth day of november, 1655. england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80956 of text r211670 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.20[17]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80956 wing c7121 thomason 669.f.20[17] estc r211670 99870376 99870376 163434 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80956) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163434) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f20[17]) by the protector an order and declaration of his highness, by the advice of his council, commanding all persons who have been of the late kings party, or his sons, to depart out of the cities of london and westminster, and late lines of communication, on or before monday the fifth day of november, 1655. england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) england and wales. council of state. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by henry hills and john field, printers to his highness, london : 1655. order to print dated: thursday the 25. of october, 1655. signed: henry scobell clerk of the council. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng royalists -england -london -early works to 1800. exile (punishment) -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a80956 r211670 (thomason 669.f.20[17]). civilwar no by the protector: an order and declaration of his highness, by the advice of his council, commanding all persons who have been of the late k england and wales. lord protector 1655 858 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion op blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the protector : an order and declaration of his highness , by the advice of his council , commanding all persons who have been of the late kings party , or his sons , to depart out of the cities of london and westminster , and late lines of communication , on or before monday the fifth day of november , 1655. forasmuch as his highness the lord protector , by the advice of the council , hath found it necessary to make and set down several orders for the securing the peace of this commonwealth , the care of the execution whereof is particularly committed to the major-generals of the respective counties , and to whom all and every person and persons within the respective counties , who have born arms against the commonwealth , are to give security for the peacable behaving themselves , that the people of this nation may be preserved and secured against future troubses , by them who have so lately and often attempted their ruine ; and taking notice of the great confluence and resort of divers ill-affected persons , who have born arms against the commonwealth , or otherwise adhered to , or assisted the enemy in the late wars , to the cities of london and westminster , upon the expiration of the late proclamation . to the end the orders aforesaid may be observed , his highness , by , and with the advice of his council doth think fit , and doth hereby publish , declare and enjoin , that all persons , who have been , at any time , in armes against the commonwealth , or have adhered unto , or willingly assisted the enemies thereof in the time of the late wars , being within the cities of london and westminster , or the late lines of communication , and not under restraint , nor hereafter excepted , shall , on or before the fifth day of november next , or , if then under restraint , within five daies after their respective enlargement , depart out of the said cities of london and westminster , and late lines of communication , and all other places within twenty miles of the said late lines , unless it be their places of habitation for themselves and families , as they will answer the contrary at their perils . and his highness doth command the lord mayor and aldermen of the city of london , and iustices of the peace within the said city and late lines of communication , and of the severall counties of middlesex , hertford , essex , kent and surry , and the respective officers of the militia within the said city and liberties , the city of westminster , burrough of southwark , hamlets of the tower , and suburbs , or any two or more of them , in their respective liberties and iurisdictions , to cause strict wards and watches to be kept , and to make frequent searches for , and apprehend , or cause to be apprehended , all such persons as aforesaid , which shall be found within the distance aforesaid , after the said fifth day of november next ; and of their doings therein , under their hands and seals , forthwith to certifie his highness council ; to the end the said offenders may be dealt withall , and proceeded against as disturbers of the peace , and contemners of authority . and all sheriffs , bayliffs , constables , and all captains of guards , officers and souldiers , and other the good people of this commonwealth , are required to be aiding to the said iustices of the peace , officers and ministers , in the due execution of the premises . and for the better discovery , preventing and avoiding of plots and disturbances dangerous to the peace of the commonwealth , his highness doth straightly charge and command all the said persons appointed to depart as aforesaid , and not restrained or stayed either by imprisonment , or such sickness or infirmity of body as they shall not be able to travell without imminent danger of life , or that having law-suites necessarily requiring their personall attendance , to repair to their place of dwelling , or where they usually made their common abode , or ( not having any certain abode ) to the place of their birth , or where their parents shall be then dwelling , and not to return untill the ninth day of february , or before such person shall have given such security unto the major generall of the county whether such person shall go , as by the orders aforesaid is required . thursday the 25. of october , 1655. ordered by his highness the lord protector and his council , that this order and declaration be forthwith printed and published . henry scobell clerk of the council . london , printed by henry hills and john field , printers to his highnes , 1655. martis vicesimo quinto die junij 1700, annoq. regni regis willielmi tertij ... the king's most excellent majesty, and his late religious and gracious queen, as also the lords and commons assembled in parliament, having frequently express'd their great sense of the deplorable increase of prophaeness, vice and debauchery in this kingdom ... city of london (england). 1700 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49046 wing l2865i estc r39647 18460416 ocm 18460416 107731 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49046) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107731) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:5) martis vicesimo quinto die junij 1700, annoq. regni regis willielmi tertij ... the king's most excellent majesty, and his late religious and gracious queen, as also the lords and commons assembled in parliament, having frequently express'd their great sense of the deplorable increase of prophaeness, vice and debauchery in this kingdom ... city of london (england). 1 broadside. printed by samuel roycroft ..., [london] : 1700. at head of title: levett mayor. second part of title taken from first five lines of text. order to restrict amusements at bartholomew-fair. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fairs -law and legislation -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion levett blazon or coat of arms mayor . martis vicesimo quinto die junij 1700. annoque regni regis williemi tertij . angliae , &c. duodecimo . the king 's most excellent majesty , and his late religious and gracious queen , as also the lords and commons assembled in parliament , having frequently express'd their great sense of the deplorable increase of prophaneness , vice and debauchery in this kingdom , and their earnest zeal and desires of reformation , and prevention thereof for the future : and his said majesty having by his royal proclamation commanded and required all his magistrates and ministers of justice , to put the laws in full and due execution against such offenders . this court , as well in obedience thereunto , as out of their own hearty desire to promote reformation in the premises , to the honour of almighty god , of the king , and of this city , and the good government thereof , having taken into their serious consideration the great prophaneness , vice and debauchery too frequently used and practised in bartholomew-fair ; and to prevent the same for the future , do hereby strictly charge and command all persons concerned in the said fair , and in the sheds and booths to be erected and built therein or places adjacent , that they do not let , set , hire or use any booth , shed , stall or other erection whatsoever , to be used or imployed for interludes , stage-plays , comedies , gaming-places , lotteries , disorderly musick-meetings , or other occasions or opportunities for inticing , assembling or congregating idle , loose , vicious and debauched people together , under colour and pretence of innocent diversion and recreation ; but that all booths , sheds , stalls , shops , and other erections during the said fair , to be had and made , shall be used , exercised and imployed for merchandizes , trade and commerce , according to the good intents and purposes designed in the granting , erecting and establishing the said fair. and all persons are hereby required to take notice hereof , and yield obedience hereunto , as they will answer the contrary thereof at their perils . goodfellow . printed by samuel roycroft , printer to the honourable city of london . 1700. my lord mayor and this court of aldermen taking into consideration the wants and necessities of the honest and laborious poore inhabitants (especially of the out parishes) of this city ... city of london (england). this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a49037 of text r39820 in the english short title catalog (wing l2864h). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a49037 wing l2864h estc r39820 18504810 ocm 18504810 107910 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49037) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107910) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:62) my lord mayor and this court of aldermen taking into consideration the wants and necessities of the honest and laborious poore inhabitants (especially of the out parishes) of this city ... city of london (england). 1 broadside. printed by james flesher ..., [london] : [1658] title from first 3 lines of text. at head of title: chiverton mayor. thursday the 4th of february 1657. date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. eng public welfare -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. a49037 r39820 (wing l2864h). civilwar no my lord mayor and this court of aldermen taking into consideration the wants and necessities of the honest and laborious poore inhabitants ( city of london 1658 280 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion chiverton blazon or coat of arms mayor . thursday the 4th of february 1657 . my lord mayor and this court of aldermen taking into consideration the wants and necessities of the honest and laborious poore inhabitants ( especially of the out parishes ) of this city ; in this extreame hard and cold season , doe earnestly recommend it to the ministers in their severall congregations within this city and liberties , on the next lords day , to move their people to a charitable contribution towards their reliefe and succour ; and that the same may succeed the more effectually , it is thought fit that the church-wardens or other officers doe the same day according to the usuall manner after sermon , receive the charity of such strangers as resort to their respective congregations ; and that the common-councell-men throughout the said city and liberties , do on the day following collect from house to house the benevolence of all the able inhabitants in their severall precincts ; and further that the whole collection in every parish and precinct , be paid by the said common-councell-men and churchwardens respectively unto mr chamberlaine at his office in guild-hall london , on tuesday next the 9th of this instant february , to be thence immediately issued , paid , and distributed , according to the discretion and direction of the iustices of peace of the said city , to , and amongst the severall parishes within the same city and liberties , for relief of their said poor , and proportionably to the number and necessities of them . sadler . printed by james flesher , printer to the honourable city of london . august, 1. 1647. for the better satisfaction of the kingdome, the city of london, (who hath been the principall maintainer of the army) now advancing against them, is for peace, ... this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82779 of text r210587 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[54]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82779 wing e1537 thomason 669.f.11[54] estc r210587 99869371 99869371 162703 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82779) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162703) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[54]) august, 1. 1647. for the better satisfaction of the kingdome, the city of london, (who hath been the principall maintainer of the army) now advancing against them, is for peace, ... city of london (england). committee for the militia. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, london : [1647] imprint date from wing. ordered to be printed and published by the committee of lords and commons for the safety of the king, parliament, city and kingdom and by the committee of the militia of the city of london. signed: tho. partington cler. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -militia -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a82779 r210587 (thomason 669.f.11[54]). civilwar no august, 1. 1647. for the better satisfaction of the kingdome, the city of london, (who hath been the principall maintainer of the army) now city of london 1647 260 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion august , 1. 1647. for the better satisfaction of the kingdome , the city of london , ( who hath been the principall maintainer of the army ) now advancing against them , is for peace , and hath omitted nothing to shew their desires to maintaine a good understanding with the army ; what the city doth in standing upon their guard , is for their owne defence , and not to engage in a new war , but to put a speedy period to the kingdomes troubles , and hasten irelands reliefe ; they professe they have , and shall alwayes endeavour to procure the souldiers indempnity , and that they may have their arreares paid them ; and have no other end but that god may have his glory , the kings majesty setled in his just rights , the parliament enjoy their priviledges and freedomes , and the subject their fundamentall laws liberty and peace ; and this being the resolution of this city , they are confident no person of honor , good conscience and lover of their countrey will draw sword or use violence against them , but rather stand for their defence and safety . ordered by the committee of lords and commons for the safety of the king , parliament , city , and kingdom , and also by the committee of the militia of the city of london and parts adjacent , that this declaration bee printed and published . tho. partington cler. london printed by richard cotes . to the parliament of england the humble petition of the mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of london, in common-council assembled. city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a94568 of text r211622 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.23[61]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a94568 wing t1580 thomason 669.f.23[61] estc r211622 99870333 99870333 163717 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94568) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163717) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f23[61]) to the parliament of england the humble petition of the mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of london, in common-council assembled. city of london (england). court of common council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by iohn redmayn in lovells-court in pater-noster-row, london : [1660] imprint from wing. the petition of the mayor and commons of london in common council assembled, that the militia of london may be forthwith settled in the hands of citizens of known integrity and interest in the city. annotation on thomason copy: "feb. 24 1659". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. london (england) -militia -early works to 1800. a94568 r211622 (thomason 669.f.23[61]). civilwar no to the parliament of england: the humble petition of the mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of london, in common-council assembled. city of london 1660 308 1 0 0 0 0 0 32 c the rate of 32 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-07 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the parliament of england : the humble petition of the mayor , aldermen , and commons of the city of london , in common-council assembled . sheweth , that the petitioners in a deep sense of what the city of london hath lately suffered by misapprehensions of their affections to the parliament of england , ( to which in all times they have constantly adhered ) do humbly adore that gracious god , who hath so mercifully restored this honourable parliament to the exercise of their trust , for this cities just vindication , and their and the nations deliverance and preservation : and do with unfeigned thankfulnesse acknowledge the happy concurrence of this honourable house , in their late worthy and prudent resolves , in order to the general settlement of the nation , and for your tendernesse to this city , in enlarging their late imprisoned members , restoring their common-council , and ordering their gates and portcullisses , posts and chains , to be repaired at the publick charge , by all which signal marks of honour , and respects to your petitioners , they do find themselves fully drawn forth into duty and affection , to tender to this honourable house , their sincere and most ready service in all the capacities god hath put them in , for the maintenance of your parliamentary authority , and safety of your persons : and your petitioners hope they neither have , nor shall forfeit that confidence , which the parliament hath alwaies had of them . the petitioners do therefore humbly pray that the militia of london may be forthwith settled in the hands of citizens of known integrity & interest in the city , and your petitioners shall pray , &c. sadler . london printed by iohn redmayn in lovells-court in pater-noster-ro●● an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament for the putting out of the cities of london and vvestminster, and late lines of communication, and twenty miles distant, for six months, all delinquents, papists, and others that have been in armes against the parliament. england and wales. parliament. 1648 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a83227 wing e2008 thomason 669.f.11[123] estc r210775 99869532 99869532 162774 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83227) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162774) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[123]) an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament for the putting out of the cities of london and vvestminster, and late lines of communication, and twenty miles distant, for six months, all delinquents, papists, and others that have been in armes against the parliament. england and wales. parliament. city of london (england). committee for the militia. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1648] imprint from wing. all papists, officers, and soldiers of fortune, and all who have borne arms against parliament are to leave london, etc. before 23 december. lord mayor, justices, and committees to execute. persons found after 23 december to be arrested. this ordinance to last six months. persons who have compounded may stay at their own residences. 24 dec. malignant ministers to be expelled. justices have power to search for offenders -cf. steele. at end is an authorization for search from the committee for the militia for london with blanks for place of search, beginning date, and issue date. signed: ioh. browne, cler. parliamentorum and hen. elsynge, cler. parl. d. com. annotation on thomason copy (in last two blanks at end of document): "ye second day of ffebruary"; "2d of ffeb: 1647". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament , for the putting out of the cities of london and vvestminster , and late lines of communication , and twenty miles distant , for six months , all delinquents , papists , and others that have been in armes against the parliament . die veneris , 17. decemb. 1647. the lords and commons assembled in parliament doe declare and ordain , and be it by authority of parliament ordained and declared , that all papists whatsoever , and all officers and souldiers of fortune , and all other persons whatsoever that have born armes against the parliament , or have adhered to , or willingly assisted the enemy in this late warre , not being under restraint , and not hereafter excepted , shall at , or before the three and twentyeth day of this instant december , depart the cities of london and westminster , and the late lines of communication , and all other places within twenty miles of the said late lines of communication ; and if any of the persons aforesaid shall continue within the said lines , or within twenty miles distance of the said late lines of communication after the said three and twentyeth day of this instant december , such person or persons shall be apprehended , imprisoned , and proceeded against as traytors . and for the better execution of this ordinance , it is further ordained and declared by the said lords and commons , and by authority of parliament , that the lord major of the city of london , and all justices of peace within the said city and liberties thereof ; and the committee of the militia of the said city , or any two or more of them , and justices of peace of the severall counties of middlesex , hertford , essex , kent , and surrey , and of the city of westminster , and liberties thereof , and of the severall committees of the militia of the said cities of westminster , and liberties thereof , and of the burrough of southwark , hamblets of the tower and suburbs , or any two or more of them in their respective liberties and jurisdictions shall and may , and are hereby authorized and required to make search for , and apprehend , or cause to be apprehended all papists and popish recusants , whatsoever , and all officers and souldiers whatsoever that have born arms against the parliament of england , or have adhered to , or willingly assisted the enemy in this late warre , that are or shall be found within the said cities of london and westminster , and suburbs and liberties thereof , or within the said late lines of communication , or twenty miles distant thereof , after the said three and twentyeth day of this instant december ; and all such persons so apprehended and taken , and brought before them , or any two of them as abovesaid , to imprison , and commit to some common gaole or prison , or to safe custody . and all sheriffs , bayliffs , constables , and all other his majesties officers and subjects are to be aiding to the said justices of peace , and committees of militia in execution of this ordinance . and in case any jaylor , constable , or other officer to whom any the persons aforesaid shall be committed , shall permit such person or persons to go at liberty without the speciall warrant or discharge of the said lord major , justices of peace , or committees of militia by whom they were so committed , that the same shall be taken and adjudged an escape ; and such jaylor , constable , and other officer shall bee proceeded against , and punished as for an escape according to law ; and this ordinance is to continue for the space of six months from the said three and twentyeth day of this instant december . provided , that nothing in this ordinance shall extend to such persons aforesaid , who having their habitations within the lines of communication , or within the said space of twenty miles have made their compositions , and paid in , or secured their fines , or have taken the negative oath and covenant , or that shall be authorized by both houses of parliament , or being really attending their compositions at goldsmiths-hall , shall be permitted by the committee of lords and commons for compositions , there to continue within the said late lines of communication for the perfecting their said compositions . ioh. brown , cler. parliamentorum . die sabbathi , 22. januarii , 1647. be it ordered and ordained by the lords and commons in parliament assembled , that any person or persons nominated and appointed by the lord major of the city of london , or by the justices of peace , or committee of the militia in the said city , or by any three or more of them , or by the justices and committees of militia in the county of middlesex , and in the city of westminster , and liberties thereof , and borough of southwark , or by any three or more of them respectively , are hereby authorized within their respective limits to search for , and apprehend all papists and popish recusants , and all officers and souldiers whatsoever who have borne armes against the parliament of england , or have adhered to the enemy in the late warre , according to an ordinance passed in that behalf , bearing date the 17. of december , one thousand six hundred forty seven . iohn brown , cler. parliamentorum . hen. elsynge , cler. parl. d. com. die veneris , 24. decembr . 1647. ordered , that the severall committees of the militia of london , vvestminster , hamblets , and borough of southwark , doe take especiall care , that all the malignant ministers that have adhered to the enemy , be forthwith put out of the late lines of communication , in pursuance of the ordinance for putting malignants out of the lines of communication . h. elsynge , cler. parl. d. com. by vertue of the ordinances and order above mentioned , we the committee of the militia of london , and the liberties thereof , doe hereby authorize and appoint you to make diligent search in all places within and to begin on and such offenders as you shall apprehend in the search , you are to commit to safe custody , and to give us notice thereof , to the end that they may be proceeded against according to the said ordinances and order of parliament : and all constables , officers , and other persons are required to be aiding and assisting unto you in the execution hereof . dated at guild hall , london , the ●o the deputy and common-councell-men in the 〈…〉 the impeached and imprisoned citizens, aldermen, and members, absolution from guilt or treason, by an ancient vote of the commons house, when full, free, dis-ingaged, and out of ward-ship to the army. die lunæ 2 martij. 1645. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87344 of text r210726 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[105]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87344 wing i91 thomason 669.f.11[105] estc r210726 99869489 99869489 162757 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87344) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162757) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[105]) the impeached and imprisoned citizens, aldermen, and members, absolution from guilt or treason, by an ancient vote of the commons house, when full, free, dis-ingaged, and out of ward-ship to the army. die lunæ 2 martij. 1645. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1647] annotation on thomason copy: "decemb: 11th 1647". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a87344 r210726 (thomason 669.f.11[105]). civilwar no the impeached and imprisoned citizens, aldermen, and members, absolution from guilt or treason, by an ancient vote of the commons house, whe england and wales. parliament. 1647 253 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the impeached and imprisoned citizens , aldermen , and members , absolution from guilt or treason , by an ancient vote of the commons house , when full , free , dis-ingaged , and out of wardship to the army . die lunae 2 martij . 1645. resolved &c. by the house of commons , that the actions of the city of london , or of any other person whatsoever , for the defence of the parliament , or the priviledg thereof , or the preservation of the members thereof , are according to their duty and to their late protestation , and the laws of the kingdom ; and if any person shal arrest or trouble any of them for so doing , he is declared to be a publique enemy of the common-wealth . resolved &c. that this vote shall be made known to the common counsell of the city of london . but the actions of the now impeached and imprisoned citizens , aldermen and members , for which they stand accused and committed are such ; yea , warranted by ordinances , votes , and orders of both houses then sitting , ergo ; those fugitives and preingaged members , and other persons who have accused , impeached , arrested and troubled them for so doing , are by this vote , declared to be publique enemies to the state , and the greater traytors of the two , as most honest dis-interessed men repute them . orders heertofore conceiued and agreed to bee published by the lord mayor and aldermen of the citie of london and the iustices of peace of the counties of middlesex and surrey, by direction from the lords of his maiesties most honourable priuie councell, and now thought fit to be reuiued, and againe published. city of london (england). court of common council. 1625 approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06243 stc 16729.3 estc s3286 33143267 ocm 33143267 28345 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06243) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28345) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1881:10) orders heertofore conceiued and agreed to bee published by the lord mayor and aldermen of the citie of london and the iustices of peace of the counties of middlesex and surrey, by direction from the lords of his maiesties most honourable priuie councell, and now thought fit to be reuiued, and againe published. city of london (england). court of common council. 3+ leaves. by isaac jaggard, [london : 1625] caption title. imprint from stc (2nd ed.). imperfect: first three leaves only. best copy available for photographing. reproduction of original in: british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -prevention. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion orders heeretofore conceiued and agreed to bee published , by the lord mayor and aldermen of the citie of london , and the iustices of peace of the counties of middlesex and surrey , by direction from the lords of his maisteies most honourable priuie councell , and now thought fit to be reuiued , and againe published . whereas in the first yeare of his maiesties most happie reigne ouer this realme of england , an act was made for the charitable reliefe , and ordering of persons infected with the plague : whereby authoritie is giuen to iustices of peace , mayors , bayliffes , and other head-officers , to appoint within their seuerall limits examiners , searchers , watchmen , keepers , and buryers for the persons and places infected , and to minister vnto them oathes for performance of their offices . and the same statute also authorizeth the giuing of other directions , as vnto them for the present necessity , shall seeme good in their discretions . it is therefore vpon speciall consideration thought very expedient , for the preuenting and auoyding of the infection of sicknesse ( if it shall please almighty god ) which is now dangerously dispersed into many places within the citie and suburbs of the same : that these officers following bee appointed , and these orders hereafter prescribed be duly obserued . first , it is thought requisite , and so ordered , that in euery parish there be one , two , or more persons of good sort and credite , chosen and appointed by the alderman his deputie , and common councell of euery ward , and by the iustices of peace in the counties , by the name of examiners , to continue in that office the space of two moneths at least : and if any fit persons so appointed as aforesaid , shall refuse to vndertake the same , the said parties so refusing , to bee committed to prison vntill they shall conforme themselues accordingly . that these examiners be sworne by the alderman , or by one of the iustices of the county , to enquire and learne from time to time , what houses in euery parish bee visited , and what persons be sicke , and of what diseases , as neere as they can informe themselues , and vpon doubt in that case , to command restraint of accesse , vntil it appeare what the disease shall proue : and if they find any persons sicke of the infection , to giue order to the constable , that the house be shut vp : and if the constable shall be found remisse or negligent , to giue present notice thereof to the alderman , or the iustice of peace respectiuely . that to euery infected house there be appointed two watchmen , one for the day , and the other for the night : and that these watchmen haue a speciall care that no person goe in or out of such infected houses , whereof they haue the charge , vpon paine of seuere punishment . and the said watchmen to doe such further offices as the sicke house shall neede and require : and if the watchman be sent vpon any busines , to locke vp the house , and take the key with him : and the watchman by day to attend vntill ten of the clocke at night : and the watchman by night till sixe in the morning . that there be a speciall care , to appoint women searchers in euery parish , such as are of honest reputation , and of the best sort as can bee got in this kinde : and these to be sworne to make due search and true report , to the vtmost of their knowledge , whether the persons , whose bodies they are appointed to search , do dye of the infection , or of what other diseases as neere as they can . and for their better assistance herein , forasmuch as there hath bene heretofore great abuse in misreporting the disease , to the further spreading of the infection : it is therefore ordered , that there be chosen and appointed three able and discreet surgeons , besides those three that do already belong to the pest-house : amongst whom , the city and liberties to bee quartered , as the places lye most apt and conuenient : and euery of these sixe to haue one quarter for his limit : and the said chirurgeons in euery of their limits , to ioyne with the serchers , for the view of the body , to the end there may be a true report made of the disease . and further , that the said chirurgeons shall visite and search such sicke persons as shall eyther send for them , or be named and directed vnto them by the examiners of euery parish , and informe themselues of the disease of the said parties . and forasmuch as the saide chirurgeons are to be sequestred from all other cures , and kept onely to this disease of the infection : it is ordred , that euery of the saide chirurgeons , shall haue twelue pence a body searched by them , to be paide out of the goods of the party searched , if he be able , or otherwise by the parish . orders concerning infected houses , and persons sicke of the plague . the master of euery house , as soone as any one in his house complayneth , eyther of botch , of purple , or swelling in any part of his body , or falleth otherwise dangerously sicke , without apparant cause of some other disease , shall giue knowledge thereof to the examiner of health within two houres after the said signe shall appeare . as soone as any man shall be found by this examiner , chirurgeon or searcher , to be sick of the plague , he shall the same night be sequestred in the same house . and in case he bee so sequestred , then though he afterwards die not , the house wherein he sickned , shall bee shut vp for a moneth , after the vse of due preseruatiues taken by the rest . for sequestration of the goods and stuffe of the infected , their bedding , and apparell and hangings of chambers , must bee well ayred with fire , and such perfumes as are requisite within the infected house before they be taken againe to vse , this to be done by the appointment of the examiner . if any person shall haue visited any man , knowne to be infected of the plague , or entred willingly into any knowne infected house , being not allowed : the house wherein hee inhabiteth shall be shut vp for certaine dayes , by the examiners direction . item , that none be remoued out of the house where he falleth sicke of the infection , into any other house in the city , burrough , or county ( except it be to the pesthouse or a tent , or vnto some such house , which the owners of the said visited house holdeth in his owne hands , and occupieth by his owne seruants ) and so as security be giuen to the parish , whether such remoue is made , that the attendance and charge about the said visited persons , shall be obserued & charged in all the particularities before expressed , without any cost of that parish , to which any such remoue shall happen to be made , and this remoue to be done by night . and it shall be lawfull to any person that hath two houses , to remoue either his sound or his infected people , to his spare house at his choice , so as if he send away first his sound , he may not after send thither his sicke ; nor againe vnto the sicke the sound : and that the same which he sendeth be for one weeke at the least shut vp , and secluded from company for feare of some infection , at the first not appearing . that the buriall of the dead by this visitation bee at most conuenient houres , alwayes eyther before sun-rising , or after sunne-setting , with the priuity of the churchwardens or constables , and not otherwise ; and that no neighbours nor friends be suffered to accompany the coarse to church , or to enter the house visited , vppon paine of hauing his house shut vp or be imprisoned . that no clothes , stuffe , bedding or garments be suffered to be carried or conuayed out of any infected houses , and that the cryers and carriers abroad of bedding or old apparrell , to be sold or pawned , be vtterly prohibited and restrained : and no brokers of bedding , or old apparrell be permitted to make any outward show , or hang forth on their stals , shop-boards , or windowes , towards any street , lane , common way or passage , any olde bedding or apparrell to be sold , vpon paine of imprisonment : and if any broaker or other person shall buy any bedding , apparrell , or other stuffe out of any infected house , within two moneths after the infection hath beene there , his house shall be shut vp as infected , and so shall continue shut vp twenty dayes at the least . if any person visited doe fortune , by negligent looking vnto , or by any other meanes , to come or bee conueyed from a place infected , to any other place , the parish from whence such party hath come , or bene conueyed , vpon notice thereof giuen , shal at their charge cause the said party so visited and escaped , to be carried and brought backe againe by night , and the parties in this case offending , to be punished at the direction of the alderman of the ward , and the iustices of the peace respectiuely : and the house of the receiuer of such visited person , to bee shut vp for twenty dayes . that euery house visited bee marked with a redde crosse of a foote long , in the middle of the doore , euident to be seene , and with these vsuall printed words : that is to say , lord haue mercy vpon vs , to be let close ouer the same crosse , there to continue vntill lawfull opening of the same house . that the constables see euery house shut vp , and to bee attended with watchmen , which may keepe them in , and minister necessaries vnto them at their owne charges ( if they be able ) or at the common charge if they be vnable : the shutting vp to be for the space of foure weekes after all be whole . that precise order be taken that the searchers , chirurgions , keepers , and buriers are not to passe the streets , without holding a red rod or wand of three foote in length in their hands open or euident to be seene , and are not to go into any other house then into their owne , or into that whereunto they are directed or sent for , but to forbeare and abstaine from company , especially when they haue bene lately vsed in any such businesse or attendance . and to this end it is ordred , that a weekely taxe be made in euery parish visited , if in the citie or borrough then vnder the hand of the alderman of the ward , where the place is visited : if neither of the counties , then vnder the handes of some of the iustices next to the place visited , who ( if there be cause ) may extend the taxe into other parishes also , and may giue warrant of distresse against them which shall refuse to pay : and for want of distresse or for assistance , to commit the offenders to prison , according to the statute in that behalfe . ¶ orders for clensing and keeping sweete of the streets . first it is thought very necessary , and so ordered , that euery house-holder do cause the street to be daily pared before his doore , and so to keepe it cleane swept all the weeke long . that the sweeping and filth of houses to bee daily carried away by the rakers , and that the raker shall giue notice of his comming by the blowing of a horne , as heretofore hath beene done . that the laystalles be remoued as farre as may bee out of the city , and common passages , and that no night-man or other be suffered to emptie a vault into any garden , neere about the city . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a06243-e10 examiners be appointed in euerie parish . the examiners office. watchmen . chirurgions notice to be giuen of the sicknes . sequestration of the sicke . ayring of the stuffe . shuting vp of the house none to be remoued out of infected houses , but buriall of the dead . no infected stuffe to bee vttered . euery visited house to be marked . euery visited house to be watched . the streetes to bee kept cleane . that the rakers take it from out the houses . laystals to be made far off from the city . at a court of sewers held at the guild hall, london on saterday the fifth of february in the year of our lord 1652. ... commissioners of sewers of the city of london. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88438 of text r211665 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.16[88]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88438 wing l2851b thomason 669.f.16[88] estc r211665 99870374 99870374 163241 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88438) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163241) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f16[88]) at a court of sewers held at the guild hall, london on saterday the fifth of february in the year of our lord 1652. ... commissioners of sewers of the city of london. webbe, benjamine. moreton, edward. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by hen. hills for john bellinger in clifford's inne-lane, london : [1653] title from caption and opening words of text. imprint date from wing. signed: benjamine webbe edward moreton clerks to the commissioners. annotation on thomason copy: "feb 5. 1652". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng sewerage -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88438 r211665 (thomason 669.f.16[88]). civilwar no sewers london ss. at a court of sewers held at the guild hall, london; on saterday the fifth of february in the year of our lord 1652. ... city of london 1653 710 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion at a court of sewers held at the guild hall , london ; on saterday the fifth of february in the year of our lord 1652. before us commissioners of sewers for the city of london the suburbs of the same and elsewhere in all places within the limits of two miles of and from the said city , whose names hereafter ensue , whereof three or more are of the quorum , to wit , the lord major of the city of london . mr. alderman kendrick . mr. alderman pack . mr. lieutenant of the tower . mr. webbe . mr. swallow . mr. cole . mr. holloway . mr. normington . mr. bellomy . mr. nash . mr. benson . mr. argent . mr. archer . mr. clark . it was amongst other things ordered and decreed as followeth , to wit , whereas in the due execution of a commission of sewers for the limits aforesaid under the great seal of england , bearing date at westminster the 30 day of july in the year of our lord 1651. to us and others directed , it appeareth aswel by view as by the oathes of good and lawfull men aswel of the west part of the said city as of the county of middlesex , that the common dich or sewer commonly called fleet-ditch and the river-wells , also tremel-brook from the river of thames at bridewell dock london to hockley in the hole in the county of middlesex having bin antiently passable with boats , ballingers , lighters , and other vessels is now by many encroachments thereupon made by keeping of hogs and swine therein and elsewhere neer to the said sewer , the throwing in of offals and other garbage by butchers , soucemen and others , and by reason of many houses of office erected built and standing upon and over the said sewer and otherwise not only stopped , choaked up and become unpassable with boats and other vessels as heretofore , but also become very stinking and noisome to the great prejudice and annoyance not only of the neighbourhood and inhabitants thereabout , but to the said city of london and county of middlesex , and the commonwealth in general , and contratry to the good and whole some lawes and statutes of this common-wealth in that case made and provided . and whereas all or most of the offenders in any the kinds a foresaid stand presented before us for their several encroachments , houses of office erected and other annoyances and misdemeanors by them severally made and committed in and upon the said ditch or sewer , some whereof have appeared submitted them selves and been fined and others , though summoned , have not appeared , but stand in contempt , and yet the said encroachments , erections and nusances are still continued unredressed . now we the said commissioners minding a through reformation of all the said abuses by scouring and cleansing the said ditch or sewer to make it passable again with boats and other vessels for the benefit of the inhabitants and others as formerly , and being desirous that all the said encroachments nusances and other obstructions may be redressed and removed with as much ease and little trouble to the inhabitants as may be , do therefore think fit to order and decree , and it is hereby ordered and decreed , that as well all and every person and persons as stand presented before us as others not yet presented for any encroachments , stops , lets , houses of office or annoyances in or upon the said ditch or sewer shall abate , pull down , reform and amend the same by the 12 day of march next coming upon such pain as shall by the said commissioners by vertue of the said commission , and the authority therof according to the lawes and statutes of this commonwealth in that case made and provided , be inflicted upon them in case of there neglect herein . clerks to the commissioners . benjamine webbe edward moreton london printed by hen. hills for john bellinger in clifford's inne-lane . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a88438e-30 sewers london §. die veneris, 28 august. 1646. ordered by the lords and commons assembled in parliament, that tuesday, being the eight day of september, now next coming, be set a part for a day of publike thanksgiving within the cities of london and westminster, ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82960 of text r212302 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[66]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82960 wing e1735 thomason 669.f.9[66] estc r212302 99870940 99870940 161164 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82960) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161164) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[66]) die veneris, 28 august. 1646. ordered by the lords and commons assembled in parliament, that tuesday, being the eight day of september, now next coming, be set a part for a day of publike thanksgiving within the cities of london and westminster, ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for john wright, at the king head in the old bayley, london : 1646. title from heading and first lines of text. an order of parliament that 8 september be set apart as a day of public thanksgiving for parliamentary successes. signed: jo. brown cler. parliamentorum. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng public worship -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. westminster (london, england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a82960 r212302 (thomason 669.f.9[66]). civilwar no die veneris, 28 august. 1646. ordered by the lords and commons assembled in parliament, that tuesday, being the eight day of september, now england and wales. parliament. 1646 162 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die veneris , 28 august . 1646. ordered by the lords and commons assembled in parliament , that tuesday , being the eight day of september , now next coming , be set a part for a day of publike thanksgiving within the cities of london and westminster , lines of communication , and weekly bils of mortality , and ten miles about , for the great blessing of god upon the forces of the parliament , in the reducing of the severall castles and garrisons of worcester , wallingford , ruthen , ragland , and pendennis ; and that the lord mayor of the city of london doe take care , that the ministers of the severall churches and chappels , within the city of london , and liberties thereof , may have timely notice hereof . jo. brown cler. parliamentorum . london : printed for john wright , at the king head in the old bayley . 1646. whereas in and by the additional act of parliament for rebuilding the city of london, it is enacted, that the lord maior and court of aldermen shall be and are thereby impowered and required to cause all and every the sheds, shops and other buildings ... to be taken down and removed ... city of london (england). 1673 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49040 wing l2864o estc r39824 18504890 ocm 18504890 107914 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49040) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107914) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:66) whereas in and by the additional act of parliament for rebuilding the city of london, it is enacted, that the lord maior and court of aldermen shall be and are thereby impowered and required to cause all and every the sheds, shops and other buildings ... to be taken down and removed ... city of london (england). hanson, robert, d. 1680. 1 broadside. printed by andrew clark ..., [london] : [1673] title from first ten lines of text. at head of title: hanson maior. martis, sexto die aprilis, 1673. annʼoque regni regis caroli secundi angliæ, &c. vicesimo quinto. date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng squatter settlements -england -london. urban renewal -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion hanson maior . martis , sexto die aprilis , 1673. annóque regni regis caroli secundi angliae , &c. vicesimo quinto . whereas in and by the additional act of parliament for rebuilding the city of london , it is enacted , that the lord maior and court of aldermen shall be and are thereby impowered and required to cause all and every the sheds , shops and other buildings , which have by licence from the lord maior , aldermen and common council , been erected ( since the late dreadful fire ) in smithfield , moorfields , and other void places within the said city and liberties thereof , to be taken down and removed at or before the 29 th day of september , which shall be in the year of our lord , 1674. it is thereupon resolved and ordered by this court , that all and every the said sheds , shops and other buildings shall be punctually taken down and removed at the respective expirations of the term of seven years from the time they were respectively granted and allowed . and this order to be published , to give notice to all persons concerned , that they fail not to take them down accordingly . and further all persons that have erected any such sheds or buildings without grant or licence from this city , or that have exceeded such their grants , and taken up more ground than was at first allowed them , are hereby admonished , that they do demolish and remove all such incroachments before the 24 th day of june next coming , or else this court will take care for removal and demolishing thereof according to law. wagstaffe . printed by andrew clark , printer to the honorable city of london . to the alderman, deputy and common-councel-men of the ward of [blank] city of london (england). this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a94436 of text r210765 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.26[3]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a94436 wing t1387 thomason 669.f.26[3] estc r210765 99869522 99869522 163885 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94436) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163885) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f26[3]) to the alderman, deputy and common-councel-men of the ward of [blank] city of london (england). 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1660] orders by the commissioners under the act for the speedy provision of money for disbanding and paying of the forces, to the aldermen and common-council-men of the different wards, for the better execution of the act. imprint from wing. dated at end: dated at the guild-hall london the 4 day of september, 1660. annotation on thomason copy: "7ber [i.e. september]. 8.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng tax assessment -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. a94436 r210765 (thomason 669.f.26[3]). civilwar no to the alderman, deputy and common-councel-men of the ward of [blank] city of london 1660 1007 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-04 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the alderman , deputy and common — councel-men of the ward of _____ for the better and more speedy execution of the act of parliament lately made , intituled , an act for the speedy provision of money for disbanding and paying of the forces of this kingdome both by land and sea : we the commissioners , whose names are subscribed , thereby authorized ( amongst others ) for the better assessing , ordering and levying of the sums of money by the said act to be raised within the city of london and liberties thereof , do in his majesties name hereby will and require you forthwith upon receipt hereof ( calling to your assistance the churchwardens , constables and overseers of the poor of the several parishes in your said ward , who are hereby also required and charged to observe and follow your direction , and appointment herein ) well and diligently to inform your selves and without delay to make true , distinct and fair certificate unto us in writing under your hands of the several particulars following , that is to say . 1. of the names and surnames of every person within your ward who either is alderman or sheriffe of this city or hath fined for alderman and sheriffe of the said city . 2. of the names and surnames of every person who hath been or now is deputy to any alderman of the said ward . 3. of the names and surnames of all the common-councel-men of the same ward . 4. of the names and surnames of all persons of the degree of a barronet , and knight of the bath now inhabiting or residing within the same ward . 5. of the names and surnames of all persons of the degree of a knight batchelour now inhabiting or residing within the same ward . 6. of all persons of the degree of an esquire or so reputed inhabiting or residing within the said ward , and above the age of 21 years . 7. the names and surnames of every parson or vicar within your ward being possessed of a parsonage or vicarage or other estate of the cleer yearly value of 100 li. 8. of the names and surnames of every doctor of the civil or cannon laws , and every advocate residing within your ward . 9. of the names and surnames of every judge or commissioner in the court of admiralty or of the probate of wills residing within your ward . 10. of the names and surnames of every person who hath practised as a proctor in either of the said courts residing within your ward . 11. of the names and surnames of every doctor of physick residing within your said ward . 12. of the names and surnames of all english merchants within your ward not free of this city . 13. of the names and surnames of all english factors residing within your ward . 14. of the names and surnames of all merchants strangers of the degree of a knight residing within your ward . 15. of the names and surnames of all merchant strangers below that degree , trading to sea , residing within your ward . 16. of the names and surnames of all merchant strangers trading within the land , that reside within your ward . 17. of the names and surnames of all persons being aliens born , and using or exercising any trade , mystery or manuall occupation , being a house-keeper within your said ward . 18. of the names and surnames of all attorneys at law of any the courts at westminster , residing within your ward . 19. of the names and surnames of all widows residing within your said ward , and of what ( highest ) degree the husbands of such widows were in their life times . 20. of the names and surnames of all persons keeping one or more hackney coach or coaches within your ward , and how many coaches and pair of horses he or she so keepeth . 21. the names and surnames of all free-men of this city being of none of the degrees before mentioned , dwelling or residing within your ward , who can dispend in lands , leases , money , stock or otherwise of their own proper estate the sum of 5 li. per annum or above , and how much yearly every of them can dispend as aforesaid ( so neerly as you can deem them ) and of what company every of them is free , and in what parish he is resident . 22. of the names and surnames of all other persons within your ward that can dispend in lands , leases , money , stock or otherwise of their own proper estate the sum of 5 li. per annum and above , and how much yearly every of them can dispend as aforesaid , ( so neer as you can deem them . ) 23. that you also insert in your said certificate the number of all single persons in every family above the age of 16 years . 24. as also of all other persons of what estate or degree he or she be , not before mentioned or herein comprised nor receiving almes and being above the age of 16 years . and that you distinguish all of every degree , rank and quality aforesaid by themselves in order . and in the true and exact performance of all and every the particulars above mentioned ; we require you and the said church-wardens , constables and collectors for the poor , not to fail upon the penalties in the said act conteined . dated at the guild-hall london the 4 day of september , 1660. the final protest, and sense of the citie this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87888 of text r211388 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[26]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87888 wing l1247b thomason 669.f.22[26] estc r211388 99870117 99870117 163609 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87888) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163609) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[26]) the final protest, and sense of the citie l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704, attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1659] sometimes attributed to sir roger l'estrange. imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "xber [i.e. december]: 19. 1659". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -committee of safety -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a87888 r211388 (thomason 669.f.22[26]). civilwar no the final protest, and sense of the citie. [l'estrange, roger, sir] 1659 1138 2 0 0 0 0 0 18 c the rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the final protest , and sense of the citie . having diligently perused two printed papers , bearing date the 14th . of this instant december : the one , in form of a proclamation concerning the summoning of a parliament : the other , as an order of the common council , commanding the city to acquiesce in expectation of that parliament : we find therein contained , matters , so contrary to the honour of the nation , and to the freedom of the city , that we stand obliged , both as englishmen , and as citizens , to protest , against the impositions of the former , as illegal , and the concessions of the latter , as a direct combination against us . these two papers are seconded by a third : ( for the two are one , both in effect , and design , ) and that is , a proclamation of banishment , directing to the late kings party , under the notion of the common enemy : so that there 's no love lost betwixt the committee of safety , and the common council , when the general provides for the peace of the city ; and the mayor , for the safety of the army ; not to argue acts of oblivion ; and the violation of publique faith in the case : that they conditioned for their lives and liberties ▪ and compounded for their fortunes . this is not our concern , what they do suffer ; but what we may , if we trust those , that keep no faith with them : and that we 'll take a care of : when they are gone , then we are the common enemy ; so are the laws of god , and of the nation , and such is every man that loves them . what this malignant party is , these people talk of , we neither know , nor meddle ; the gentry 't is we live by , and by the laws of gratitude , and hospitality , we are bound to protect them , and as well resolved to do it , within our walls , against any other power , than that of the known law . the short of the design is this , a danger is pretended to the city , from the late kings party , and to prevent the mischief , the kind committee banishes the gentlemen ; with order to the mayor of wallingford , ( late of london ) &c. — to make strict searches for delinquents . now in pursuance of this pretious order , our houses must be forced , and we disarmed , and then , our throats cut , to preserve the city . let those that would be chronicled for slaves , & fools , submit to suffer this ; and after that infamous hour , may a yellow coat , and a wooden dagger be the badge , and distinction of a citizen . to conclude , we our selves are that city , so much the care and cry of the proclamation ; and this is our unanimous sence , and resolve . the army proposes to pillage , and murther us , the mayor , and his worthy advisers , ireton ▪ &c. — are to hold our hands , whiles they give the blow ; so , that we are now to provide both against force and treason ; having one enemy within our walls , and another in our councils . but withall , we have our swords in our hands , and our brains in our heads ; so that only to strike the one , and to dis-believe the other , is to subdue , and disappoint them both . we do therefore declare to the world , that we will by violence oppose all violence whatsoever , which is not warranted by the letter of the established law : and that in pursuance of this duty , both toward the nation , and city , an insolent souldier , and an apostatized magistrate shall be to us as the same thing . — not to word it much further , as we will not be bafled , by affronts , so neither will we be fooled by flatteries . — after the loss of trade , and liberty , a vast expence of blood , and treasure ; after many injuryes received , more threatned , and none returned ; we made a sober , and regular application , to the authority of the city , for redresse . this they promised , and wee expected , til at last , instead of a reparation for past wrongs , or a security against worse to come ; we are paid with an expectation of a parliament in january . this is a logique we understand not . it is in english , lye still , till you have your throats cut . it would be well to commit the disposition of our fortunes , to those people , that are at this instant designing an execution upon our persons ; and to requite those worthies , that have already robb'd us of all we have lost , with the offer of that little rest they have left . but this will not do our businesse ; we will not have our murtherers , for our judges : nor will we wait . that parliament they babble of so much , will not soon vote up the city again out of ashes , nor all the saints in that holy assembly , be able to bring the poor cobler into the world again , that was kill'd by order of his brother hewson . no , the cheat is too stale , and we are determined to redeem our selves ; but with this caution ; we do solemnly professe , that we will exercise all the tendernesse which possibly the case will bear . the common soldier is engaged rather out of a heedelesse , than malitious interest : we do therefore protest , that such of those as shall not evidence their malice , by their obstinacy , shall receive a faire consideration ; but , for such as lead them , we do resolve , not to allow quarter to any one of them , that draws his sword in the quarrel : and in order to the quicker , and gentler dispatch of the businesse : we conclude with a text . fight neither with small nor great , but with the king of israel . and so god give a blessing to the endeavours of all honest men . fore-warn'd, fore-arm'd, or, england's timely warning in general and london's in particular by a collection of five prophetical predictions published by mr. william lilly forty years ago, two of mr. john gadbury's, anno 1678, and one of mother shipton's long since, all at large published in the said mr. lilly and gadbury's own words, purporting i, london's danger anno 1683 and its catastrophe soon thereafter, ii, the danger that the protestant religion will be brought unto all over europe, and by whom effected and where contrived, iii, that england in general will be brought into great calamities and by what means, iv, the extinguishment of a very great family in some part of europe, v, that the breach of some nations priviledges, ancient customs and long enjoyed rights may produce dangerous effects : all of which are published by the author, not to affright the people with, but to warn them of, knowing that evil before-hand warned of commonly hurts less then that which comes at unawares. 1682 approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70061 wing f1556a estc r15451 13593739 ocm 13593739 100707 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70061) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100707) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 426:12, 788:19) fore-warn'd, fore-arm'd, or, england's timely warning in general and london's in particular by a collection of five prophetical predictions published by mr. william lilly forty years ago, two of mr. john gadbury's, anno 1678, and one of mother shipton's long since, all at large published in the said mr. lilly and gadbury's own words, purporting i, london's danger anno 1683 and its catastrophe soon thereafter, ii, the danger that the protestant religion will be brought unto all over europe, and by whom effected and where contrived, iii, that england in general will be brought into great calamities and by what means, iv, the extinguishment of a very great family in some part of europe, v, that the breach of some nations priviledges, ancient customs and long enjoyed rights may produce dangerous effects : all of which are published by the author, not to affright the people with, but to warn them of, knowing that evil before-hand warned of commonly hurts less then that which comes at unawares. lilly, william, 1602-1681. gadbury, john, 1627-1704. [2], 6 p. printed for john powel, london : 1682. reproduction of original in huntington library and british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng lilly, william, 1602-1681. gadbury, john, 1627-1704. shipton, -mother -(ursula) london (england) -history -prophecies. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion fore-warn'd , fore-arm'd : or , england's timely warning in general , and london's in particular . by a collection of five prophetical predictions published by mr. william lilly forty years ago : two of mr. john gadbury's , anno 1678. and one of mother shipton's long since , all at large : published in the said mr. lilly and gadbury's own words . purporting i. london's danger anno 1683. and its catastrophe soon after . ii. the danger that the protestant religion will be brought unto all over europe , and by whom effected , and where contrived . iii. that england in general will be brought into great calamities , and by what means . iv. the extinguishment of a very great family in some part of europe . v. that the breach of some nations priviledges , ancient customs , and long-enjoyed rights , may produce dangerous effects . all of which are published by the author , not to affright the people with , but to warn them of ; knowing that evil before-hand warned of , commonly hurts less , then that which comes at unawares . london , printed for john powel , 1682. fore-warn'd , fore-arm'd : or , england's timely warning in general , and london's in particular . i shall begin first with mr. lillies , grounded on that ( as he said ) of mother shiptons , but was not hers but ambrose merlins concerning london , published in his englands prophetical merlin , anno 1642 page 91. the words are as followeth . what lincoln was , and london is , that york shall be ; the fairest city of the three . brave london prays that day she nere may see . on which he saith , that london in england ( by reason of the unlucky position of mars in her sign , and being cadent from aries and mercury his dispositer in combust and in detriment ) shall indure many a hard shock , two plagues , ( but from mercuries being combust , and in detriment he might , and its a wonder to mee why he did not say , that one of those two plagues might have been a fiery one , as indeed it proved to be ) extream dammage in her wealth , the loss of many valiant citizens , but it shall be with honour and to her perpetual renown . — nor shall any man yet alive s●e the days mother shipton spake of concerning london ; yet in time all cities must have an end : but i rather think that about the year 1683. the city shall be in great danger , and then come to a final catastrophe during the revolution of that fifth conjunction . so far mr. lilly in that page , but its danger shall be more particularly declared anon . but by that fifth conjunction is to be understood that of saturn and jupiter , in the fiery triplicity , and in leo , on the 20 day of october , anno 1682. which will be their fifth from that seventh great conjunction of theirs anno 1603. when they left the watery , and entred into the fiery trigon , on the 7 of december in the said year , which kind of conjunctions seldom or never hapned , ( if credit may be given to history , antiquity or experience , ) ( as mr. lilly saith , ) but they were followed with great and strange changes in the world , both in civil and ecclesiastical states , and are as seldom accompanied with any propitious successes to england in general , or london in particular . 1. for at their first entrance into aries , called by ptolomy the first of the zodiake , and the arabians the fiery trigon , which was their first conjunction after the creation , and was called their great conjunction , and was before enochs translation . 2. their second before noahs flood , and was followed with the sad universal deluge , nimrods usurped monarchy , and the building of babel . 3. their third , before moses bringing the israelites out of egypt , and the giving of the law. 4. their fourth was also followed with erecting of the empire of the medes . 5. their fifth with that of the romans , and the incarnation of christ , and publishing the gospel to the jews . 6. their sixth with the translation of the said empire to the germans . 7. and their seventh great , yea and greatest , being their sabbatical conjunction , was anno 1603. which was followed , first , with the death of queen elizabeth , a mother to the english nation , at which time was a great plague in london . and secondly , the raising the monarchy of great brittain , and ireland to the family of the stewarts in scotland ; and could a more memorable change happen in this part of the world , then for a scotch king to become king of england and ireland , without blows , considering the antipathy between both nations ? and was not this a raising of a new monarchy , and a great one too , of which james the sixth of scotland was the first king , and our king charles the second was and is the first king of the said race , born in it , and to it , and consequently a proper native of it , god grant he may live long to enjoy it . and here we are to take notice , that these said seven conjunctions of the two superior planets are all the great conjunctions that have been since the creation ; or that will be in some centuries of years , if ever any more be at all , of which mr. lilly doubted , with many more , the sabbatical one being now already past ; neither do they come to pass above once in eight hundred years . -and further , that there have been but fifteen more in all of those two planets , since the creation , as appears by ptolomy's table of all the conjunctions that have been of all the plannets since , as aforesaid , of which said table the author hath a copy now extant of mr. lillies transcribing . 1. which said 15 conjunctions past ; with the next to come this next october , are called lesser , or minor conjunctions . 2. but the next conjunction that followed that of 1603. was that which came to pass in seven degrees of leo , in the same trigon , anno 1623. and was followed first with king james his death , and then with that plague of which was said to dye above 50 thousand people in london anno 1625. 3. their third conjunction fell out to be anno 1642. in which said year began our intestine war between king and parliament , which lasted more or less with some intermissions until 1652. in which year or the next we had a dull saturnine comet , on contemplation whereof , mr. lilly writ a second prediction , for matter and form as followeth . in the year of eighty three , great changes there will be . in england , — but long ere that time poor merlin sleeps , in his grave secure ; sad england weeps . leaves he no heir , unhappy man , that this obscure riddle — can vnfold ? — no. but more remarkable was that which followed their fourth conjunction in sagitarius , and fiery trigon , anno 1663. when all the planets met in that house as at a general rendezvouz to consult the effecting the heavenly decrees , and was followed , first , with three great comets , in less then seven months space , and then secondly with the greatest pestilential plague that ever london knew , to the destruction of near an hundred thousand people , thereby leaving many houses desolate of the inhabitants , anno 1665. and then with that dreadful fire which consumed most of the city and as much of the suburbs , as it left of the city , thereby leaving more inhabitants destitute of houses , anno 1666. by all which we may observe , that the effects of these last conjunctions were speedy and severe , though not of any long continuance . but what manner of effects have already or may yet precede this now so near approaching on , a very few years may probably determin ; and for as much as the former were , as aforesaid , what may we expect otherwise then that this coming of the same or the like cause , should produce the like effects , unless god of his great mercys be pleased to prevent the same . 3. mr. lillies third prediction , saying , page 25. of the same book , i judge that privately by lies , treacheries , fained and dissembled treaties and embassadors , and by the policies of a jesuitical faction , all over europe , the true protestant religion will be infinitely distressed , and the heavenly intentions impedited ; and all those countreys professing protestantisme exceedingly molested by so great a compact of villains , and false hearted traytors lurking in the clossets and bosoms of princes , that many shall think that popery shall return to its old seat in every countrey , &c. consider who are enemies to the protestant religion , viz. the popish priests , jesuits and papists , with their adherents ; and where they harbour , and contrive their mischiefs ( if mr. lilly were not mistaken . ) 4. his fourth prediction page 110. of the same book . woe to a great family in europe , that was , is now , and shall not be ; 't is not old , it s not antient , but like an untimely birth , it s cut off and shall not flourish in branch or root . good lord ! shall the number of fifty cut off more than five , or shall less then 90. be alotted for four , shall the virgin be barren , and the lyon have no issue ? shall less then 36 end in two ? shall the second end in a cipher ? and shall seven come to be one , and then none ? the fifth of mr. lillies , i intend to reserve for the close of the treatise . mr. gadburies prediction in his almanack , for the year 1678. what art thou , o crafty but smooth tongued enemy , whether courtier , causidian or ecclesiastick ; that thus delightest to obstruct the peace of kingdoms , and republicks , and playest thy game under a shew of friendship , piety and conscience ; with a seeming compliance with the things thou really opposest ? shall time be so much a traytor to truth and goodness , as not at length to pull off thy hypocritical vizor ? be quiet friends , it cannot yet be , eighty three is not yet come ; but the heavens and stars are by gods permission preparing matter . another of the same author . when venus shall a prince and empire raise and jove's constrain'd to give dull saturn praise , then shall the laws and powers jove did erect strike sail , and how to a saturnine sect. one of shiptons own prophecies england thy proper native thee betrays , because all nations hate thee and thy ways . spain doth vndermine thee , france doth gnaw , wales threats thee , irish thee by snares do aw . thy bravest men do on a suddain dye , and thou thy self dost wholly ruin'd lye , and seest it not , but under feigned peace , do'st thine own misery still the more encrease . having thus given the nation in general , and the city in particular , a prospect of some of the dangers predicted against them , and in possibility may be brought upon them , and by whom , and about what time ( viz. ) soon after the celebration of that conjunction of saturn and jupiter , spoken of by mr. lilly , and is already preceded as followeth . first , by a restraint put upon liberty of conscience in religious things , contrary to some engagements past to another purpose ; and procured at the request and solicitation of such men as peradventure are of no religion themselves , or at the best , such a religion , whose principle is to conclude ( papist-like ) with nulla fides , otherwise it had never been desired , but we may thank the first parliament for that . a second precedent is a mercurial war managed with tongue and pen , apt weapons for such a warfare . which is in all the nation proclaimed by those distinguishing nicknames of whiggs and tories obscenely and provokingly put upon the adherents to the two adverse parties in the quarrel ; id est , the protestants and papists , just as it was before the war began between the late king and parliament , anno 1642. when called cavaliers and round-heads . a third is , some apparent dangers which the city of london does now labour under , which may be part of the danger mr. lilly said the city should be in about 1683. the first is that of their charter , called for by the king with a quo warranto , and as some think is in danger of being lost . the second is their priviledges assaulted by their present lord mayor , who ( as his lordship thinks ) has drank the commons out of their priviledge of electing two sheriffs . the third is their religion in common with the rest of the nation , and hath been and still is designedly assaulted by its common enemies the papists . but the fourth , last , and greatest , and worst danger , preceding the foresaid conjunction , is the miserable divisions the whole nation in general is fallen into , and labours under , making themselves two distinct parties , in absolute opposition against each other , of which kind of danger it may be feared , that there is but little hope to escape from , unless the lord send help some other way then is yet thought of . therefore let 's yet consider christs words , a city divided against it self cannot stand . the present condition , we now stand labouring under , may probably be the matter , mr. gadbury said that the heavens and stars were preparing for eighty three . this is it that the popish priests , jesuits , and other papists longed for ever since they miscarryed in their design anno 1678. and is the product of what the addressors from the north to west desired at the first , and what some gentlemen near home solicited so often for since , and which some of the ministry , magistracy , and people of the church of england , do so violently prosecute against the dissenters abroad , and which the papists , atheists and debauchees of the nation , do now rejoice in , and hope to confound the protestant religion , laws , and government by , against which , together with popery with its ill circumstances , or for avoiding thereof , a war , with its doubtful events , we should pray to god to deliver us from . which war i mention the rather , because mr. lilly in his almanacks for 77 and 81. saith , that the breach of just priviledges , antient customes , and long-enjoyed-rights , will animate the generality in some nation to a strong and sturdy rebellion . for preventing of all which , that god may bless king charles the second , with life to the height of old age , shall be the dayly prayers of this author . finis . an order for the sixe regiments to advance tovvards reading. by the lord mayor, and the rest of the committee for the militia of london. city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82916 of text r211987 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[45]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82916 wing e1681 thomason 669.f.7[45] estc r211987 99870648 99870648 161026 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82916) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161026) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[45]) an order for the sixe regiments to advance tovvards reading. by the lord mayor, and the rest of the committee for the militia of london. city of london (england). lord mayor. penington, isaac, sir, 1587?-1660. city of london (england). committee for the militia. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1643] imprint from wing. signed and dated at end: guildhall london, the 7. of october, 1643. .. isaac pennington, mayor. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. london (england) -militia -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a82916 r211987 (thomason 669.f.7[45]). civilwar no an order for the sixe regiments to advance tovvards reading. by the lord mayor, and the rest of the committee for the militia of london. city of london 1643 349 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an order for the sixe regiments to advance tovvards reading . by the lord mayor , and the rest of the committee for the militia of london . the committee for the militia of london , and parts adjacent within the lines of communication , and parishes mentioned in the weekely bill of mortality , apprehending that the taking and possessing of reading by the kings forces , will be a very great meanes to hinder trade and victualls , and all other intercourse unto the cities of london and westminster , from the west part of the kingdome , to the very great detriment of the said city and parts adjacent , and being moved by the parliament , and also by my lord generall his excellency , have thought fit to propound unto the severall commanders and officers of , and belonging to the said forces , to draw forth speedily , some considerable strength , to joyne with his excellency for prevention thereof . and finding them most ready and willing to undertake the service , and sixe regiments being forthwith to march for that purpose , the severall ministers of the parish churches within the parts aforesaid , are desired on the next lords day , being the eighth of october , 1643. effectually to stir up all those souldiers which belong to the said regiments , cheerefully upon summons by drummes or otherwise , to repaire to their collours , and to march forth with their commanders accordingly , the same tending to the preservation of our religion , lives , and liberties , and of all that is deare unto us . and all constables , and other his majesties officers within the limits aforesaid , are required to be aiding and assisting in the execution of the premises , as they shall be directed by the severall commanders and officers of the regiments aforesaid . guildhall london , the 7. of october , 1643. let this be read and published , as is desired . isaac pennington , mayor . upon the stately structure of bow-church and steeple, burnt, an. 1666, rebuilt, 1679, or, a second poem upon nothing rochester, john wilmot, earl of, 1647-1680. 1679 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57504 wing r1761a estc r213194 31355831 ocm 31355831 110704 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57504) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110704) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1752:10) upon the stately structure of bow-church and steeple, burnt, an. 1666, rebuilt, 1679, or, a second poem upon nothing rochester, john wilmot, earl of, 1647-1680. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [london : 1679?] attributed by wing (2nd ed.) to john wilmot, earl of rochester. imperfect: cropped, with loss of text. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng saint mary le bow (church : london, england) -poetry. church buildings -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2002-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2002-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion upon the stately structure of bow-church and steeple , burnt , an. 1666. rebuilt , 1679. or a second psm upon nothing ! look how the country-hobbs with wonder flock to see the city-crest , turn'd weathercock ! which with each shifting gale , veres to and fro ; london has now got twelve strings to her bow ! the wind 's south-east , and straight the dragon russels his brazen wings , to court the breeze from brussels ! the wind 's at north ! and now his hissing fork , whirles round , to meet a flattering gale from york ! boxing the compass , with each freshing gale , but still to london turns his threatning tayle . but stay ! what 's there ; i spy a stranger thing ; our red-cross brooded by the dragon's wing ! the wing is warm ; but o! beware the sting ! poor english-cross , expos'd to winds , and weathers , forc't to seek shelter in the dragon's feathers ! ne're had old rome so rare a piece to brag on , a temple built to great bell , and the dragon ! whilst yet undaunted protestants , dare hope , they that will worship bell , shall wear the rope . o how our english chronicles will shine ! burn't , sixty six ; rebuilt , in seventy nine . when iacob hall on his high rope shews tricks , the dragon flutters ; the lord mayor's horse , kicks ; the cheapside-crowds , and pageants scarcely know which most t' admire , hall , hobby-horse , or bow ! but what mad frenzy set your zeal on fire , ( grave citizens ! ) to raise immortal spire on sea-coal basis ? which will sooner yield matter to burn a temple , than to build ! what the coals build , the ashes bury ! no men of wisdom , but would dread the threatning omen ! but say ( proud dragon ! ) now preferr'd so high , what marvels from that prospect dost thou spy ? westward thou seest , and seeing hat'st the walls of , sometimes rev'rend , now regenerate , pauls , thy envious eyes , such glories cannot brook , but as the devil once o're lincoln , look : and envys poison , will thy bowels tear sooner than daniel's dose , of pitch , and hair ! then eastward , to avoid that wounding sight , th 〈…〉 light adorn'd with monstrous forms to clear the scope , how much thou art out-dragon'd by the pope . ah fools ! to dress a monument of woe in whistling silks , that should in sackcloth , go ! nay strangely wise , our senators appear to build that , and a bedlam in a year , that if the mum-glass crack , they may inherit an hospital becoming their great merit ! to royal westminster , next turn thine eye ; perhaps a parliament thou mayst espy , dragons of old gave oracles at rome ; then prophesie , their day , their date , and doom ● and if thy visual ray can reach the main ; tell 's when the duke , new gone , returns again ! facing about ; next view our guildhall well , where reverend fox-furrs charm'd by potent spell of elephants , ( turn'd wrong side outward ) dare applaud the plays ; and yet hiss out the player : player ! whose wise zeal for city , country , king , shall to all points of the wide compass ring whilst bow has bells , or royal thames a spring ! thy roving eye perhaps from hague may send 's how the new league , has made old foes , new friends : but let substantial witness , credence give it , or ne're believe me , if the house believe it ! if true , i fear too late ! france at one sup , ( like pearls dissolv'd in cloepatra's cup ) trade , empire , neatherlands has swallowed up ! but heark ! the dragon speaks from brazen mouth , whose words , though wind , are spoken in good south ! to you of ratling fame , and great esteem ; the higher placed , the less you ought to seem ! to you of noble souls , and gallant minds , learn to outface ( with me ) the huffing winds ! to tim'rous feeble spirits , that live beneath ; learn not of me to turn with every breath ! to those who like ( camelions ) live on air ; popular praise is thin consumptive fare ! to you who steeple upon steeple set , cut my cocks-comb if e're to heaven you get . a warning from the lord god of life and power unto thee o city of london, and to the suburbs round about thee : to call thee and them to repentance & amendment of life, without which you cannot see god : be ye separated from your priests, and from your idolatrous worship, and touch not the unclean thing, that the lord may receive you ... and something also to the scattered seed of god, which hath been held in bondage under pharaoh the task-master : who am hated by the unwise, and foolish in heart, and am reproachfully call'd a quaker / ester biddle. biddle, ester. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a28134 of text r37073 in the english short title catalog (wing b2866). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 55 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a28134 wing b2866 estc r37073 16204287 ocm 16204287 105066 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28134) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105066) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1088:3) a warning from the lord god of life and power unto thee o city of london, and to the suburbs round about thee : to call thee and them to repentance & amendment of life, without which you cannot see god : be ye separated from your priests, and from your idolatrous worship, and touch not the unclean thing, that the lord may receive you ... and something also to the scattered seed of god, which hath been held in bondage under pharaoh the task-master : who am hated by the unwise, and foolish in heart, and am reproachfully call'd a quaker / ester biddle. biddle, ester. [2], 22 p. printed for robert wilson ..., london : 1660. imperfect: stained, with some loss of print. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng society of friends -england -pastoral letters and charges. repentance. london (england) a28134 r37073 (wing b2866). civilwar no a warning from the lord god of life and power, unto thee o city of london, and to the suburbs round about thee: to call thee and them to rep biddle, ester 1660 11433 21 0 0 0 0 0 18 c the rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a warning from the lord god of life and power , unto thee o city of london , and to the suburbs round about thee : to call thee and them to repentance & amendment of life , without which you cannot see god . be ye separated from your priests , and from your idolatrous worship , and touch not the unclean thing , that the lord may receive you ; written by one who follows the lamb , and desires the welfare of all souls , as i was moved thereunto by the eternal and true spirit of god , being quiet and still in my habitation . and something also to the scattered seed of god , which hath been held in bondage under pharaoh the task-master . who am hated by the unwise , and foolish in heart , and am reproachfully call'd a quaker . ester biddle . london , printed for robert wilson , at the black-spread-eagle and windmill in martins , neer aldersgate , 1660. a warning unto the city of london , and the suburbs round about , &c. o the day and hour of thy visitation is now , o city of london ! with all thy suburbs , and likewise the day , hour , and time of gods righteous judgements is at hand , and will be executed upon thee in flames of fire from heaven : o my soul mourneth for thee , and my bowels is troubled , and my heart is pained within me , to see thy desolation , my eyes runneth down as a fountain for the misery that is overtaking thee : o the fury of the lord ! it is terrible , and who may stand , when it waxeth hot , and burneth as a flaming fire : o repent , repent , repent ! for thy wickedness surmounteth the wickedness of sodom and gomorrah , thy pride and ambition far exceedeth jerusalems : jerusalem had one temple to worship in , and it was commanded of the lord to be built , and the lord commanded them to worship in it ; but according to your imaginations , so is your worship , and as your streets are , so are your idols temples , and thy idolatrous worship ; the abomination of desolation , sitteth where it ought not , and the seed that belongeth to immortal life , is buried in thee ! o london , london ! how art thou fallen ? and from whom art thou gone astray ? even from the righteous judge , and pure god of heaven , and of earth , o! thou art dead , and dying from the true worship and service of the lord , which is in spirit & in truth ; thou art groaping at noon-day , and thy light is not risen out of obscurity , that should give thee the knowledge of the glory of god in the face of jesus christ , although the measure of gods grace hath called thee to repentance , and doth strive with thee against thy pride , cruelty , hard-heartedness , and oppression , but thou wilt not lend thine ear unto it , neither doth the grace of god teach thee ; but to the contrary art thou led unto persecution , by that spirit which leadeth into transgression : o! how many of the lords dear servants , lambs and babes , hath the lord sent into thy streets , high-wayes , and idols temples ? to declare what they have seen , tasted , and handled of the word of life , and hath proclaimed this notable terrible day , which they see is coming upon thee , & to declare unto thee thy sins & transgressions , and how great the indignation of the glorious god will be executed upon thee by reason of them , and for clearing their consciences , and being obedient unto the commands of the lord , some of them hast thou stoned , and some imprisoned , and cruelly beat , and unmercifully used them , of which doings the lord taketh notice , and heareth the groans of the innocent , and the cries of the oppressed : o! it s entered , it s entered into the ears of the lord god of sabbath , who knoweth how great our sufferings is in this city , and in all quarters of the whole earth , where we have been sent , we have groaned under cruel oppression and tyranny , by unjust judges , and unrighteous rulers , especially by our own countrymen , and in the land of our nativity , for which my spirit is troubled , because we all profess the name of christians , and own christ in words , to be a saviour , but in works and life you deny him ; and by this thing is the name of the lord blasphemed amongst all them , who doth not own christ at all , whom you call heathens ; but truly their life condemns yours , they having no law , are a law unto themselves , and they shall rise up in judgement with this generation , who draweth nigh unto the lord with their lips , and their mouths , but their hearts is far from god : o the lord god will be eased of such a vain religion as this , he that seeth thee in secret is the munition of rocks , & he will reward thee openly , his sickle shall pierce thy heart , and his sword shall rip up thy bowels ; pain , sorrow , and anguish shall overtake thee , as a woman in travel , and from it thou shalt not escape : o friends ! as a woman hath pain before she bringeth forth , so certainly and surely must you feel the pangs of death , before you know the birth immortal ; and if that this be not witnessed , there is no seeing of god , nor no inhabiting of his holy hill , where alone dwelleth purity ; holiness , and righteousness for ever : o search and try , you who are citizens of this mortal city , which may truly be called sodom and egypt , for in thee is the son of god crucified , and put to open shame ! do you feel or know a part in another city which is immutable , which fadeth not away ? do you eat of the hidden manna which corrupteth not ? or do you drink of the blood of the lamb ? have you yet found peace with the lord ? are you reconciled unto the god of jacob ? are you saved , or saving from your sins ? or have you seen the lord , and the place where the mighty god dwelleth ? if not , your religion is all in vain , and if you do not speedily repent , you shall die in your sins , and where he is , you shall not come ; this will be his answer unto you , who is the alpha and omega , the first and the last , depart ye workers of iniquity , i know you not : o this will be sad tidings unto you , who have got a fair covering , but it s not of the spirit of god , which the lord will rent off in the day when he shall take peace from the earth ! o ye inhabitants of this bloody city ! cast away every man from him the idols of egypt , with your gods of gold and silver , of precious stones and goodly houses , and make no longer your belly your gods , least god cut you off in this day in which he is slaying the wicked with the first-born of egypt , the lord will choak pharoah , with all his host , in the sea of confusion ! o! a night of darkness is a coming upon thee , and upon all thy neighbour cityes , o! a thick cloud covereth thee , mists and fogs is spread upon thee , thy glory is staining , thy honor is laying in the dust , and thy mortal crown shall be thrown into the pit , thy destruction is coming upon thee at noon-day ; thou shalt look for light , but have none , and for the dawning of the day , but it shall not appear ; glad tidings shall be hid from thee , sorrow , and trouble , and fear , shall compass thee about ; thou shalt wish for death rather then life , and for the grave , but shall not find it , then shalt thou seek to thy priests , thy rulers , and judges , who have caused thee to erre , thinking thereby to get peace , but shalt find none ; the earth shall not bring forth unto thee her encrease , as in times past ; and as thy vultrous eye hath been delighted with vanity , and thy adulterated ear hath been filled with curiosities of strange voices , and thy heart hath been filled with lust , pride , and vanity , thy tongue exercised with cursing , swearing , and lying , cheating and cozening , and taking the name of the lord in vain ; and as thy feet hath walked after pleasures , and thy hand hath handled deceitfulness , guile , and fraud , and have been all servants unto sin , and fulfilling the devils will , even so must the vengeance and plagues of the lord be powred out upon the man of sin , which hath captivated thy mind , and misled thy members , which was created only and alone to serve the living god , the creator of heaven and earth . o! what rioting , swearing , cursing and drunkenness , murder , whoredome , and theft , is found in thee , which grieveth the soul of the righteous , cozening , and cheating , & deceiving souls for dishonest gain , buying and selling the words of god on the market day , and in the idols temple , all this is found in thee , which words of god , the holy men of god spoke them to the people freely ; as they had freely received ; they coveted no mans gold , or silver , but having food & rayment , they were therewith content ; and they who preached freely , were co-heirs with christ , who had purchased a city for them , whose builder and maker is god , they said to the scribes and pharisees which sate in moses chair , who had the prophets words read amongst them , that they would not enter in themselves , nor let others to enter in : they said also , that they might all prophesie one by one , and if any thing was revealed to one that stood by , he was to speak , and the first was to hold his peace , for god is a god of order ; but in this our day , which is the lords , and the time wherein we are cast , if any in the spirit of the lord come amongst you , and be moved to speak in his power , thou beatest , and bruisest , and hallest before thy magistrates , and castest into prisons , by this we see plainly and clearly , that thy religion is not the pure religion , and that thy church is the church of rome , and thou art governed by the whores power , which god is laying wast , and dashing to pieces , in this his glorious day : thy clouds of religion , be they never so thick , they are seen thorongh ; in the light and power of god we do measure the height , the length , depth , and breadth of all thy religion , thy sun is eclipsed , and thy glory is fallen . o thou lucifer , son of the morning ! thy portion is in the lowermost hell , thy part and lot is vanished away , and thy beauty is driven away , as the dust in the summers day before the wind ; woe from the lord god of power be unto thy lawyers , for they have stollen away the key of knowledge : o the oppressed groaneth under their cruel tyranny of oppression ! they lie in wait to ensnare the simple , and to beguile and intrap the honest-hearted ; but the lord loveth the pure in heart , and preserveth them out of the lions mouth , and out of the paw of the bear , glory be to god on high , dominion and strength be given to his son for evermore : howl ye lawyers , weep bitterly ye rulers , and judges , lament ye priests , for the day of gods account is coming on , and it hasteneth , wherein the book of conscience shall be opened , wherein your sins are written , as with the point of a diamond , and out of the book of life you shall be judged , according as your works shall be , so shall your reward be , for our god is pure and immortal , he will torment the wicked , and plague the ungodly , and cast into the pit for ever : o! i most humbly beseech you , as in christ stead , leave off your covetousness , with your hypocritical religion , your fained prayers , and abhor your selves in dust and ashes , that repentance and amendment of life you may know with the lord , before thy house of clay be dissolved , for the son of life weepeth over thee , as he did over jerusalem . o that thy eyes were open , and thy heart unvailed , that thou mights see how good the lord is unto all the sons and daughters of men , and how long he hath tendered his mercy and grace unto thee , and hath held forth his hand with a cup of blessings for thee , but thou hast joyned issue with the transgressor , and art rebellions and stiff-necked against the seed of god , the lord god make thee sensible of thy back-slidings , and heal thee , if he see it good : o! my soul is truly powred forth unto the lord for thee , that thou may est not inherit the lake which is prepared , but peace and rest for thy immortal soul thou mayest find ; for the soul is immortal , and there is no mortal thing can satisfie thy soul , but the presence of the lord , which is far beyond the gold of ophir , or the onick stone . o! what wouldst thou give for peace with god , when thy day shall be turned into darness , & thy table shall be made a snare unto thee , and thou shalt be like the hearth in the wildernesse , which seeth not when good cometh , thy lovers shall pass away , & trouble shall compass thee round about ; then if thou hadst the whole world thou wouldst give it for peace with god , but then will thy day be sealed up , and there will be no place found for repentance ; therefore i desire thee in the dreadful power of god , put not the day of the lord afar off , but let the sword of the lord cut down , and the fire burn up all that is contrary to god ; and away with thy idols , down with thy images , pluck down thy high places , for the lord will be avenged of thy groves , thy strong okes , and tall cedars , and he will ride upon thy high hills , and thy fenced city will he lay waste ; and he will ease the innocent , and deliver the oppressed , thy prison doors shall be broke up , and the bonds of iniquity burst asunder , the agreement made with hell and death will be disannulled ; and though many of us have been halled out of your mass-houses , and have been halled before magistrates , both by papists and protestants ; yet know this , that our god in whom we trust , he lives for ever , and he sits as judge amongst the gods . o! the fury of the lord is gone forth against the wicked , and they shall not prosper , and although they may reign for a while , and build their nests in the stars for a short time , and joyn hand in hand to punish the righteous , and to oppress the just , and to oppose christ and his kingdome , yet he whose glorious reign is begun in the earth , who is the king of saints , and governour of heaven and earth , he will pluck them from their stately thrones , and disinherit them of their mortal life , unless they turn to the sword which will cut , and to the axe which will hew , & to the fire which will burn them ; then wilt thou come to know the circumcision which is made without hands , and a baptizing into christs death ; and if a baptizing , then a death of deaths unto all mortal , and visible , and dying things ; then wilt thou be a new creature , all old things will passe away , the old heavens and the old earth will be burned up , and a new heaven , & a new earth will be created in righteousness , wherein the lamb dwelleth , whose name is called the word of god , who is the light of the world , and was given of the father a light to lighten the gentiles , and to be the glory of his people israel : this light checks thee in secret , when no mortal eye seeth what thou art doing ; this light beholds thee ; and this is gods swift witness , which he hath placed in man , which is only and alone sufficient to lead into immortal life , although the blind guides , who are of the cursed stock of ham , sayes , that this light which is in man , is natural , and not sufficient of it self to lead to god . this is my testimony friends , which i must bear amongst you , for the true light , against all that doth oppose it , who hath been a citizen with you in this bloody city , and have been feeding with you upon the husks with the swine , and alienated from god , and a stranger to his life , as you are at this day , whilest i was one with you in your religion and worship , my soul was hungry , and was even black with thirst , i had almost fallen in your streets for want of the bread of life ; no peace nor true rest amongst you could i find , yet mornings , and evenings , and at noon-day , i sought the lord , but could not find him , because i was not in his way , neither did i hearken to his light , neither could any of your chief priests tell me where the lord was to be found , but told me in heaven , but what heaven was , and where it was , they knew not ; the light which is pure condemned me , and no peace with the lord could i find amongst all your dead worships , and earthly performances ; but at length the lord , ●ho is rich in mercy , he looked down from his holy habitation , and he saw there was no help amongst men , nor no refreshments to be received from their ministry , but my soul was dying and fainting away , with a numberless number besides me , by reason of our sins & transgressions , then the lord sent in fulness of time his servants into this city , f h and e b , who spoke the word of eternal life , whereby my weary soul was refreshed , and the dead heard , and lived , and glorifies the lord in the land of the living : glory and honor be given to god , who sent them furnished with the treasure of knowledge and wisdome , and to speak comfort unto the prisoner of hope ; and i , amongst many in this city , may blesse the hour and the time that they came in the power and spirit of god to visit this city , for by their coming was i turned from darknesse to light , and from satans power to gods ; and they were instruments in the hand of the lord to bring me to his kingdome , the lord god in his endlesse love hath made me forsake this city , with all the glory and pleasures of it , and i see another city , and do inhabit a more durable habitation , which will never fade away , but will stand me in stead for ever ; and by the light of christ , which is eternal , was i brought to this habitation ; and if ever thou comest to god , thou must own this light which thy teachers speak against : if thou wilt love the light , it will lead thee in a path which thou hast not yet trodden in ; there is no lyon , or lyons whelp , hath trodden in this path , no vultrous eye hath seen it ; therefore thou must come forth of thy fallen estate , thy whoredomes and ungodlinesse , before one step thou canst tread in ; therefore repent , and come and drink freely of our fountain , and eat of our rock , who liveth for ever : o! my hearts desire unto the lord is , that you may be saved from your sin , and purged from your iniquities , and be made clean by the blood of the lamb , before you return to the dust from whence you came , and shall be seen no more : for friends , there must be a laying down of the earthly , and as that is laid down , there is a receiving of the heavenly ; but if you live in sin , and die in sin , then is there no redemption from sin , sin separates from god ; the wa●●● of sin is death , and after death to judgement : hell is prepar●● for the wicked , and the worm which shall never die , and the fire that shall never be quenched , is the sinners portion , who lives and dies in sin ; for there is no repentance in the grave , nor no remissinn of sin after death , but as the tree falleth , so it lieth , as death leaveth you , judgement will find you ; and as the lightening shineth in the east unto the west , so is the coming of the son of man in his day upon all sinners : he will come as a thief in the night upon thee , then what secret corner hast thou to hide thee in ? or what remote place canst thou fly unto for shelter ? seeing our god is potent over sea and land , and his eye is over the whole world , and his hand is stretched over all living . o! the rocks and the mountains shall not cover thee , nor dens , nor holes , nor caves of the earth shall not shelter thee , but the lord will be avenged of thee , and plead with thee himself , who is a just god , and a saviour , and will give unto every man according as his works shall be , from whose presence the wicked must depart . o! blessed and happy for ever are all they who knows a redeeming from amongst men , and from a vain and a light conversation , by the precious blood of the lamb . o! give thanks to god fro ever , that he hath , and is giving you a possession in the durable inheritance , that never fadeth away ; you are built upon the rock of ages , never to be removed . o! let us dwell together in the unity of the spirit , and in the bond of love for ever , that we may stand for ever witnesses against this wicked and perverse generation , who have not the fear of god before their eyes , whom god will destroy as he did the old world , and they shall be as ashes under the soals of the righteous feet . o london ! in the presence of the lord god i declare unto thee , thy peace is not durable , neither will thy faith remain , it is as the raging sea , whose waves are up and down , and thou art tossed in thy mind , as a ship upon the sea , driven with a mighty wind ; thy hope is in man , and it faileth ; thy joy is dying , and will die away . o! therefore put thy trust in the living god , and not in man , whose breath is in his nostrils , that thou mayest be saved from the day of wrath , which will suddenly come upon the families of the earth : all nations shall partake of his wrath , and all tongues of his fury ; for all flesh hath corrupted its way before the lord , all flesh hath sinned , and come short of the glory of god , so all flesh must know the wrath of god executed upon the wicked , for the lord hath determined a consumption to come upon the whole earth ; therefore o earth , earth ! hear the word of the lord , and be thou separated from your uncleanness , and live before the lord , that all the dayes of thy appointed time , thou mayest wait till the change comes , for nothing but life will stand before the lord , who is immortal . and know this of a truth , that this is written in pure love to thy soul : o london ! the righteous is oppressed in thee , and the innocent cryeth in thy streets , by reason of oppression : o! feed the hungry , and cloath the naked , and hide not thy self from thy own flesh , for you are all made of one blood , and one mould , upon the face of the whole earth : he that saith he loves god , and doth not feed the hungry , and cloath the naked , and judge the cause of the poor and needy , he is a lyar , and doth not the truth . and know this ye judges , and rulers , and magistrates , that there is a judge above you which will call you to an account , and will judge you out of the book of conscience , and give you a full reward ; and you shall all know in the day when the lord rips off all coverings , and takes peace from the earth , that there is a deliverer in sion , which will deliver his righteous seed , and none shall hinder ; and although we are despised in thee , and hated by thee , yet the lord who is the everlasting councellor and prince of peace , he is our redeemer , who is the portion of our cup , and the lot of our inheritance , & we have none in heaven but him , nor upon earth that can deliver but he , & he wil plead our cause with them that hate us , and our innocency shall appear as the sun in her ful strength , & we shall be as a morning without clouds , when the lord shall arise , and take the honor to himself , and exalt his kingdome above the heavens , and his dominion above the stars , then shall jerusalem be the praise of the whole earth , and they shall rejoyce in her who now mourneth , and say one to another , come let us stand upon mount sion , and sit down upon the holyhill , for our god and his christ reigneth over all the whole earth . o! this is a blessed estate which the ●ighteous doth inherit ; but as for the wicked , they are as stubble throughly dried ; and the word of the lord is as a fire , and they must be burned up , and be shut without the gates of the city , where the lamb treads the wine-press of gods wrath . so in the fear of the lord repent , and amend thy life , least god sweep thee away into the pit of utter destruction , out of which there is no redemption . oh london ! the lord god of heaven and of earth , he is burdened with thy vain religion ; who maketh a profession of god , and of christ , and yet liveth in lust and vanity , pride and vain-glory , in swearing and curfing , and yet is covered with a covering which the lord will take away : o how doth gluttony abound in thee , rioting and sporting in the day time ! thou knowst not how almost to go along the streets , thou art so proud and haughty , and the poor in thee are ready to famish , for whose estate and condition my heart is pained within me , old and young , blind and lame , lieth in thy streets , and at thy masse-houses doors crying for bread , who are almost naked for want of cloathing , and fainting for want of bread , and yet thou canst passe by them in thy gaudy apparrel ; and our-stretched neck , with thy face decked with black spots , which are the marks of the whore , the beast , and the false prophet , which is not the attire of sarah , abrahams wife : thou knowest not what to eat , nor what to drink , nor wherewith to be cloathed , thy mind is so vain , and thy religion is so aiery ; and if any of these that are blind , or lame , or destitute of a being , asketh of thee a penny , or farthing , thou sayest thou hast it not for them . o! remember the lord will call thee to an account ; and truly a sad day it will be for thee , when he shall take thy peace away ; who hath lavishly spent gods creation upon thy lusts , and hath not distributed thy morsel to the poor , and to the needy , the light of christ in thy conscience condemns thee for thy not so doing , and from that thou canst not fly , that shall be thy condemnation for ever if thou hatest it , and thy salvation for ever , if thou lovest it . o! tremble and quake before the lord , ye sons of sodom , and daughters of gomorrah , who doth inhabit this mortal city which doth-corrupt , and will die away , your glory the lord will bring to nothing ; therefore keep to the light which condemns you , that an entrance into the immortal kingdome you may find : woe be unto all thy usurers , who hoardeth up the unrighteous mammon , and doth not lend to the poor and distressed , and saith , they have it not for them , the rust of their money in the day of judgement shall rise up against them , and gods swift witness in their own hearts shall condemn them which lives for ever ; therefore all ye usurers , soothsayers , and star-gazers , that inhabiteth this place , and elsewhere , repent , for gods plagues and judgements is to be executed upon you , and upon all that lendeth an ear unto you , you star-gazers and astrologers , who can discern the face of the sky , but doth not know the signs of the coming of the son of man , whose glorious appearance will discover your dark works that you act in the dark night , and tho night shall passe away , and you shall know a day of judgement , and see him whom you have pierced , of whom the sun , moon , and stars , bears testimony , and keepeth their station with god ; therefore its good for you to know the rod of god , to instruct you in his path , and to lead you to his kingdome , and this is the desire of my soul , that you may all inhabit peace , and rest with the king of heaven and earth : so know , that your day of visitation is now , the lord doth hold forth unto you mercy and peace , therefore imbrace it whilst it is tendred unto you , least you be shut out , and your day be sealed up . the lord is risen in sion , and is shining forth in the perfection of beauty and holinesse for ever : o! how glorious and beautiful are his garments ? and how lovely is his countenance unto all his sons and daughters , who have forsaken all to follow him , who is a man of sorrows , and well acquainted with grief ; who trampled upon all the glory of this world , the oni●k stones , and the gold of ophir was nothing unto him , neither are they any thing in comparison of him , for all who doth enjoy him , enjoyeth fulness , both of wisdome , and knowledge , prudence , and understanding ; he doth endow them with all those treasures which this empty world cannot afford ; he is not of this world , who is the seed , the light , the power of god , but he is heir of eternal peace , and in him are the families of the earth blessed , who doth deny themselves , and take up their daily crosse , and follow the seed , the angel of the new covenent , wheresoever he goeth ; it is they that are saved , who walketh in the light of life , and doth rejoyce in sufferings , tryals and tribulations , knowing that thorough these things they must enter into the lambs kingdome , and hereby may they know that they are in the way of god , for this is a remarkable token whereby they may know that they are in their spiritual journey ; if they are hated and persecuted of all men for righteousnesse sake , then are ye blessed of the most high god ? art thou halled out of the synagogues , and plucked before rulers , for the kingdom of heavens sake ? art thou made a prey of in the gate , for reproving sin and iniquity in the gate , and suffereth the enemy to plough long furrows upon thy ba●k , for the testimony of truths sake ? know this , thy reward is great in the kingdome of heaven ; and these are marks and tokens wherein thou mayest certainly know that thy journey is holy , and thy path is pure wherein thou treadest , where thy persecutors can by no means walk in , but they must own thee and thy life , which will slay the first nature , birth , and glory , and bring into the fools estate , that ye may truly be made wise , and endued with the treasure of wisdome , which liveth and abideth for ever . o! all ye my dear friends , that knoweth a bathing and washing , and a making white in the blood of the lamb , unto you doth my royal love flow forth from the fountain of life : o! ye are near and dear unto me , as in the fountain of love ye dwell , which knitteth our hearts together in one , which is christ , the way , the truth , and the life , unto whom none can come , but they who doth deny their own wills , their pleasures and delights , and bow to his sceptor which is swayed in righteousness : o! they must lay down their crowns at the feet of the immortal birth , the seed royal , which is a noble priesthood , which remaineth for ever , before they can have peace with him : therefore all ye lambs , and babes , and plants of god , in the lords power dwell , that you may be preserved in the day of tryal , which is coming to try all them that dwelleth upon the earth ; and in the hour of temptation , you may find bread in your own house , and water in your own well , which will satisfie your soul in the time of draught , that glory and honor you may render unto the lord , whose name is , i am , and there is none like him amongst all the gods , who saveth his people from their fine , and blotteth out their transgressions , who filleth both heaven and earth with his glory ; glory , and eternal honor , and everlasting dominion be ascribed vnto the god of my life , who is eternally pure , and as he is , so is his city , which is a habitation for all the followers of the lamb , the situation is righteous indeed , and is of gods own nature , which nature hath fallen man received a measure from the beautiful god to bring him out of sin , and transgression , and to redeem him wholly from the fallen estate , it is placed in man only and alone to redeem him from death to life , and to be his salvation , and satisfaction , or condemnation for ever ; and this is my witness in every man , and to this do i speak , and it shall arise and answer for me in the day of the lord ; and this is the seed that the lord hath left in the earth , in which seed the families of the earth is blessed , and in the seeds light shall all the nations that are saved walk in , and triumph in his name , which is called the word of god , by which the world was made , and the heavens was framed , who was in his fathers bosome before man was , or had a being upon the earth , and shall live and abide for ever , glory and thanks be given unto the lord , whose royal standard is set up in the earth , and whose reign is begun upon the earth , and whose tabernacle is with men , whose dwelling and abiding is with the sons and daughters of men : glory over all sea and land be given to the pure god , who searcheth ; and tryeth , and seeth the way of all flesh , and it s he that justifieth the righteous , and who is he that doth condemn , or lay any thing to the charge of gods elect ? it is the lamb of god that taketh away all sin , and in him is no sin , and if he condemneth , who can justifie ? therefore let all that are justified , and set free by the lamb , abide in their freedome , and live in the power and life of the birth immortal , that they may not be intangled again with the yoke of bondage , which is truly a yoke indeed , and heavier to be borne then it was at the first : for there remaineth no more sacrifice for sin unto such who have tasted of the word of god , and of the powers of the world to come , and afterwards looketh back to egypt , and to the goodlinesse of pharaohs house , such falleth short of a resting place , and dieth in the wildernesse , and leaveth an ill savour unto generations to come : but blessed and happy are all by sea and land , who abideth low in their measures of life given them , by the husband-man , who is lord over sea and land , and entereth into the good land , and seeth all to be turned out before them , and inherit the promise , and the kingdome without end , with caleb and joshud , who have fought a good fight , and lay down their heads in peace , and entred into rest with their fathers , who gained a good report , and are a good savour unto this day unto all that doth believe in the same gospel which was preached unto abraham , who saw the gospel , and believed in it : so all that are of faith , are of abraham , for his seed shall be multiplied as the stars of heaven , or the sand upon the sea shore for number , which is the seed of the kingdome of god , there is a numberlesse number that is redeemed and redeeming out of nations , tongues , and people , by the seed up to god and many there is , whose faces are turned towards sion , the city of our solemnity , there to praise the lord in that city ; the morning stars meet together , and the sons of god shoot for joy , and singeth halelujah to the highest ; the bridegroom is come , & he hath betrothed them to himself , who cannot but rejoyce ; his table is prepared , where the lambs and babes eateth , and is satisfied ; there is a river as clear as christal , which runneth softly , of which all drinketh freely , and is satisfied . o! here is fulness of joy to be reaped in this city , honor , glory , and dignity inhabiteth here : o! come hither all ye ignorant , unwise , and simple ones , who knows not a stay to your minds , nor a resting place for the soal of your feet , neither satisfaction for your souls : o! come and drink , and eat freely with us , without money and without price , for we have found him whom our souls loveth , who is the choicest of ten thousand , and the chiefest in the whole earth , he hath been exposed from amongst us for many years , but now is he come , contrary to the whole earths expectation , to visit and redeem his people , and to get himself a name in the earth : glory be to him who hath been as a stranger upon the earth for ages , and as a wayfaring man ; to tarr● for a night for generations , but glory for ever , he is well known in sion , for he hath comforted the mourners therein , and he hath revived the fainting spirit , and hath bound up the broken-hearted , the feeble knees hath he strengthened , the blind he causeth to see , and the lame to go upright , the leopard is cleansed , the dead is raised , the deaf heareth , the dumb speaketh , all this is done by sions king , in this the latter day , and our eyes hath seen it . o! what tongue is able to expresse the noble acts of our god : o! its unutterable and undeclarable , words are too short , declarations must end , but the life by which they are written , liveth in it self for ever and ever . o! all ye dear and tender ones , who doth abide either by sea or land , dwell in the pure life , in the single being , in the lovely estate , let not your minds be captivated by any created object , or visible thing , but feel the birth immortal to be brought forth , and reign over the world ; and you espoused to christ , children of the lamb , heirs of the world which is without end , let him be your beloved alone , who is light and life , beauty and strength , wisdome and prudence , altogether lovely and glorious , whose day is glorious and perfect , and all must be perfect that walks in it ; therefore be ye holy as he is holy , without which none shall see god , who is immutable , and dwelleth in everlasting burnings , no flesh can see him and live : o! the notable terrible day of the lord will suddenly come upon all slothful and disobedient ones , who idly spendeth away their present time , and hideth gods money in the earth , but an account one day must you all give , when the last trumpet shall sound ; then shall you come to judgement , the just to the resurrection of life , and the unjust to everlasting torments ; therefore be awakened all ye that have been long convinced of the truth of god ; arise and shake off the dust of the earth , plough up the fallow ground of your hearts with the power of god , let judgement be brought forth unto victory , let the sickle reap the earth , that the righteous branch may come forth , which you hold in bondage thorough your negligence and unbelief : o! dishonor the lord no longer with your out-side profession , which is as a shell without a kernel , which god will rent off , it will not cover you no longer , for it is deceit , and a hypocritical religion , which is covered over with fair words , and a fair gloss on the out-side , and within side is rottennesse and putrifying sores : o! this is loathsome in the sight of the lord ; woe be unto all from the lord god of heaven and earth , who holdeth the truth of god in unrighteousnesse : o! your coverings will be too narrow to cover you , and your beds will be too short to stretch your selves on , for the lord is come to torment you : o! the lake is prepared for you , that burneth for ever : o! what will you do , when the lord shall appear to strip you , and to uncrown you , and bereave you of all your mortal glory , and lay your honor in the dust , then without repentance there will be no enjoying of gods presence , which giveth life to the weary soul : o repent , repent ! ye aliens and strangers , who are yet without the knowledge of the pure god , and knows not an entrance into an undefiled being , which is made without hands : o! come and sit down where we have sate , abhorring our selves in dust and ashes , we have lain as they that have been dead of old , and our sorrow has been our sin , and our beauty hath been turned into ashes , and our glory as stubble , and our hour as the morning dew , and our wisdome as a shadow which hath been , and now is not : o consider ! all ye kings and princes , dukes and earls , lords and ladies , governours and magistrates , priests and jesuites , this will the lord do by you , as he hath done by us , he will lay your habitations wast , who respects not the person of any , but you shall sit as a widdow , that is , rebuked of husband and children , bemoaning her self ; even so shall you be : but if you are willing to endure this straight way , and narrow gate , wherein nothing that is of this world shall enter , but must be laid down ; and if you will deny your selves , and take up your daily crosse , and follow the light , whom you have grieved and wounded with your whoredomes and idolatry whithersoever he goeth , then shall you be with us , where we are , and eat and drink with us of the living bread and water of life , and see him who is invisible , who cannot be seen but by faith , and this faith purifies the heart , and maketh pure , as god is pure . o! come unto the fountain of life , and drink freely with us : o! christ hath invited all upon the whole face of the earth , poor and rich , to come into his banqueting house , and to eat freely of the bread of life , and to drink of the still waters of shilo , which satisfieth the hungry soul . o! come to our shepherd , who hath laid down his life for his sheep : o come ! and see how good he is , and where he feedeth his flock at noon-day ; o! come into his fold , who is all love , and life , and gaineth unto god the hungry soul , and reconcileth every tyred spirit which panteth after him , and blessed are all they who feeleth satisfaction with the lord , it is better then wine or oyl ; and all who joyneth issue with the seed of god , they know a more durable encrease , for they encrease in wisdome , purity , and holiness , and so dwelleth with the lord in their measures . o! all ye that have followed christ , the heir of life and salvation , and doth follow him in the straight way , and narrow gate , your portion is eternal , if you dwell therein , and look not out at the over-turnings of men , and their power , and what they may inflict upon you , or cause you to suffer hardships for your religion , which you profess in truth and righteousness , but look to the lord , who hath the hea●ts of all the sons and daughters of adam in his hand , and as a river of water he can turn them whither soever he will : therefore my dear beloved friends , who are friends of god , let us dwell together in the life immortal , and let us be compassed about with gods righteousness and strength for ever , that if the lord suffereth that we should suffer death for our religion which is pure , let us choose it rather then life , and joyfully , and heartily , and patiently imbrace it , and bear it , for our god is good , and in the midst of flames ( he hath ) and will be with us , and from the waters he will deliver us ; in the sixth trouble he hath been with us , and from the seventh he hath delivered us , glory be to him who is as a wall of brass round about us , and as a flame of fire he compasseth us about ; he was with the patriarchs in the deepest of their calamities ; the prophets in times past he upheld , and was their meat and drink , and in him they rejoyced , and with him they suffered , and finished their testimony in faithfulness ; he was unto the disciples , a stay , and a staff , salvation and righteousness , even their exceeding great reward ; their houses was filled with his life and power , he was a mouth of utterance unto them , he carried them thorough great tryals , he was their meat and drink , and they fed upon him in a weary land , even so can we truly say , that he hath been with us in a vast howling wilderness , in a strange land , and amongst strange people , who have not truly worshipped the god of heaven and earth , he hath been our stay and the upholder of our head in the day of battel : glory be to him who is our rock , who never leaved nor forsaked any that fears him , but he watereth them with the dew from heaven , and maketh them green as the grass , or tender plants ; he cloatheth them far beyond the lillies in the field , he giveth breath , and life , and length of dayes for ever in his sight ; therefore all who have known this cloathing , let it dwell with you for ever , and let your hearts be upright in his sight , your consciences exercised continually in the sight of god and men ; and the lord god of heaven and of earth preserve us all in all , and over all , and thorough all , up to himself : the grace of our lord jesus christ , which is perfect , and the peace which standeth for ever , keep your hearts and minds staid upon him for ever , out of all mortal and dying things . london the 16th of the 12th moneth , 1659. e. b. something after . o london ! who should●t be as a nursing mother unto thy nation , and a pattern and example unto all nations , for in thee and from thee doth the law proceed , and councel is given forth which should be pure , and thy law direct , whereby the just and innocent might be judged in righteousness ; thy judges and rulers should judge for god , and be guided by the just law of god in them , but for want of true judgement and equity the just is oppressed , and the innocent and harmless groaneth for want of righteous rulers and godly judges , and wholesom lawes . o london thou hast sacrificed upon the mountains unto sirange gods , and that 's cains sacrifice which the lord accepteth not , neither doth he regard your joy and mirth , for your joy is but for a moment saith the lord , but your sorrow is for ever and for ever , and your torment world without end , o! my soul lamenteth for thee , to see what an estate thou art in , all above the witness of the pure god , in ungodliness , lust , pride and wantonness , you spend gods creation upon your lusts , pride and vain glory ; o! let the seed of the lord arise in you , and condemn you and bear witness for me and the rest of us who are called and calling out of you , and are redeeming from amongst you up to god , and our souls is sorrowful for to see how you neglect the pure way of god . and likewise the day of your visitation , my heart did even bleed within me to see your sacrifices , knowing from whence it came , and whether it went , and to whom it was offered ; and i could have wept day and night to have seen the path of righteousness trodden down , and all trampling upon the seed of god , which lyeth low in you , some in drunkenness , others in swearing and taking the name of god in vain , some in pushing and haling and beating the lambs of god , and all in disorder dishonouring of god , on the 21th of the 12th month , 1659. your evil works and words did exceed in that day and night , and it shall rise up in judgement against you , that day and night shall you remember with all the rest of your time ill spent , to your torment and utter overthrowing ; and know this , that god will call you to judgement , and give you your portion with the hypocrites , unless you repent and amend your lives ; therefore every one who hath any true desires after the lord , be ye separated from the wickedness that is acted in this city , and from the actors of it , that you may find your desires to be satisfied , & your souls raised up out of the pit , & saveth from the condemnation which is coming upon all workers of iniquity ; the lord spareth and suffereth but for a time , until he hath gathered his remnant from amongst you , and made up his jewels which shall live in his house for ever , then desolation and misery and a woful cry shall be heard in your streets , and your houses shall be left unto you desolate , and your idols temples shall be a habitation for owls and birds , the satyrs shall dance there , they shall be a habitation for every unclean spirit , your priests shall preach no more , & your diviners shal go mad , god wil dry up the tongue of the egyptian sea , who hath opened a door of mercy in this city in due season , and hath given you yet a day to repent in , but remember thy day will be over , as thy sisters sodoms and gomorrahs , their time was spent , and the day of their visitation is passed , the lord spared the righteous , even just lot , whose soul was grieved with the ungodly conversation of the wicked ; even so is ours , this day with the unjust and impure conversation of thee o london : but ju●t is our god and righteous for evermore , who is able to deliver us , and hath delivered us out of the flames which sha●● come upon you our god beholdeth all your unjust proceedings with his seed , for which he will give you your reward , who is a just god , and a saviour ; and wo from the lord god be unto all the magistrates and rulers of this city , who doth not rule yet in righteousness ; and wo from the lord be unto all masters and mistresses that doth inhabit this place before mentioned , who doth not order their families in the fear of god , nor are not in the fear nor power themselves , who one day shall know another master who will give you a just reward according as your works shall be , who is gods righteousness , and to whom all power in heaven and earth is given , and it is he alone that will judge this bloudy city with all the families and kindreds of the whole earth , and they shall not escape his righteous judgements , although thou maist cry for the rocks and the mountains to cover thee , and thy religion to hide thee from the wrath of god , but it cannot be , for his eye , whom we serve , is over the whole world , and his arm of power is stretched over thee with a sword which is fourbished in his hand , which will cut down and utterly destroy thy priests in thee , who divineth for money , and preacheth for filthy lucre , and love give ye , which feedeth of the fat and cloatheth with the wool and makes merchandize of souls with fair words ; gods vengeance , wo and wrath is their portion , and they shall fall by the sword of the living god , thy judges and rulers shall be slain in the day that the lord visiteth thee in the fierceness of his wrath , for his soul is burthened with thee , and his spirit is grieved every moment of time with thy filthy conversation ; therefore repent , for the day is coming , and thy time of torment and misery hasteneth apace , thy condemnation slumbereth not , thou hast forgotten good dayes without number , and thou art yet in the land of forgetfulness , thy ●imes testifieth against thee , and thy iniquities is gone over thy head , and thy transgressions is without number , even as the stars in the firmament , and thy ungodliness before the lord is for multitude as the sands of the sea shore , thou ha●t corrupted thy way before the lord , and art fallen short of the glory of the lord ; therefore return to the measure of gods spirit , that thou mai●t know amendment of life and an inheritance in another city before thou art dispossessed of this city : and peace and re●t , purity and joy may possess thy house , and the new heaven and the new earth thou maist witness , and a feeding upon the bread of life that maketh truly wise , and a drinking of the water of life which truly satisfieth the immortal soul ; this must thou witness if ever thou wilt enjoy the pure habitation of god , or sit down upon his holy hill which is beautiful indeed before thou returns to the d●●t from whence thou camest , there is the center of the earthly ; the center of the heavenly is unmortal and dwelleth in immortality , and as thou serve●t and obeyest , and joineth issue with this , it will lead thee up to god the saviour and redeemer of thy soul , where the earthly center and the first birth and nature cannot enter , there is a great gulf and separation between the two seeds and the two natures , the one delighteth to ser●e the lord , and it is its nature to work , righteousness and holiness for ever , and it cannot join with the cursed the other is continually prone to do wickedness , and it leadeth in drunkenness , lying , swearing and d●ssembling , cheating and cozening , and it cannot do good , neither shall it have a habitation with abels nature , who sacrificed upon gods altar a sacrifice of praise , and the lord had regard unto to it : so if thou joyneth with hagars seed , the bond-woman , thou shalt not inherit the durable possession ; therefore as thou lovest the good of thy soul , and thy immortal life , return to that which yet condemns thee , which is the light of christ , and it is pure and immortal , and know it to justifie thee , for the spirit of the pure god will not alwayes strive with thee , no more then it d●d with the old world : o thou city of london ! remember how the lord overtook the old world in their evil deeds , he came upon them as a thief in the night , when they little thought of him , he took them eating and drinking , marrying , and giving in marriage , and he repented that ever he made man upon the earth , and he overtu●ned them in his fiery wrath , and in his fiery indignation , he spared not jerusalem , wherein his temple was built ; and dost thou think that the lord will spare thee ? i am afraid the lord will overturn thee in flames of fire , as he did them in their gain-sayings : therefore amend thy life while it is to day , and prize the short moment of time which thou hast yet to spend , least god cast thee into hell , which is prepared for the wicked and abominable . and this is my councel unto thee , whether thou wilt receive it , yea or nay : it is good , and the same which the apostles gave to the ungodly in that day , and to the scribes and pharisees , who were learned men , whose zeal did far exceed thine in this thy day ; and this is it , that thou return to the spirit of god which is in thee , and be guided by it , and led with it , into righteousness , meekness , and long-suffering , and walk in the light whilst you have the light , for the night will come , wherein no man can work ; but in this glorious day the son worketh , and the father worketh , therefore let him not work in vain , but let the spirit of the pure god work down , and lead out of all that 's contrary to god , that so life over death may reign in thee . o! that thou wert like the noble bereans , that searched the scripture in their day , and if thou wouldst do so with the same spirit that gave them forth , then wouldst thou see clearly that we are in the way of god , and live the life of the scriptures , and then wouldst thou joyn issue with us , and leave thy dumb idle shepherds , which indeed are greedy dumb dogs , and can never have enough , and come to christ , whom god hath given for a leader and a commander to his people , and to be salvation to the ends of the earth , who is the physitian and the bishop of the soul , who leadeth into the fold immortal , where he feedeth his flock at noon-day , in the heat of persecution , and in the day of fiery tryals , he is a sure hiding place , his name is a strong tower , the righteous fly thereinto , and are saved ; but as for the wicked , they must inherit the lake that burn , for ever , for that 's their habitation , which is never-dying torments , which god hath prepared since the foundation of the earth for them . e. b. orders conceiued and agreed to be published, by the lord mayor and aldermen of the citie of london, and the iustices of peace of the counties of middlesex and surrey, by direction from the lords of his maiesties most honourable priuie councell london (england) 1608 approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06234 stc 16723.5 estc s4371 24226795 ocm 24226795 27394 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06234) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27394) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1820:11) orders conceiued and agreed to be published, by the lord mayor and aldermen of the citie of london, and the iustices of peace of the counties of middlesex and surrey, by direction from the lords of his maiesties most honourable priuie councell london (england) city of london (england). lord mayor. [3+] p. by iohn vvindet, printer to the honourable citie of london, imprinted at london : [1608?] caption title. "whereas in the first yeare of his maiesties most happy raigne ouer this realme of england, an acte was made, for the charitable reliefe, and ordering of persons infected with the plague ..."--first three lines of text. place of publication and name of publisher taken from colophon; date of imprint suggested by stc (2nd ed.). imperfect: torn with slight loss of print; lacking at least one sheet. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest 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be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was 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plague -history -england -early works to 1800. public welfare -law and legislation -england -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion orders conceiued and agreed to be published , by the lord mayor and aldermen of the citie of london , and the iustices of peace of the counties of middlesex and surrey , by direction from the lords of his maiesties most honourable priuie covncell . whereas in the first yeare of his maiesties most happy raigne ouer this realme of england , an acte was made , for the charitable reliefe , and ordering of persons infected with the plague : whereby authority is giuen to iustices of peace , mayors , bayliffes , and other head officers , to appoint within their seuerall limittes examiners , searchers , watchmen , keepers , and buriers for the persons and places infected , and to minister vnto them oathes for performance of their offices . and the same statute also authorizeth the giuing of other directions , as vnto them for the present necessity , shall seeme good in their discretions . it is therefore vpon speciall consideration thought very expedient , for the preuenting and auoyding of the infection of sickenes ( if it shall please almightie god ) which is now dangerously dispersed into many places within the citie and suburbs of the same : that these officers following be appointed , and these orders hereafter prescribed be duly obserued . first it is thought requisite and so ordered , that in euery parish there be one , two or more persons of good sorte and credite , chosen and appointed by the alderman his deputy , and common counceil of euery ward , and by the iustices of peace in the counties , by the name of examiners , to continue in that office the space of two moneths at least : and if any fit persons , so appointed as aforesaid , shall refuse to vndertake the same , the said parties so refusing , to be committed to prison vntill they shall conforme themselues accordingly . that these examiners be sworne by the alderman , or by one of the iustices of the countie , to enquire and learne from time to time what houses in euery parish be visited , and what persons be sicke , and of what diseases , as neere as they can informe themselues and vpon doubt in that case , to command restraint of accesse , vntill it appeare what the disease shall proue : and if they find any persons sicke of the infection , to giue order to the constable , that the house be shut vp : and if the constable shall be found remisse or negligent , to giue present notice thereof to the alderman , or the iustice of peace respectiuely . that to euery infected house there be appointed two watchmen , one for the day and the other for the night : and that these watchmen haue a speciall care that no person goe in or out of such infected houses , whereof they haue the charge , vpon paine of seuere punishment . and the said watchmen to doe such further offices as the sicke house shall neede and require : and if the watchman be sent vpon any busines , to locke vp the house and take the key with him : and the watchman by day to attend vntill tenne of the clocke at night : and the watchman by night till sixe in the morning . company the coarse to church , or to enter the house visited , vpon paine of hauing his house shut vp or be imprisoned . that no clothes , stuffe , bedding or garments be suffered to be carried or conuayed out of any infected houses , and that the cryers and carriers abroad of bedding or olde apparell , to be solde or pawned , be vtterly prohibited and restrained : and no brokers of bedding , or olde apparell bee permitted to make any outward show , or hang forth on their stalles , shop-boards or windowes , towards any streete , lane , common way or passage , any olde bedding or apparell to be solde , vpon paine of imprisonment : and if any broker or other person shall buy any bedding , apparell or other stuffe out of any infected house , within two moneths after the infection hath beene there , his house shall be shut vp as infected , and so shall continue shut vp twenty daies at the least . if any person visited doe fortuue , by negligent looking vnto , or by any other meanes , to come or be conuayed from a place infected , to any other place , the parish from whence such partie hath come , or beene conuaied , vpon notice thereof giuen , shall at their charge cause the saide party so visited and escaped , to be carried and brought backe againe by night , and the parties in this case offending , to bee punished at the direction of the alderman of the warde , and the iustices of the peace respectiuely : and the house of the receiuer of such visited person , to be shutte vp for twenty daies . that euery house visited be marked with a red crosse of a foote long , in the middle of the doore , euident to be seene , and with these vsuall printed wordes : that is to say , lord haue mercy vpon vs to be set close ouer the same crosse , there to continue vntill lawfull opening of the same house . that the constables see euery house shut vp , and to bee attended with watchmen , which may keepe them in , and minister necessaries vnto them at their owne charges ( if they be able ) or at the common charge if they be vnable : the shutting vp to be for the space of foure weekes after all be whole . that precise order be taken that the searchers , chirurgions , keepers and buriers are not to passe the streetes without holding a redde rodde or wand of three foote in length , in their hands , open and euident to bee seene , and are not to goe into any other house then into their owne , or into that whereunto they are directed or sent for , but to forbeare and abstaine from company , especially when they haue beene lately vsed in any such busines or attendance . and to this end it is ordered , that a weekely taxe be made in euery parish visited , if in the citie or borough then vnder the hand of the alderman of the warde , where the place is visited : if neither of the counties , then vnder the hands of some of the iustices next to the place visited , who , if there be cause , may extend the taxe into other parishes also , and may giue warrant of distresse against them which shall refuse to pay : and for want of distresse or for assistance , to commit the offenders to prison , according to the statute in that behalfe . ❧ orders for clensing and keeping sweete of the stteetes . first it is thought very necessary and so ordered , that euery house-holder doe cause the streete to be daily pared before his doore , and so to keepe it cleane swept all the weeke long . that the sweeping and filth of houses to be daily carried away by the rakers , and that the raker shall giue notice of his comming by the blowing of a horne , as heretofore hath beene done . that the laiestals be remoued as farre as may be out of the citie , and common passages , and that no night-man or other be suffered to emptie a vault into any garden , neere about the citie . that especiall care be taker , that no stinking fish or vnwholsome flesh , or mustie corne or other corrupt fruits , of what sort soeuer be suffered to bee solde about the citie or any part of the same . that the bruers and tipling houses be looked vnto , for musty and vnwholsome caske . that order be taken that no hogges , dogges or cattes , or tame pigeons , or conies be suffred to be kept within any parte of the citie , or any swine to be or stray in the streets or lanes , but that such swine be impounded by the beadle , or any other officer , and the owner punished according to the acte of common councell , and that the dogges be killed by the dog-killers , appointed for that purpose . ❧ orders concerning loose persons and idle assemblies . forasmuch as nothing is more complained on then the multitude of roagues and wandering beggers , that swarme in euery place about the citie , being a great cause of the spreading of the infection , and will not be auoyded , notwithstanding any order that hath beene giuen to the contrary : it is therefore now ordered , that such constables and others , whome this matter may any way concerne , doe take speciall care , that no wandring begger be suffered in the streetes of this citie , in any fashion or manner whatsoeuer , vpon paine of the penaltie prouided by the law , to be duly and seuerely executed vpon them . that all plaies , bearebaitings , games , singing of ballads , buckler-play , or such like causes of assemblies of people , be vtterly prohibited , and the parties offending , seuerely punished , by any alderman or iustice of the peace . that disorderly tippling in tauernes , alehouses and sellers , be seuerely looked vnto , as the common sinne of this time , and greatest occasion of dispersing the plague : and where any shall be found to offend , the penalty of the statute to bee laide vpon them with all seueritie . and for the better execution of these orders , as also for such other directions as shal be needfull , it is agreed that the iustices of the citie and the counties adioyning doe meete together once in tenne dayes , eyther at the sessions house without newgate , or some other conuenient place , to conferre of things as shall be needfull in this behalfe . and euery person neglecting the duety required , or willingly offending against any article or clause , contained in these orders , he to be seuerely punished by imprisonment , or otherwise , as by law he ought . god saue the king. imprinted at london by iohn vvindet , printer to the honourable citie of london . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a06234-e10 examiners be appointed in euery parish . the examiners office . watchmen . no infected stuffe to bee vttered . euery visited house to be marked . euery visited house to bee watched . the streets to bee kept cleane . that the rakers take it from out the houses . laiestals to be made farre off from the citie . care to be had of vnwholsome fish or flesh , and of musty corne. beggers . plaies . tipling houses . to the present visible supreame power, assembled at vvestminster the humble petition, and desires of many thousand well-affected persons, in, and about the city of london, in behalf of themselves and the whole kingdome. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74121 of text186 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[75]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74121 thomason 669.f.13[75] 50811835 ocm 50811835 162971 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74121) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162971) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[75]) to the present visible supreame power, assembled at vvestminster the humble petition, and desires of many thousand well-affected persons, in, and about the city of london, in behalf of themselves and the whole kingdome. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1649] imprint from thomason catalogue. reproduction of the original in the british library. annotation on thomason copy: "jan: 27: 1648". eng great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a74121 186 (thomason 669.f.13[75]). civilwar no to the present visible supreame power, assembled at vvestminster. the humble petition, and desires of many thousand well-affected persons, i england and wales. parliament. 1649 829 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2009-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the present visible supreame power , assembled at vvest minster . the humble petition , and desires of many thousand well-affected persons , in , and about the city of london , in behalf of themselves and the whole kingdome . humbly sheweth , that your petitioners being sensible what it is to offend the almighty , and procure his wrath upon our selves and our posterity , ( as also of the misery of a late and lasting war ) and how dangerous a thing it is to offend against the very light of conscience , and to dally with oathes and covenants , &c. and having taken into our consideration the present straits we are in , if under one hand we shall oppose or speak against those present visible powers in being : or on the other hand , shall violate the oath of allegeance , ( which we were forced to take when we became free-men , and subjects to the king ) the protestation , and the late solemne league and covenant , all which we have , by many learned divines , beene from time to time taught that they ought not to be violated , and that from the same we could not be absolved . but so it is , as we humbly conceive , if we shall comply with our brethren in laying aside of the king , the parliament , the present settled lawes , and constitutions of this kingdome ; and shall side with , and abbet in deposing of the king , and his posterity , the dismembring of parliament , the defrauding of fellow-members of their freedome , for to chuse , or to be chosen , in places of office and trust in the kingdome ; we shall thereby violate our oathes , give up our undoubted rights to others , offend god , and sinne against the light of our own consciences : or if not , we shall expose our selves , and estates , into the power of those , who ( by the known lawes , and undoubted rights , belonging and appertaining unto the subjects of england ) have no power over us , and to be tryed , and disposed by unwritten , and uncertaine dictates , lawes and rules , to which we never gave the least consent , nor had the least knowledge of . neither are we ignorant of what evill consequences to this kingdome , the deposing of former kings hath been , witnesse the story of henry the fourth , and others : and how god from time to time , hath taken vengeance on covenant-breakers , ( though it was amongst heathens themselves ) who have made specious pretences of good , untill they have gotten power into their owne hands , &c. and of the sad consequences that have risen from the change of government in a state , witness that of athens , &c. all which , we beseech you to take into your serious consideration , ( know you not yet that england is destroyed ) before our miseries come inevitably upon us , and there be no remedy , nor hopes of restauration to our hoped-for peace and tranquility ; and that for the prevention of the fore-mentioned evills felt or feared , 1. you will please to propound to the whole kingdome , ( and not a part only ) that they , within a certaine time to be limited , convene together , to declare their approbation of the present members , or to chuse others instead of them : which parliament so freely and satisfactorily chosen by the whole kingdome , may ( with the advice of our brethren of scotland ) consult , and advise for the speedy setling the peace of both kingdomes upon sure and lasting bases . 2. that for matter of religion and church-government , you will please to take advice of an assembly of ministers , convened out of england , scotland , and holland , that so the better satisfaction may be given , as to your selves , so to the whole kingdome . 3. that you will declare unto us , what immunities you will please to grant , to those that discent from , and cannot in conscience joyne with the now propounded agreement , or propositions drawn up and propounded by a few unto the whole kingdome , &c. and that , though in some meane condition , we may live in peace amongst our brethren , who once declared it as most unreasonable , for all government to be in the hands of a party , &c. therefore our humble desire is , that your honour ; would be pleased to take the premises into your serious consideration : which granted , your petitioners shall ever pray , &c. concerning the prices of wine &c. die mercurii, maii 26, 1641. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a34205 of text r43115 in the english short title catalog (wing c5697). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a34205 wing c5697 estc r43115 26832652 ocm 26832652 109818 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34205) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109818) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1714:9) concerning the prices of wine &c. die mercurii, maii 26, 1641. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet. s.n., [london : 1641] place and date of publication supplied by wing. a resolution, which includes a declaration of the illegality of the patent obtained by alderman abell and richard kilvert. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng abell, william, fl. 1640. kilvert, richard, d. 1649. wine industry -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. a34205 r43115 (wing c5697). civilwar no concerning the prices of wine &c. die mercurii, maii 26, 1641. england and wales. parliament. house of commons 1641 301 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion concerning the prices of vvine , &c. die mercurii , maii 26. 1641. upon the whole matter of the report , it was resolved upon the question , 1. that the patent for the payment of 40. shill. per tun on wines by the merchants , is illegall in the creation , and a grievance . 2. that the imposition of a penny on a quart on french wines , and two pence on a quart on spanish wines , is a grievance . 3. that the patent of the imposition of 40. shillings per tun , is a grievance in the execution . 4. that alderman abel , and master richard kilvert are the principall projectors both in the creation and execution of this illegall imposition of 40. shill. per tun. resolved upon the question , that there shal be a bill prepared , declaring the offences of alderman abel , and richard kilvert , to the end they may be made exemplary . resolved , &c. that a select committee be named , to examine who were the referrees , advisers , sharers , complotters and contractors , and those that have received any bribe or benefit by this patent , and who drew the patent . resolved , &c. that the proclamation dated the 15. of july , in the 14th . yeare of the king , prohibiting the wine-coopers to buy and sell wine , is illegall , and against the liberty of the subject . resolved , &c. that the decree made in the starre-chamber in december 1633. prohibiting retailing vintners to dresse meat in their own houses , to sell againe to guests , is illegall , and against the liberty of the subject . londons destroyer detected: and destruction lamented: or, some serious ruminations, and profitable reflections upon the late dreadful, dismal, and never-to-be-forgotten conflagration wherein is briefly comprehended several things considerable, in order to londons present recovery, and future prosperity. e. n. 1666 approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52519 wing n13a estc r224105 99834605 99834605 39107 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52519) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 39107) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1817:8) londons destroyer detected: and destruction lamented: or, some serious ruminations, and profitable reflections upon the late dreadful, dismal, and never-to-be-forgotten conflagration wherein is briefly comprehended several things considerable, in order to londons present recovery, and future prosperity. e. n. 8 p. [s.n.], london : printed in the year, 1666. signed at end: e. n. in verse. reproduction of the original in the guildhall library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fires -england -london -poetry -early works to 1800. london (england) -poetry -early works to 1800. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 john latta sampled and proofread 2007-01 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion londons destroyer detected ; and destruction lamented : or , some serious ruminations , and profitable reflections upon the late dreadful , dismal , and never-to-be-forgotten conflagration . where in is briefly comprehended several things considerable , in order to londons present recovery , and future prosperity . psalm . 46. 8. come , behold the works of the lord , what desolations he hath made in the earth . lam. 1. 1. how doth the city sit solitary that was full of people ? how is she become as a widdow , she that was great among the nations , and princess among the provinces . vers . 9. her filthiness is in her skirts , she remembred not her latter end , therefore she came down wonderfully . chap. 3. 40. let us search and try our wayes , and turn again to the lord. london , printed in the year , 1666. londons destroyer detected , and destruction lamented , &c. hearken , o heavens , stand amaz'd , and be astonished , o earth , to hear and see the wondrous works the lord hath lately shown , to make his justice and his power known : call an assembly now , of old and young , and taketh assistance both of meak and strong : consult with , and examine rich and poor ; and see who can declare the like before . consider soul , who e're thou art indeed ; if nothing yet hath made thy heart to bleed : me thinks , here ' s something now , might make it sore , and make thee mourn , till thou canst mourn no more . if thy heart be not like to flint or steel , the thoughts of this will surely make thee feel . oh! wo is me . alas , what shall i say ? let every soul bewail this woful day : let every dry and barren heart lament ; and more then this , let sinners all repent ; yea every one that can but shed a tear , now show your grief , and learn the lord to fear . but what 's the news , some sleepy soul may say , that thou complainst thus of a dreadful day ? what is the cause , thou dost so strangely speak , and seem to grieve , as if thy heart would break ? why dost thou stir up people now to weep ? thou dost disturb me , for i fain would sleep . thy startling words , i cannot well indure ; wherefore leave off , and let me sleep secure . oh wonderful ! is any yet so blind ! and wofully besotted in their mind ! to live within the borders of this nation , and ask a reason of a lamentation ? such men as these , do make one reason more ; and add another to the former store . but hark a little , sleepy soul , i pray , be sure to mind what i have yet to say ; rouse up thy self from sleep and search about , and thou mayst quickly find the reason out : open thy eyes , and thou mayst plainly see , that wrath and ruine doth encompass thee . the mighty god hath lately been at work , and hath amaz'd both christian jew , and turk : yea , all the world hath cause to be afraid , to think upon the ruines he hath made ; the found whereof , hath gone both far and near , and many thousands have been fill'd with fear , to hear and see , what woful desolation , the lord hath lately made in this our nation : we plainly see , what work the lord can make ; who in his anger can whole kingdoms shake : nations confound , and cities overthrow : alas , poor england , thou hast found it so . but oh my heart even bleeds to think and tell , what unto landon lately hath befel . london , i say , englands once famous city , the lord hath strangely ruin'd without pitty . yea , london , lately famous for renown , the righteous god hath thrown it headlong down . the stately buildings of the same are burn'd , and all its beauty into ashes turn'd . yea london once the glory of the world , is sadly now into confusion hurl'd . the large and famous structures of the same , are buried in a strange devouring flame . let england mourn , let all the world admire , to think how london was destroy'd by fire . oh fearful flame , how matchless was thy rage , no less than london could thy fury swage ? how terrible was thy devouring ●ace , to spoil great london quite in three dayes space ? no tongue can tell , no pen can fully write , how strangely thou didst thousands sore afright , and drive them from their setled dwelling places , and swallow up their goods before their faces . how didst thou make all sorts of people fly ! how strangely didst thou make them run and cry ! how didst thou make them wring their hands ; & mourn , to see their houses , and their treasure burn ! yea sick and lame , thou didst turn out of door ; and many that were rich , thou mad'st them poor : thou mad'st the lofty-minded fear and quake , to see what dreadful havock thou didst make ; both great and small thou sorely didst perplex , without regard to age , degree , or sex. and nothing could thy raging power shun , till thou hadst famous london quite undone ; the mart of natious , and the kingdoms pride , in europe was not such a place beside . london's destroy'd ; alas , who can deny it ? oh that our hearts were made the better by it . alas , poor london , is it thus indeed what heart so hard , that will not melt and bleed , to think upon thy sad and wretched state , and how the lord hath plagued thee of late . oh that thou wouldst but think upon it so , as to remove the cause of this thy wo. let grief and sorrow se●● upon thy heart ; let mirth and gladness from thy soul depart ; not altogether for thy dreadful fall , but for thy sins , which is the cause of all . thy sins , thy sins , have made thy sufferings large , who can declare the greatness of thy charge ? oh that thou wouldst but once perswaded be , to ruine that which hath so ruin'd thee . break off thy sins , or else be sure to know , the righteous god will never leave thee so ; but certainly will greater vengeance take , unless thou timely dost thy sins forsake . if thou from judgements therefore wouldst be freed , thou must repent , and turn to god with speed , or else thy sins will still increase thy sorrow , till thou art made like sodom and gomorrah . however thou mayst yet my counsel slight , the time will come , when thou shalt know t' is right . thou hast had many warnings fairly sent , from god and man , thy ruine to prevent : yea oftentimes thou hast been told in love , that sin espoused vvould thy ruine prove . and by experience thou hast found it so , yet still in sin thou more and more dost grovv . thou often hast been soberly advised ; from time to time thou hast been advertised , by such as sought thy wellfare most of all , and through thy ●●● did clearly see thy fall ; but thou from time to time didst take upon thee , most stubbornly to cast their counsel from thee : yea for their love , thou hast abus'd them sore , and for their sakes thou hast even sin'd the more ; instead of kindly seeking of their good , thou wickedly hast rather fought their blood : and none have been so cruelly rewarded , as those which have thy wellfare most regarded ; whilst those have kindly entertained bin , that publickly have taught thee how to sin ; and still thy sins do more and more abound , though vengeance hath and doth besiege thee round . almost in every corner , street , and place , prophanness still appears with open face , what shall i say ? oh that i did but know how to prevent a further overthrow , how would i beg , and crave , intreat , and pray , if that would make thee cast thy sins away ; because i know thou must more righteous be , before gods anger will be turn'd from thee . mark what i say , thou must of sin repent , or else in sorrow still thou must lament ; the wrath of god will never let thee rest , until thou dost thy wickedness detest . alas , poor london , i am pain'd at heart , for thy past , present , and thy future smart . yet once again , o london , i will see , and try how counsel yet will work with thee . consider , god hath anger yet in store , and for thy sins can plague thee seven times more . his power none is able to withstand , nor hide themselves from his avenging hand ; his strength is great : who can declare the same ? the lord , the lord jehovah is his name . remember how the noisome pestilence did lately rage , and hurry thousands hence ; and fill'd the earth with such a slaughtered store , the like was hardly ever known before . the bloody sword hath also thousands slain , which in the bowels of the sea remain . and thou thereby hast sorely been opprest ; within thy borders none could live at rest . but most of all , before thou dost remember , the fatal stroke thou hadst but last september . let all these strange disasters greatly move thee now to make thy peace with god above . implore his grace , and for his mercy cry ; whom thou by sin hast made thy enemy . forsake thy sins , and utterly abhor them . humble thy self , and crave his pardon for them . the lord may yet consider thy distress . if this be done in truth and faithfulness ; and thou mayst be a place of praise once more , and flourish as thou hast done heretofore . e. n. finis . orders conceived and published by the lord major and aldermen of the city of london, concerning the infection of the plague city of london (england). court of aldermen. 1665 approx. 18 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a53403 wing o397 estc r39821 12988471 ocm 12988471 96252 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53403) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96252) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 724:18) orders conceived and published by the lord major and aldermen of the city of london, concerning the infection of the plague city of london (england). court of aldermen. city of london (england). lord mayor. [15] p. printed by james flesher ..., [london] : [1665] reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion orders conceived and published by the lord major and aldermen of the city of london , concerning the infection of the plague . printed by james flesher , printer to the honourable city of london . orders conceived and published by the lord major and aldermen of the city of london , concerning the infection of the plague . whereas in the first year of the reign of our late sovereign king james of happy memory , an act was made for the charitable relief and ordering of persons infected with the plague : whereby authority was given to justices of peace , majors , bayliffs , and other head-officers to appoint within their several limits examiners , searchers , watchmen , keepers , and buriers for the persons and places infected , and to minister unto them oaths for the performance of their offices . and the same statute did also authorize the giving of other directions , as unto them for the present necessity should seem good in their discretions . it is now upon special consideration thought very expedient for preventing and avoiding of infection of sickness ( if it shall so please almighty god ) that these officers following be appointed , and these orders hereafter duly observed . examiners to be appointed in every parish . first , it is thought requisite and so ordered , that in every parish there be one , two , or more persons of good sort and credit , chosen and appointed by the alderman , his deputy , and common-councel of every ward , by the name of examiners , to continue in that office the space of two moneths at least : and if any fit person so appointed , shall refuse to undertake the same , the said parties so refusing , to be committed to prison until they shall conform themselves accordingly . the examiners office. that these examiners be sworn by the alderman , to enquire and learn from time to time what houses in every parish be visited , and what persons be sick , and of what diseases , as near as they can inform themselves ; and upon doubt in that case , to command restraint of access , until it appear what the disease shall prove : and if they finde any person sick of the infection , to give order to the constable that the house be shut up ; and if the constable shall be found remiss or negligent , to give present notice thereof to the alderman of the ward . watchmen . that to every infected house there be appointed two watchmen , one for the day , and the other for the night : and that these watchmen have a special care that no person goe in or out of such infected houses , whereof they have the charge , upon pain of severe punishment . and the said watchmen to doe such further offices as the sick house shall need and require : and if the watchman be sent upon any business , to lock up the house and take the key with him : and the watchman by day to attend until ten of the clock at night : and the watchman by night until six in the morning . searchers . that there be a special care , to appoint women-searchers in every parish , such as are of honest reputation , and of the best sort as can be got in this kind : and these to be sworn to make due search and true report , to the utmost of their knowledge , whether the persons , whose bodies they are appointed to search , do die of the infection , or of what other diseases , as near as they can . and that the physicians who shall be appointed for cure and prevention of the infection , do call before them the said searchers who are or shall be appointed for the several parishes under their respective cares , to the end they may consider whether they are fitly qualified for that employment ; and charge them from time to time as they shall see cause , if they appear defective in their duties . that no searcher during this time of visitation , be permitted to use any publick work or imployment , or keep any shop or stall , or be imployed as a landress , or in any other common imployment whatsoever . chirurgions . for better assistance of the searchers , for as much as there hath been heretofore great abuse in misreporting the disease , to the further spreading of the infection : it is therefore ordered , that there be chosen and appointed able and discreet chirurgions , besides those that doe already belong to the pest-house : amongst whom , the city and liberties to be quartered as the places lie most apt and convenient : and every of these to have one quarter for his limit : and the said chirurgions in every of their limits to joyn with the searchers for the view of the body , to the end there may be a true report made of the disease . and further , that the said chirurgions shall visit and search such like persons as shall either send for them , or be named and directed unto them , by the examiners of every parish , and inform themselves of the disease of the said parties . and for as much as the said chirurgions are to be sequestred from all other cures , and kept onely to this disease of the infection ; it is ordered , that every of the said chirurgions shall have twelve-pence a body searched by them , to be paid out of the goods of the party searched , if he be able , or otherwise by the parish . nurse-keepers . if any nurse-keeper shall remove herself out of any infected house before 28 daies after the decease of any person dying of the infection , the house to which the said nurse-keeper doth so remove herself shall be shut up until the said 28 daies be expired . orders concerning infected houses , and persons sick of the plague . notice to be given of the sickness . the master of every house , as soon as any one in his house complaineth , either of botch , or purple , or swelling in any part of his body , or falleth otherwise dangerously sick , without apparent cause of some other disease , shall give knowledge thereof to the examiner of health within two hours after the said sign shall appear . sequestration of the sick. as soon as any man shall be found by this examiner , chirurgion or searcher to be sick of the plague , he shall the same night be sequestred in the same house . and in case he be so sequestred , then though he afterwards die not , the house wherein he sickned shall be shut up for a moneth , after the use of due preservatives taken by the rest . airing the stuff . for sequestration of the goods and stuff of the infected , their bedding , and apparel , and hangings of chambers , must be well aired with fire , and such perfumes as are requisite within the infected house , before they be taken again to use : this to be done by the appointment of the examiner . shutting up of the house . if any person shall have visited any man , known to be infected of the plague , or entred willingly into any known infected house , being not allowed : the house wherein he inhabiteth , shall be shut up for certain daies by the examiners direction . none to be removed out of infected houses , but , &c. item , that none be removed out of the house where he falleth sick of the infection , into any other house in the city , ( except it be to the pest-house or a tent , or unto some such house , which the owner of the said visited house holdeth in his own hands , and occupieth by his own servants ) and so as security be given to the parish whither such remove is made , that the attendance and charge about the said visited persons shall be observed and charged in all the particularities before expressed , without any cost of that parish , to which any such remove shall happen to be made , and this remove to be done by night : and it shall be lawful to any person that hath two houses , to remove either his sound or his infected people to his spare house at his choice , so as if he send away first his found , he may not after send thither the sick , nor again unto the sick the sound . and that the same which he sendeth , be for one week at the least shut up and secluded from company for fear of some infection , at the first not appearing . burial of the dead . that the burial of the dead by this visitation be at most convenient hours , alwaies either before sun-rising , or after sun-setting , with the privity of the churchwardens or constables , and not otherwise ; and that no neighbours nor friends be suffered to accompany the coarse to church , or to enter the house visited , upon pain of having his house shut up , or be imprisoned . and that no corps dying of infection shall be buried or remain in any church in time of common-prayer , sermon , or lecture . and that no children be suffered at time of burial of any corps in any church , church-yard , or burying-place to come near the corps , coffin , or grave . and that all the graves shall be at least six foot deep . and further , all publick assemblies at other burials are to be forborn during the continuance of this visitation . no infected stuff to be uttered . that no clothes , stuff , bedding or garments be suffered to be carried or conveyed out of any infected houses , and that the criers and carriers abroad of bedding or old apparel to be sold or pawned , be utterly prohibited and restrained , and no brokers of bedding or old apparel be permitted to make any outward shew , or hang forth on their stalls , shopboards or windows toward any street , lane , common-way or passage , any old bedding or apparel to be sold , upon pain of imprisonment . and if any broker or other person shall buy any bedding , apparel , or other stuff out of any infected house , within two moneths after the infection hath been there , his house shall be shut up as infected , and so shall continue shut up twenty daies at the least . no person to be conveyed out of any infected house . if any person visited do fortune , by negligent looking unto , or by any other means , to come , or be conveyed from a place infected , to any other place , the parish from whence such party hath come or been conveyed , upon notice thereof given , shall at their charge cause the said party so visited and escaped , to be carried and brought back again by night , and the parties in this case offending , to be punished at the direction of the alderman of the ward ; and the house of the receiver of such visited person to be shut up for twenty daies . every visited house to be marked . that every house visited , be marked with a red cross of a foot long , in the middle of the door , evident to be seen , and with these usual printed words , that is to say , lord have mercy upon us , to be set close over the same cross , there to continue until lawful opening of the same house . every visited house to be watched . that the constables see every house shut up , and to be attended with watchmen , which may keep them in , and minister necessaries unto them at their own charges ( if they be able , ) or at the common charge if they be unable : the shutting up to be for the space of four weeks after all be whole . that precise order be taken that the searchers , chirurgions , keepers and buriers are not to pass the streets without holding a red rod or wand of three foot in length in their hands , open and evident to be seen , and are not to goe into any other house then into their own , or into that whereunto they are directed or sent for , but to forbear and abstain from company , especially when they have been lately used in any such business or attendance . inmates . that where several inmates are in one and the same house , and any person in that house happen to be infected ; no other person or family of such house shall be suffered to remove him or themselves without a certificate from the examiners of health of that parish ; or in default thereof , the house whither he or they so remove , shall be shut up as in case of visitation . hackney coaches . that care be taken of hackney coachmen , that they may not ( as some of them have been observed to doe ) after carrying of infected persons to the pesthouse , and other places , be admitted to common use , till their coaches be well aired , and have stood unimployed by the space of five or six daies after such service . orders for cleansing and keeping of the streets sweet . the streets to be kept clean . first , it is thought very necessary , and so ordered , that every housholder do cause the street to be daily pared before his door , and so to keep it clean swept all the week long . that rakers take it from out the houses . that the sweeping and filth of houses be daily carried away by the rakers , and that the raker shall give notice of his coming by the blowing of a horn as heretofore hath been done . laystalls to be made farre off from the city . that the laystalls be removed as farre as may be out of the city , and common passages , and that no nightman or other be suffered to empty a vault into any garden near about the city . care to be had of unwholesome fish or flesh , and of musty corn. that special care be taken , that no stinking fish , or unwholsome flesh , or musty corn , or other corrupt fruits of what sort soever , be suffered to be sold about the city or any part of the same . that the brewers and tipling-houses be looked unto , for musty and unwholsome cask . that no hogs , dogs , or cats , or tame pigeons , or conies be suffered to be kept within any part of the city , or any swine to be , or stray in the streets or lanes , but that such swine be impounded by the beadle or any other officer , and the owner punished according to act of common-councel , and that the dogs be killed by the dog-killers appointed for that purpose . orders concerning loose persons and idle assemblies . beggers . forasmuch as nothing is more complained of , then the multitude of rogues and wandering beggers that swarm in every place about the city , being a great cause of the spreading of the infection , and will not be avoided , notwithstanding any order that hath been given to the contrary : it is therefore now ordered , that such constables , and others whom this matter may any way concern , do take special care that no wandering begger be suffered in the streets of this city , in any fashion or manner whatsoever upon the penalty provided by the law to be duly and severely executed upon them . playes . that all playes , bear-baitings , games , singing of ballads , buckler-play , or such like causes of assemblies of people , be utterly prohibited , and the parties offending , severely punished by every alderman in his ward . feasting prohibited . that all publick feasting , and particularly by the companies of this city ; and dinners at taverns , alehouses , and other places of common entertainment be forborn till further order and allowance ; and that the money thereby spared , be preserved and imployed for the benefit and relief of the poor visited with the infection . tipling-houses . that disorderly tipling in taverns , alehouses , coffee-houses and cellars be severely looked unto , as the common sin of this time , and greatest occasion of dispersing the plague . and that no company or person be suffered to remain or come into any tavern , ale-house or coffee-house to drink after nine of the clock in the evening , according to the ancient law and custome of this city , upon the penalties ordained in that behalf . and for the better execution of these orders , and such other rules and directions as upon further consideration shall be found needful ; it is ordered and enjoyned that the aldermen , deputies , and common-councel-men shall meet together weekly , once , twice , thrice or oftner ( as cause shall require ) at some one general place accustomed in their respective wards ( being clear from infection of the plague ) to consult how the said orders may be duly put in execution ; not intending that any dwelling in or near places infected , shall come to the said meetings whiles their coming may be doubtful : and the said aldermen and deputies and common councel-men in their several wards may put in execution any other good orders that by them at their said meetings shall be conceived and devised , for preservation of his majesties subjects from the infection . finis . by the mayor. whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggers, that vermine of this common-wealth doth now swarme in and about this city and liberties, ... city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74147 of text r211678 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.20[21]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74147 thomason 669.f.20[21] estc r211678 99870384 99870384 163438 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74147) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163438) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f20[21]) by the mayor. whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggers, that vermine of this common-wealth doth now swarme in and about this city and liberties, ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by james flesher printer to honourable city of london, [london] : 1655. title from caption and first lines of text. signed and dated: the twenty third day of january 1655. sadler. annotation on thomason copy: "decemb. 1655". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng begging -england -london -early works to 1800. rogues and vagabonds -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a74147 r211678 (thomason 669.f.20[21]). civilwar no by the mayor. whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggers, that vermine of the city of london 1655 1025 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the mayor . whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues , vagabonds , and sturdy beggers , that vermine of this common-wealth doth now swarme in and about this city and liberties , disturbing and annoying the inhabitants and passengers , by hanging upon coaches , and clamarous begging at the doores of churches and private houses and in the streets and common dayes ; beguilling the modest , laborious and honest poore , ( the proper obiects of charity ) of much reliefe and almes which otherwise might bee disposed to them by bountifull and well minded people : and by this meanes and their corrupt and prophane communication , doe bring dishonor to god , scandall to religion , and shame to the government of this city : and for as much as it is intended and resolved that for reformation of this living nusance , the said lawes and statutes shall bee hence-forth duely and strictly executed within this city and liberties thereof , and the penaltyes and punishments thereby appointed , imposed and inflicted upon all persons offending against the same : i doe thereofore give notice thereof , and in the name of his highnes the lord protector , doe hereby require and command all constables and other officers and persons whatsoever within this city and liberties , to bee diligent and watchfull about their duties herein : for better information whereof and that none may excuse himselfe by pretence of ignorance , i have caused some branches of the said statutes of most common concernment to bee added hereunto , expecting that accordingly every constable doe presently apprehend ( and so continue to doe during his said office ) all such rogues , vagabonds and sturdy beggers as shall bee found in his parish or precinct , or shall bee brought or sent to him by any of his neighbors , and to send to bridewell ( the place of correction ) such of them as live within this city and liberties , who are there to bee received and dealt withall according to law ; and such as live not within the liberties aforesaid , to whipp and passe away to the place of their dwelling or last aboade . and that all other persons doe apprehend or cause to bee apprehended all such as they shall see or know to resort to their houses to receive or begg any almes , and carry or cause them to bee carried to the next constable , and that in all other things they give that furtherance to this worke as by the law is required . and further , i doe hereby require all and every the said constables , to the end their dwellings may bee the better known and more readily found , that they have their staves set or fixed at their streete doores , plainly to bee seene by all passengers . and moreover , that on the first wednesday in every moneth at foure of the clocke in the afternoone , they deliver in to the corporation for the poore at weavers hall , a list of the names and sirnames of all such rogues and beggers as shall by them respectively bee apprehended , whipped and passed away , with the time when , and the place to which they are sent . as they will answere the contrary at their perills . dated the twenty third day of january 1655. sadler . to all and every the constables within the city of london and liberties thereof . 39 eliz cap. 4. every rogue , vagabond , or sturdy begger that shall bee taken begging , vagrant , wandering , or misordering themselves , shall bee apprehended by any constable of the parish where such person shall bee taken , and bee stripped naked from the middle upwards and bee openly whipped , till his or her body bee bloody and shall bee forthwith sent from parish to parish by the said officer , the next streight way to the parish where hee or shee was born , if the same may bee known by the parties confession or otherwise , and if the same bee not known , then to the parish where hee or shee last dwelt , before the same punishment , by the space of one whole yeare , or if it bee not know where hee or shee was borne , or last dwelt , then to the parish to which hee or shee last passed without punishment &c. 39 eliz. cap. 4. if any constable bee negligent and doe not his and their best endeavours for the apprehension of such vagabond , rogue , or sturdy begger , and to cause every of them to bee punished and convayed as aforesaid , then the constable in whom such default shall bee , shall loose and forfeit for every such default tenne shillings . 39 eliz. cap. 4. also , if any person doe disturbe or let the execution of this law , or make rescusse against any officer or person authorised for the due execution of the premisses , such person offending shall forfeit for every such offence five pounds , and bee bound to the good behaviour . 1 iac. cap. 7. every person or persons shall apprehend or cause to bee apprended , such rogues , vagabonds and sturdy beggers as hee or they shall see or know to resort to their houses to begg , gather , or receive any almes , and him or them shall carry or cause to bee carried to the next constable , upon paine to forfeit for every default tenne shillings . 1. iac. cap. 7. and if such constable doe not cause the said rogues , vagabonds and sturdy beggers to bee punished and convayed as aforesaid , such constable shall forefeit and loose the summe of twenty shillings for every default . printed by james flesher printer to honourable city of london . aleyn mayor. at a common councel holden in the guildhall london on wednesday the 14th of december, 1659. city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88454 of text r211384 in the english short title catalog (wing l2852m). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88454 wing l2852m estc r211384 45097829 ocm 45097829 171411 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88454) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171411) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2573:4) aleyn mayor. at a common councel holden in the guildhall london on wednesday the 14th of december, 1659. city of london (england). court of common council. alleyne, thomas, sir, fl. 1660. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by james flesher, printer to the honourable city of london., [london] : [1659] signed: sadler. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. eng london (england) -politics and government. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660. broadsides -england -17th century. a88454 r211384 (wing l2852m). civilwar no aleyn mayor. at a common councel holden in the guild-hall london on vvednesday the 14th of december, 1659. corporation of london 1659 278 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion aleyn blazon or coat of arms mayor . at a common councel holden in the guild-hall london on wednesday the 14th of december , 1659. whereas this court upon the hearing of the report made by the committee appointed to confer with the lord fleetewood touching the safety and peace of this city , have received information ( amongst other things ) that a parliament shall be called with all convenient speed for the settlement of this nation ; and thereon to act without any disturbance from the army : it is therefore ordered by this court , that every member thereof do repair to the several housholders within their respective wards and precincts , requiring them to use all diligence to prevent all commotions , and to preserve the peace of this city , and in order to their own defence and the safety of the city , to come forth when by the lord mayor and sheriffs of this city they shall be commanded : and this court doth hereby most strictly require and command all masters of families within this city , to keep in their sons , apprentices and other servants , to forbear any meetings and concourse in the streets in any tumultuous way whereby the peace of this city may be disturbed : and this court do hereby declare , that they are fully resolved ( by gods assistance ) by all lawful means to defend themselves and this city to their utmost , against all persons whatsoever , that on any pretence shall disturbe the peace of this city . sadler . printed by james flesher , printer to the honourable city of london . martis vicesimo primo die octobr. 1684 annoq, regni regis caroli secundi, angliæ &c. tricesimo sexto it is ordered by this court that the order hereafter following (against servants being retained without a testimonial) made at the last quarter sessions held for this city, shall be forthwith printed and published ... / lond. ss. ad general quarterial' sessionem pacis domini regis, tent' pro civitat' london, per adjournament' apud justice-hall in le old-baily, london, die mercurii, scilicet octavo die octobris, anno regni regis caroli secundi, nunc angl' &c. tricesimo sexto. england and wales. court of quarter sessions of the peace (london) 1684 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49000 wing l2854x estc r37986 17158898 ocm 17158898 106012 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49000) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 106012) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1619:13) martis vicesimo primo die octobr. 1684 annoq, regni regis caroli secundi, angliæ &c. tricesimo sexto it is ordered by this court that the order hereafter following (against servants being retained without a testimonial) made at the last quarter sessions held for this city, shall be forthwith printed and published ... / lond. ss. ad general quarterial' sessionem pacis domini regis, tent' pro civitat' london, per adjournament' apud justice-hall in le old-baily, london, die mercurii, scilicet octavo die octobris, anno regni regis caroli secundi, nunc angl' &c. tricesimo sexto. england and wales. court of quarter sessions of the peace (london) 1 broadside. printed by samuel roycraft, printer to this honourable city, [london] : [1684] at head of title: tulse mayor. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng domestics -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tulse mayor . martis vicesimo primo die octobr. 1684. annoque regni regis caroli secundi , angliae , &c. tricesimo sexto . it is ordered by this court , that the order hereafter following , ( against servants being retained without a testimonial , ) made at the last quarter sessions held for this city , shall be forthwith printed and published ; and that all the aldermen of this city do cause their beadles to go from house to house within their respective wards , to give notice of the said order to the several inhabitants therein . lond. ss . ad general ' quarterial ' sessionem pacis domini regis , tent ' pro civitat ' london , per adjornament ' apud justice-hall in le old-baily , london , die mercurii ; scilicet , octavo die octobris , anno regni regis caroli secundi , nunc angl ' , &c. tricesimo sexto . whereas by a statute made in the fifth year of the reign of the late queen elizabeth , containing divers orders for servants , ( amongst other things ) it is enacted , that no person or persons that shall depart out of a service , shall be retained or accepted into any other service , without shewing before his or her retainer such testimonial , as is in the said statute specified , to the chief officer of the town corporate , and in every other town and place , to the constable , curate , churchwarden , or other head officer of the same , where he or she shall be retained to serve , upon the pain that every such servant or servants so departing without such certificate or testimonial , shall be imprisoned until he or she procure a testimonial or certificate ; the which if he or she cannot do within the space of one and twenty days next after the first day of his or her imprisonment , then the said person to be whipped and used as a vagabond , according to the laws in such case provided . and that any person retaining any such servant or servants , without shewing any such testimonial or certificate , as is aforesaid , shall forfeit for every such offence five pounds . and if any such person shall be taken with any counterfeit or forged testimonial , then to be whipped as a vagabond , as by the said statute ( whereunto relation being had ) more fully appeareth . and whereas it is generally experienced throughout this whole city , as well by the nobility and gentry , as other good citizens and housholders inhabiting in the same ; that servants having no such certificates and testimonials when they depart out of one service and come to be retained into another service , and the neglect of putting the said law in execution , giveth great occasion to very many servants to become idle , loose , and of evil-behaviour , and oftentimes to cheat and purloyn from their masters and mistresses , and when they come to be retained in a service upon liking , without a testimonial , take their first opportunity to run away with their masters or mistresses goods . it is therefore thought fit , and ordered by this court , that according to the said statute , no servant or servants who shall depart out of any service , shall be retained or accepted into any other service without shewing such testimonial as aforesaid . and that the aldermen of the several wards within this city do take some meet and effectual course for the publishing hereof , to the end all persons concerned may take notice , and may become conformable hereunto . wagstaffe . printed by samvel roycroft , printer to this honourable city . die sabbathi 19. decembris, 1646. it is ordered by the lords in parliament assembled, that the city printer shall print and publish the two petitions presented to the house this day ... / john browne cler. parliamentorum. england and wales. parliament. house of lords. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a97317 of text r492269 in the english short title catalogtextual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a97317 estc r492269 45097709 ocm 45097709 171304 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a97317) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171304) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2571:18c) die sabbathi 19. decembris, 1646. it is ordered by the lords in parliament assembled, that the city printer shall print and publish the two petitions presented to the house this day ... / john browne cler. parliamentorum. england and wales. parliament. house of lords. browne, john, ca. 1608-1691. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [london : 1646] not found in wing. reproduction of original in the sutro library. with: an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament: for bringing in of the arrears for the garrisons of the easterne association. die jovis 10 decemb. 1646. london : printed for iohn wright ..., 1646 -die jovis, 8. julii, 1646. eng humble petition of the lord major, aldermen, and commons of the city of london, in common-councell assembled. humble representation of the pressing greivances [sic], and important desires of the well-affected freemen, and covenant-engaged citizens, of the city of london. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -england -17th century. a97317 r492269 civilwar no die sabbathi 19. decembris, 1646.: it is ordered by the lords in parliament assembled, that the city printer shall print and publish the tw england and wales. parliament 1646 113 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die sabbathi 19. decembris , 1646. it is ordered by the lords in parliament assembled , that the city printer shall print and publish the two petitions presented to this house this day ; the one intituled , the humble petition of the lord major , aldermen , and commons of the city of london , in common-councell assembled ; and the other intituled , an humble representation of the pressing greivances , and important desires of the well-affected freemen , and covenant-engaged citizens , of the city of london ; and the answer of the lords in parliament made this day unto them both . john browne cler. parliamentorum . at a common-council holden at the guild-hall london, on vvednesday the 23 day of november 1659. city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88451 of text r211344 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[11*]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88451 wing l2852l thomason 669.f.22[11*] estc r211344 99870074 99870074 163594 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88451) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163594) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[11*]) at a common-council holden at the guild-hall london, on vvednesday the 23 day of november 1659. city of london (england). court of common council. alleyne, thomas, sir, fl. 1660. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by james flesher printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : [1659] publication date from wing. an order of the common council appointing the 2nd of december to be kept as a fast day. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng fasts and feasts -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88451 r211344 (thomason 669.f.22[11*]). civilwar no aleyn mayor. at a common-councel holden at the guild-hall london, on vvednesday the 23 day of november 1659. city of london 1659 393 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion aleyn blazon or coat of arms mayor . at a common-councel holden at the guild-hall london , on wednesday the 23 day of november 1659. it having pleased almighty god to shew us so much of the fruit of our own hearts and evil ways , as to let us see the very foundations of government razed ; and that we have so much cause to fear our great want of fear and love to his holy name and word , worship and sabbaths , magistrates and ministers , may justly provoke him to withdraw from us , and to loath , abhor and leave us to the lusts of our own hearts , and to our great weakness and folly , till confusion and desolations make us become a reproach to religion , and a scorn to all nations . in most humble desires of that good convincing spirit of promise , to give us a right sight and sense of our great vileness , and his greater goodness , yet able to pardon , recover and heal us ; we desire to bow down and humble our souls before the mighty hand of god , that he may yet pitty and spare , pardon and heal , according to the greatness of his power and goodness : that his name may be glorified , and the kingdom of our lord iesus enlarged , and these nations setled in peace and righteousness , with governors and councellors , iudges and teachers after his own mind and heart , according to his holy word : and that he will not leave us in this houre of temptation , till he hath brought us through all our fears , troubles and darkness , unto true rest , peace and setlement . for these great ends this court hath appointed friday the second of december next , solemnly to seek the face of god , with fasting and prayer at pauls church ; and doth recommend it to the ministers of the gospel , to give notice hereof in all their several churches and congregations , and to desire their assistance and concurrence in their several churches , as the lord shall enable them and all his people throughout this city and liberties thereof . sadler . printed by james flesher printer to the honourable city of london . by the major a proclamation for the prices of tallow and candles. city of london (england). 1620 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06237 stc 16727.7 estc s1337 22134228 ocm 22134228 25124 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06237) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 25124) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1731:4) by the major a proclamation for the prices of tallow and candles. city of london (england). 1 broadside. by vvilliam iaggard, printer to the honourable city of london, printed at london : 1620. "giuen at guild-hall of the citty of london, this 14. day of september, in the eighteenth yeare of his maiesties reign ..." reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng candles -prices. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the major . ❧ a proclamation for the prices of tallow and candles . the lord maior and aldermen his brethren , hauing taken knowledge of the excessiue prices of tallow & candles vttered and sold within the city of london : and finding vpon search and suruey made of the store of tallow and candles in the hand of the tallow chandlers , and candlemakers , aswell english as strangers , within this city and liberties thereof , that diuers of them not contented with reasonable profit , in vttering and selling of candles and tallow , haue engrossed vnduly into their hands , great quantities both of tallow and candles , thereby to enhance the prices thereof : inasmuch as the principall sale lieth in the hands of few . for remedy whereof , the lord maior and court of aldermen , haue conceiued it very expedient and needfull , to set prices according to former presidents vpon tallow and candles vttered within this city . and therefore do by these presents , ordaine , publish , and declare , that no butcher or other person whatsoeuer , shall from henceforth vtter or sell , or cause to be vttered or sold within this city or liberties , any english tallow aboue the price of twentie sixe shillings eight pence the hundred weight . and that no tallow chandler , candlemaker , or other person whatsoeuer , that do , or shall make , vtter , or sell any candles made of tallow , within this city or liberties thereof , shall at any time heereafter , vtter or sell , or cause to be vttered or sold , any tallow candles aboue the prices hereafter mentioned : that is to say , good cotton candles for foure pence farthing the pound , and good weeke candles for three pence three farthings the pound , and not at any higher price or prices . and the said butchers , tallow chandlers , candlemakers , and such other persons afore mentioned , are hereby straightly charged and commanded , to obey and keepe the saide rates and prices set vpon tallow and candles as aforesaide , vntill further order to the contrary be taken by the lord maior and aldermen his brethren , vpon paine and perill that will fall thereon . giuen at the guild-hall of the citty of london , this 14. day of september , in the eighteenth yeare of his maiesties reigne of england , france , and ireland , and of scotland the foure and fiftieth . god saue the king. printed at london by william iaggard , printer to the honourable city of london , 1620. a lamentation taken up for london that late flourishing city, a bitter, yea a bitter lamentation over all her inhabitants yet living within and about her borders, and over all her rulers and mighty men, who are fled from her as from a murtherer, with good counsel and advice, from the spirit of the lord to all, that they may turn unto him before the vials of his wrath be poured out for their utter destruction. by a lover of truth and righteousness: thomas greene. greene, thomas, 1634?-1699. 1665 approx. 18 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42008 wing g1844 estc r215904 99827662 99827662 32085 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42008) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 32085) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1848:31) a lamentation taken up for london that late flourishing city, a bitter, yea a bitter lamentation over all her inhabitants yet living within and about her borders, and over all her rulers and mighty men, who are fled from her as from a murtherer, with good counsel and advice, from the spirit of the lord to all, that they may turn unto him before the vials of his wrath be poured out for their utter destruction. by a lover of truth and righteousness: thomas greene. greene, thomas, 1634?-1699. 8 p. s.n.], [london : printed in the year, 1665. place of publication from wing. reproduction of the original in the friends house library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th centurty -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a lamentation taken up for london , that late flourishing city , a bitter , yea a bitter lamentation over all her inhabitants yet living within and about her borders , and over all her rulers and mighty men , who are fled from her as from a murtherer , with good counsel and advice , from the spirit of the lord to all , that they may turn unto him before the vials of his wrath be poured out for their utter destruction . by a lover of truth and righteousness : thomas greene . printed in the year ▪ 1665. a lamentation taken up for london . oh london , london , what lamentation may i take up for thee , who was of late a flourishing city ; whose scituation is by a pleasant river , thorough which great riches in abundance hath been brought to thee , by which thy inhabitants have been made rich ; thy pomp and thy greatness , thy excellency , and variety of treasures , hath allured many to flock unto thee , from one end of the nation to the other ; and many have counted themselves happy , that could get a convenient habitation in or about thy borders : a city that was so joyous and counted a place of delight , and a palace for princes , a meeting place for those called the nobility of the land ; unto thee hath the embassadours from far countries resorted : oh how is this city become solitary that was full of people , she is now left as a widow of youth that was counted the pleasant place of the nation , and as a princess in the province , for how hath thy great men left thee , and are fled as from a monstrous woman ; how are thy inhabitants a dread to the country , because of the plague that is broken out in thee ; oh my heart hath been in sorrow for thee , and a burthen hath layn upon me as concerning thee , ever since the lord began to manifest his displeasure against thee , even ever since the ship called the london was blown up , where more then 200. persons were torn in pieces , whose graves were in the sea ; this then was the cry of my heart ; saying , think yee they were greater sinners above all men ? and this was the answer from the lord , except they repent they shall likewise perish with a mighty slaughter , though not in the same way . this was signified unto me by the spirit of the lord when i was in his dreadful fear , overshadowed with his heavenly power , and i waited to see it effected , or a return to the lord by cealing from unrighteousness , which most of all i desired , that he might have diverted his intended judgments ; but oh how hast thou dishonoured his name , and walked after thy own hearts lusts , as those that have forgotten the lord dayes without number , and hast not humbled thy self before him , but hast regarded iniquity , and walked in cruelty , against the lord and his poor people , and hast walked proudly , so that many of thy inhabitants scarcely knew what to eat , or to drink , or what to put on , and yet a professing people , having on you the name of christians , but are seen of all those whose eyes are open to be in the nature of heathens , turks , or infidels , who are not found in the nature of christ , who came not to destroy mens lives but to save them ; but on the contrary thy rulers and magistrates with their attendance , have been found persecuting and imprisoning , knocking down , and wounding even some unto death a peaceable people that fear the lord , that he hath raised up in these last dayes to be as signes and wonders , whose residence and dwelling is amongst you ; who have but testified against unrighteousness , and assembled themselves together as the antient christians in the dayes of old , who feared the lord , and thought upon his name ; and when all this cruelty would not do nor bring them down , whom god hath raised up ; then was invented in thee another way , thou didst see thy pomp and greatness would do thee no good while these people called quakers were among you , their laws being divers from thy laws , their worship to thy worship ; then thou hast concluded with the rest of the rulers of the land , even as haman who said , it 's not for the kings profit to let them live among us ; then this cruel edict was invented in thy borders to make such a law as thou might be sure to find these people transgressors of , that thou mightest say as those unworthy jewes , who said , wee have a law , and by our law christ ought to die . oh this your law will not excuse you before the lord who seeth your insides , and will judge you according as your works are , not by the sight of the eye nor by the hearing of the ear , but he will enter into righteous judgement with you , for he is determined to plead with all flesh to bring down the haughty , and to lay the lofty low ; and for all thy transgressions and cruelties god is now risen to plead with thee ; for thou hast been the womb in the which cruelty without mercy hath been conceived , thy rulers with their allies have been examples to all cruel minded men thorough the nation , therefore must thou drink a bitter cup , and into thy hand hath the lord first put it ; for when thou began to banish ( by that late devised law ) those people out of the land that feared the lord , and durst not mak shipwrack of their faith , and of a good conscience ; then did the lord begin with thee , and poured out his plagues upon very few , as thou beganest first to banish two or three of the people of the lord ; oh that thou hadst considered and made a stop then of that woful sin of persecution , but still thou wouldest go on ; and didest send away seven more of the servants of the lord ; and wouldest not take notice of the encrease of the plague , but still thou hast hardened thy heart against gods innocent people , and sent away eight more , though still the plague encreased in thy borders ; and as thou hast multiplyed thy cruelty , so the lord hath caused his plague to encrease ; and now at last thou hast by force carryed near threescore of the servants of the lord both men and women on board , a ship in order to their exilement , even into an inconsiderable vessel where is not convenience as becometh christians ; the deck being so low that they are fain to go double between the decks , where they must be forc'd to be & lodg , as if they were intended to be destroyed . and as thou hast sent near threescore more of the servants of the lord away , so hath his plague encreased to near three thousand by the weekly bill ; though it 's judged to be more ; and by many of the inhabitants of this city here is a cry , saying , this is that which will encrease the plague ; yet still were the hearts of thy rulers hardened against this innocent people : well , they may all know the lords anger is not yet over , but his hand is stretched out still ; for , as thou hast encreased in cruelty , so hath the lord executed his righteous judgments ( and will yet more and more ) yet wouldest thou go on like pharaoh in the dayes of old , though the first born was slain , yet he would pursue israel into the sea , which became a grave for him : oh that thou wouldest have taken notice of the dealings of the lord , and have ceased from all oppression and cruelty ; that those whom you have nothing against but as concerning the law of their god , might have lived peaceable amongst you , being such that loves peace , and can learn war no more ; yet they are assured the lord will plead their cause , who is their reward in the day of tryal , and hath and is with them in the hour of temptation ; oh but thy pride and wantonness and fullness of bread , thy drunkenness , whoredoms , couzenings and cheatings , hath so eaten thee up that thou hast not considered the most high ruleth in the kingdoms of men ; for in seeing thou couldest not see , and in hearing thou hast not considered , but thy heart hath waxed fat thorough the abundance of thy dilicacy ; the voice of musick , and the sound of the organs thou hast delighted in ; but now instead thereof , the voice of sorrow , weeping , and bitter lamentation shall be heard in thee , and none shall comfort thee , because thou hast not regarded the afflictions of the afflicted , but hath added grief unto their sorrow : oh , oh the lord hath seen , the almighty hath taken notice , and is now risen to plead with thee , and as thou hast added affliction to the afflicted by drawing and rending the people of the lord from prison where they have long lay'n to send them by force into exile ; so the lord hath encreased thy plagues , who would have none of his counsel , neither regarded his reproofs in your hearts , but have hardened your selves against gods good spirit that hath reproved you , ( for your good ) but you have rushed into iniquity as a horse into the battle , & have not had so much understanding as balaams asse , who saw the angel of the lord in the way , and those that have you have smote them more then three times , who have warned you that you should not rise up against the lord and his people , but you have done despite unto the spirit of grace , whereby you might have been led into the way everlasting . neither have you regarded the servants of the most high god , which have been sent unto you from several places , who have warned you and exhorted you , and beseeched you in the bowels of gods love that you would give over oppressing the innocent and persecuting the upright , knowing that vengeance belongs to the lord and he will repay it ; and that those might not suffer persecution , imprisonment , or exilement , whom you have nothing against , but as concerning the law of their god ; yet them nor their testimony hath not been regarded , but they have been villified and derided of many , and have been counted as those who have been telling of idle tales . oh , but many may say , why dost thou upbraid us in the day of calamity , or tell us of our iniquities in this day of our sore distress , to which i answer , i do not upbraid you , but rather lay those things before you which you have been guilty of , that you may consider the mercy and justice of the lord , and look back and ponder the long-suffering of the almighty , and of the meanes of grace that he hath afforded thee , and of the light that he hath lighted thee withall , and that thy inhabitants might have been as his pleasant children , and that now whilst thou hast a day to live thou mayest return unto him with unfeigned repentance , for they that repents and turns unto him , they shall finde mercy : oh , but thy priests and false prophets have dealt deceitfully with thee , who have said , peace , peace , none evil shall come upon us ; they have not discovered the iniquity to turn away thy captivity , thy prophets are become fooles , and thy spiritual men mad , for thy breach is great like the sea ; and none of thy prophets can stay it , nor thy spiritual men make it up , though they prophesie smooth things unto thee , and make books to confess thy sins by , for the stoping of this breach , and that you should return to the lord ; yet we see those that do depart from iniquity , are made a prey on ; and while they call for mercy , they are oppressing the up-right ; their feet run swiftly to do evil , their thoughts are thoughts of wickedness against gods people , for which cause desolation and destruction is in their path , the way of peace they know not , there is no equity in their goings , they have made them crooked pathes , whosoever walketh therein shall not finde peace : therefore oh yee inhabitants of london , whether fled away , or yet remaining in her alive , return to the lord with all your hearts , and know his fear placed in you , and take up with me a bitter lamentation ; and as for you that are fled from the city , and have left your outward dwellings , think not that yee are safe or secure , for the lord can finde you out at his pleasure , for the destroying angel goeth forth according to the determination of the lord , and neither hill nor mountain can cover or hide you from his anger and fierce wrath , nor from the stroke of his hand there is none can fly , though thou fly upon the swift , a swifter shall overtake thee , thy riches cannot save thee , nor thy strength deliver thee , neither can the clifts of the rocks hide thee from the lord , who turneth a fruitfull land into a barren wilderness , because of the wickedness that is committed therein ; and you that are yet inhabitants in this city , and cannot well go out of it , fear yee the living god , and wait to feel his power in your hearts to break down the man of sin , that christ the power of god may be known to rule in you , and to be a leader unto you who is the teacher , which shall never be removed into a corner , as others are , who are made after a carnal commandment ; but he after the power of an endless life , who is the lord of lords , and king of kings , whose right it is to rule for ever and ever . and nations shall walk in his light , and kings shall bring their glory unto him . therefore every one return unto the lord by ceasing to do iniquity , and lay aside all cruelty and oppression , release the too long oppressed ones , and let the prisoners go free , who suffer upon the account of tender conscience towards god , or else in vain is all thy formed and framed humiliations and fastings confessing iniquity and hanging down the head like a bull-rush for a day ; this is not the fast that the lord hath chosen while you take not off the heavy burthens , neither let the oppressed go free , for if this was done , then would the hearts of the upright be inlarged to the lord on your behalf , and their mouths opened to cry to the almighty , to stay his judgments and to retain his fury , which begins to burn as an oven , which your wickedness hath procured ; oh let my counsel be accepted , and break off thy sins by righteousness , & thy iniquities by shewing mercy to the poor , if it may be , that the lord may have mercy on thee and lengthen thy tranquility , but if thou like pharaoh hardens thy heart , and repent not by turning speedily to the lord , thou shalt be left as a widdow , and thy babilonish merchants that have made themselves rich in thee , shall run afar off thee , crying , alass , alass , that great city where many were made rich , now is her torment come on a sudden , and they themselves shall not escape , though they have cryed peace , peace , when death was coming in at the door to cut off thy young men from without , and thy children from the streets ; therefore , all you that is living in fleshly tabernacles , that belongs to this great city , whether in it or fled away , this to you i send , expecting that many of you that are gone , may never see this city again , that now you may , be seeking a city and dwelling place whose foundation is the lord , and this you may know if you return to the spirit of the lord , which tryeth all things , and wait to know it to be your leader , then will it witness to your spirits that you are the children of god ; so that then , if you eat the bread of adversity , and drink the water of affliction , and in the world yee have great trouble yet shall you live in the peace of god , and die in his favour that your end may be blessed ; but , if you follow them that teach for doctrines the commandements of men , and obey not the pure spirit of the lord , then will god give over striving with you ; and then everlasting sorrow and wo will be your portion , and he shall say as to ephraim , let him alone , let him alone ; so thy time is almost out and the long suffering of the lord is neer an end to this generation ; therefore none be stout hearted , but fear and tremble all careless ones , before the living god , for the slain of the lord shall be many , and with a stronge hand is he going forth and none can hinder his purpose ; but as all return and humble themselves as the people of niniveb from the greatest unto the least , for then did the lord stay his hand and did a vvarning to all in this proud city called london to call them to repentance least the wrath of the lord break out against them; this is the day of your visitation if you will own it. fox, george, 1624-1691. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84836 of text r211903 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.17[82]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84836 wing f1982 thomason 669.f.17[82] estc r211903 99870575 99870575 163329 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84836) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163329) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f17[82]) a vvarning to all in this proud city called london to call them to repentance least the wrath of the lord break out against them; this is the day of your visitation if you will own it. fox, george, 1624-1691. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1654] signed at end: george fox. imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "march. 30. 1654". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng god -wrath -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -prophecies -early works to 1800. a84836 r211903 (thomason 669.f.17[82]). civilwar no a vvarning to all in this proud city called london to call them to repentance, least the wrath of the lord break out against them; this is t fox, george 1654 709 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vvarning to all in this proud city called london to call them to repentance , least the wrath of the lord break out against them ; this is the day of your visitation if you will own it . vvo unto thee o london , ( so called by name ) who hast made a profession of christ ; but hast cleared thy self from christ , who lives in the affections of lusts , for who are christs have crucified the flesh , with the affections and lusts ; your pride stinks before the lord , your glory and renown must wither : plagues , wo and misery , and vengeance from god , is coming upon you all , you proud and lofty ones , who have been the adversaries of god , your profession stinks before the lord , pride and hardheartedness abounds , cruelty and oppression grows & abounds in your streets , and such are you that would know meanings to the scriptures , and cries for meanings , meanings , and which lives in your conceivings , which must be scattered from the lord god , and from the life which gave forth the scriptures , for you have here cleared your selves from the life which was in them which gave forth the scriptures , for the life which gave forth the scriptures , hews down pride and oppression , and envious ones , and lusts hardheartedness , which thy streets are ful of : and o london thou art full of inventions , and full of images and image-makers , pictures , glassed hoods , vails , and round atire like the moon ; let the life which gave forth the scriptures search thee , and judg thee , and bring thee under conedmnation , for these things art thou guilty of , o how doth all excess abound , and pride and lusts , and filthiness , which stinks before the lord god , and the smell of it is come up amongst his children , plagues , plagues , plagues , is to be poured upon thee ; how beautiful art thou in thy colours , and in thy changeable suits of apparrel , and thy dainty dishes , dives like , who was turned into hell ; the life which gave forth the scriptures , shall judg thee eternally , and the life it lyes upon thee judging thee : over all the heads of the wicked , heads of the oppressors , heads of the proud , the devil is king ; wo is pronounced from the life of god upon thee , who hath drawn out his sword , to hew thee to peices , and to thresh thee ; to scatter you all as chaff with the wind , to burn you as stubble with the fire , the mouth of the lord hath spoken it ; this is the portion of all the wicked . to the just and them that fear the lord i say , come out of her ways lest you be consumed with her , that you may give judgment upon the whore , that sits upon so many waters , least you be partakers of her plagues , hearken to god and hear him ; for the rod of god is over you , and you must come under it , for your whoredom and for your pride and oppression , and hypocrisie and desembling , the lord will find you all out , for his mighty day is coming , to all your consciences i speak ; which hath been convinced but hath not repented , torment , torment , the fire is kindled , wo unto you all ; plotters to do mischief , who are not single to god : wo unto you all stubborn hard hearted ones , the life which gave forth the scriptures lyes upon thee , judging thee , and this is the word of the lord to you all , to that in all your consciences i speak , which will witness me , and condemn you , who live in these wicked practises . march .30 . 1654 george fox . die sabbathi. 30. sept. 1643. whereas the companies of london have been rated by an act of common councell, towards the raising of monies advanced by the city, for the publique service ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83623 of text r211981 in the english short title catalog (wing e2491). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83623 wing e2491 estc r211981 45097743 ocm 45097743 171336 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83623) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171336) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2571:50) die sabbathi. 30. sept. 1643. whereas the companies of london have been rated by an act of common councell, towards the raising of monies advanced by the city, for the publique service ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed for iohn wright, london, : 1643. title from caption and first lines of text. "ordered by the lords and commons in parliament that this be forthwith printed and published." reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. eng internal revenue -england -london. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -england -17th century. a83623 r211981 (wing e2491). civilwar no die sabbathi. 30. sept. 1643. whereas the companies of london have been rated by an act of common councell, towards the raising of monies ad england and wales. parliament 1643 170 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die sabbathi . 30. sept. 1643. whereas the companies of london have been rated by an act of common councell , towards the raising of monies advanced by the city , for the publique service ; for the repayment whereof , the city is secured by ordinance of parliament . and whereas there are diverse companies that are behinde in the payment of the rates , so assessed upon them ; it is this day ordered by the lords and commons , that the said companies so in arreare doe forthwith pay their rates , assessed upon them . or otherwise that the lands and revenues of the said companies shall be sequestred in the like manner ; as the estates and revenues of delinquents by the ordinance of sequestrations , are and ought to bee sequestred . ordered by the lords and commons in parliament that this be forthwith printed and published . i. brown cler. parliament . london , printed for iohn wright , 1643. primo die novembris, 1648. at the committee of the house of commons appointed for the consideration of the petition of the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of london, in common-councell assembled, presented to the house of commons; for addition of maintenance within the province of london. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83649 of text r211033 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[36]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83649 wing e2531 thomason 669.f.13[36] estc r211033 99869772 99869772 162932 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83649) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162932) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[36]) primo die novembris, 1648. at the committee of the house of commons appointed for the consideration of the petition of the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of london, in common-councell assembled, presented to the house of commons; for addition of maintenance within the province of london. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. city of london (england). court of common council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by rich. cotes, london : 1648. consists of 1) the report of the committee of the house of commons to a petition by the lord mayor, aldermen, and others; and 2) the order of a committee of the court of common council that the report of the committee shall be printed and sent to the 'ministers, common-councell-men, and church-wardens of london so that they can make report of the properites belonging to deans and chapters. the order of the court of common council committee has title: secundo die novembris, 1648. at a meeting of the committee appointed by the common-councell of london, to conferre with the honorable committee of parliament, for the obtaining of an addition for the maintenance of the ministers within the province of london. the report is signed: ri. knightlie; the order is signed: tho. lathum cleric. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. london (england) -politics and government -early works to 1800. a83649 r211033 (thomason 669.f.13[36]). civilwar no primo die novembris, 1648. at the committee of the house of commons appointed for the consideration of the petition of the lord mayor, alder england and wales. parliament. 1648 409 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2007-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion primo die novembris , 1648. at the committee of the house of commons appointed for the consideration of the petition of the lord major , aldermen , and commons of the city of london , in common-councell assembled ; presented to the house of commons , for addition of maintenance within the province of london . it is the oppinion of this committee that the aldermen and others of the common-councell , appointed to conferre with this committee , be desired to informe themselves , what lands , houses , or impropriations are within the province of london , belonging to deanes and chapters , and are to acquaint this committee therewith , this day seavennight , to which day this committee doth adjourn the further consideration of this businesse . it is further declared by this committee , that the severall receivers , treasurers , sequestrators , and all others whom it may concern , are desired to contribute their best assistance ; to the end this committee may bee fully informed , what lands , houses , and impropriations lie within the severall precincts of london , middlesex , and surrey , within the province of london . ri. knightlie . secundo die novembris , 1648. at a meeting of the committee appointed by the common-councell of london , to conferre with the honorable committee of parliament , for the obtaining of an addition for the maintenance of the ministers within the province of london . it is ordered by this committee , that the late order of the first of this instant november , made by the said honorable committee of parliament , shall be printed , and sent to the ministers , common-councell-men , and church-wardens of the severall parishes within the city of london , and liberties thereof : and they are thereupon desired by this committee , in pursuance of the said order made by the committee of parliament , to make return to this committee at the guild-hall , on monday next , by two of the clock in the afternoon ; of the particulars of all lands , houses , and impropriations belonging to deans and chapters , lying within their several parishes ; whereby to enable this commitee to give satisfaction to the committee of parliament , as by their said order is desired . tho. lathum cleric . london , printed by rich. cotes , 1648. commune concilium tent. vicesimo septimo die iulii, 1648. forasmuch as this court did apprehend the great danger the parliament and city is in, in regard of the many commotions in this kingdom, and the distractions thereof; ... city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88446 of text r37952 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.12[94]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88446 wing l2852a wing l2852b thomason 669.f.12[94] estc r37952 99872495 99872495 162885 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88446) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162885) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f12[94]) commune concilium tent. vicesimo septimo die iulii, 1648. forasmuch as this court did apprehend the great danger the parliament and city is in, in regard of the many commotions in this kingdom, and the distractions thereof; ... city of london (england). court of common council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes printer to the honorable city of london, [london] : 1648. title from caption and first line of text. place of publication from wing. signed: adam banckes, clerk to the said committee. annotation on thomason copy: "geo: thomason ffariingdon within". reproductions of the originals in the harvard university library (early english books) and the british library (thomason tracts). eng city of london (england). -committee for the militia -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88446 r37952 (thomason 669.f.12[94]). civilwar no commune concilium tent. vicesimo septimo die iulii, 1648. forasmuch as this court did apprehend the great danger the parliament and city is city of london 1648 454 1 0 0 0 0 0 22 c the rate of 22 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion commune concilium tent . vicesimo septimo die iulii , 1648. forasmuch as this court did apprehend the great danger the parliament and city is in , in regard of the many commotions in this kingdom , and the distractions thereof ; and that a convenient number of horse to joyn with the other forces of this city , would be very usefull and serviceable for the safety and preservation both of parliament and city : therefore this court doth now declare , that it shall be taken as an acceptable service in any that will voluntarily list any horses , or contribute any money thereunto , and declare themselves therein unto the committee of the militia of london ; and to be under such commanders , and observe such directions ( tending to the welfare and safety of the parliament and city ) as the said committee of the militia shall appoint . and the said committee are to appoint treasurers to receive such moneys , horse , and armes as shall bee voluntarily advanced towards that work , and to take subscriptions to that purpose , and to be by them employed accordingly : and they are from time to time to acquaint this court of their progresse and proceedings therein ; and to receive their further directions concerning the same , as occasion shall require . michel . in pursuance of which act of common-councell , there are severall members of the committee of the militia appointed to sit daily in guildhall in the irish-court , to take the said subscriptions above-mentioned ; and are to sit from nine till twelve of the clock in the forenoon , and from three till six of the clock in the afternoon . mr. glyd , and mr. blackwall are desired and appointed to be treasurers . you are desired by the committee of the militia of london to use your utmost endeavour in your precinct for the furthering of this work , so much conducing to the publick peace of the city , and suppressing of tumults therein ; and for the better inabling of the said militia to discharge their trust for the preservation of the parliament and city . and you are likewise desired forthwith to make return of your doings herein to the committee aforesaid . dated at guildhall london , the first of august , 1648. to mr. geo : thomason common-councell-man in the ward of farrington 〈…〉 signed in the name and by the warrant of the committee of the militia london , by adam banckes , clerk to the said committee . printed by richard cotes printer to the honorable city of london , 1648. a rod for run-awayes gods tokens, of his feareful iudgements, sundry wayes pronounced vpon this city, and on seuerall persons, both flying from it, and staying in it. expressed in many dreadfull examples of sudden death ... by tho. d. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1625 approx. 50 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20080 stc 6520 estc s105262 99840991 99840991 5546 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20080) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5546) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 831:03) a rod for run-awayes gods tokens, of his feareful iudgements, sundry wayes pronounced vpon this city, and on seuerall persons, both flying from it, and staying in it. expressed in many dreadfull examples of sudden death ... by tho. d. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [32] p. [by g. purslowe] for iohn trundle, and are to be sold at his shop in smithfield, printed at london : 1625. tho. d. = thomas dekker. with a title-page woodcut. printer's name from stc. signatures: pi¹ (=d4) a-d⁴ (-d4). running title reads: gods tokens: or, a rod for run-awaies. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a rod for run-awayes . gods tokens , of his feareful iudgements , sundry wayes pronounced vpon this city , and on seuerall persons , both flying from it , and staying in it . expressed in many dreadfull examples of sudden death , falne vpon both young and old , within this city , and the suburbes , in the fields , and open streets , to the terrour of all those who liue , and to the warning of those who are to dye , to be ready when god almighty shall bee pleased to call them . by tho. d. lord , haue mercy on london . 〈…〉 london for iohn trundle and are to be sold 〈…〉 to the noble gentleman , mr. thomas gilham , chirvrgian . sir , in this vniuersall sicknesse , giue mee leaue ( in a few leaues ) to salute your health , and i am glad i can do so . to whom , in an epidemiall confusion of wounds , should a man flye , but to physicke and chirurgery ? in both which you haue skill . in the last , the world crownes your fame ( as beeing a great master . ) many of your excellent pieces haue beene ( and are to bee ) seene in this city . no painter can shew the like , no limner come neere such curious workemanship . what you set out , is truely to the life ; their 's but counterfeit . i honour your name , your art , your practice , your profound experience : and , to testifie i doe so , let this poore monument of my loue bee looked vpon , and you shall finde it . the sender beeing sorry , it is not worth your acceptation : but if you thinke otherwise , he shall be glad , and euer rest , at your seruice , tho. dekker . to the reader . reader , how farre soeuer thou art , thou maist here see ( as through a perspectiue-glasse ) the miserable estate of london , in this heauy time of contagion . it is a picture not drawne to the life , but to the death of aboue twelue thousand , in lesse then six weekes . if thou art in the countrey , cast thine eye towards vs here at home , and behold what wee indure . if ( as thou canst not choose ) thou art glad thou art out of this tempest , haue a care to man thy ship well , and doe not ouer-lade it with bad merchandize ( foule sins ) when thou art bound for this place : for all the danger will be at thy putting in . the rockes of insection lye hid in our deepe seas , and therefore it behoues thy soule to take heed what sayles she hoyses , and thy body , what pylote it carries aboord . wee doe not thinke , but numbers of you wish your selues here againe : for your entertainement a far off cannot be courteous , when euen not two miles from vs , there is nothing but churlishnesse . but it is to be feared , some of you will get such falls in the corne-fields of the country , that you will hardly bee able ( without halting ) to walke vp and downe london . but take good hearts , and keepe good legges vnder you , and be sure , you haue hung strong pad-lo●…es vpo●… your doores ; for in many streetes , there are none to guard your goods , but the houses themselues . if one shop be open , sixteene in a row stand shut vp together , and those that are open , were as good to be shut ; for they take no money . none thriue but apothecaries , butchers , cookes , and coffin-makers . coach-men ride a cock-horse , and are so full of iadish trickes , that you cannot be iolted sixe miles from london , vnder thirty or forty shillings . neuer was hackney-flesh so deare . few woollen drapers sel any cloth , but euery church-yard is euery day full of linnen drapers : and the earth is the great warehouse , which is piled vp with winding-sheetes . to see a rapier or feather worne in london now , is as strange , as to meet a low-countrey souldier with money in his purse : the walkes in pauls are empty : the walkes in london too wide , ( here 's no lustling ; ) but the best is , cheape-side is a com fortable garden , where all phisicke-herbes grow . wee wish that you ( the run-awayes ) would suffer the market-folkes to come to vs , ( or that they had hearts to come ) for the statute of fore-stalling is sued vpon you . wee haue lost your companies , and not content with that , you robbe vs of our victuals : but when you come backe , keepe open house ( to let in ayre ) and set good cheere on your tables , that we may bid you welcome . yours , t. d. gods tokens , of his fearefull iudgements . wee are now in a set battaile ; the field is great britaine , the vantguard ( which first stands the brunt of the fight ) is london : the shires , counties and countries round about , are in danger to be prest , & to come vp in the reare : the king of heauen and earth is the generall of the army ; reuenging angels , his officers ; his indignation , the trumpet summoning and sounding the alarum ; our innumerable sinnes , his enemies ; and our nation , the legions which he threatens to smite with correction . sinne then being the quarrell and ground of this warre , there is no standing against so inuincible a monarch ( as god is ) no defending a matter so foule , as our sinnes are . would you know how many nations ( for sinne ) haue beene rooted vp , and swept from the face of the earth , that no memory of them is left but their name , no glories of their kings or great cities remaining but only this , here they liued , here they stood ? reade the scriptures , and euery booke is full of such histories , euery prophet sings songs of such lamentable desolations . for , iehouah , when he is angry , holds three whips in his hand , and neuer drawes bloud with them , but when our faults are heauy , our crimes hainous : and those three whips are , the sword , pestilence and famine . what country for sinne hath not smarted vnder these ? ierusalem felt them all . let vs not trauell so farre as ierusalem , but come home , looke vpon christendome , and behold hungaria made desolate by sword and fire , poland beaten downe by battailes , russia by bloudy inuasions : the turke and tartar haue here their insolent triumphs . looke vpon denmarke , sweden , and those easterne countries : how often hath the voice of the drumme called them vp ? euen now , at this houre , the marches are there beating . how hath the sword mowed downe the goodly fields of italy ? what massacres hath in our memory beene in france ? oh germany ! what foundations of bloud haue thy cities beene drowned in ? what horrors , what terrors , what hellish inuentions haue not warre found out to destroy thy buildings , demollish thy free states , and vtterly to confound thy 17. prouinces ? gods three whips haue printed deepe markes on thy shoulders ; the sword for many yeeres together hath cut thy people in pieces ; famine hath beene wearied with eating vp thy children , and is not yet satisfied ; the pestitence hath in many of thy townes , in many of thy sieges and leagers ; plaid the terrible tyrant . in all these thy miseries , the spaniard hath had his triumphs ; his fire-brands haue been flung about to kindle and feede all thy burnings ; his furies haue for almost foure score yeeres stood , and still stand beating at the anuils , and forging thunder-bolts to batter thee , and all thy neighbouring kingdomes in pieces . whilst these dreadfull earth-quakes haue shaken all countries round about vs , we haue felt nothing : england hath stood and giuen aime , when arrowes were shot into all our bosomes . but ( alas ! ) hath this happinesse falne vpon her because of her goodnesse ? is shee better then others , because of her purity and innocence ? is shee not as vgly as others ? yes , yes , the sword is how whetting ; dearth and famine threaten our corne-fields , and the rauing pestilence in euery part of our kingdome is digging vp graues . the three rods of vengeance are now held ouer vs. and shall i tell you why these feares are come amongst vs ? looke vpon the weapon which hath struck other nations ; and the same arme that wounded them , smites now at vs , and for the same quarrell ( sinne. ) the gospell ( and gods heralds , preachers ) haue a long time cryed out against our iniquities , but we are deafe , sleepy and sluggish ; and now there is a thunder speakes from heauen to wake vs. we flatter our selues , that the pestilence serues but as a broome , to sweep kingdomes of people , when they grow ranke and too full : when the trees of cities are ouer-laden , then onely the plague is sent to shake the boughs , and for no cause else : as in turky and barbary ; where when a mortality happens , they fall sometimes ten thousand in a day by the pestilence . but we that are christians , and deale in the merchandise of our soules , haue other bookes of account to turne ouer , then to reckon that we dye in great numbers , onely because we are so populous , that we are ready ( as the fishes of the sea ) to eat vp one another . our eyes haue beene witnesses , that for two whole reignes together of two most excellent princes , & now at the beginning of a third ( as excellent as they ) we haue liued in all fulnesse : yet at the end of queene elizabeths foure and forty yeeres , when she dyed , she went not alone , but had in a traine which followed her , in a dead march of a twelue-moneth long , onely within london and the liberties , the numbers of 38244. those , who then dyed of the plague , being 35578. the greatest totall in one weeke being 3385. of all diseases , and of the plague 3035. thus shee went attended from her earthly kingdome , to a more glorious one in heauen , it being held fit in the vpper-house of the celestiall parliament , that so great a princesse should haue an army of her subiects with her , agreeing to such a maiesty . but what numbers god will muster vp to follow our peace-maker ( king iames of blessed memory ) none knowes : by the beginning of this prest which death makes amongst the people , it is to bee feared , they shall be a greater multitude . to queene elizabeth and to king iames ; wee were an vnthankfull and murmuring nation , and therefore god tooke them from vs ; they were too good for vs ; we too bad for them and were therefore then , at the decease of the one , and now , of the other , are deseruedly punished : our sinnes increasing with our yeeres , and like the bells , neuer lying still . we are punished with a sicknesse , which is dreadfull three manner of wayes : in the generall spreading ; in the quicknesse of the stroke ; and in the terror which waites vpon it . it is generall : for the spotted wings of it couer all the face of the kingdome . it is quicke : for it kills suddenly ; it is full of terror , for the father dares not come neere the infected son , nor the son come to take a blessing from the father , lest hee bee poysoned by it : the mother abhors to kisse her owne children , or to touch the sides of her owne husband : no friend in this battell will relieue his wounded friend , no brother shake his brother by the hand at a farewell . this is something , yet this is nothing : many physicians of our soules flye the city , and their sicke patients want those heauenly medicines which they ear tyed to giue them , & those that stay by it , stand aloofe . the rich man , when hee is dead , is followed by a troupe of neighbours : a troupe of neighbours , not a troupe of mourners . but the poore man is hurried to his graue by nasty and slouenly bearers , in the night , without followers , without friends , without rites of buriall due to our church , due to our religion , to our nation , to the maiesty of our kingdome ; nay , to the decency of a christian. o lamentable ! more honour is giuen to a poore souldier dying in the field , more regard to many a fellon , after hee is cut downe from the gallowes . i need not write this to you , my fellow sufferers in london ; for you know this to be too true , you behold this , you bewaile this . but i send this newes to you , the great masters of riches , who haue for saken your habitations , left your disconsolate mother ( the city ) in the midst of her sorrowes , in the height of her distresse , in the heauinesse of her lamentations . to you that are merry in your country houses , and fit safe ( as you thinke ) from the gun-shot of this contagion , in your orchards and pleasant gardens ; into your hands doe i deliuer this sad discourse , to put you in minde of our miseries , whom you haue left behind you . to you that are fled , and to you to whom they flye , let me tell thus much , that there were neuer so many burials , yet neuer such little weeping . a teare is scarce to be taken of from the cheeke of a whole family ( nay , of a whole parish : ) for they that should shead them , are so accustomed , and so hardned to dismall accidents , that weeping is almost growne out of fashion . why , saies a mother , doe i showre teares downe for my husband or childe , when i , before to morrow morning , shall goe to them , and neuer haue occasion to weepe any more ? whilst i am setting these things downe , word is brought me , that this weeke haue departed 3000. soules ( within 200. ) and that the plague is much increased . o dismall tidings ! o discomfortable relation ! three thousand men would doe good seruice in desending a city : but when in euery weeke so many thousands and more shall drop downe of our great armies , what poore handfuls will be left ? to see three thousand men together in armour in a field ; is a goodly sight : but if wee should behold three thousand coffins piled ( in heapes ) one vpon another , or three thousand coarses in winding sheetes , laid in some open place , one on the top of each other , what a sight were this ? whose heart would not throb with horror at such a frightfull obiect ? what soule , but would wish to be out of her body , rather then to dwell one day in such a charnell house ? o london ! ( thou mother of my life , nurse of my being ) a hard-hearted sonne might i be counted , if here i should not dissolue all into teares , to heare thee powring forth thy passionate condolements . thy rampiers and warlike prouision might haply keepe out an enemy : but no gares , none of thy percullises ; no , nor all thy inhabitants can beate backe the miseries which come rushing in vpon thee . who can choose but break his heart with sighings , to see thee ( o london ) the grandame of cities , sit mourning in thy widdowhood ? thy rich children are runne away from thee , and thy poore ones are left in sorrow , in sicknesse , in penury , in vnpitied disconsolations . the most populous city of great brittaine is almost desolate ; and the country repines to haue a haruest before her due season , of men , women , and children , who fill their houses , stables , fields and barnes , with their inforced and vnwelcommed multitudes . yet still they flie from hence , and still are they more and more feared and abhorred in the country . how many goodly streets , full of beautifull and costly houses , haue now few people or none at all ( sometimes ) walking in the one , and not so much as any liuing rationall creature abiding in the other ? infection hath shut vp , from the beginning of iune , to the middle of iuly , almost ( or rather altogether ) foure thousand doores . foure thousand red-crosses haue frighted the inhabitants in a very little time : but greater is their number who haue beene frighted , and fled out of the city at the setting vp of those crosses . for euery thousand dead here , fiue times as many are gotten hence : with them must i haue about ; to them onely doe i now bend my discourse . to the run-awaies from london . we are warranted by holy scriptures to flie from persecution , from the plague , and from the sword that pursues vs : but you flye to saue your selues , and in that flight vndoe others . in gods name flye , if you flye like souldiers , not to discomfort the whole army , but to retire , thereby to cut off the enemy , which is , famine , amongst the poore ( your fellow souldiers ) and discomfort amongst your brethren and fellow-citizens , who in the plaine field are left to abide the brunt of the day . fly , so you leaue behind you your armour for others to weare ( some pieces of your money for others to spend ) for others to defend themselues by . liue not ( as captaines doe in the low-countries ) vpon dead pay ; you liue by dead pay , if you suffer the poore to dye , for want of that meanes which you had wont to giue them , for christ iesus sake , putting the money vp into your fugitiue purses . how shall the lame , and blinde , and halfe starued be fed ? they had wont to come to your gates : alas ! they are barred against them : to your doores , ( woe vnto misery ! ) you haue left no key behinde you to open them ; these must perish . where shall the wretched prisoners haue their baskets filled euery night and morning with your broken meat ? these must pine and perish . the distressed in ludgate , the miserable soules in the holes of the two counters , the afflicted in the marshallseas , the cryers-out for bread in the kings bench , and white lyon , how shall these be sustayned ? these must languish and dye . you are fled that are to feed them , and if they famish , their complaints will flye vp to heauen , and be exhibited in the open court of god and angels , against you . for , you be but gods almoners ; and if you ride away , not giuing that siluer to the needy , which the king of heauen and earth puts into your hands to bestow as he inioynes you , you robbe the poore , and their curse falls heauy where it once lights . this is not good , it is not charitable , it is not christian-like . in london , when citizens ( being chosen to be aldermen ) will not hold , they pay fines ; why are they not fined now , when such numbers will not hold , but giue them the slip euery day ? it were a worthy act in the lord maior , and honourable magistrates in this city , if , as in the townes to which our merchants , and rich tradesmen flye , the countrey-people stand there , with halberds and pitchforkes to keepe thē out ; so , our constables & officers , might stand with bils to keepe the rich in their owne houses ( when they offer to goe away ) vntill they leaue such a charitable piece of money behinde them , towards the maintenance of the poore , which else must perish in their absence . they that depart hence , would then ( no doubt ) prosper the better ; they that stay , fare the better , and the generall city ( nay the vniuersall kingdome ) prosper in blessings from heauen , the better . to forsake london , as one worthy citizen did , were noble ; it would deserue a crowne of commendations : for hee , being determined to retyre into the countrey , sent for some of the better sort of his neighbours , asked their good wils to leaue them , and because ( the poyson of pestilence so hotly reigning ) hee knew not whether they and he should euer meet againe , he therefore deliuered to their hands , in trust , ( as faithfull stewards ) fourescore pounds to be distributed amongst the poore . i could name the gentleman , and the parish , but his charity loues no trumpet . was not this a rare example ? but , i feare , not one amongst a thousand that goe after him , will follow him . but you are gone from vs , and we heartily pray , that god may go along in all your companies . your doores are shut vp , and your shops shut vp ; all our great schooles of learning ( in london ) are shut vp ; and would to heauen , that , as our numbers ( by your departing ) are lessened , so our sinnes might be shut vp , and lessened too . but i feare it is otherwise : for all the kings iniunction of prayer and fasting , yet on those very dayes ( acceptable to god , were they truely kept , and comfortable to our soules ) in some churches you shall see empty pewes , not filled as at first , not crowding , but sitting aloofe one from another , as if , whilest they cry , lord , haue mercy vpon vs , the plague were in the holy temple amongst them . where , if you looke into the fields , looke into the streetes , looke into tauernes , looke into ale-houses ; they are all merry , all iocund ; no plague frights them , no prayers stirre vp them , no fast tyes thē to obedience . in the fields they are ( in the time of that diuine celebration ) walking , talking , laughing , toying , and sporting together . in the streets , blaspheming , selling , buying , swearing . in tauernes , and ale-houses , drinking , roaring , and surfetting : in these , and many other places , gods holy-day is their worke-day ; the kings fasting-day , their day of riot . i wash an aethiope , who will neuer be the whiter for all this water i spend vpon him , and therefore let mee saue any further labour . and now to you , who , to saue your houses from red crosses , shift your poore seruants away to odde nookes in gardens : o take heed what you doe ; in warding off one blow , you receiue sometimes three or foure . i haue knowne some , who hauing had a childe or seruant dead , and full of the tokens , it has beene no such matter , a little bribe to the searchers , or the conniuence of officers , or the priuate departure and close buriall of such a party , hath hushed all ; but within a day or two after , three , foure , or fiue haue in the same house deceased , and then the badge of gods anger hath beene worne by them , as openly as by other neighbours . for , god will not haue his strokes hidden : his markes must bee seene : hee strikes not one at once , ( when hee is vexed indeed ) but many ▪ one may bee couered , many cannot . as his mercy will bee exalted in our weekely bills ( when the totall summes fall ) so will hee haue his iustice and indignation exemplified , in the increasing of those bills : and therefore let no man goe about to abare the number : his arithmerick brookes no crossing . to arme you therefore with patience ( in this great day of battell , where so many thousands fall ) take a strong heart , a strong faith vnto you ; receiue your wounds gladly , beare them constantly , be not ashamed to carry them about you , considering vnder what commander you receiue them , and that is , the great omnipotent generall of heauen . why should any man , ( nay , how dare any man ) presume to escape this rod of pestilence , when at his back , before him , round about him , houses are shut vp , coarses borne forth , and coffins brought in ? or what poore opinion , what madnesse fastneth that man , who goes about to conceale it , when the smiting angell goes from doore to doore , to discouer it ? hee makes choyce in what roomes , and what chambers such a disease shall lye , such a sicknesse bee lodged in , and where death must ( as gods embassadour ) be entertained . there is no resisting this authority , such purseuants as these cannot be bribed . stay therefore still where you are , ( sicke or in health ) and stand your ground : for whither will you flye ? into the countrey ? alas ! there you finde worse enemies then those of breda had in spinola's campe. a spaniard is not so hatefull to a dutch-man , as a londoner to a country-man . in terme-time , a sergeant cannot more fright a gentleman going muffled by chancery-lane end , than a citizen frights one of your lobcocks , though hee spies him fiue acres off . in middest of my former compassionate complaynings ( ouer the misery of these times ) let mee a little quicken my owne and your spirits , with telling you , how the rurall coridons doe now begin to vse our run-awayes ; neyther doe i this out of an idle or vndecent merriment ( for iests are no fruit for this season ) but onely to lay open what foolery , infidelity , inhumanity , nay , villany , irreligion , and distrust in god ( with a defiance to his power ) dwell in the bosomes of these vnmannerly oasts in these our owne netherlandish dorpes . when the brittaines heere in england were opprest by pictes and scots , they were glad to call in the saxons , to ayd them , and beate away the other : the saxons came , and did so , but in the end , tasting the sweetnesse of the land , the brittaines were faine to get some other nation to come and driue out the saxons . so , the countrey people , being of late inuaded by the pictes , ( beaten with wants of money to pay their rackt rents to their greedy land-lords ) with open armes , and well-comming throats , call'd to them , and receiued a pretty army of our saxon-citizens ; but now they perceiue they swarme ; now they perceiue the bels of london toll forty miles off in their eares ; now that bils come downe to them euery weeke , that there dye so many thousands ; they would with all their hearts call in very deuils ( if they were but a little better acquainted with them ) to banish our briske londoners out of their grassy territories . and for that cause , they stand ( within thirty and forty miles from london ) at their townes ends , forbidding any horse , carrying a london load on his back , to passe that way , but to goe about , on paine of hauing his braynes beaten out : and , if they spy but a foot-man ( not hauing a russet sute on , their owne country liuery ) they cry , arme , charge their pike-staues , before he comes neere them the length of a furlong ; and , stopping their noses , make signes that he must be gone , there is no roome for him , if the open fields be not good enough for him to reuell-in , let him pack . o you that are to trauell to your friends into the countrey , take heed what clothes you weare , for a man in black , is as terrible there to be looked vpon , as a beadle in blue is ( on court-dayes at bridewell ) being called to whip a whore-master for his letchery . a treble ruffe makes them looke as pale , as if , in a darke night , they should meet a ghost in a white sheet in the middle of a church-yard . they are verily perswaded , no plagues , no botches , blaynes , nor carbuncles can sticke vpon any of their innocent bodies , vnlesse a londoner ( be he neuer so fine , neuer so perfumed , neuer so sound ) brings it to them . a bill printed , called , the red crosse , or , englands lord haue mercy vpon vs , being read to a farmers sonne in essex , hee fell into a swound , and the calfe had much a doe to be recouered . in a towne not farre from barnet ( in hartfordshire ) a citizen and his wife riding downe to see their childe at nurse , the doores were shut vpon them , the poore childe was in the cradle carryed three fields off , to shew it was liuing : the mother tooke the childe home , and the nurses valiant husband ( beeing one of the traind-souldiers of the countrey ) set fire of the cradle , and all the clothes in it . a broker in houndes-ditch hauing a brother in hamshire , whom hee had not seene in fiue yeeres , put good store of money in his purse , and rode downe to visit his beloued brother , beeing a tanner ; to whose house when hee came , the tanner-clapped to his doores , and from an vpper woodden window ( much like those in a prison ) comming to a parlee , hee out-faced the broker to be no brother of his , hee knew not his face , his fauour , his voyce : such a brother hee once had , and if this were hee , yet his trade ( in being a broker ) was enough to cut off the kindred , his clothes smelt of infection , his red beard ( for he hath one ) was poyson to him ; and therefore , if hee would not depart to the place from whence hee came , hee would eyther set his dogges vpon him , or cause his seruants to throw him into a tan-fat ; and if ( quoth hee ) thou art any brother of mine , bring a certificate from some honest brokers dwelling by thee ( when the plague is ceast ) that thou art the man , and , it may bee , mine eyes shall bee then opened to behold thee : so , farewell . — with a vengeance ( replyed the broker ) and so came home , a little wiser then hee went. no further from london then pancridge , two or three londoners , on a sunday ( being the seuenteenth of this last past iuly ) walking to the village there-by , called kentish-towne , and spying pancridge-church doores open ( a sermon being then preached ) a company of hobnayle-fellowes , with staues , kept them out ; and foure or fiue hay-makers , ( who out of their countries came hither to get worke ) offering likewise to goe in , to heare the preacher , they were threatned by the worshipfull wisdome of the parish , to bee set in the stockes , if they put but a foot within the church-doores . hath not god therefore iust cause to be angry with this distrust , this infidelity of our nation ? how can wee expect mercy from him , when wee expresse such cruelty one towards another ? when the brother defies the brother , what hope is there for a londoner to to receiue comfort from strangers ? who then would flye from his owne nest , which hee may command , to be lodged amongst crowes and rauens , that are ready to picke out our eyes , if we offer to come amongst them ? the braue parlors , stately dining-roomes , and rich chambers to lye in , which many of our citizens had here in london , are now turned to hay-lofts , apple-lofts , hen-roosts , and back-houses , no better then to keepe hogges in : i doe not say in all places , but a number that are gone downe , and were lodged daintily heere , wish themselues at home , ( as complayning letters testifie ) but that the heat of contagion frights them from returning , and it were a shame ( they thinke ) to come so soone backe to that city , from whence with such greedy desire , they were on the wings of feare hurryed hence . flocke not therefore to those , who make more account of dogges then of christians . the smelling to your iuory boxes does not so much comfort your nosthrils , as the sent of your perfumed brauery , stinkes in the noses ( now ) of countrey-people . it may bee perceyued , by the comming backe of many carts laden with goods , which in scorne are returned to london , and cannot for any gold or siluer be receyued . what talke i of cart-loades of stuffe ? if some more tender-hearted amongst the rest , giue welcome to his brother , kinseman , or friend ; a beare is not so woorried by mastiffes , as hee shall bee by vncharitable neighbours , when the stranger is departed . they loue your money , but not your persons ; yet loue not your money so well , but that if a carrier brings it to them from london , they will not touch a penny of it , till it be twice or thrice washed in a pale or two of water . but leauing these creatures to be tormented by their owne folly and ignorance ; yet praying that god would open their eyes , and inlighten their soules with a true vnderstanding of his diuine iudgements ; i will now shut vp my discourse with that which is first promised in the title-page of the booke , and those are , gods tokens , &c. gods tokens . and now , o you citizens of london , abroad or at home , be you rich , bee you poore , tremble at the repetition of these horrors which here i set downe : and of which ten thousand are eare-witnesses , great numbers of you that are in the city , hauing likewise beheld some of these , or their like , with your eyes . neither are these warnings to you of london onely , but to you ( who-euer you bee ) dwelling in the farthest parts of the kingdome . shall i tell you how many thousands haue been borne on mens shoulders within the compasse of fiue or six weekes ? bills sent vp and downe both towne and countrie , haue giuen you already too fearefull informations . shall i tell you , that the bels call out night and day for more burials , and haue them , yet are not satisfied ? euery street in london is too much frighted with these terrors . shall i tell you , that church-yards haue letten their ground to so many poore tenants , that there is scarce roome left for any more to dwell there , they are so pestred ? the statute against inmates cannot sue these , for hauing taken once possession ; no law can remoue them . or shall i tell you , that in many church-yards ( for want of roome , they are compelled to dig graues like little cellers , piling vp forty or fifty in a pit ? and that in one place of buriall , the mattocke and shouell haue ventured so farre , that the very common-shore breakes into these ghastly and gloomy ware-houses , washing the bodies all ouer with foule water , because when they lay downe to rest , not one eye was so tender to wet the ground with a teare ? no , i will not tell you of these things , but of these , which are true ( as the other ) and fuller of horror . a woman ( with a child in her armes ) passing thorow fleet-street , was strucke sicke vpon a sudden ; the childe leaning to her cheeke , immediatly departed : the mother perceiuing no such matter , but finding her owne heart wounded to the death , she sate downe neere to a shop where hot waters were sold ; the charitable woman of that shop , perceiuing by the poore wretches countenance how ill she was , ranne in all haste to fetch her some comfort ; but before she could come , the woman was quite dead : and so her childe and she went louingly together to one graue . a gentleman ( knowne to many in this towne ) hauing spent his time in the warres , and comming but lately ouer in health , and lusty state of body , going along the streets , fell suddenly downe and dyed , neuer vttering more words then these , lord , haue mercy vpon me . another dropped downe dead by all gate , at the bell-tauerne doore . a flax-man in turnebull street , being about to send his wife to market , on a sudden felt a pricking in his arme , neere the place where once he had a sore , and vpon this , plucking vp his sleeue , he called to his wife to stay ; there was no neede to fetch any thing for him from market : for , see ( quoth he ) i am marked : and so shewing gods tokens , dyed in a few minutes after . a man was in his coffin , to be put into a graue , in cripple-gate church-yard , and the bearers offring to take him out , he opened his eyes , and breathed ; but they running to fetch aqua vita for him , before it came , he was full dead . a lusty country fellow , that came to towne to get haruest-worke , hauing sixteene or eighteene shillings in his purse , fell sicke in some lodging he had , in old-street ; was in the night time thrust out of doores , and none else receiuing him , he lay vpon straw , vnder suttons hospitall wall , neere the high way , and there miserably dyed . a woman going along barbican , in the moneth of iuly , on a wednesday , the first of the dog-daies , went not farre , but suddenly fell sicke , and sate downe ; the gaping multitude perceiuing it , stood round about her , afarre off ; she making signes for a little drinke , money was giuen by a stander by , to fetch her some : but the vncharitable woman of the ale-house denyed to lend her pot to any infected companion ; the poore soule dyed suddenly : and yet , albeit all fled from her when she liued , yet being dead , some ( like rauens ) seized vpon her body ( hauing good clothes about her ) stripped her , and buried her , none knowing what she was , or from whence she came . let vs remoue out of barbican , into one of the churches in thames-street , where a gentleman passing by , who on a sudden felt himselfe exceeding ill , and spying a sexton digging a graue , stept to him , asked many strange questions of the fellow , touching burials , and what he would take to make a graue for him : but the sexton amazed at it , and seeing ( by his face ) hee was not well , perswaded him to get into some house , and to take something to doe him good . no ( said he ) helpe me to a minister , who comming to him , and conferring together about the state of his soule , hee deliuered a summe of money to the minister , to see him well buried , and gaue ten shillings to the sexton to make his graue , and departed not till he dyed . now , suppose you are in kent , where you shall see a young handsome maid , in very good apparell , ready to goe into the towne , to a sister , which dwelt there : but then as you cast an eye on her ( comming into the city ) so behold a company of vnmercifull , heathenish , and churlish townesmen , with bils and glaues , driuing her by force backe againe ; enter there shee must not ( it being feared she came from london ) neither could her sister be suffred to goe forth to her . whereupon , all comfort being denyed her , all doores bard against her , no lodging being to be had for her ; shee , full of teares in her eyes , full of sorrow in her heart , sighing , wailing , and wringing her hands , went into the open fields , there sickned , there languished , there cracked her heart-strings with griefe , and there dyed , none being by her : when she was dead , the den of a serpent was not more shunned then the place she lay in . it was death ( in any townesmans thinking ) but to stand in the wind of it : there the body lay two or three daies , none daring to approach it ; till at the last , an old woman of kent , stealing out of the towne , ventured vpon the danger , rifled her purse and pockets , found good store of money , stript her out of her apparell , which was very good , digged a homely graue ( with the best shift she could make ) and there in the field buried her . the kentish synagogue hearing of this , presently laid their heads together , and fearing lest the breath of an old woman might poison the whole towne , pronounced the doome of euerlasting banishment vpon her . and so was she driuen from thence , with vpbraidings and hard language , and must neuer come to liue more amongst them . into another part of this kingdome ( not full forty miles from london ) did a citizen send his man for thirty pound , to a country customer , which was honestly payed to him ; the young man departed merry , and in good health from him : and , albeit he had so much money about him , yet in his returne to london , hee could get no loging in any place ; at which , being much afflcted in his minde , and offring an extraordinary rate to be entertained , neither money , nor charity , nor common humanity , could get a doore opened to receiue him . patient he was to endure this cruelty , and comforted himselfe , that carrying health about him , he should make shift to get to the city : but god had otherwaies bestowed him , his time was come , the glasse of his life almost runne out , and his iourney must bee shortned . for taking vp his lodging ( by compulsion ) in the open field , there he fell sicke , and wanting all humane helpe and comfort , there dyed . it was soone knowne by those that walked out of the towne , into their grounds , that there he lay dead , and as soone did they consult together what to doe with his body . none was so valiant as to come neere it : it was an eminent danger , to suffer the carkasse lye aboue ground , and a greater danger for any one ( as they thought ) to remoue it from thence . in the end , one more couragious then the other , was hyred ( for money ) to rid the towne of this mortall feare ; who ( whatsoeuer should become of them ) purposing to saue himselfe , muffled his mouth , went into the same field where the dead body lay , a far off digged a pit ( a graue hee knew not how to make ) and then , with a long pole , hauing a hooke to it , taking hold of the young mans clothes , he dragged him along , threw him in , and buried him . the master of this seruant , musing at his long staying , and being loth to lose both man and money , rode downe to see how both of them were bestowed ; and vnderstanding , that the money was paid , and which way his man went for london , came to the same towne , where ( by ghesse ) he thought he must needs put in for lodging ; and vpon strict inquiry , if such a young fellow had not beene seene amongst them ; it was confest , yes , with all the former relations of his death , and where he lay buried . the much-perplexed londoner hearing this , did , by faire meanes and money , get his graue opened , had his body in the clothes taken vp , and found all his money about him , and then in the towne bestowed vpon him , a friendly , louing , and decent buriall . it fell out better with a company of merry companions , who went not aboue ten miles from london ; for they , getting with much adoe , into a country victualing-house , were very iouiall , and full of sport , though not full of money . beere and ale they called for roundly , downe it went merrily , and the cakes were as merrily broken . when the round o's beganne to increase to foure or six shillings , quoth one mad fellow amongst the rest , what will you say , my masters , if i fetch you off from the reckoning , and neuer pay a penny ? a braue boy , cryed all the company , if thou canst doe this . hereupon , the oastesse being called vp for t'other pot , and whilest it was drinking , some speech being made of purpose , about the dangerous time , and the sicknesse , it fortuned that the tokens were named . vpon which , the woman wondring what kinde of things they were , and protesting she neuer saw any , nor knew what they were like ; this daring companion ( who vndertooke the shot ) clapping his hand on his brest ; how ( quoth hee ) neuer saw any ? why then i feare , i can now shew you some about me ; and with that , hastily vnbuttoning his doublet , opened his bosome , which was full of little blue markes , receiued by haile-shot out of a birding-piece through a mischance . at sight of these , his comrades seemed to bee strucke into a feare ; but the innocent oastesse was ready to drop downe dead . they offred to flye , and leaue him there . shee fell on her knees , crying out , shee was vndone . a reckoning then being call'd for , because they would be honest to the house ; the poore woman cared for no reckoning , let them call for as much more ( so they dranke it quickly ) and there was not a penny to pay ; prouided , that they would take the spotted man away with them . they did so , and being gotten some little distance from the house , the counterfeit si●…ke companion danced and skipped vp and downe , to shew hee was well : shee cursing them for cheating raskalls , that so had gulled her . this was a tricke of merriment , but few men , i thinke , would fill their bellies with drink so gotten . it is not safe to kisse lightning , mocke at thunder , or dally with diuine iudgements . the bells , euen now toll , and ring out in mine eares , so that here againe and againe i could terrifie you with sad relations . an ample volume might be sent downe to you in the country , of dismall and dreadfull accidents ; not onely here within london , but more in the townes round about vs. death walkes in euery street : how many step out of their beds into their coffins ? and albeit , no man at any time is assured of life , yet no man ( within the memory of man ) was euer so neere death as now : because he that breakes his fast , is dead before dinner ; and many that dine , neuer eat supper more . let these then ( as terrifying scourges ) serue to admonish the proudest of vs all , to haue a care to our footing , lest we fall suddenly . how many euery day drop downe staggering ( being strucke with infection ) in the open streets ? what numbers breathe their last vpon stalles ? how many creepe into eatries , and stables , and there dye ? how many lye languishing in the common high-wayes , and in the open fields , on pads of straw , end their miserable liues , vnpittyed , vnrelieued , vnknowne ? the great god of mercy defend vs all from sudden death : and so defend you ( the rich run-awayes ) at your comming backe to this desolate and forsaken city , that , as you fled hence to scape the stroke of contagion , you bring not , nor lay heauier strokes of mortality and misery vpon vs , when you returne to your houses . it so fell out in the last great time of pestilence , at the death of the queene , and comming in of the king : the weekes did rize in their numbers of dead , as the numbers of the liuing did increase , who then came flocking to towne : as the fresh houses were filled with their old owners , so new graues were opened for the fresh commers . a heauy and sad welcome they had at home , after their peaceable being in the countrey : and how could it happen otherwise ? they went out in haste , in hope to preuent death ; in iollity , to preserue life ; but when they came backe , then began their terrours , then their torments : the first foot they sit out of their countrey-habitations , was to them a first step to their graues : the neerer to london , the neerer to death . as condemned persons , going to execution , haue oftentimes good colour in their faces , cheerefull contenances , and manly lookes all the way that they are going : but the neerer and neerer they approch the place where they are to leaue the world , the greater are their feares , the paler they looke , the more their hearts tremble ; so did it fare with londoners in those dayes ; but we that are heere , pray that you may speed better : that you may returne full of health , full of wealth , full of prosperity ; that your houses may bee as temples to you . your chambers as sanctuaries ; that your neighbours , kindred , friends , and acquaintance may giue you ioyfull and hearty welcomes ; that the city may not mourne then for your thronging in vpon it , as shee lamented to behold you ( in shoales ) forsaking her in her tribulation ; but that god would be pleased to nayle our sinnes vpon the crosse of his sonne christ iesus , restore vs to his mercy , render vs a nation worthy of his infinite blessings , and plucking in his reuengefull arme from striking vs downe continually into graues , wee all ( abroad and at home , in countrey and city ) may meete and imbrace one another , and sing an allelniah to his name . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20080-e320 sinne , the cause of the plague . all nations upon earth punished for sinne . gods three whips . hungary . poland . russia . denmarke . sweden . norway , &c. it●…y . france . the miseries of ●…ermany . 〈…〉 for them . englands security . gods three whips ready to scourge england . sin , the offence . it is not the numerous multitude of people causeth the plague . the number that dyed when queene elizabeth dyed . sinnes like the bels , neuer lie still . the plague dreadfull for three causes . how the rich are buried . how the poor ●… . newes for run-awayes . much wayling , ●…ttle weeping . thursday the ●…1 . of iuly . coffins and corslcts . no gates keepe out thunder . the rich fly . the poore dye . london growes leaues . the countrie too f●… . both sicke of 〈◊〉 disease . foure thousand doores shut vp . foure thousand cro●…es set 〈◊〉 . now to the run-awayes . we may flye : and , we may not flye . londoners must not liue vpon dead pay . the poore perish . the prisoners pine : and ( run-awaies ) all in long of you . a new policy , good for the city . a phoenix in london . shops shut vp . schooles shut vp . our s●…es stand open . a festiuall fasting ▪ no 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 . g●… must haue faire p●…ay . a wound well cared for , is balse cured . angels are heauens harbingers , and appoynt our lodgings . a londoner , a bugbeare . a digression a little merrily , taxing the inciuility of the common people . the old brittaines opprest by the pictes , call in the saxons . the country people the bold brittaines , w●… of moneys are the pictes , and londoners the saxons , at first called in , but now they care not if the diuell fetched them . ouerthr●… horse and foot . the foolish feare of the corydons . an essex calfe , killed without a butcher . sparrowblastings . a hounds-ditch broker entertained like a brother . this was aboue threescore in the hundred . the wisdome of pancridge-parish . the world is altered with londoners . a retreate founded . there be iuries enough to sweare bis . to wash money , is against the statute . burials still passing . bels still going . churchyards still receiving . graues still gaping for more . the horrors of the tune . a woman and her childe . a souldier . a flax-man . a country fellow . another . a woman in barbican . whosoeuer , in my name , giue●… a cup of cold water , &c. t is the prey makes the thiefe . a gentleman in thames street . a kentish tale , but truer then those of changers . thirty pound 〈◊〉 lost , well recouered . the like was done three and twenty yeeres agoe . madnesse in merriment . ●…iserable obiects merry mornings goe before sad euenings . by the major. a proclamation for the bringing into the port of london, any manner of fevvell. city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88470 of text r212189 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[9]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88470 wing l2882b thomason 669.f.9[9] estc r212189 99870834 99870834 161107 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88470) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161107) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[9]) by the major. a proclamation for the bringing into the port of london, any manner of fevvell. city of london (england). lord mayor. wollaston, john, sir. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : [1644] place and date of publication from wing. dated at end: dated at the guildhall, london, this 27 day of june, 1644. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng fuel -england -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a88470 r212189 (thomason 669.f.9[9]). civilwar no by the major. a proclamation for the bringing into the port of london, any manner of fevvell. city of london 1644 302 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-09 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion miw blazon or coat of arms by the major . a proclamation for the bringing into the port of london , any manner of fevvell . the lord maior and aldermen his brethren , having taken into their serious consideration , the great scarcity and want of fewell , for the necessary and needfull use of this city , and liberties thereof . and finding it a very hard and difficult matter to supply the same in these troublesome times , by reason that newcastle from whence this city was formerly stored , is blocked up . the lord maior with the advise of his said brethren , the aldermen , to give incouragement to all those that shall out of their good affection and charity towards this city , adventure to bring seacoales , pitcoales , or any other manner of fewell from any part of this kingdome , into the port of london , for the use and benefit of the inhabitants thereof , and parts adiacent ; especially of the poore and needy , which heretofore were yeerely provided for by the provident care of this city , from newcastle . hath thought fit hereby to publish and declare , that such persons shall have free leave and liberty , at their pleasure to vend and put to saile within this city and liberties thereof , whatsoever fewell they shall bring hither , for the use and purpose aforesaid , and shall be accounted men well affected to this city : and their doings and actions herein , shall bee taken as a very acceptable service to this city , and not to bee forgotten . dated at the guildhall , london , this 27 day of june , 1644. printed by richard cotes , printer to the honourable city of london . by the mayor. whereas the lords day, (commonly called sunday) is of late much broken and prophaned by diverse disorderly people, in carrying and putting to sale diverse victuals and other things: ... city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88466 of text r211716 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[22]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88466 wing l2878d thomason 669.f.7[22] estc r211716 99870422 99870422 161004 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88466) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161004) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[22]) by the mayor. whereas the lords day, (commonly called sunday) is of late much broken and prophaned by diverse disorderly people, in carrying and putting to sale diverse victuals and other things: ... city of london (england). lord mayor. penington, isaac, sir, 1587?-1660. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1643] title from caption and first lines of text. a proclamation from sir isaac penington, lord mayor of london, regulating the sale of milk on sunday. imprint from wing. dated and signed at end: given under my hand this nineteenth day of june, anno dom. 1643. and in the nineteenth yeare of the reigne of our sovereigne lord king charles, of england &c. isaac pennington mayor. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng sunday -england -17th century -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century. a88466 r211716 (thomason 669.f.7[22]). civilwar no by the mayor. whereas the lords day, (commonly called sunday) is of late much broken and prophaned by diverse disorderly people, in carrying city of london 1643 675 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms by the mayor . whereas the lords day , ( commonly called sunday ) is of late much broken and prophaned by diverse disorderly people , in carrying and putting to sale diverse victuals and other things : yet in regard of the inevitable necessity of milke for many infants , sicke , aged , and many medicines , as well on the lords day as in the weeke dayes , without which they cannot subsist ; by reason whereof , the sale of milke on that day cannot be avoided . and whereas the milkewomen in the city of london , and places adjacent , have most earnestly petitioned , that order might be taken aswell about the sale of milke on the said dayes , that they might neverthelesse injoy the ordinances of god , and sanctifie the sabbath in obedience to the commands of god , and the pious lawes of the kingdome in that behalfe made . as also to prevent the great abuse and fraud which is used by divers single persons using the said calling , give great prices for their milke to the milke-masters , ( those of the said calling ( which have families to maintaine , and many parish , and church duties to pay ) not being able to give the like ) and to make up their money againe in retailing their milke , doe usually deceive the common wealth , in selling by false measures , and vending flatten milke for new : it is therefore ordered , that all and every person using the said calling of milke-selling , and which are house keepers within the city of london and places adjacent , may repaire to the houses of their customers , and serve them only in the morning of every lords day with milke , they not exceeding the houres of eight of the clocke ( in the summer , ) and nine of the clocke ( in the winter time ) of the same mornings , for the sale and serving thereof at the furthest ; and that no such retaylers of milke , shall presume to cry or sell any milke during the residue of the said dayes , nor in the evening of the same . and it is further ordered , that no milkemasters within the city of london , and places adjacent , shall sell the milke ( which their kine doth yeeld in the evening of the sabbath dayes ) to any of their retailing customers whatsoever ; and that the same evenings milke ( from time to time ) of every sabbath day , shall remaine and be unto the respective milkemasters ( owners thereof ) unto their owne accompts , as their owne proper goods and chattels , without ( any way ) charging the same , either to , or upon their ( then ) retailing customer ; or mollesting , suing or troubling them or any of them , for any losse or dammage that shall or may arise or grow thereby . and lastly , for the preventing of the inhancing of the prices of milke , and the great deceite which is daily used as foresaid , by many idle and extravagant single persons in retailing of milke . it is ordered , that no milkemaster whatsoever at any time or times hereafter , shall utter , vend , or sell their milke to any retailing single person or persons whatsoever : and if any person or persons shall be found offending in the premises : that then they be brought before me the lord mayor , or some other of his majesties iustices of the peace , to the end they may receive such punishment as to iustice shall appertaine . given under my hand this nineteenth day of june , anno dom. 1643. and in the nineteenth yeare of the reigne of our soveraigne lord king charles , of england , &c. isaac pennington mayor the engagement and remonstrance of the city of london, subscribed by 23500 hands. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87885 of text r211365 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[18]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87885 wing l1246b thomason 669.f.22[18] estc r211365 99870095 99870095 163601 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87885) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163601) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[18]) the engagement and remonstrance of the city of london, subscribed by 23500 hands. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704, attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1659] sometimes attributed to sir roger l'estrange. demanding the dispersal, within twelve hours, of "all such troups and companies as do not properly belong to the guard of this city," and the release from prison of certain citizens. imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "xber [i.e. december]. 1659.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -army -early works to 1800. military occupation -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a87885 r211365 (thomason 669.f.22[18]). civilwar no the engagement and remonstrance of the city of london, subscribed by 23500 hands. [l'estrange, roger, sir] 1659 835 2 0 0 0 0 0 24 c the rate of 24 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the engagement and remonstrance of the city of london ▪ subscribed by 23500 hands ▪ although , as citizens , wee are reduced to a necessity of violence ; and as christians , obliged to the exercize of it ; vnless we will rather prostitute our lives and liberties , fortunes and reputations ; nay , our very souls , and altars , to the lusts of a barbarous , and sacrilegious enemy : wee have yet so great a tendernesse for christian bloud , as to leave unattempted no means , of probability to save it . this is it which hath prevayl'd with us to declare , first , to the world , what wee propose , and resolve , ere we proceed to further extremities : and to satisfie the publique , as well in the reasons of our vndertakings , as to justifie our selves , in the menage and event of them . we find , in the midst of us , the house of prayer converted into a den of theeves : our counsels affronted by armed troups , our fellow citizens knock'd on the head , like doggs , at their own doors , for not so much as barking ; nay , t is become death , now , to desire to live ; and adjudg'd treason , but to claim the benefit of the law against it . witnesse those infamous murders committed , but monday last , upon our unarmed friends : and the glorious insolencies of that rabble , towards such of the rest , as they seized , and carried away . but this is nothing : to make us a compleat sacrifice , we are to be burnt too : a thing , not only threatned , in the passion of the tumult , but soberly intended ; for they have layd in their materials for the work already : a prodigious quantity of fire-balls in pauls , and gresham colledge . briefly , we are design'd for fire , and sword , and pillage : and it concerns us now , to look a little better to our gratious guards . not to insist upon the losse of trade ; how many thousand families have nothing now to do , but begg , and curse these wretches ? the honour and the safety of the city lies at stake : and god so blesse us as wee 'll fall together . we will not live to see our wives , and daughters ravish'd : our houses rifled , and our children beggars , that shall only live to reproach their cowardly fathers : and all this done too by a people , which we can as easily destroy , as mention : by a party , so barbarous , and so inconsiderable together , that , certainly , no creature can be mean enough , either to suffer the one , or fear the other . in this exigency of affairs , we have found it both our duty and our interests to associate ; and we desire a blessing front heaven upon us , no otherwise than as we do vigorously and faithfully pursue what we here remonstrate . first , we do engage our selves , in the presence of almighty god , with our lives and fortunes , to defend the rights and liberties of the city of london ; and if any person that subscribes to this engagement , shall be molested for so doing ; we will unanimously , and without delay , appear as one man to his rescue . next , we demand , that all such troups , and companies , as do not properly belong to the guard of the city , nor receive orders from the lawfull magistrates thereof ; that such forces withdraw themselves from the liberties , within 12. hours after the publication of this : upon pain of being deemed conspiratours , and of being proceeded against accordingly , ( for to this extent , both of iudgement , and execution , is every individual qualified in his own defence . ) we are next to demand the inlargement of our fellow citizens , which were taken away by force , and in a tumultuons manner , contrary to the known lawes of the place and nation . this being performed , we shall acquiesce , in the enjoyment of those liberties , which we will not lose , but with our lives . in fine , to remove all impediments of the peace we desire : we do undertake , both as men of credit , and iustice ; that such of the soldiers as will betake themselves to honester imployments , shall receive their arreares from the city , and such a further care of their future well-being , as is suitable to the necessities of the one part , and the charity of the other . in pursuance of the order of the honorable committee of parliament it is desired by the committee of common-councell of london, that the minsters and church-wardens, with the assistance of other inhabitants ... doe on wednesday next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, make an exact return at the guild-hall london, ... city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88447 of text r211039 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[37]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88447 wing l2852c thomason 669.f.13[37] estc r211039 99869775 99869775 162933 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88447) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162933) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[37]) in pursuance of the order of the honorable committee of parliament it is desired by the committee of common-councell of london, that the minsters and church-wardens, with the assistance of other inhabitants ... doe on wednesday next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, make an exact return at the guild-hall london, ... city of london (england). court of common council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1648] imprint from wing. dated and signed at end: 9th of november, 1648. tho. lathum cler. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. london (england) -politics and government -early works to 1800. a88447 r211039 (thomason 669.f.13[37]). civilwar no in pursuance of the order of the honorable committee of parliament it is desired by the committee of common-councell of london, that the min city of london 1648 215 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion in pursuance of the order of the honorable committee of parliament it is desired by the committee of common-councell of london , that the minister and church-wardens , with the assistance of other inhabitants of the respective parishes within the province of london , doe on wednesday next , at ten of the clock in the forenoon , make an exact return at the guild-hall london , of all the lands , houses , and impropriations belonging to deans and chapters lying within their severall parishes , and in what street and parish the same doth lye , and what rent so neer as they can learn is paid to the said deanes and chapters for the same , and to what deans and chapters the same doth belong , and who is the immediate tenant to the said deans and chapters , and for what term to come ; and likewise , whether their parsonage be an impropriation or not , and if it bee , then who hath the inheritance of the impropriation : to the intent , that the said committee of common-councell may give full satisfaction to the said committee of parliament , concerning the perticulars aforesaid . dated this 9th . of november , 1648. tho. lathum cler. the demands and proposals of the earle of norwich, and sr. charles lucas, (in the name of themselves, and the rest of his majesties officers and souldiers in the city of colchester) to generall fairfax, concerning the surrendering of the said city, ad their resolution thereupon. with the answer of the lord generall to the said demands and proposals also, the proceedings of the scots-royalists neare the parliament doores, and their animating on the people to cudgell the parliament. likewise, the d[i]scovery of a great designe in the city of london, to have murthered most of the parliament men, and the apprehending of the princes agent at the royall exchange, and taking of divers commissions from his highnes to the citizens, for the raising of a army for his royal father the king. signed, charles. p. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a89742 of text r205129 in the english short title catalog (thomason e460_25). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a89742 wing n1331 thomason e460_25 estc r205129 99864566 99864566 162146 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a89742) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162146) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 73:e460[25]) the demands and proposals of the earle of norwich, and sr. charles lucas, (in the name of themselves, and the rest of his majesties officers and souldiers in the city of colchester) to generall fairfax, concerning the surrendering of the said city, ad their resolution thereupon. with the answer of the lord generall to the said demands and proposals also, the proceedings of the scots-royalists neare the parliament doores, and their animating on the people to cudgell the parliament. likewise, the d[i]scovery of a great designe in the city of london, to have murthered most of the parliament men, and the apprehending of the princes agent at the royall exchange, and taking of divers commissions from his highnes to the citizens, for the raising of a army for his royal father the king. signed, charles. p. goring, george goring, baron, 1608-1657. [2], 6 p. [s.n.], london : printed anno dom. 1648. sometimes attributed to sir george goring. (cf. wing). annotation on thomason copy: "august ye 23th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng royalists -england -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. colchester (england) -history -siege, 1648 -early works to 1800. a89742 r205129 (thomason e460_25). civilwar no the demands and proposals of the earle of norwich, and sr. charles lucas,: (in the name of themselves, and the rest of his majesties office goring, george goring, baron 1648 1976 4 0 0 0 0 0 20 c the rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2008-02 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the demands and proposals of the earle of norwich , and sr. charles lucas , ( in the name of themselves , and the rest of his majesties officers and souldiers in the city of colchester ) to generall fairfax , concerning the surrendering of the said city , and their resolution thereupon . with the answer of the lord generall to the said demands and proposals also . the proceedings of the scots royalists neare the parliament doores , and their animating on the people to cudgell the parliament . likewise , the d●scovery of a great designe in the city of london , to have murthered most of the parliament men , and the apprehending of the princes agent at the royall exchange , and taking of divers commissions from his highnes to the citizens , for the raising of an army for his royall father the king . signed , charles . p. london , printed anno dom. 1648. the discovery of a great plot in the city of london to massacre the parliament men , and other jnhabitants with in the city , and the apprehending of the princes agent neere the royal exchange . the treaty is carried on violently , & many jealousies possess the honest party , who are as active as scrutinous , knowing a personall treaty was never yet desired with out some designe to cut their throats ; divine providence , with gods wonted goodnesse to his people discovers a hellish plot in the city , to massacre all honest members in parliament , and inhabitants in city and suburbs , for which commissions were granted from his sacred highnesse the prince of wales , to citizens and others , who in the prosecution of the covenant with their deare brethren of scotland , and their zeale to the royall cause of his gracious majesty , make large subcriptions for buying armes , and maintaining the forces listed for this great designe ) no marvell now ▪ that the prince , and the city , with the reformadoes should so much presse for a personall treaty in london , that their brethren of scotland may be provided for , and a cessation and free trade insisted on , that the city should raise forces by act of common councel , and the royal party so much domineere . ) a committee was this day appointed to joyne with the miltia in examining and discovering this designe , with power to send for parties , witnesses , &c. seize horses armes , and ammunition , and secure such persons as they shall think fit . they consider of their lordships votes upon the businesse of the treaty , and make some additions and alterations therein : agree to the repealing of foure votes for no further application to the king . to the vote for persons to attend him during the treaty , the commons add a provision , that they be not persons accepted against under restraint , or in actuall warr by sea or land , nor so many as may cause suspition : to that , for his majesty to be in the same freedom as at hampton court , concurred . to that for domestick servants to attend him , agreed to , so that they be not in any of the former limitations . his highness the prince of wales , hath sent for a dr. and apothecary from london to wait spedily upon him : they acquaint the speaker with the princes command , the occasion thereof , and their desires to the house in relation thereuto . the house ordered , that the said dr. and chirurgion go aboard the prince , and return : it s conceived the message was mistaken , and an oculist intended , ah poor prince this is worse then blasting his land army , for now his amorous features will no more tempt the french ladies , and besides , his highnesse may come to an incapacity of — if his sight be not recovered . some of the scots commanders insolencies was this day taken notice of in westminster hall , in stirring up the discontented people at the house rising , to fall on the parliament men , crying , cudgell them , cudgell them . the princes agent was seen this day in the exchange , london , and being friendly invited to a glasse of wine , a squadron of major gen. skippons horse in the interim secured him , upon search finde the clavis of the princes characters , commissions from the prince to citizens , and severall particulars of armes in relation to the grand designe of the city : the prisoner and two troopers are coched , a squadron of horse-guard them down to derby hous who dispose of the agent into safe custody , & return thanks to the troopers , who rest not here , but scout round , and thorow the city this night , and sunday likewise , their activiandy gallantry makes them terrible , and more dispicable , the enemy calling them fairfax bastards . make these 300 horse 6●0 . and give them power , they will secure both parliament and city . the bunch of cavaliers and citizens were hapily discovered at a tavern in london , but more unhappily prevented . sir , we have little news here , god is acting for us , though we do little for ourselves , and the lesse we se our selvs do , the more we shall do : our great work now , is the carrying on of the approaches , which are so neare , that our souldiers and theirs lay down their arms and instead of shooting cast stones one at another ; our line between botolph gate and east-gate , is almost brought to their wall . the enemy in town are very full of distractions , and the inhabitants of straits and disturbance , as you will perceive by the enclosed petitions , which were this day sent unto his excellency in a letter from the l. norwich , and the rest , expressing , that they had at the desire of the inhabitants , thought fit to restrain them and that they should be constrained for the better accommodation of the souldiery , to turn out the towns-people whereby their houses and goods would be left liable to spoile and ruine ; for the prevention whereof , they had thought fit to treate with his lordship for the surrender of the town , if he pleased , to which purpose they would send six officers , if his lordship would appoint the like number to meet them on his behalf . with this letter came another , offering the exchange of capt. gray for mr , weston , and mr. rawlens : his excelencies answer was , that as to the exchange he accepted of , but as to the matter of treaty , he would send answer by a messenger of his own . as yet no inclination to grant their requests , the officers are to advise about it to morrow , delay being now the best part of our game . this evening his excelency going into one of the forts near east gate , the enemy discharged a drake with case shot , which scattered durt upon him and his attendants , but did none of them any harme . our men kil'd one of theirs looking over the wall . the other day sr. richard hastings boy being exchanged for one gooday a townsman , whom the enemy had apprehended as a spie , having heard some discourse among the souldiers , and told it among the rest , that our soldiers bid him comend them to goring , & tell him they would bore a hole through his nose , and draw him with a rope through cheapside , crying here is the great bull of colchester , which made his lordship merry . to the right honorable the earle of norwich , the lord capell , and sir charles lucas . the humble petition of the inhabitants of colchester . sheweth , that your petitioners having lately received your commands to prepare our selves generally to depart the town , for the better supplying of the souldiers we have been bold humbly to petition the l. fairfax for liberty to passe into the country , least being forced we go voluntarily without his lordships licence , we might expose our lives to eminent danger . we therefore humbly pray your honors to be pleased to give way that our petition may be sent to his lordship , and that till we have received answer of it , we may not be enforced from our habitations . au. 16. 1648. subscribed by us the mayor & aldermen in the name of all the petitioners . w. cooke mayor , r. buxton , io. furley t. laurence , and io. sharp aldermen . to the right honorable thomas lord fairfax his excelency . the humble petition of the inhabitants of colchester . sheweth , that divers of your petitioners of every parish , having been summoned this present morning to attend the commanders in chief here , have received this message from them , strict charge to communicate it to all the inhabitants in generall , namely , that we must with all expedition provide to depart the town , or otherwise we sh●ll by power be forced therunto , for that what ever becometh of us ; the souldiery , who maintain the kings cause must and shall be provided for . now my lord , your petitioners being driven to this exigency , they have no other means but to fly to your christian clemency , and humbly pray , that you will give them leave to passe into the country for the preservation of their lives . and your petitioners shall pray , &c. aug. 19. 1648 subscribed by the mayor and aldermen in the name of all the petitioners . wil. cook mayor , rob. buxton , io. furley , tho laurence , and io. saw. aldermen . colchester . leaguer aug. 20. my lords , i am willing to beleive that the necessities of the inhabitants of the towne of colchester have wrung from them the petition in your letter inclosed , i shall not only clear my self to all the world from the occasion of their sufferings but so far contribute to their releif , as to allow all the inhabitants of that town to enjoy the liberty in their petition desired , provided the committee of the county of essex , now prisoners with you , be sent out with the first , only i shall not permit the wives and children of any townsmen , or others who shall abide with you in arms to have the benifit above mentioned . and to the other part of your lordships letter that concerne the rendition of the town , i make this offer , that all such officers and souldiers under the degree of a capt , ( excepting all such of my army , who have since the 10 of may deserted their colours shall have passes without injury offered them to return to their homes , engaging themselves never hereafter to bear arms against the parl. and all other superiour officers , with lords and gentlemen , to submit to mercy . your lordships servant , t. fxirfax . for the earl of norwich , lord capel , and sr. charls lucas . finis . jovis decimo die octobris, 1700, annoq. regni regis willielmi tertii ... upon reading the humble petition of the inhabitants and shopkeepers in and about exchange-alley in cornhill ... it is ordered that none of the exchange-brokers do for the future agitate any business between merchant and merchant, or others in the open alley ... city of london (england). 1700 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49047 wing l2865j estc r39648 18460507 ocm 18460507 107732 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49047) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107732) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:6) jovis decimo die octobris, 1700, annoq. regni regis willielmi tertii ... upon reading the humble petition of the inhabitants and shopkeepers in and about exchange-alley in cornhill ... it is ordered that none of the exchange-brokers do for the future agitate any business between merchant and merchant, or others in the open alley ... city of london (england). 1 broadside. printed by samuel roycroft ..., [london] : 1700. at head of title: levett mayor. second part of title taken from text. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng trade regulation -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion levett blazon or coat of arms mayor . jovis decimo die octobris , 1700. annoque regni regis willielmi tertii angliae , &c. duodecimo . upon reading the humble petition of the inhabitants and shopkeepers in and about exchange-alley in cornhill , setting forth , that by the daily resort and standing of brokers and stock-jobbers in the same alley , not only the common passage to and from the royal-exchange is greatly obstructed , but incouragement is given by the tumultuary concourse of people attending the said brokers , to pick-pockets , shop-lifters , and other idle and disorderly people to mix among them ( as appeared to this court upon oath ) to the great damage and detriment of all passengers going through the said alley about their lawful occasions , as well as of the petitioners . to the intent therefore , that all merchants , and others his majesties subjects may have full and free passage to and from the said exchange , or other places in and through the said alley ; and for prevention of the evil consequences aforesaid , it is ordered , that none of the exchange-brokers do for the future agitate any business between merchant and merchant , or others in the open alley , or stand or stay in the same , for transacting or doing thereof , upon pain , that all such who shall act contrary to the tenor or true meaning hereof , be suspended from their imployment of brokers during the pleasure of this court . and it is further ordered , that this order be forthwith posted up in and about the royal-exchange and the said alley , to the intent the said brokers may not pretend ignorance or inadvertency , but duly conform themselves hereunto . ashhurst . printed by samuel roycroft , printer to the honourable city of london , 1700. die sabbathi, 13 januarii, 1648. whereas by an ordinance of parliament, bearing date the 20th of december last, the lord mayor hath issued out his precepts for the due observation thereof, and that for the most part common-councell-men are chosen in every ward, ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83865 of text r211141 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[69]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83865 wing e2772 thomason 669.f.13[69] estc r211141 99869874 99869874 162965 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83865) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162965) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[69]) die sabbathi, 13 januarii, 1648. whereas by an ordinance of parliament, bearing date the 20th of december last, the lord mayor hath issued out his precepts for the due observation thereof, and that for the most part common-councell-men are chosen in every ward, ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1649] imprint from wing. common council men have been elected in conformity with the order of 20 december, no. 2811, q.v. they shall have power to act. quest-men, constables, etc. are to be chosen under the ordinance of 18 dec. ordered: that these words (yee shall be true to our soveraign lord the king, that now is, and to his heirs and successors, kings of england) be omitted from the common council men's oath, etc. -cf. steele. signed: hen. scobell cler. parl. dom. com. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng city of london (england). -court of common council -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. london (england) -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a83865 r211141 (thomason 669.f.13[69]). civilwar no die sabbathi, 13 januarii, 1648. whereas by an ordinance of parliament, bearing date the 20th of december last, the lord mayor hath issued o england and wales. parliament. 1649 258 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die sabbathi , 13 januarii , 1648. whereas by an ordinance of parliament , bearing date the 20th of december last , the lord major hath issued out his precepts for the due observation thereof , and that for the most part common-councell-men are chosen in every ward , as hath been represented to this house , it is this day ordered and declared by the commons assembled in parliament , that the said common-councell-men so chosen , or to be chosen according to the said ordinance , shall hereby have power and authority to perform the duty of common-councell-men , and that the lord major doe give further order for the electing and choosing quest-men , constables , and all other subordinate officers whatsoever , within the said city and liberties thereof for the year insuing , provided that the said elections be according to the ordinance of parliament of the 18th of december , 1648. hen. scobell cler. parl. dom. com. die sabbathi , 13 januarii , 1648. resolved upon the question by the commons assembled in parliament , that these words following , viz. ( yee shall be true to our soveraign lord the king , that now is , and to his heirs and successors , kings of england , ) bee from henceforth omitted out of the oath to be taken by the common-councel and other subordinate officers in the city of london , already chosen , or to be chosen . hen. scobell cler. parl. dom. com. two ordinances of the lords and commons in parliament assembled 26. july 1647. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83541 of text r210572 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[50]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83541 wing e2398 thomason 669.f.11[50] estc r210572 99869357 99869357 162699 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83541) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162699) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[50]) two ordinances of the lords and commons in parliament assembled 26. july 1647. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for mathew walebanck, london : 1647. both signed: h. elsynge cler. parl. d. com. ordinance of 23 july for settling of the militia revoked. the ordinance of 4 may 1647 to remain in force. ordinance of 24 july declaring traitors those who get subscriptions to the engagement is null and void -cf. steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a83541 r210572 (thomason 669.f.11[50]). civilwar no two ordinances of the lords and commons in parliament assembled 26. july 1647. england and wales. parliament. 1647 208 7 0 0 0 0 0 337 f the rate of 337 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion two ordinances of the lords and commons jn parliament assembled 26 ▪ july 1647 ▪ iuly 26 1647 ▪ bee it ordered and ordained by the lords and commons in parliament assembled , that the ordinance of the 23. of this instant july for the setling of the militia of the city of london , bee , and shall be hereby revoked , and made voyd to all intents and purposes , and that the said ordinance of the 4th , of may 1647 for the said militia of london be in full force and vertue , any thing in the said ordinance of the 23th . instant , to the contrary notwithstanding . h. elsynge : cler parl. d ▪ com : die lune 26 iulii 1647 be it ordayned by the lords and commons in parliament assembled , that the declaration of the twentie fourth of this instant july , which declare all those traytors , and so to forfeit life and estate , who shall after publication thereof act thereupon to get subscriptions , be null and void any thing in the said declaration to the contrary notwitstanding h ▪ elsyng cler ▪ parl ▪ d. com. london printed for mathew walebanck 1647. additions answering the omissions of our reverend author atwood, william, d. 1705? 1681 approx. 62 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26164 wing a4166 estc r9859 12124979 ocm 12124979 54561 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26164) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54561) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 756:7) additions answering the omissions of our reverend author atwood, william, d. 1705? [2], 46 p. printed for edward berry, london : 1681. includes bibliographical references. "in connection with the author's work, ius anglorum ab antiquo [mendham coll. cat.]"--halkett & laing. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng atwood, william, d. 1705? -jus anglorum ab antiquo. london (england) -history -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-03 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion additions answering the omissions of our reverend author . london , printed for edward berry 1681. additions answering the omissions , &c. since the doctor thinks to flourish with some of his frivolous omissions , like running his sword through me after he had slain me in imagination ; to shew that i am not quite killed , i shall venture to try the length of his new whetted animadverting weapon , and give him a few home thrusts in exchange for his intended ones . because i find him a gentle , and easie foe , i shall advise him like a friend , frange miser calamos , vigilataque praelia dele . your miserable scribling pray give o're , with such polemicks vex the world no more . nor censure every thing as impertinent , vnintelligible , and obscure , that 's above the level of your understanding . for proof of his great understanding he taxes three paragraphs of mine with obscurity , and that darkness which is in his own mind . 1. the first is , that the city of london being charged with a tallage , their common-council dispute whether it were tallagium , or auxilium , which is there meant of voluntary aid , not due upon the account of their houses being of of the kings demeasn , though indeed 't is then shewn that they had several times before been talliated . quid est quod in hâc causâ defensionis egeat ? i must needs say i take all this to be so plain that i know not which part i ought to add any light to . is the difference between tallage and a voluntary aid obscure ? or is it not well known that the kings demeasns only were talliated , and that the city having been talliated , 't was in vain to urge that they paid only voluntary aid ? but perhaps in the two next the obscurity may lye , and yet , by the doctors art of multiplying faults , they may make three obscure paragraphs . 2. this explains that part of the charter , simili modo fiat de civitate london , that is as in all cases besides those excepted escuage or tallage should not be raised but by a common-council of the kingdom , that is of all the persons concerned to pay ; so for the city of london , unless the aid was ordered in common-council , wherein they and all other tenants in chief were assembled , none should be laid upon any citizens but by the consent of their own common-council , and if the ordinance were only in general terms , that all the kings demeasns should be talliated , the proportions payable there should be agreed by the common-council of the city . this consists of two parts ; first , that where there was not the consent of a common-council of all the tenents in chief , the citizens might of themselves give a tallage , which is not in dispute between us , but is with admirable ingenuity turned into an assertion , that cities and burroughs were not taxed or assessed towards any payments , but by their own common-councils , ( which is not to be inferred from the priviledge of one city , suppose it were so for london , nor can be gathered from my words , which yield that even london might be taxt or assessed by the consent of the common-council of tenents ) or that they , as part of the common-council of the land taxed themselves , which is true ; but no man of sense can understand that to be the meaning of this part of the obscure paragraph , but that something farther was intended . 2. the second i need not explain since he understands , for all his affected ignorance , that after a tax was imposed upon the city of london the inhabitants ( or those who composed its council ) met to proportion it , so as it might be paid with as much equality as could be . this he yields to my hand , that they always did if they would , it seems convinced by that record , which shews that when the council of the city would not agree to the sum demanded by the king , 't was de voluntate omnium baronum nostrorum civitatis ejusdem , that the king talliated his tenents per se , or per capita , so much upon every head . 3. this clears the last paragraph which i need not recite , it having no meaning differing from the record , but if my record give not sufficient light and strength he , i thank him , according to his usual curtesie cites one clear enough . et cum praedicti cives noluissent intrare finem praedict ' trium mille marcarum praedicti thes . & alii voluerint assidere illud tal. per capita . so that till the citizens refused the the sum in gross , the king did not talliate each man in particular . but i am told that this is nothing to my purpose , 't is strange that he who blames me in other places for not quoting more than is for my purpose , when nothing behind makes against me , should now tax me for not skipping over any part of that clause which 't was needful to take and explain entire . to clear up his understanding if possible , though i thought to have left this task , i will obviate an objection which such as our answerer may make , that 't is obscure how the record of the common-council of london's concerning its self about the charge laid upon the city should explain that part of the charter which sayes simili modo fiat de civitate london , but surely practice is a good interpreter of a law , and there is this further evidence that here is provision for the power of the common-council of the city , because that holding in capite , and being mentioned distinct from all the other tenents there named in general , it must be for something else , besides that for which 't is joyned with the other tenents . but excedimus tenebris in crepusculum , from this obscurity and darkness to be felt by the doctors groaping hand , we come to broad day light . when in the 39th . h. 3. provisum fuit per consilium regis apud merton , that he should talliate his demeasns , though this was after king john 's charter , which was intended to restrain the king from levying publick taxes without publick consent ; yet it seems to be plain by the record that the king by the advice of his privy council taxed the city of london , even without the consent of the common council of his immediate tenents , whom he makes the common-council for all manner of aid and escuage . but it may be said , a tallage was no publick tax , though the tax here spoke of , is made no more publick than the consent required to charge it ; which consent according to him , was from immediate tenents only , so that tallage might be a publick tax as well as any other . and to be sure scutagium concerning the kings tenents only , and the cases in which the king reserv'd to himself power of taxing without publick consent in his sense , relating only to them ; the tax because of tenure must be provided for , as well as other , if any other were there meant by auxilium , vel scutagium . nay , he owns expresly , that according to the law in king john 's charter , london and other cities and burghs were to be assessed and taxed by the common-council of the kingdom . and he makes a reason of that provision , to be the usage in the time of h. 2. for the king to talliate , or tax them without such a council . the doctor has doubtless the most particular convincing way of reasoning of any man , he says that law in king john 's charter intended to restrain the king from levying of publick taxes without publick consent : and the reason of this artice in king john 's charter is argument sufficient to prove it : for , mark the weighty reason , h. the third after this was granted , and edw. 1st . taxed their demeasns through england , though not the whole kingdom by advice and consent of their privy-councils only until the stat ' de tallagio non concedendo , that is ( as tallage is confest to be , a publick tax ) because some of king john's successors tax't their demeasns without publick consent . therefore 't was provided in king john's time , by way of prophesy , that no publick tax , aid , or escuage should be raised without publick consent . so that what was done after , was a moral cause , or occasion of what preceded . 't will be said , that the thing that the doctor went to prove was , that the common-council mentioned in the charter was the great and common-council of the kingdom , to all intents and purposes . not that the king was restrained from levying a publick tax without the consent of the great council . but surely when he goes to give the reason why the charter must be taken in such a sense , we are to expect the proof of that , not of something else , quitting the thing to be proved . if i can understand his dark meaning , he was proving that nullum scutagium , &c. intended to restrain the king from levying publick taxes without publick consent . that is ( to explain what he very obscurely drives at , ) the restraint was only from taxing the whole kingdom ; not from taxing his tenants in chief . and the reason of this article , viz. as taken in this sense , is , that several times after this charter was granted , hen. 3. and edw. 1. taxed their demeasns through england , though not the whole kingdom , by advice and consent of their privy-councils only , until the statute de tallagio non concedendo was made 34 e. 1. and both richard the first and king john had taxed the whole kingdom without common assent , before the grant of magna charta . and when he has made good the premises in this argument for the meaning of the article , which will be ad graecas calendas , then , he may conclude that this article intended to restrain the king , only from levying of publick taxes without publick consent , not to provide about escuage , or tallage , which none but his immediate tenants were liable to . and from hence when prov'd , we might with some more colour and coherence raise the consequence that the common-council mentioned in king john's charter was the great and common-council of the kingdom to all intents and purposes . but how that should appear from the mention of aid , and escuage only , will be a question . 't is by him observ'd of richard the first , accepit de unaquâque carucatâ terrae totius angliae sex solidos . but what proof is there from the word accepit , or the collecting of a tax , ex praecepto regis , that he took it without publick consent ? i am sure bracton , as good an author as the historian whom he vouches , tells us carvage , and such this was , could never be raised but consensu communi totius regni . but if the king in his privy-council might tax the kingdom its self , till the making king john's charter , and was restrain'd then , i wonder our reverend author has made the constitution of the house of lords , that is according to him , the whole great council , to have been no earlier than the 49th . of h. 3. and unless such a council as is mentioned in that charter were constituted before , how comes it to pass that the clerus and populus , which were of the kings council for making laws , and giving taxes , were not till 17. jo. confin'd to such of them as were of the privy-council , as well as communitas populi , after magnates was meant of such people as were magnates , and milites , & liberè tenentes , besides barons , were the tenents in capite , who by their acts oblig'd all that held of them by knights service : that is all the milites , but not the liberè tenentes . we are taught that in the 6 of king john tenents in capite only , provided that every nine knights should find a tenth for the defence of the kingdom , and that they who were to find them were all tenents in military service . though the record shews , that besides the miles vel serviens , alius terram tenens was charged with this . and he vouchsafes not to take notice of my argument , that every knight being bound by his tenure to find a man ; if this had not extended to all that had to the value of a knights fee , though not held by knights service , it would have been an abatement of the services due , and a weakning of the kingdom . besides , admit that tenents in capite only laid this charge , and only tenents by knights service were bound by it , here is such a commune concilium of tenents , as i say king john's charter exhibits , and no charge laid by them upon others . whereas he should have prov'd that they did oblige others without their consent . but suppose tenents only were charged , why might not the charge have been laid by omnes fideles in my sense , as we find omnes de regno , taxing knights fees only ? the doctor in his margin gives us an admirable nota , that liberi were tenants in military service , or gentlemen , rustici socagers , possessors or freeholders in socages only , which is as much as to say that freeholders were not freemen , unless they held in military service , and yet a tenement , or possession neither added to , or detracted from the person of any man , if free or bond before . but surely mr. professor has some colourable proof for his remark here : for that let others judge . hoveden acquaints us with the manner of collecting a carvage in the ninth of richard the first , which was , that in every county the king appointed one clergyman , and one knight , who with the sheriff of the county to which they were sent , and lawful knights chose , and sworn to execute this business faithfully , fecerunt venire coram se senescalos baronum istius comitatûs , & de qualibet villâ dominum vel ballivum villae & prepositum cum quatuor legalibus hominibus villae , sivae liberis , sive rusticis , who were to swear how many plough lands there were in every town . if here liberi , and rustici are not meant for two denominations of the same sort of men , that is ordinary freeholders , i will leave him to fight it out with hoveden , since he himself is directly contrary to the old munk ; hoveden shews us that these socagers were legales homines , such as chose juries , and serv'd on juries themselves , &c. but our new light is positive that tenants in military service were the only freemen , and the only legal men . thus i have done right to his omissions , passing by nothing which has not received justice before , and shall add some confirmations of what i have taken leave to assert in other places . i had affirmed for one reason why the doctor could have small assistance from domesday book , that the titles whereby men enjoy'd their estates are seldom mentioned there . and if i find by record a whole county in the doctors sense , that is all the lands of the county enjoy'd by descent from before the imaginary conquest ; what will he say in justification of his whymsies upon the conquest , and the authority he would fetch for it from domesday book ? he may please to consider , and give a categorical answer to this memorable record . in placito inter regem & priorem ecclesiae de coventre de annua pensione uni clericorum regis , ratione nove creationis ejusdem prioris quousque , &c. prior venit & defendit vim & injuriam & quicquid est in contemptu domini regis , &c. non cognovit ecclesiam suam beatae mariae de coventre fore ecclesiam cathedralem nec ipsum priorem tenere aliquid de domino rege per baroniam prout pro domino rege in narratione sua proponitur . et dicit quod tenet prioratum praedictum ex fundatione cujusdam leofrici quondam comitis cestriae qui prioratum praedictum fundavit tempore sancti edwardi dudum regis angliae progenitoris domini regis nunc per cantam suam in haec verba . anno dominice incarnationis 1043. ego leofricus comes cestriae consilio & assensu regis qui literas suas infrascriptas sub sigillo misit & testimonio aliorum religiosorum virorum tam laicorum quam clericorum ecclesiam coventre dedicari feci , in honore dei & ecclesiae sanctae mariae genitricis ejus , & sancti petri apostoli & sancte osburge virginis , & omnium sanctorum ; has igitur viginti quatuor villas eidem ecclesiae attribui , ad servitium dei & ad victum & vestitum abbatis & monachorum in eodem loco deo servientium , videlicet honiton newenham chaldeleshunt ichenton vlston soucham grenesburgh burthenburgh mersten juxta avonam hardewick wasperton creastorton sotham rugton dimidium sowe merston in gloucestriae provincia salewarpe in wigorniensi eton juxta amnem qui dicitur dee in cestriae provincia keldesbye & windwyk in hamptoniensi provincia borbach barewell scrapstofte pakinton & potteres merston in leycestrensi provincia . has autem terras dedi huic monasterio cum soca saca cum telonio & theme cum libertatibus & omnibus consuetudinibus vbique sicut a rege edwardo melius unquam tenui . cum hiis omnibus rex edwardus & ego libertates huic monasterio dedimus , ita ut abbas ejusdem loci soli regi angliae sit subjectus . ibidem recitatur charta ejusdem regis edwardi quas donationes & concessiones diversi alii reges confirmaverunt & dicit quod postea per processum temporis nomen abbatiae praedictae divertebatur in nomen prioratus , eo quod leofwinus ad tunc ibidem creatus fuit in episcopum cestriae & ordinavit per assensum monachorum ibidem quod abbatia praedicta ex tunc foret prioratus & quod superiores ejusdem ecclesiae forent priores successive in perpetuum , & dicit quod de ipso leofrico , quia obiit sine herede de corpore suo descendente advocatio ecclesie predicte tempore willielm ' conquest ' angliae cuidam hugoni comiti cestriae ut consanguineo & heredi ipsius leofrici , viz. filio erminelde sororis ejusdem leofrici & de ipso hugone cuidam ricardo ut filio & heredi & de ipso ricardo cuidam ranulpho ut consanguineo & heredi , viz. filio matildis sororis praedicti hugonis & de ipso ranulpho cuidam ranulpho ut filio & heredi & de ipso ranulpho filio ranulphi quia obiit sine herede de corpore suo descendente advocatio praedicta simul cum comitatu cestre & huntingdon & aliis diversis castris maneriis terris & tenementis cum pertinentis in anglia & wallia quibusdam matildae mabilliae ceciliae & margeriae ut sororibus & heredibus predicti ranulphi inter quas propertia facta fuit de predictis comitatibus advocationibus & castris maneriis terris & tenementis cum pertinentiis supradictis . et predicta advocatio simul cum toto predicto comitatu cestriae cum pertinentiis allocata fuit predicte matilde pro proparte sua in allocationem diversorum aliorum castrorum maneriorum terrarum & tenementorum cum pertinentiis praedictis mabilliae ceciliae & margeriae seperatim allocatorum & de ipsa matilda descendebant predicta advocatio simul cum praedicto comitatu cestriae cum pertinentiis post propertiam predictam cuidam johanni scot ut filio & heredi praedictae matildae qui quidem johannes scot advocationem praedictam simul cum praedicto comitatu cestriae cum pertinentiis dedit henrico quondam regi angliae filio regis johannis & heredibus suis in perpetuum , &c. praedictus prior sine die . this was a judgment upon solemn debate and tryal , and it cannot be believed but the judges , and kings council so many hundred years ago , knew as much of the right of the conquest as our doctor can discover . 't will be said notwithstanding this record , that hugh had the confirmation of his kinsman the conqueror . admit he had , he being his kinsman would either thereby wheedle others in to the like acknowledgment of williams power ; or else having the government of the county , would do this in complement to the supream governour . but that such confirmation as to the lands he had there , and all appendants or appurtenances to them was wholly neeedless , appears in that the title is laid only in descent , nor does it in the least appear that william either granted or confirm'd more than the comitatus , government , or jurisdiction of it , or that more than that was held by the sword , which the doctor makes tenure in capite . let him shew how , by what manner of tenure his land was held . not being aware that so great an author as the doctor would have condemn'd for precarious , all that i think i have prov'd from the records and histories which i cite for the foundation of my former essay , viz. that till the 48. and 49th . h. 3. all proprietors of land came to the great council without exclusion . i had asserted that the probi homines , or bonae conversationis , came to the great councils ( which in common intendment is meant of coming as members ) in their own persons , and when they agreed to it , which was no abridgment of their personal right , they came by representation , and election , and every one was there himself virtually by his deputy , but they often met in vast bodies , and in capacious places , both in the saxon times , and after william the first obtained the imperial crown . ( 1. ) if you 'l believe the chair all this is precariously said , without foundation or authority ; however 't is granted that i seem to back it with an instance , where i say , the whole body of proprietors were assembled at runemede between stanes and windsor , at the passing of king john's charter . the doctor refers us to p. 106. and 107. of his pretended answer to mr. petyt , to see what this assembly was , and of whom it consisted ; where he proves my assertion , being all that he there shews is , that there was not time for writs to issue to chuse any representatives of the commons , but not a word offer'd against their being there in their own persons , having been got together expecting the kings answer to their demands , who appointed a meeting at runemede . the record saith there were comites , & barones , & liberi homines totius regni , or according to that expounder of more fallible record ma. paris , there were the magnates , which must there be meant of the nobilitas major , ( unless you take them for the kings friends only , as the great men of the kingdom elsewhere ) these magnates had drawn to their side , and to that treaty , vniversam fere totius regni nobilitatem , and this nobility was so numerous , that they made a vast army , exercitum inestimabilem confecerunt , and the records not only shew that such as were but liberi homines were there , and parties to the agreement being inter regem , comites , & barones & liberos homines , but the body of the charter shews that tenents by other free tenures , besides knights service were interested in it . besides this , the frequent meetings in so wide a place as runenede call'd pratum concilii , as i observed in the same page , is a strong argument that vast bodies compos'd the great councils in those days , and why tenents in free socage were not members , as well as such as held of subjects by knights service i see no reason , but wait for the doctors ; in the mean while i shall present him with some other authorities which shew that my assertion was not precarious . ( 2. ) if in the 38th . of h. 3. the commons , or probi homines were members of the great council by representatives of their own choice , and degree , there being besides all the tenents in capite two chose for every county , vice omnium & singulorum , and yet such came in their own persons both before , and after the making of king john's charter , since which till the 48th . or 49th . of h. 3. no alteration in the way , or right of coming is supposed ; then it follows that representations were brought in when the commons ( who might have come in their own persons ) agree to it , and there being of the councils before the norman times and then , barones & populus , 't is not to be doubted but that they came in their persons if they would , both in the saxon , and norman times , especially since william the first did but confirm the law of the confessor concerning the power of the great council , in words that shew'd that all the members were in those ages stiled peers , such as might come in person , and that inferior proprietors were members , the law of the great folcmote then received proves beyond all dispute . 3. if besides barones , and milites , we find libere tenentes , or fideles in the account of great councils before 49 h. 3. we are to suppose , even without consideration of the capacious places of their assembly , and the multitudes there , that such proprietors of land as would , came personally , till a law or common practice to the contrary be shewn , it being according to their natural right , and the natural import of the words ; besides the doctor does not allow of representations , except the tenents in capite who came without election , were representatives of the rest . 4. if king john's charter does not exhibit the full form of our english great , and most general councils in those days , but , by continuing the rights of every particular place , leaves room for proprietors of land to have been members , as well as tenents in capite , then the libere tenentes , which many records before the supposed change in the time of h. 3. mention as members of the great councils , were not tenents in capite . and as tenents in capite came in their own persons for matters concerning their tenures ; so , unless the contrary can be shewn , we are to believe that the libere tenentes , not holding in capite , came in like manner , especially if we consider how mean were some of the majores barones , to whom special writs were to be directed , as he that held part of the barony of mulgrave , per servitium millesimae ducentesimae partis baroniae . nay i find norman darcy , who indeed held several parcels of the mannor of darcy , which seem to be by several purchases , amongst other shares holding centessimam partem centessimae sexagessimae partis baroniae . the hundreth part of the hundred , and sixtieth part of the barony , and yet that he who had only so much was baro major appears , in that the common law exempted him from being of a common jury as holding part of a barony . besides the doctor yields that more than such as are expresly mention'd in the contested clause , tenents in military service of king john's charter , viz. of tenents in capite were members of the great councils , ( which he does not always confine to the great tenents ) and some of these were as inconsiderable , and as unfit for counsellors as the generality of the libere tenentes ; for though he in his sixteen years search , could find no less a part of a knights fee , than a twentieth , yet in the last recited record he may meet with the sixtieth part of one knights fee in the mannor of norton . 5. being all that were members of the great councils in those times of which our dispute is , were nobles , in which the doctor and i agree , and the nobles came in their own persons , the libere tenentes , part of the nobility were personally present . indeed corporations holding in capite might well come by representation , being they were but as one noble , and one tenent , and would have been an unweildy body to move to council united as their interest was . ( 6. ) king john's resignation was void , because 't was without the consent of the commons , sanz leur assent , and to say that this is without the assent of a general council , colloquium , or parliament , in those times when it was done ; unless he yield the same sort or degree of men to have been members of the great councils formerly as then , does not take in the full meaning , but is to say nothing , being the commons manifestly assert their right , as when they declared that they had ever been a member of parliament , and as well assenters as petitioners . and what force does it bring to the doctors assertion , that the commons answer in the same form of speech conceiv'd by the barons ? which he thinks worthy of great letters , is that an argument that the commons did not think that they ought to have been parties ? he himself grants that king john resigned before them that came upon a military summons , that is ( as all who ought to come were concluded by them that came ) before all his barons ; wherefore nothing wanted to the confirmation , but the consent of the commons . and if the commons were then an essential part of the great council they might come in person , unless the change in 49 h. 3. can be shewn to have been any otherwise than in the bringing in a representation of them . ( 7. ) by the charter of h. 1. for the king 's dominica necessaria , or de arduis regni , all the counties and hundreds , that is the freeholders , the suitors at those courts were to be summon'd to the great council , as it had been in the time of the confessor , when there repaired to the great folcmote , or general council held once a year , all the peers , knights , and freemen , at least freeholders of the kingdom . ( 8. ) for demonstration that libere tenentes came to the great councils in their own persons , and as members ; king john before the passing of his charter , writes to the milites , & fideles , ( the last of which takes in all the libere tenentes ) and tells them that if it might have been done he would have sent letters to every one of them ; wherefore these members whose right is here acknowledged were single , individual persons ; for they could not have been summoned to come by representation in the case of such particular writs , or letters , unless the representation were setled before the summons , which is not to be supposed . these arguments all but the last , which the doctor has supplied me with , arise out of my former treatise , and i take it that this which the doctor has occasioned , will yield a few more without pressing . ( 9. ) since william the first was no conqueror , it follows that the great folcmote , or general council in the saxon times , where to be sure all proprietors of land were to be members , could not have been turn'd into an assembly of the kings tenents upon the old legal title , ( and without a conquest there was no other . ) and as there must have been a vast number of the proprietors whom the kings immediate tenents could not oblige ; so they must have been members of those councils which laid any general charge , and that with the same priviledges the tenents in capite , who came in person , had . ( 10. ) though demonstration it self will not satisfie unreasonable men , yet not to mention more i shall urge the authority of the legier book of ely before cited , ( the great antiquity of the hand writing of which is beyond all exception ) to persuade the doctor that my notion is far from being precarious ; since that m. s. shews that king stephen consulted about the state of the kingdom , not only with the bishops , abbots , monks , and inferior clergy , but with the plebs , and they in an infinite number , concilio adunato cleri & populi , episcoporum , atque abbatum , monachorum , & clericorum , plebisque infinitae multitudinis , &c. de statu regni cum illis tractavit . this single instance is sufficient to prove that the primates , primores , proceres , magnates , and nobiles , were not the constituent parts of great councils in the reigns of w. the 1st . h. 1st . king stephen , h. 2. r. 1st . according to his restrictive and limited understanding and exposition of these words and phrases , but that the clerus and populus ( the general words which often comprehend all the members ) signifie as well as great men , the common freeholders , as at this day ; nor need i examine his book any farther : but i hope the doctor , a man of that known integrity , as his excellent book expresses him to be , will now make good his promise to be of my opinion , when i should evince that common freeholders had this great priviledge . ( 11. ) the lords right of answering for their tenents being founded in the imaginary feudal right , which is made to extend only to tenents by knights service , the socagers , being free from that law , could not be charged without their own consent , and that given by word of their own mouths , if they pleased . ( 12. ) the authority cited by mr. cambden , and approved of by our author as well as by me , shews that the only change in the great council was in leaving out of the special summons what earls and barons the king pleased but the right of all other barons ▪ as singular persons , to share in the legislature was preserv'd by the alia illa brevia , by which the representatives for the counties came , and being all the members of the great councils , but citizens and burgesses , or all such barons as aforesaid , came before the change in their own persons , and no new kind of members were then created , and yet there was a substantial alteration , a new government fram'd and set up , this alteration must consist in the commons , or barones minores , their being put to representatives when before they came personally . ( 13. ) i could bring many arguments from the doctor , as , besides others , that the vniversitas militiae , or qui militare servitium debebant , that is as record explains , ma. paris , the fideles besides milites were members of parliament , but i may spare farther proof till he gives me fresh occasion . ( 14. ) and possibly then amongst his other marvellous discoveries , i may have time to animadvert a little more largely upon his fancy , that the suitors in the county court were all tenents in military service , except barons , both in the saxon and norman times ; by the way you must understand that the barons were not tenents in military service , though they held in capite by knights service . and that william the the first made no alteration of the government ; for tenents by military service , were the only legal men , and the only members of the great council before . but as tenents in capite , and their tenents in military service were of the great councils in person , all the suitors at the county court , who were according to the charter of h. 1. qui liberas habent terras , in each county respectively , were there in person as members . though not relating to the foundation of my essay , according to him , who makes the question about the conquest not directly to reach the controversy between us , i may make a little sport with his arguing that william 1st . gave whole counties to his followers , under the word comitatus , that is as he renders it , all the lands in the counties , and yet that besides whole counties , he gave a great proportion of lands in them . but since he taxes what i lay for the foundation of my essay for precarious , let 's see a little whether he does not render his own so , where it opposes mine . his whole book in that respect resolves its self into these three heads ; 1. that king john's charter in affirmance of the law imposed by william , or in force before , declares that the tenents in capite were the only members of the general council of the kingdom . 2. that from thence to the 49 h. 3. the practice or fact was for tenents only to compose the great or general council . 3. that none but tenents in capite were nobles . ( 1. ) if he himself yields that till king john's charter there was no such council as one made up only of tenents in capite , he thereby renders all under this head precarious , but this he does in two places at least . one where he urges that if the curia regis ordinaria , which i say was the court of the kings tenents , and officers exclusive of others , went off by reason of the clause in king john's charter , it certainly went off before it began , that is , such a court began not before ; and agreeable to this , he says , that after the granting of this charter by king john there were many general , and great councils , or colloquiums summon'd by edict according to the form there prescribed : that is , as he will have it , after that the tenents in capite only were summon'd to the great council , but not before , for then began this form . in another place ( though he charges upon me what are his own words ) he says king john resigned his crown the 15. of may in the 14th . of his reign , and he granted the great charter of the liberties three years after on the 15. of june in the 17. of his reign , and therefore could not resign it in such a council as was constituted three years after his resignation . and 't is a question whether he asserts not this in a third place , where he affirms that before this charter the kingdom had been taxt by our ancient kings , and their privy-council only . ( 2. ) but in truth he not only yields that the tenents in chief were first made the general council by king john's charter ; but that after that , more than such were members , not only the tenents in military service , of tenents in chief , but other ordinary freeholders . so that he submits himself to be goard by both the horns of that dilemma inforc't in my former treatise , viz. that king john's charter was either declarative of the law as 't was before , or introductive of a new law. and yields the precariousness of his own vagaries . ( 3. ) but does he not own that the notion that tenents in capite only were noble , is precarious ? since he yields that no kind of tenure does nobilitate , or so much as make a man free who was not so before according to his blood or extraction . though , according to this , one that held of the king in chief might have been a subjects villain , yet none that held a certain estate of freehold could be a villain , because 't is contrary to the nature of a freehold , that it should be so no longer than another pleas'd , that is only an estate at will. he will have it that mr. petyt is guilty of some horrible design , from the effects of which it seems this mighty champion is to rescue the government . and for me i am a seducer , one who would seduce unwary readers , a malicious insinuation , as if i would wheedle to my side a party against truth and the government ; but whether he who would set aside the evidences for the rights of the lords , and commons , or they who produce them fair , and would render them unquestioned , is guilty of the worst design , the world will judge ; and i doubt not , but he has at home a thousand witnesses , who , if he will hear their unbyast testimonies , will inform him whose are the groundless and designing interpretations . but i must confess they are so weak that these sacred things need very little help to rescue them ; especially since their enemies are so far from agreeing amongst themselves , that 't is more easie to conquer than to reconcile them . as on mr. petyts , and my side , the design can be no other , than to shew how deeply rooted the parliamentary rights are ; so the doctors in opposition to ours , must be to shew the contrary , ( a design worthy of a member of parliament ) and 't is a question whether he yields these rights to be more than precarious . for according to him the tenents in capite were the only members of the great council before 49 ii. 3. and if others were after , 't was by usurping upon the rights of tenents in capite , who and not others , when the new government was set up , began to be represented by two knights for every county , out of their own number , and they at first , that is then , elected their own representatives ; and yet these tenents in capite might be set aside if the king and his council pleased , nor was any power given to others to chuse till 10 h. 6. c. 2. which gave no new power , and the lords depend upon the kings pleasure . therefore what the design is , and at whose door the crime of it lies ▪ the thing it self speaks , tho i should be silent . but for fear he should seduce unwary readers , i must observe his artifice in imposing upon them the belief that as it has ever since 49 h. 3. been at the kings pleasure that any lords came to the great council ; so the king could of right name to the sheriff what representatives for the counties , cities and burroughs he pleas'd , as he observes in the margent upon a record 31 e. 3. but he is not so candid to observe , that though indeed at that time there was such a nomination , yet that was not to any parliament , or to make any new law , or lay any kind of charge upon the nation , or particular men ; but was a summons of a council to advise how what was granted by full parliament , legally summon'd , might be best answered juxta intentionem concessionis praedictae , and in such cases the judges only , who are but assistants in parliament , might well be consulted ; but pro magnis , & urgentibus negotiis , ( as when king charles the first called the magnum concilium , or great council of peers to york , upon the scotch rebellion ) the king call'd more to advise with ▪ and the counsellors might well be of his own choice . 't will be urg'd that when the king appointed but one for every county , they were impowr'd to consent to what de communi consilio contigerit ordinari , and that such a council made laws , as the statute of the staple made the 21 of e. 3. to which the answer is very obvious , that they made only ordinances , not laws , and that these were magna consilia , taken in a sense totally different from the generalia concilia , or parliaments , and all this appears above the power and subtilty of our learned doctors evasions , in that the record cited by himself in the 26 e. 3. calls the assembly they are summon'd to , concilium only , and an act of parliament in the twenty eight of that king calls what was done in the twenty seven ordinances , and that meeting a great council , magnum concilium ; but such a council it was , and its resolutions such meer ordinances ( the distinction of which from acts is well known ) that that very next parliament finds it needful to confirm , and give them the force of a law. agreeably to this the earl marshal in that grand case in the 3 h. 6. pleads , that though a determination hadde be made against the said earl marshall in great council , though he hadde be of full age , that might not disherit him without authority of parliament , these are uncontrollable evidences , and proofs against him , let him to save the great credit of his learning answer them if he can . but who is the new government-maker , and new parliament-maker , perhaps one might know from himself when he has considered a little better , and then he may think the government , as 't is now establisht , nighly concern'd in his errors . perhaps 't will be said i injure this good man in imputing to him a design in relation to the present government ; since he owns that the most excellent great council , ( and goes to prove it evidently from records ) received its perfection from the kings authority , and time . but 't is obvious that its perfection , must be meant of such its perfection , as his book allows , and he would make evident , but what is that ? that lords should , to the time of his excellent discoveries , be summon'd to parliament , or past by , at the kings pleasure , and that if the king pleas'd , he might summon one knight for a county , one citizen for a city , one burgess for a burgh , and those nam'd to the sheriff . and this design will be very evident if we observe his aery ambuscade , to return his own phrase , and meer juggle in joyning the kings authority and time together ; we think we have something , but by an hocus pocus trick 't is gone ; for admit that its perfection were such as we say it has at this day , viz. for lords to come of right in their own persons , and that the commons should send representatives of their free choice . yet let us see what setlement he gives this great council , for which purpose we must divide the two authorities , which sometimes may differ . and ( 1. ) suppose that though time would preserve that power which the great council exercises , a king would hereafter take it all to himself , and make laws by a council of his own chusing , or without any . if the doctor allows this power , doubtless the next parliament will thank him . ( 2. ) suppose that without , or against the kings authority , time only would establish this great council , can this be done ? he that affirms it surely will be no great friend to prerogative , nor understands he that maxim , nullum tempus occurrit regi . and one of these must be clos'd with . 't will be objected that i am as injurious to prerogative in arguing that some lords may have a right of prescription to come to the upper-house . but i think no sober man will deny that there is a right either from writs alone , or from writs as prescribed to , and 't is strange that it should not be against prerogative to urge a right from one royal concession , and yet it should be to urge it from many ; but farther , if they who had no right to come in person , or be represented in parliament , should by colour of prescription put themselves upon the king for counsellors , this were derogatory to the prerogative . but if there be a natural right for proprietors of land ( with whom some say is the ballance of power within this nation ) to be interested in the legislature , which i 〈◊〉 not affirm . or if there be such a positive right , not only from the laws for frequent parliaments , which suppose such to be members as had been , but more particularly from the law received in the 4th . of william the first , and by positive law or custom the king us'd to send special writs for some , general for others ; the prescribing to special writs , which is not of substance as to the legislative interest , is no diminution of prerogative ; because no more in effect is out of the king than was before , which is , that this man should one way or other have a share in the legislature . if this solution of mine will not pass i cannot help it , i am sure the law for a right grounded upon one or more special writs of summons , stands fast , though the reason of it should be above my reach . having run through a book so ill-natur'd to the government , and so impotent in its setled anger , as that which some may think to have no other design , than that of exposing mr. petyt and me , the one for artifice , unhandsom dealing with , and false application of records , &c. the other amongst other things , for ignorance , confidence , and cheating his readers ; i may hope notwithstanding the disparity of years , and the dignity of his place , to be very excusable in using our answerer with no more respect . when a man renders himself cheap by his folly , and yet meets with many so weak that they are discipled by him , to notions of dangerous and pernicious consequence to the state. — ridentem dicere verum , quis vetat ? — in summing up the product of his many years labours , which my preface charges him with , perhaps it may be thought that i omitted one considerable head ; however i leave to others if they think fit to add for a seventh . that both lords , and commons may be depriv'd of all shares , or votes in making of laws for the government of the kingdom , when ever any future king shall please to resume the regality . some perhaps may add an eighth ; that the parliaments are nothing but magna concilia , such as are called only to advise upon what shall be given in direction , but no consent of theirs required to make the kings determination a binding law. and vice versa , every great council , such as that call'd to york , is a parliament . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26164-e60 against jani , &c. p. 1. ib. p. 113. and 114. jani , &c. p. 26. quid , a new paragraph . he adds such to cases , to render it obscure . jani , &c. p. 26. na. so if a sum in gross were laid upon them . viz. to such payment as tallage . against jani , &c. p. 113. indeed he would take in more places . na. the king did perhaps require a certain sum after a general ordinance made by the council of tenents for a rationabile auxilium . jani , &c. p. 26. dr. p. 115. against jani , p. 115. & 117. p. 117. & 118. p. 118. na. he should have added only . nullum scutagium , &c. bracton lib. 1. cap. 16. nay sometimes he argues that it was not before , p. 56. p. 110. 112. 113. against jani , &c. p. 125 , 126 , 127. jani , &c. p. 225. p. 119. glos . p. 10. galls milites . against mr. petyt , p. 36. so against jani . p. 36. p. 78. placita coram rege hill. anno 14 r. 2. rot. 50 ▪ warw . na. this is the hugh to whom he imagines that william , gave all the lands of the county of chester . against jani , &c. p. 89. jani , &c. p. 264. ib. p. 264. against jani , p 4. against jani , &c. p. 89. rot. pat. 17. joh. pars unica m. 13. n. 3. ib. m. 23. dorso . against mr. petyt , p. 183. p. 127. in marg. ma. paris fo . 244. jani , &c. p. 244. vide amongst other authorities . jani , p. 51. 57 , 58 , 59 , 60 , 61. 66. 2●4 . 248. rex debet omnia rite facere in regno & per judicium procerum regni leges par. ed. jani , &c. p. 241. against mr. petyt , p. 112. the free tenents in scotland , and the possessionati in poland us'd to be members of their great councils without representation . jani , &c. p. 248. & p. 66. jani , &c. throughout . communia de term. mich. an. 39 e. 3. rot. 36. penes rem . r. in scaccario . penes rem . regis in scaccario de term. pasche 29 e. 3. lincoln de re. brook tit . exemption . against mr. petyt , p. 41. jani , &c. p. 32. 35 , 36. 40. 57. 62 , 63 , 64. 66. 185. 219. against mr. petyt , p. 133. ib. p. 140. against jani , &c. p. 22 , 23 , 24. vid. the 12th . head . jani , &c. p. 34. v. domesday , &c. besides ( according to the terms first agreed on ) he received the confessors laws about this folcmote . confutation , p. 33. jani , p. 41. against jani , p. 62. p. 62. jani , &c. p. 248. against mr. petyt , p. 226. ib. p. 228. confutation , p. against mr. petyt , p. 210. against mr. petyt , p. 183. & 192. against jani , &c. p. 34. yet this tenure came in with will. 1st . against mr. petyt , p. 31. glos . p. 26. against mr. petyt , p. 43. against jani , p. 15. against mr. petyt , p. 29. glos . p. 8. against jani , p. 46. & 47. ib. p. 22. & 23. thus p. 48. & 49. he charges mr. petyt and me for averring that even servants who are not in a legal sense people of the kingdom were members of the great council . my words are in such a council as this here . jani , p. 15. which is as much as to say that there was such a council as this before . p. 118. against jani , p. 66. jani , p. 236. glos . p. 10. against mr. petyt , p. 1. against jani , p. 71. conscientia mille testes . against mr. petyt , p. 1. ib. ib. p. 210. ib. 42. how were cities and burroughs holding in capite represented according to this ? and how came they ever to be represented ? ib. p. 79. ib. p. 42. ib. p. 227. & 228. against mr petyt , p. 249. an. 164● . p. 242. 26 e. 3. p. 246. 27 e. 3. 28 e. 3. c. 13. rot. par. 3 h. 6. n. 12. against mr. petyt ▪ p. 229. ib. p. 227. & 228. ib. p. 249. rex debet omnia rite facere in regno & per judicium procerum regni . above all vid. title page against mr. petyt , & p. 81. an. 1640. lamentation, mourning, and woe sighed forth in a sermon preached in the parish-church of st. martin in the fields, on the 9th day of september : being the next lords-day after the dismal fire in the city of london / by nath. hardy ... hardy, nathaniel, 1618-1670. 1666 approx. 75 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45552 wing h728 estc r281 13649878 ocm 13649878 100973 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45552) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100973) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 789:27) lamentation, mourning, and woe sighed forth in a sermon preached in the parish-church of st. martin in the fields, on the 9th day of september : being the next lords-day after the dismal fire in the city of london / by nath. hardy ... hardy, nathaniel, 1618-1670. [8], 31 p. printed by tho. newcomb for william grantham, london : 1666. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -n.t. -luke xix, 41 -sermons. fires -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2004-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-07 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion lamentation , mourning and woe . sighed forth in a sermon preached in the parish-church of st. martin in the fields , on the 9 th day of september . being the next lords-day after the dismal fire in the city of london . by nath. hardy d. d. d. r. chaplain in ordinary to his majesty , and vicar of the said parish-church . lam. 1. 12. is it nothing to you all you that pass by ? behold and see if there be any sorrow like to my sorrow which is done unto me , wherewith the lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce anger . london , printed by tho. newcomb for william grantham , at the sign of the black bear in westminster-hall . 1666. to the right worshipful sir thomas adams , knight and baronet . sir , i first preached , and have now published this discourse as a testimony of my sorrow for londons ruines . if the phrase and composure be ( as i am conscious they are ) very defective , my apology is , that it was a time of distraction ; besides , broken language is the best rhetorick upon a mournful occasion : and considering those manifold relations and obligations i have to that once illustrious city , it will not ( i hope ) be looked upon as a presumption , that i have thus publickly expressed my sorrow ; for that cloud of smoke which hath covered her , or rather that flame of fire which hath laid her honour in the dust . london was the place of my birth , baptism , education , and ( excepting those years which i lived in the university of oxford ) in and about the city , hath been the place of my abode and habitation to this day . it is now full twenty and seven years since i entered into holy orders , eighteen whereof i exercised my ministerial function in that one parish church of st. dyonis , which together with many more ( proh dolor ) is now laid waste . and , though i must confess my self highly obliged as in special to many persons of honour and quality , so in general to all sorts of inhabitants in this parish , where by gods providence i now am , and have ( according to my slender ability ) officiated well nigh six years , whose merciful preservation in this late imminent danger , i heartily congratulate , and praise god for : yet i cannot but acknowledge those many and great kindnesses which in those years i received ; and that not only ( though chiefly ) from that particular parish , but several other citizens , as well of the upper , as the lower sort : so that though i wanted not some enemies , i bless god , i found many friends , with whom if i should not affectionately sympathize in this their calamity , i should justly incur the odious brand of ungrateful and obdurate : nay , if i forget thee ( o london ) let my right hand forget her cunning ; if i do not remember thee , let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth . being upon these considerations ( honoured sir ) resolved as to the publication of the sermon , i know not to whom more sutably than your self i should make the dedication ; and that both in reference to my self in particular , and the city in general . among my numerous acquaintance in the city , i have great reason to look upon you as a singular friend , as well as a prime parishioner in that place where i lived so long : nor must i forget to own not only that liberal bounty , those free entertainments , but those sage advices , and forward encouragements which i received from you in the late perilous times , when it was a crime to own a prelatical clergy-man . among the inhabitants of the city , you are the principal mourner . the kingdom calls the city her mother , and the city calls you her father , as being the eldest among the aldermen ; not only in respect of years , but office ; none now surviving who before you had the honour to have the sword carried before them : and who should be chief mourner at the daughters funeral , but her father ? and though i easily believe your particular losses are great , yet i dare say such is your compassion , that you are much more affected with the publick misery , than your own damage ; and such your devotion , that you are most afflicted with those iniquities which have procured this misery . upon this account , i am confident you often turn aside ( in your meditations ) to see this sad fight , and probably have prevented me in what i cannot but take notice of , how within the revolution of less than seven years , we have lived to see a most joyful , and a most doleful sight . the one of the sun breaking forth , the other of the fire breaking out . that of the king in his beauty , this of the city in its ashes . that a representation of heaven , and this of hell. that in the spring of the year 1660. this in the autumn of the year 1666. it cannot be imagined with what gladness of heart all loyal subjects beheld their native lawful king , after a twelve years tedious exile , return to his throne ; and not in an hostile , but amicable manner pass through his chief city to his royal palace , welcomed with the multiplied shouts and acclamations of all sorts . nor can it be expressed with what sadness of heart all good people beheld the flaming fire , as it were a conqueror , riding upon the wings of the wind from street to street , with a triumphant rage through that great city , eating up her habitations , casting down her goodly structures to the earth ; and not ceasing , till he that said to it go , said also to it stay. had the sight of that wonderful and merciful restauration quickned us ( as it ought ) to sutable returns of gratitude and obedience , we probably had never beheld this dreadful and woful desolation . and since the former could not allure us to our duty , i would to god this latter may yet at length affright us from our sins : then i should comfortably hope , what i doubt not we all earnestly desire , a resurrection of this city out of her rubbish , to a more glorious estate than before . which ( worthy sir ) that ( if it be gods blessed will ) your age may be prolonged to see , and thereby prevent the bringing of your grey hairs with sorrow to the grave ; and however , that whensoever you go hence , the blessings of heaven may rest upon the heads of your posterity : and as you have been a vigilant , diligent , prudent and faithful senator in this terrestrial city , so you may ( after a long course finished on earth ) be a triumphant citizen , and have an everlasting habitation in that heavenly city of the living god , where the moth frets not , the rust eats not , the fire consumeth not ; is the uncessant prayer of , sir , your most affectionate friend , nath : hardy . lamentation , mourning and woe . st. luke , cap. 19. ver . 41. and when he was come near , he beheld the city , and wept over it . i have no sooner read the text , but i suppose you all reflect upon the doleful occasion of handling it ; how forcible are right words , saith job ? and much more when they are sutable . the words of the wife ( saith solomon ) are as nails , and as goads , to make a deep impression upon the auditors , but then especially when they are fitted to the season . such is this scripture i have now read , seasonable ; ey ( be it spoken with submission to the divine appointment ) too seasonable , whil'st that late dismal conflagration of our neighbour city calls upon , nay , crieth aloud to us all to tread in the footsteps of our saviours deportment toward jerusalem , who when he came near , beheld the city , and wept over it . caesar said vaingloriously of himself , veni , vidi , vici ; i came , i saw , i overcame . here our evangelist saith of christ , what he did piously , venit , vidit , flevit , he came , he saw , he wept : and these three acts of christ , are the three parts of the text. his approach , when he was come near , his aspect , he behold the city , his tears , and wept over it . these three did one make way for the other , he came near that he might behold , and beholding he weepeth . indeed the last is the principal , to which the two other are preparatory ; and therefore passing through these , i shall chiefly insist upon that . i. the first act here mentioned , is christs coming near . appropinquation is a local motion , wherein there is terminus à quo , a place from which we depart ; and terminus ad quem , a place to which we draw near , and this is here affirmed concerning christ. surely then christs body ( as well as ours ) is circumscribed in one certain place , so as it cannot be simul in utroque termino , in many places at once . to what purpose else those various peregrinations of our saviour , who , as st. peter saith , went about doing good , if he could at once have been in those several places whither he went. and if he could not be at once in many places on earth , much less can he be in heaven and earth together . when he was on earth , he was not in heaven ( saith vigilius ) and now he is in heaven , he is not on earth . and if he cannot be in many , much less can he be in every place ; it being impossible that he should come near to any place , whereas he was there before ; or go from it , since he must be there still ; so that it were easie from this scripture , to confute the multipresence of the romanists , and omnipresence of the lutherans : but controversies ill befit the pulpit at any time , especially in such a dolorous time as this , and therefore i pass it over . and yet i must not leave this first act of christs coming near to jerusalem , till i have taken notice upon what account it was , and what might be the reason of his approach : for , first , jerusalem was at this time a very wicked city , a sink of filth , a den of thieves , and a cage of unclean birds , and therefore ( one would think ) most unfit for the holy iesus to draw nigh to . the voice from heaven said concerning babylon , come out of her ( my people ) not come near to her ; and it is st. pauls question , intending a negation , and thereby a confirmation of the dehortation , what fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness ? what communion hath light with darkness ? and what concord hath christ with belial ? but we must know , 1. on the one hand , that as the historian saith of the river dee in wales , that it passeth through a lake called pimble meere , but mingleth not with its waters ; or as the fish , which remaineth fresh , notwithstanding it doth not only swim , but suck in the salt water : so our blessed lord drew near to wicked persons and places , and yet was not defiled or infected by them . he is called by the prophet malachy , the sun of righteousness ; and as the sun , though it cast forth its beams upon the filthy dunghil , receiveth no pollution from it : no more did christ from those noisom places to which he approached ; and , 2. on the other hand , he was sent by his father , especially to the jews , iis primò missus quibus promissus ; and that among others , to discharge the office of a prophet ; nay , in respect of the personal performance of that office , he was not sent but to them . accordingly we find him in the subsequent verses , reproving their iniquity , and foretelling their calamity ; which he could not have done , had he not come near to them ; for this reason he drew near to , and suffered publicans and sinners in jerusalem to draw near to him ; since , as he saith himself , he came to call sinners to repentance . it is not absolutely unlawful for good men to approach wicked places ; and it is not only lawful , but expedient for men of god to converse with that people to whom they are sent , though never so wicked . indeed since it is not with us , as it was with christ ; he was not , but we are too capable of infection ; and more apt to receive evil , than do good ; we have therefore the greater need to be watchful and circumspect : but since the whole need not the physitian , but the sick ; those who are appointed by god to be the physitians of souls , not only may , but ought upon just occasion offered , to draw nigh , and visit the most desperate patients : but , secondly , jerusalem was the place where christ was to suffer . he knew how maliciously they were bent against him , and how greedily they thirsted after his blood , and therefore the greater wonder that he should come near such a people . but the answer is easily returned , he was sent to them , and no dangers could divert him from the errand about which he was sent . thus ought we to run all hazards in the discharge of our duty . it was a great crime in jonah to flee to tarshish , when he was sent by god to nineveh : and it was a singular fortitude in st. paul , to go to those places whither he was sent , though he knew that bonds and afflictions did abide him in every city . we must not needlesly put our selves upon dangers , nor can we take comfort in such sufferings . christ gave leave to his disciples when persecuted in one city , to flie unto another . and wisdom teacheth us , not to draw near to , but avoid those places which threaten our ruine , except we have an express call from heaven , and then piety obligeth us not to consult with flesh and blood ; but as luther , when cited to wormes to answer for himself ( though much disswaded by his friends ) resolved to go thither , though all the tiles of the houses were devils : so ought we to encounter with all perils , not fearing to follow gods call , be the danger never so great ; upon which account it was that christ came near to ierusalem . and yet there was more than this in it , christ did not only approach jerusalem , notwithstanding but because he was , and that he might suffer there . he was as a prophet , so a priest , and such a priest as was to offer himself a sacrifice . now all sacrifices were to be offered at jerusalem , that being the place which god had chosen for that end ; and therefore the time of his offering up being at hand , he cometh near to ierusalem , and coming near , ii. beholds the city , which is his second act . the person here spoken of being god-man , might be said to behold the city at this time with an humane and a divine eye . or if you conceive him here spoken of only as man ; he beheld the city with an eye of sense , and an eye of prophesie . with his bodily eyes he beheld the city , as those did , who speaking of the temple , said , what goodly stones are here ? he saw a beautiful city environed with strong walls , adorned with a magnificent temple , and other stately fabricks , replenished with wealthy citizens , and furnished with all manner of conveniencies : but with the eye of his mind enlightned by divine revelation , he saw this city encompassed with malicious enemies , the walls sacked , houses burnt , inhabitants slain , and not one of those goodly stones left upon another . yea , all this , though not to come to pass till many years after , he saw as certainly and clearly , as if it were then acted before his eyes . to foreknow future contingencies is one of gods peculiars , to whom all things past , present , and to come ; and those not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , necessary , but casual are at once obvious : but yet there were men of god to whom he was pleased to impart the knowledge of what was to come to pass , according to that of amos , surely the lord god will do nothing , but he revealeth his secrets to his servants the prophets . indeed this light of immediate revelation ceased after the sacred canon was compleated ; and though god still can if he please , yet it is that which he seldom , if at all , hath done since ; and therefore those who pretend upon the account of any extraordinary inspiration to foresee and foretell the ruine of places , are to be looked upon either as subtle-headed impostors , or at best , giddy-headed zelots . nor are we to give any greater regard to our prognosticating astrologers , who presume to read that in the stars , which god never wrote there ; and abuse them to that end for which god never appointed them . how fallible , conjectural , and uncertain that fore knowledge is which they have by this means , appeareth not only in that the events which they foretell do oft-times prove contrary , but that as to the most remarkable accidents which befall ( such as the late dismal conflagration ) they are usually silent . and yet ( my beloved ) god hath not left us altogether destitute of means whereby we may at least probably foresee misery and calamity coming upon the places where we live . the prudent man ( saith solomon once and again ) foreseeth the evil , and in this respect his eyes are said to be in his head , the upper part of his body ; and as they that are on the upper ground can see afar off , so doth the wise man , whil'st the fools eyes are in his feet ; nay , he is ready-to stumble upon , and fall into danger before he will see it . this seeing eye , as well as the hearing ear , is that which god is ready to confer ; and therefore if any man lack wisdom , let him ask of god ( saith st. james ) who , as solomon assureth us , layeth up wisdom for the righteous ; and upon our asking will lay it out upon us . if you shall enquire yet more particularly , how by the eye of prudence a man may foresee evil to come ? i answer , 1. by considering the several threats which god hath denounc't in his word against sinners ; for since gods threatnings are no less true than his promises , and though the sentence be not speedily executed , yet it can by no means but repentance be prevented ; the prudent man may foresee , that sooner or later the evils threatned , will fall upon them that go on in their sins . 2. by comparing the city , or place where he liveth , with those cities and places which are recorded in holy writ , as the instances of gods vengeance : for since ( as st. peter saith ) of the cities of sodom and gomorrah , it is no less true of the rest , that they were made an ensample to them who should after live ungodly , we may hence infer , that though not the same , yet some calamity or other will befall wicked places now , as well as then ; and , 3. lastly , by observing the method of divine dispensation in his iudgments . how usually he first striveth with mercies , then with judgments ; how he giveth warning first , and then striketh ; how he proceeds from corrective , to destructive punishments ; we may foresee that that people , upon whom mercies , and warnings , and lesser judgments have had no kindly influence , are near to destruction . and oh how happy were it , if we would thus behold desolation before it come ; for then perhaps we may prevent it , and never behold the desolation : or if not , in respect of the community , yet according to that of solomon , the prudent foreseeth the evil , and hideth himself , we may prevent our own ruine , and provide for our safety ; or if not so , yet according to that known saying , praemeditati mali mollis ictus , evil foreseen is better born ; we shall the more easily sustain it when it cometh : but alas , such is our iniquity , as well as infelicity , we will not believe till we feel , nor see till it is too late to avoid ; and then we sigh forth the fools language , non putâram , i did not think this mischief would have come . it is observed of some creatures which have only sense , that they foresee evils by a natural instinct ; swallows the fall of a ruinous house , cranes the coming of a storm , and such like ; and yet we who are endued with reason , will not take notice of approaching judgments . oh let us at length be wise , and imitate our blessed lord as far as we can , in foreseeing those evils which threaten us , though we cannot with that certainty which he did behold jerusalem in ashes . iii. and now it is high time to take a view of that influence which this approach and aspect had upon him , and that is expressed in the last act , he wept over it . christum flevisse saepe , risisse nunquam legimus . it is not unfitly observed , that we read often of christs tears , but never of his laughter . holcot reckons up seven times of his weeping , at his birth , circumcision , for judas , lazarus , over jerusalem , in the garden , and on the cross. it is not improbable , but that , as other infants , he at his birth did salute the world with tears , and that the pain of circumcision did extract tears from him ; but neither of these are mentioned in holy writ . it is said indeed in respect of judas , he was troubled in spirit , not that he wept , though not improbably that trouble might express it self by weeping . three times are expressed , that for lazarus by one evangelist , st. john ; this over ierusalem by another , st. luke ; the other is mentioned by no evangelist , but the apostle st. paul in his epistle to the hebrews , and yet whether those tears refer to the garden , or the cross , or both , is a question ; it is very likely , he who sweat drops of blood , at the same time shed tears ; and it as likely that his prayers on the cross were accompanied with tears : it is certain , in the one place or other , or both , he wept ; his tears for lazarus , were the tears of a friend ; those on the cross , the tears of a priest ; these over ierusalem , the tears of a prophet ; for as a prophet he beheld ierusalems ruine , and beholding , weepeth . it is a good observation of origen concerning our saviour , omnes beatitudines quas in evangelio docuit , exemplo sirmavit . he confirmed by his pattern all those beatitudes which he preached in his sermon : he was meek , and poor in spirit , pure and merciful , the great peacemaker , and a sufferer for righteousness sake ; and that he was a mourner , appeareth here by his weeping . for the fuller discussion whereof , i shall desire you to take notice of these four circumstances , who , when , over whom , and for what : and , 1. who it was that wept , christ the son of the living god made man , indeed his very weeping bespeaketh him a man , and that not in appearance only , but reality . a phantasm cannot weep , a picture cannot grieve ; so that from hence , we may infer a strong argument against the apollinarian hereticks , who imagined , that christ had but an imaginary body : nor doth this only argue him a man , but such a man as was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , subject to the same passions with us . tears are not only indices naturae , but doloris , testimonies of humane nature ; but of humane passion , particularly that of grief and sorrow , whence it followeth . that the passions of the mind are not in themselves sinful , else the holy and undefiled jesus who knew no sin ( to wit , experimentally and practically ) could not have been subject to them . the truth is , they are very apt ( like the wind , to be boystrous , on in a wrong corner ) to exceed in their measure , or err in their object , and so degenerate into sins and vices ; love into lust , anger into rage , and grief into impatiency : but in themselves they are not sinful , as being the products of nature , not of the corruption of it . that stoical precept of putting off humane affections , as it is impossible , so it is not necessary were in possible . we need not banish , but only imprison our passions ; not extirpate , but regulate them ; for christ himself gave various expressions of several passions , and here in particular of his grief by his tears . besides , this notion of the who in my text as to his being a man , and that subject to passion , i must not forget to mind you that he was a prophet , a man of god ; and being to utter a sad message , delivers it with tears . the priests and prophets of the lord are resembled to eyes , and those eyes said to be like the fish-pools of heshbon , to note that they should be watry eyes distilling with tears , in which respect , among the many ceremonies of the romish ordination , an handkerchief is given to the person ordained for wiping away those tears which should continually run down . indeed tears well become us in all our offices . do we pray for the people ? our prayers and tears do well together . let the priests weep between the porch and the altar , and say , spare thy people , o lord. do we instruct the ignorant , or comfort the dejected , or reprove the sinner , or threaten the obstinate ! we should express our pity by our tears . many walk ( saith s. paul ) of whom i have told you often , and now tell you weeping , that they are enemies of the cross of christ. and here our saviour being to denounce gods judgements against , weepeth over jerusalem . 2. the next considerable circumstance is the when : and that , as appeareth by the preceding context , was inter acclamatioues , in a time of joy . when the people welcomed him with shouts , he approacheth them with sighs . he would let us see how little he was taken with the pomp and splendor of the world , and intimateth a special act of prudence , namely , to mingle our joyes with some sorrowful thoughts , which may serve as a check to their exuberancy . it is observable how king david in the very same psalm where he speaketh of his still waters , green pastures , full cup , spread table , taketh occasion to mention the shadow of death . solomon tells us , there is a time to laugh , and a time to weep ; we may carry it further , the time of laughing is a fit time of weeping , lest we should laugh too much . it is the usual dispensation of divine providence , to make all our earthly comforts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bitter-sweets , checker work , black and white , in our most prosperous estate , sending some cross event , which may be an allay to our joy ; and it is the dictate of humane prudence , to present to our selves some sorrowful thoughts in the time of our greatest mirth . we may observe when men laugh most heartily , tears stand in their eyes : we have often beheld a showre of rain fall in a sun-shine ; we use to eat our sweet meat with sharp sauce : thus let us intermingle something of sadness with our delights , after the example of our saviour , who wept at a time of the greatest solemnity of joy , when the multitudes that went before , and followed after , cryed , hosanna to the son of david . 3. the next circumstance to be discussed , is the whom : and that is expressed in the text to be the city , to wit , of jerusalem . and that which i would here take notice of , is the enmity which jerusalem had to him , and the love which he shewed to jerusalem : doloris may stand in the poets verse , as well as timoris , and it is as true in the sense , love is full of grief , as well as fear : when he wept for lazarus , the jews said , see how he loved him ; may we not say the same here : see how he loved the city over which he weepeth ; and how much this city hated him , appeareth by that bloudy murther which in a few days after this , was by them committed upon him : he commiserateth them who had no compassion for him ; nay , he sheddeth tears for them that shed his bloud . it was his precept in the sermon on the mount , given in charge to all his disciples , love your enemies ; and lo , here he practiseth it , and well doth it become us to follow both his command , and his example . indeed we read in the psalms , the righteous shall rejoyce when he seeth the vengeance ; but that is on the churches implacable enemies ; otherwise it is solomons caveat , rejoyce not when thine enemy falleth ; nor is there any thing more truly christian , than not onely not to rejoyce , but mourn for our enemies misfortune : and let me tell you , it is the best way of revenge , when our enemy hungers , to feed him , when he thirsts , to give him drink ; not onely to be sorry for , but to succour him , since hereby we heap coals of sire upon his head . thus let our love to our enemy , be the love of the heart , not feigned , but sincere , not counterfet , but cordial , the love of the tongue in praying and blessing , the love of the hand in doing good , and the love of the eye in weeping for them that hate , that curse , that do evil to us , and that when misery cometh upon them . 4. there is onely one question more to be resolved , and that is , for what christ weepeth in reference to jerusalem ? and that will appear by the following context , to be her sins and her sufferings . of both a word . 1. he weepeth for her sins , in that she did not know the things of her peace , as appeareth in the next verse ; nay , as we find in that paralel place , that she stoned the prophets , and killed those who were sent unto her with the glad tidings of peace ; nay , not onely the wickedness which she had , but which he foresaw she would commit against himself , in putting to shame and death , him who was the lord of life and glory ; and that notwithstanding all her wickedness , she remained secure and obstinate , according as it is said elsewhere by s. mark , that christ looked round about the people , and was grieved for the hardness of their hearts . the wickedness of bad men ought to be the sorrow of good men , and when they are so wicked as not to grieve for themselves , they grieve so much the more for them . lots righteous soul was vexed ( as s. peter tells us ) with the unclean conversation of the sodomites : david saith of himself , rivers of waters run down mine eyes , because they keep not thy law. and again , i beheld the transgressors , and was grieved : s. paul , weepeth for those among the philippians , whose god was their belly : and s. hierom said to an impenitent wretch , hoc plango quod teipsum non plangis , this i bemoan that thou dost not bemoan thy self . this is that which holy men always do upon a threefold account . of piety and devotion towards god , whose name is blasphemed and dishonoured by their violation and contempt of his law. of pity and compassion towards the sinners , who are running headlong to perdition , and perceive it not . of charity to themselves , in avoiding hereby the guilt of other mens sins ; which the very not grieving , contracts upon those that behold them , and also escaping the punishment which those sins bring upon the places where they live , for so we read of a mark set upon the mourners for the abominations in jerusalem . and if upon these accounts we must weep for the sins of others , much more ought we every one for his own sins ; in this indeed we could not have our saviour for an example , who had no sins of his own to weep for , since he could not have been a saviour , had he been a sinner . but ( he excepted ) there was never any who had not sins enow of his own to bewail ; and truly , in vain doth he pretend to be troubled at the faults of others , who yet indulgeth to his own ; nay , hovv can he bemoan another , vvho doth not pity himself ; or vvill any man believe that he is offended at the dishonour done to god by others , vvho yet vvilfuly dishonours him himself ? and therefore , as our saviour exhorts , first to cast the beam out of our own eye , so let us be persvvaded , first to repent of our own sins , and then to weep over the sins of others . 2. but secondly , christ wept over jerusalems sufferings : whence observe . 1. others passion should move our compassion , and vve should mingle the wine of their afflictions vvith the water of our tears . there is no duty to which we are more frequently exhorted than that of mercy ; and what is misericordia , but miseria ad cor ; mercy , but the laying anothers miseries to heart . it was st. pauls precept , weep with them that weep ; and it was his practice , who is weak , and i am not weak . that golden rule , of doing to others , as we would they should do to us , holds true , as in many other particulars , so in this , that since we desire to be commiserated our selves , we should commiserate others . thus job , who crieth out , have pity on me , o you my friends , have pity on me ; saith also of himself , did not i weep for him that was in trouble ? was not my soul grieved for the poor ? there is nothing more humane , than for one man to sympathize with another . it is observed among swine and bees , unâ agrotante lament antur omnes ; if one be sick , the rest are sorry ; but much more sutable is it to our humane nature , and therefore cruebty is called inhumanity ; nay , there is nothing more divine , more christian than this ; and therefore st. paul calls upon us , to put on bowels of mercies as the elect of god , chosen to be his children , and consequently to resemble him ; upon which account , it is christs argument , be you merciful , as your father which is in heaven is merciful : nor was there any virtue did more illustriously shine forth in christ himself , an instance whereof he giveth us here in weeping over the city . 2. private , but much more publick calamities require our sympathy ; for such was this , not over a particular person or family , but a city . we use to say , bonum quò communius eo melius ; good is the better , by how much more it is communicated ; and evil , the further it spreads , the worse . it is an undeniable maxim , the whole is greater than any part ; and consequently , as the safety of the whole ought to be first preferred , so the calamity of it ought to be most condoled . every good man is of a publick spirit , and therefore deeply affected with common miseries : a few drops of water may quench a spark , but many buckets will not easily extinguish a great flame . in times of general calamity , we may well wish with jeremy , that our head were waters , and our eyes fountains of tears to weep day and night . 3. not only when we our selves are fellow-sufferers , but when we are only spectators of , we ought to be concerned in others miseries . our blessed lord was to ascend to heaven , and sit down at his fathers right hand long before the time of jerusalems misery , and yet it becometh the object of his sorrow . nehemiah was himself in the kings palace , a principal officer , a great favourite ; and yet by reason of jerusalems calamity , he sat down , and wept , and mourned . when we our selves are at liberty , we must remember them that are in bonds , as if we were bound with them ; nor must our own prosperity make us forgetful of others adversity . 4. all sorts of miseries , but especially grievous desolations , call for a lamentation ; no less was this which befell jerusalem , when not one stone left upon another which should not be thrown down . it was queen hesters plea to ahashuerus , we are sold , i and my people to be destroyed , and to perish ; if we had been sold for bondmen and bondwomen , i had held my tongue . look away from me ( saith the prophet esay ) i will weep bitterly ; and why so bitterly , for it is a day of trouble ( and that no small or slight trouble , but ) of treading down , and perplexity , breaking down the walls , and crying to the mountains . it is a doleful sight to behold the ship tossed up and down by the boystrous waves , but to see it sink into the sea , or dash in pieces against the rock , may well cause an outery . the deeper the wound is , the greater need of washing it with our tears ; and the heavier the burden , the greater need of our hands to help to bear it up . 5. lastly , if the foresight of misery when yet it is afar off , much more when it is near ; and if when it is near , much more the sight of it when actually brought upon a person or people , ought to move our pity and compassion . when hazael said to elisha , why weepeth my lord ? his answer was , because i know the evil thou wilt do to the children of israel : and much like was the reason of our saviours weeping here , who knew the evil which the romans would do to jerusalem : but when the evil is really done before our eyes , good reason our eye should affect our hearts with sorrow , and our hearts fill our eyes with tears . this , this , is that ( my beloved ) which i am this day to press upon my self and you , in reference to that doleful destruction which hath actually befallen our ierusalem , the once renowned , but now desolate city of london ; and her inhabitants that being near , and having beheld its conflagration , we would weep over it . it is not many weeks since we kept a joyful day of thanksgiving for the good hand of our god upon his majesties naval forces , in causing their enemies to flee before them ; and great reason we had to rejoyce in so seasonable a victory ! but alas ! the righteous god hath now turned our laughing into mourning , and our singing into sighing , whil'st we have been forced to flee from our houses . we read of marcus marcellus , that having besieged , and taken the famous city of syracus , he wept to see such citizens become his captives and slaves . and it is storied of titus vespastan , who was the instrument of gods vengeance upon this city in my text , that he did not invade it without tears ; and truly that late burning of the ships and goods , and houses of our enemies , though it was very justifiable , as an act of military iustice , done by persons empowred with royal authority for the avenging of former injuries ; and very acceptable , as a weaking of our enemies power to do future : yet as it was an act which brought ruine and destruction upon many private persons and families , some of whom might be in some sort innocent as to the publick quarrel ; it was matter of compassionate grief : but oh then what sadness should sit upon our spirits , whil'st we behold so great a destruction at home , a fire in our own bowels ! true it is , we of these parts have very great cause of joy in our particular preservation , since we deserved no less than they to have been devoured by the flame ; but to use the psalmists language , we have cause to rejoyce with trembling , lest the like misfortune befall our houses ; ey , and to rejoyce with weeping , because it hath befallen so many of our friends , neighbours , and fellow-citizens . indeed had it been a particular house and family , or some village , hamlet , town , or burrough , it would have been deplorable ; but magnum momentum est in nomine urbis , saith the orator : there is a great deal of weight in the name of a city , and consequently the ruine of it most lamentable . as among stars , there are of the first and second , and third magnitude ; and among ships , of the first , second and third rate : so among cities , there are greater and less ; and surely by how much the greater the city , the sadder the loss . what tears then , yea , rivers of tears ( were they like the goodly thames which runs by ) can be sufficient to bemoan the downfall of this so ancient , and so eminent a city . this city was called ( when in her glory ) by ammianus , marcellinus , augusta , the stately magnificent city ; but how is she now become angusta ? this large volume in folio abridged almost to an octavo , there being , as is probably computed , scarce a sixth part remaining within the walls . the shape of the city hath been observed to be like that of a laurel , and it was a good wish of him who desired that like the laurel , it might alwayes be green and flourishing : but this sad fire hath spoiled her of her greenness , and she is now become as it were one brand , withered , scorched , nay , burnt to ashes . one of the names anciently given to her was troja nova , and her citizens called troynovanters ; and behold now she is too like old troy in her constagration . i pray god it may not be said , i am seges ubi troja fuit , corn groweth where new , as well as old troy stood . chronologers tell us , i hat london was 354 years older than rome ; and tacitus speaking of her above 1500 years ago , calleth her , londinum copid negotiarum maxime celebre , a very famous place for merchants ; ever since which time she was rising higher and higher in splendor and glory : but alas ! in a few dayes she is spoiled of all that beauty she had been advancing so many hundred years . we have not ( i suppose ) forgot that fatal blow by fire and gun-powder given to that ship which did wear her name ; but the loyalty of many worthy citizens in one year repaired that loss , by building a better , now deservedly called the loyal london . but who can tell how many years may pass before this city of london attain to her pristine lustre ! though yet i will not despair , but that in gods good time she may become more illustrious than before . a late writer having first given a full and particular account of this city , goeth on to parallel it ; not only with all the cities of these three kingdoms , but of the whole world , and prefers it before them : for having reckoned up about twenty several kinds of ornaments belonging to a city , he proveth by an induction of particulars , that though in some one or few of those ornaments , many other cities out-go her , yet , all taken together , she surpassed them all . and to all those excellencies which he mentioneth , i shall add one , in which i am sure no city could equalize her , the number of her learned , religious and painful preachers ; upon which account , the title which the city of quinzie in china attributed to her self ( for her high walls ) might have been given her , she was an heavenly city ; or to use our saviours language of capernaum , a city lifted up to heaven . and now who can refrain from weeping , to see this city almost stripped of all her ornaments , and her honour laid in the dust ? let the merchants weep for the downfall of that royal exchange ( where they used to drive on their mutual commerce ) with the several wharfs and keyes , which were so commodious for landing their goods . let the several companies weep for the ruine of their halls , where they were wont to meet each other in love and amity . let the poor orphans weep for the loss of that hospital , where so many thousands of them have been nourished and educated . let the priests weep , not as of old , between the porch and the altar ; but that now there are so many churches , where there is neither porch nor altar to weep between . let the parishioners weep , that they have now neither churches nor preachers ; whil'st those are so demolished as unfit for use , and these , as well as themselves , forced to look abroad for shelter . finally , let all the inhabitants of this city , and her adjacent parts , weep to consider how many families have not where to hide their heads , but are scattered up and down the fields for want of their habitations : yea , how many wealthy citizens are very much impoverished , and some of them brought to a morsel of bread . nor do i only call upon the city her self , but the court , the countrey , the whole kingdom , to weep over the cities destruction ; and that not only in regard of the particular losses which several persons throughout the kingdom undergo upon this account , but of the concern which the misfortune of this city is to king and kingdom . the city of london was as it were the dominical letter , by which the whole nation reckoned how the year would go about ; or as the golden number , by which we were wont to cast up our accounts . it was the saying of a judicious forreigner , that england might rather be said to be in london , than london in england . sure i am , the welfare of england was very much concerned in londons prosperity . some have enviously resembled her to the spleen , whose high swelling made the rest of the body lean : but i doubt we shall find , she may more truly be compared to the stomack , and the apologue made good ; whil'st the stomack wants supply , the rest of the members cannot thrive . if england be as the heavens , london was as the sun in those heavens ; must not darkness needs cover the whole heavens , when the sun is so much eclipsed ? if england be as the ring of gold , london was as the diamond , how little is the value of the ring , when the diamond is , if not wholly lost , yet very much cracked ? if england be as a goodly tree , london was as the root ; and when the root is withered , how can the tree flourish ? london was wont to be called camera regis , the kings chamber ; ey , and it might have been called the kings coffer , since besides the great income which her custom , excise and chimnies brought to the crown , she was ready to fill ▪ his hands with present coin upon all occasions : well may the king weep , nay , we need not call upon him ; i would to god all his subjects were as deeply sensible of this sad blow as he. london is called in the law , cor reipublicae & totius regni epitome , the heart of the commonwealth , and epitome of the whole kingdom . and she is no less justly , than usually stiled the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mother-city of the kingdom : well may all the daughter-cities , yea , all the people of the land take up a bitter wailing for this blow , which hath as it were stab'd them at the heart , and killed their mother . ey and especially at such a time as this , when , by reason of our forreign war , her assistance was so useful . sad indeed , to have the milch cow dry , when most need of milk ; and the cloud vanish , when most want of rain ; yea , as it were , the fountain to be empty , when most occasion for water . how stupid is that man ? how hard is that heart , which these considerations do not affect ? and yet this is not all , since the doleful influences of this calamity , in some sort , reach not only to the whole kingdom , but to all the protestant churches . there have not wanted daring prognosticators , who have presumed to foretell the destruction of rome , and the downfall of the pope this year ; no doubt , if they repent not of their superstitions and idolatries , vengeance will pursue them ; but it is not for us to know the times , nor to build positive predictions upon our interprepretations of dark prophecies : in the mean time we sadly behold the most famous protestant city of the world , become an heap of rubbish . i easily believe , our romish enemies rejoyce at this flame , and cry among themselves , o pulchrum spectaculum ! o goodly sight ! and perhaps our protestant adversaries rejoyce also ; but i doubt they will have little cause for it , when they weigh all things in a right balance . whither by that babylon mentioned in the revelation be understood pagan or papal rome , i shall not now dispute ; but sure i am , all protestant princes and churches have reason to make the like lamentation over london , which is said to be made over babylon , alas , alas , that great city which was clothed in sine linnen and purple , and scarlet , with gold and pearls , and precious stones ; for in one hour ( at most a few dayes ) she is made desolate ! all this while i have only set before you the sadness of the ruine , together with the doleful effects which attend it ; but now give me leave to enlarge , and increase your sorrow , by minding you of the causes , as well as the effects , entreating you to consider by whom , and for what it is , that this great desolation is befallen this great city . we read in the book of job , that the fire of god sell from heaven , and consumed his sheep . and god threatneth by his prophet amos against damascus , gaza , &c. that he would send a fire which should devour their palaces . and surely no other was this fire which hath laid waste so many beautiful churches , goodly fabricks and houses , than the fire of god , a fire of his sending . if there were any sons of the coal who kindled , or fomented the flame , yet they were the rod of gods anger , and the fire-balls in their hand his indignation ; and i both pray and hope , that if there were any such rods , they may themselves be cast into the fire , and receive their deserved punishment for so horrid a villany . if it were an accidental fire , occasioned by negligence and inanimadvertency , yet even that casualevent was of divine appointment : nor was it only the hand , but a special , signal hand of god , which appeareth among other things , chiefly in the concurrent wind by which the fire was carried on with an impetuous violence , for who was it but god , who was pleased at once both to stop the windows of heaven that it rained not , and brought forth the wind out of his treasuries , that it continued , till the fire had done that work which he determined should come to pass . and as we must acknowledge it was the merciful and powerful word of our god , which said to the fire ( as he doth to the sea ) hitherto thou shalt come , and no further : so it was no other than the angry and revengeful hand of god which caused the fire ( with the wind ) to bring upon the city such a generally destructive calamity . upon this consideration , it will be fit for us , as we look upon the burning to be the effect of gods wrath , to bewail the sins which have incensed it , and thereby procured this constagration : so that whereas all this while i have called upon you for tears of compassion , i must now exhort you to tears of compunction . i do not design ( beloved ) to upbraid london in this day of her calamity , far be it from me ; but i think it a very fit season for london to be put in mind of her iniquity . i would not confine the sins which have deserved this devastation only to london , nay , rather enlarge the accusation against the whole kingdom ; and as both prince and people will find themselves concerned in the sad effects of the flame , so all have reason to charge themselves with the kindling it . but as the judgment is fallen more immediately and most heavily upon the city ; so doubtless it concerneth the city more especially to remember and bewail her own sins : and whereas there were several parties , and men of various perswasions in that once populous city , i could heartily wish , that instead of throwing dirt in each others faces , they would throw each the first stone at themselves ; and instead of railing and reviling , they would all of them with weeping eyes bemoan first their own sins , and then the sins of one another . we read of josephs brethren , when their brother had put them in ward , they said one to another , we are verily guilty concerning our brother , in that we saw the anguish of his soul when he besought us , and we would not hear ; therefore is this distress come upon us . i would to god it might be so with all the inhabitants of this city , now that so great distress is come upon us , to hear the voice of conscience , which if not quite seared , will speak at such a time , and to say one to another , we are verily guilty of these and these sins . now that god hath overthrown some among us , as god overthrew sodom and gomorrah , it is time surely for those who have been guilty of sodoms sins , to accuse themselves for their pride , fulness of bread , abundance of idleness , and not strengthning the hands of the needy . now that so many houses of god are burnt up , and laid waste in the city , and their teachers are removed from them ; it is time for those to bethink themselves , who either out of prophaneness have neglected , or out of schism vilified the houses of god ; and if not like this city of jerusalem killed and stoned , yet disheartned and contemned those who were sent unto them . now that many of our wealthy citizens are much weakned and impoverished in their estates , it is time for them to call to mind , how forward they were to part with their wealth for raising a rebellious war against their soveraign , which at last most tragically ended in his murder . now that such a well-ordered society ( as the city of london was ) is broken , and neighbors and friends are scattered up and down in several parts , and that the fire hath run through , and thrown down her goodly structures , it is a fit season for those cursed incendiaries to condemn themselves , who delighted in division , made wide breaches in church and state , between the king and his people ; and when time was , set the whole kingdom on flames ; yea , i fear still would , had they the like opportunity . now that their shops and tables , chambers and houses are demolished , their wares and goods either removed or consumed , it concerneth those to call themselves to an account , who have sequestred and plundered their neighbors goods and houses , and lands , ey , and those also who have kept houses of riot , chambers of wantonness , tables of surfeit , and shops of lying , deceit and perjury . this , this is that ( my brethren ) which the lords voice crieth at this time to the city , and which he expects from the inhabitants thereof , that we should every one so seriously and speedily reflect on his own sins , as to bewail them with proportionable grief ; and so much the rather now , because we did it not before , not this last year , when his hand of pestilence was so heavy upon us , and we so insensible of it . then he consumed our persons by the burning plague , and now our houses with the burning fire . then he removed us from our habitations , now he hath taken away our habitations from us ; and because there was not enough weeping then , therefore there should be the more weeping now . to draw to an end , i have i think said enough by this time to put you upon sprinkling your heads with ashes , girding your loins with sackcloth , filling your eyes with tears , and breaking your hearts with sorrow ; but i must withall tell you , that all is not done , when this is done . our weeping of compassion must be attended with a ready contribution towards their relief whom this fire hath undone . i hope there are not , and yet i would there were not any so cruel as to exact upon their necessity , who come to hire lodgings or houses of them , this were to add affliction to the afflicted ; nay , rather use them kindly : and to those who are not able to hire , give entertainment ; yea , let us willingly embrace whatsoever overtures may be proposed for repairing the breaches and raine of our metropolis . our weeping of compunction must be accompanied with reformation . oh let the heat of that flame not only thaw our frozen hearts into tears of godly sorrow , but melt away the dross of our corruption ; that the fire which was consuming to our houses , may be as a refiners fire unto our lives . let us pull down the strong holds of atheism and prophaness , luxury and uncleanness , blow up the turrets of pride and ambition , envy and faction ; burn up the thorns and bryars of hatred and malice , covetousness and oppression , the chaffe and rubbish of all manner of wickedness ; that so god may be entreated to spare the remnant of our habitations , and make up the ruines of those that are demolished , to give us beauty for ashes , and the oyle of gladness for the spirit of heaviness , when we shall behold a new london , ( like the phenix ) rise more gloriously out of the ashes of the old . amen , amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45552-e2780 chap. 6. 25. eccles. 12. 11. acts 10. 38. revel . 18. 4. 2 cor. 6. 14 , 15. mal. 4. 2. luke 15. 1. mat. 19. 13. mat. 9. 12. jonah 1. 3. acts 20. 22 , 23. mat. 10. 23. luke 21. 5. chap. 3. 7. prov. 22. 3. 23. 12. eccles. 2. 14. james 1. 5. prov. 2. 7. 2 pet. 2. 6. prov. 22. 3. john 13. 21. chap. 11. 35. heb. 5. 7. cant. 7. 4. joel 2. 17. phil. ●● . 18. ver . 36 , 37. ps. 23. 5. eccles. 3. 4. res est soliciti plena timoris amor . ovid. john 11. 37. matth. 5. 44 , psal. 58. 10. prov. 24. 17. rom. 12. 20. ver . 42 , 43 , 44. matth. 21. 37. mark 3. 5. 2 pet. 2. 8. ps. 119. 136. 158. ezek 9. 4. matth. 7. 5. rom. 12. 15. 2 cor. 11. 27. matth. 7. 12. job 19. 21. 32. 25. coloss. 3. 12. luke 6. 36. jer. 9. 1. nehem. 1. 4. hester 7. 4. isa. 22. 4. 2 kings 8. 12. psal. 2. 6. cic. howels , lond : matth. 11. 23. rev. 18. 16. chap. 1. 16. chap. 1. 4. 7. 12 , 16. isa. 10. 3. job 38. 12. gen. 42. 12. amos 4. 11. ezek. 16. 46. mercy in the midst of judgment with a glimpse of, or a glance on, london's glorious resurrection like a phoenix out of it's ashes delivered in a sermon preach'd at st. dunstans in the west, sept. 2, 1669 being the day of publick fasting and humilation in consideration of the late dreadful fire, by chr. flower. flower, christopher, 1621 or 2-1699. 1669 approx. 58 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a39838 wing f1383 estc r28644 10731770 ocm 10731770 45550 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39838) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 45550) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1402:25) mercy in the midst of judgment with a glimpse of, or a glance on, london's glorious resurrection like a phoenix out of it's ashes delivered in a sermon preach'd at st. dunstans in the west, sept. 2, 1669 being the day of publick fasting and humilation in consideration of the late dreadful fire, by chr. flower. flower, christopher, 1621 or 2-1699. [3], 26 p. printed for nath. brooke, london : 1669. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng judgment day -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. london (england) -fire, 1666 -sermons. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-10 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mercy in the midst of judgment , with a glympse of or a glance on london's glorious resurrection , like a phoenix out of it's ashes . delivered in a sermon preach'd at st dunstans in the west , sept. 2. 1669. being the day of publick fasting and humiliation , in consideration of the late dreadful fire . by chr. flower , master of arts , and rector of st margaret loathbury , london . london , printed for nath. brooke , at the sign of the angel in cornhill , mdclxix . to the right honourable sir samuel starling knight , lord mayor of the city of london , and the honourable court of aldermen . right honourable , through the conduct of divine providence having attain'd the place of my nativity , some few days before the anniversary fast for that dreadful fire , nigro carbone notandus , which cannot be markt with too black a coal ; being desir'd by a reverend brother of mine in the ministry to preach for him on the fore-mentioned day , never to be forgotten : though my unpreparedness for so great a task might have furnished me with a denyal , yet i entertain'd the motion , having only that of the divine proverbialist to apologize for my presumption ( if it may merit such an appellation ) * the preparations of the heart are in man , but the answer of the tongue is from the lord. having spoke a word in season , as it was thought , and being desir'd to publish it ; how could i , having received so great a wound in my temporals , but shelter my self , and this weak birth of my brain under your honours patronage , those stars of the greatest magnitude that shine so bright in the firmament of the metropolis of this nation , whose care and vigilancy hath been so influential to the carrying on of the re-edifying of it even to admiration ; that a city , so great a city should be burnt down in three days , and re-built in respect of the diamond in the ring of the ornamentals of it , the royal exchange , and in respect of the chief streets of it , within the space of three years ( i had almost said two years ) and a little more ; this cannot but create wonder in all that shall either see it , or hear of it : as if that in the prophet isaiah * were now fulfill'd in a good sense , every one helped his neighbour , and every one said to his brother , be of good courage ; so the carpenter encourag'd the goldsmith , and he that smootheth with the hammer him that smote the anvil , saying , it is ready for the sodering , and he fastned it with nails , so that it could not be moved . and think it no small thing to be instruments in gods hand to make up those breaches in our ruinated jerusalem , which our sins have made . you may suppose me , noble senators , if you please , to present you with a sprig of rosemary in one hand , and a branch of laurel in the other , or if you will , to present you with the city in its ruines and ashes , and like a phoenix gloriously rising out of them . may it never be said , that the re-builders of it held a trowel in one hand , and a sword in the other , but may a continuation of peace crown the endeavours of all those that are employ'd in so noble an enterprise . this is his hearty , and daily prayer , who is yours honours most humble servant in christ , chr. flower . malachi iv. 5. and behold i will send elijah the prophet , before the coming of the great and dreadful day of the lord. some there are that understand these words of the first coming of christ in the flesh , which though it was a day of salvation to god's people , yet to others it was terrible . but i shall treat of them at present as they relate to the day of judgment . and if we consult the answer which the angel gave to esdras , enquiring of him about the day of judgment , we shall find this to be part of it ; and there shall fires break forth in many places . i hope then i need not apologize for my self , because i have made choice of this subject , as if a word not in season . now the two columns on which i intend to build the structure of my ensuing discourse , are only the two epithetes here in the text given by the holy ghost to the day of the lord ; of which i shall speak first severally , and then jointly in the application . the day of the lord is here stiled , dies magnus , the great day , and that not without great reason : for then there shall be such a convention , such a huge meeting as never was before that day , and never will be after it . for 1. christ shall come from heaven with power and great glory , as he himself expresseth it , luke 21. 27. saint paul says as much , titus 2. ver . 13. looking for that blessed hope , and the glorious appearing of the great god , and our saviour jesus christ . the first coming of christ was in humility . the second time he shall come as the great god with power , and great glory . all things shall be subject unto him . he shall have his feet upon the neck of all rule , of all authority , and of all power : and the knees of all things in heaven , in earth , and under the earth shall bow down to him : and every tongue confess him to be the lord , to the glory of god the father , as saint paul hath it , phil. 2 11. 2. all the angels shall be present , attending like so many courtiers upon him ; for he himself hath said it , the son of man shall come in his glory , and all the holy angels with him , mat. 25. he shall not leave one behind him in heaven . the vast regions of the air that that multitude must needs fill ! oh what a brave , glorious , great day must that needs be , when so many glorious suns shall shine in the firmament , and among , and above them all christ the sun of righteousness ! some think the angels at that day will bear him aloft with their natural strength as on their shoulders , that his glory and power might be the more visible to the greater terrour of the wicked . 3. all the elect will be present with him in glorious glorified bodies , as his children , and dearest friends , according to that prophecy of enoch , mentioned by saint jude , behold the lord comes with ten thousand of his saints : that is , with an innumerable company , who together with christ shall judge the world . 4. before him on that day shall be gathered all nations , mat. 25. 32. even as many as ever were born into the world from the beginning to the end of it : then shall adam see all his off-spring at once , none shall be exempted from appearing at this general assizes ; neither shall any appear by proxy , but every one in person ; neither shall men only , but all the legions of the devils , how many soever they be , they shall then appear , and that ( as it is thought ) in a corporeal shape to be seen . lord ! what a great , wonderful , stupendious sight must that needs be , to see the whole hemisphere above embroidered with saints and angels reaching unto heaven ; and beneath an innumerable multitude of the damned covering the face of the earth far and near , howling , and weeping , and sighing : but in the midst of these two vast bodies wonderfully rallied together , christ the judge . ought not this to be stiled a great day ? who ever saw at any time such a convention , such a meeting , such an assembly ? great , confessedly great will this day of jesreel be , that is , of the seed of god ; for christ shall then separate his seed from the seed of the devil . as in an amphitheatre , such as the romans had , innumerable spectators sate round about it above , and below on the floor were the poor persons condemned to be devoured by beasts , ruefully expecting them to be turn'd loose upon them . thus all the saints will be as so many spectators plac'd in the region of the air above ; but on the earth the damned that are by the devils ( when the sentence shall be given ) to be drag'd to hell. 2. it may be call'd the great day , because on that day business of the greatest concernment shall be transacted . not about the affairs of one single empire , or of some certain kingdoms , but the work of that day will be about the business of the whole world : about the chiefest and eternal good , about the chiefest and eternal evil. at that day it will be known what condition every particular person shall abide , and continue in to all eternity . for then as the tree falls , whether toward the south , or toward the north , in the place where the tree falls there it shall be , eccles . 11. 3. which denotes an eternity of bliss or torment . 3. it may be call'd the great day , because that day will comprehend the past days of all ages : it will be as a recapitulation of all days , from the first day that ever dawn'd ; and on it , as in the last scene of a comedy , whatsoever at any time was acted on the stage of the world , shall then be exhibited to view . 1. for all the actions of mortals shall be laid open , and survey'd as at one view . there is not an idle word , but we shall give an account of it , mat. 12. 36. saint paul goes somewhat farther then this , rom. 2. 16. in that day god shall judge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the secrets of mens hearts . 2. those thoughts , words , and actions shall be examined by christ — quem latebit nil occultum , nec relinquet quid inultum ; as one hath it : who will suffer no person , or thing to escape his most exact scrutiny . 3. every one shall be rewarded by christ according to what he hath acted in the flesh . then the lord will open his treasures both of rewards and punishments , which he heaped up together till that day , then to be distributed ; hence is that , deut. 32. 32. is not this laid up in store with me , and sealed up among my treasures ? a treasure , you know , is a great heap , or heaps of money that hath been a great while a gathering ; and such are the actions of men , and the deserts of them lockt up from the beginning of the world in the mind and memory of almighty god , which he will open on that day , and reward every one according to his doings . saint peter calls this day the day of restitution of all things , saying , that the heaven must receive christ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , till the times of restitution of all things , acts 3. 21. meaning , he shall then restore whatsoever any committed to him , or deposited as in his hand . the apostle using that expression , minds me of razis , of whom we may read in the 2. book of machabees , chap. 14. who that he might animate and encourage the jews to stand for their laws , fatally wounded himself being over-zealous , rather then he would give himself into the hands of wicked men ; so when his blood was utterly gone , saith the history , he took out his own bowels with his hands , and threw them upon the people , calling upon the lord of life and spirit , that he would restore them again unto him , viz. at the last and great day , and so he dyed . the same reason holds for evil actions , witness that expression of saint paul , rom. 2. 5. but after thy hardness and impenitent heart , treasurest up unto thy self wrath against the day of wrath . now in treasuring , as one hath well observed , there is , 1. a laying in . 2. a lying hid . 3. a bringing out again , as there is occasion . thus wicked profligate persons , while by following of their lusts they think they do somewhat to the furthering of their happiness , they shall in the end find , pro thesauro carbones , instead of other treasure , hot burning coals . and if it will be thus , what is there hid that shall not be made manifest , that it may have its reward ? the adulterer who waits for the twilight , and to whom the morning is as the shadow of death , shall in that day be manifest at noontide to the view of men and angels ; and if his being known here puts him in the terror of the shadow of death ; how terrible shall that day be to him , when what he hath done in secret shall be proclaimed on the house top ! 4. it merits to be call'd the great day , because it will be a day of the gretest combat and conquest . for behold , saith the lord , by the prophet joel , in those days , and at that time , i will gather all nations , and will bring them down into the valley of jehosaphat , and will plead with them there , joel 3. 2. behold here the warriour , and the triumphant conquerour . but with what weapons will he wage war ? i answer , with no other then the two edg'd sword of the word of his mouth , with which he will object against the wicked their abominable ingratitude ; so that they shall have nothing to say for themselves , no more then he in the gospel who had not on his wedding garment ; 't is said of him , he was speechless , mat. 22. suppose we christ sitting in the air near jerusalem judging the world there where himself was judged , and using this , or the like language . behold me sitting over against that place where first i labour'd , and began my passion ; here , here in gethsemani i did sweat blood for you ; here i was betray'd , and taken , and led like some notorious thief , or robber into the city , where i was hurried from one tribunal to another , scourg'd , buffeted , abused , and at length unjustly condemn'd ; after that , lugging my cross , i came to mount calvary , where i was crucified for you . behold the very place where hanging between heaven and earth , ( being plac'd between two thieves ) i offer'd my self a sacrifice for you to the father : you pilat can witness this , and you herod , caiphas , annas , judas , and ye ô jews that opened thus like a pack of blood-hounds upon me , away with him , away with him , he is not worthy to live ; crucifie him , crucifie him : heaven and earth can witness as much , for the heaven that was darkened ▪ all the face of it , and the earth opened , and did cleave asunder the most rocky part of it : nay , these very scars that your eyes see in my body testifie no less : after this being risen from the dead , i ascended up into heaven from this very mount of olives , in the publick view of my apostles and many other disciples , to shew that i came down from heaven for your salvation , and my embassy being done was to return to my father . the angels at my ascension were heard to say , that i should so come in like manner as you saw me go into heaven ; and i my self spake of it to caiphas , the chief priests , and the jews , using this very language ; ye shall see the son of man sitting on the right hand of power , and coming in the clouds of heaven : why then did ye not credit so great , and so good testimony ? behold now my condition is chang'd with yours , ye sate once as judges , and i was the prisoner at the bar , now ye are the malefactors , and i am the judge ; see my hands and my feet , that it is i my self ; see the very holes that ye dig'd with your instruments of cruelty in this body of mine . these like so many mouths cry out against you , these accuse and condemn you ▪ go ye unworthy wretches , ye christ-killers , get ye packing into unquenchable fire ; and ye ô infidels , turks , and profligate christians , who know these things , or might have known them , but ye have neglected , but ye have despised , and contemned whatsoever i did , and suffer'd ; ye accounted the blood of the covenant an unholy thing , ye chose rather to follow the dictates of your own lusts then of my law : ye preferr'd riches , and sensual pleasures , and momentary preferments , before eternal salvation promis'd by me ; ye made a mock of me when i threatned eternal torments : now ye see him whom ye have despised , now ye find my words to be more then wind ; my threatnings not to be vain , but true ; my promises not to be chimera's , but realities ; now ye experience your delights and dignities , and sinful pleasures ye so much magnified , to be vain and fallacious : now ye see how foolish , and sottish , and senseless ye have been in your love ; ye now lament and bewail with a passionate wringing of your hands , and beating of your breasts , but too late , and therefore all in vain . go therefore ye wicked , go ye ingrateful , go ye infidels , go ye cursed into everlasting fire prepared for the devil and his angels ; but for you my apostles , who saw me in this place condemn'd , scourg'd , crucifi'd , murther'd , and yet believ'd in me , followed me throw the same red sea of blood ; and you apostolical , and religious persons , who did contemn the world , and were not asham'd of my cross , espous'd my poverty and humility , propagating my doctrine and faith throughout the whole world : and as for you , o ye faithful ones , who did believe in me your redeemer , hope in me , love , worship , and obey me , leading a life worthy of me , a sober , righteous , and a godly life , who did look for that blessed hope , and this my second coming to judgment ; come ye , come ye my elect , come ye blessed of my father , inherit the kingdom prepared for you , from the foundation of the world . that then must needs be a great day that determines business of such great concernment . 5. it may be stil'd the great day , because that day will put an end to the world , will put a period to time , to troubles , and all kind of impieties , and to all the labours and endeavours of men . thus those days among the romans were call'd great days , which did put an end to great and grievous troubles : alexander got the appellation of great in that he won strong holds , and slew the kings of the earth , so that the whole world stood in awe of him , it was hush and silent , but that silence continued not long , but till his death , which soon came to pass . but christ the king of kings in that great day , when he hath destroy'd all the wicked , he shall impose a perpetual and universal silence on the whole world . then the heavens shall be silent because their motion shall cease , and so consequently the vicissitude of day and night , winter and summer must cease too : the motion of the elements shall cease , and so consequently clouds , winds , rain , hail , tempests , and earthquakes will be no more : all creatures will be silent , because there will be none to make any disturbance : all the studies , arts , disciplines , desires , quarrels , and contentions of men will be silent , because all things that were in motion will obtain their period ; methinks our saviour pointed at this ( as it were ) with his finger ; for when he read that place in the prophet isaiah , which runs thus , the spirit of the lord is upon me , &c. to preach the acceptable year of the lord ; et diem retributionis , and the day of retribution , 't is said , he clos'd the book , luke 4. 18. hinting thus much to us , that in that great day of restitution , or retribution , all things shall have an end , and the heavens be roll'd up like a book or scroll once more . this day of the lord it may be stil'd the great day , because the beginning of that great day call'd eternity : a type of which day we may read of in the book of josuah , chap. 10. when josuah that he might pursue his enemies to purpose , caus'd the sun to stand still : the sun and moon stood still the space of one whole day , so that one day was as long as two , saith the son of syrach ; there was no day like that , before it or after it , saith the holy ghost , josuah 10. 14. thus when christ shall encounter his enemies , he will make the sun and moon to stand still till he hath reveng'd himself upon them : but because that vengeance is to be eternal , the day must be eternal too : i may adde , as in the day of josuah's victory one part of the heaven was always bright , and the other dark ; thus in that day it will be eternally light to the elect , but as long darkness with the damned : what shall we think those people thought in the time of josuah , who in the opposite part of the heavens had so long night , with what a deal of perplexity did they expect day ? and if so , what will an eternal night be ? but if to an eternal night be added an eternal prison , everlasting hunger , and thirst , a never-dying worm , an eternal stink , an eternal horrour , eternal weeping , and wailing , an eternal fire , and whatever misery the mind of man is able to think of : qualis illa nox erit ! tell me , if you are able , what a night that will be ? good reason then there is that this day of the lord spoken of here in my text should be styl'd dies magnus , the great day . that which remains for me to shew you , is , in what respect it will be terrible , or dreadful . behold i will send you elijah the prophet , before the coming of the great and dreadful day of the lord. certainly , beloved , the dreadfulness of that day will consist chiefly in the judge : as , 1. in his dreadful coming to judgment , which saint john therefore ushers in with an ecce , rev. 1. 7. behold he comes with clouds , and every eye shall see him : the royal chariot then of this judge will be a cloud : but what kind of cloud think you ? such a one as was that , which defended the israelites from extremity of heat in the day , and gave them light by night ? or like that little cloud in the days of elias , no bigger at first then a mans hand , which increasing brought rain to the parched earth ? certainly no : the clouds that are for this service will not be such as our eyes may often behold , coasting about the regions of the air as they are driven by the winds , and employing themselves to the refreshment of the earth ; but stormy tempestuous clouds breathing fire , and casting forth hot thunder-bolts : hence is that , psalm 50. 3. our god shall come , and shall not keep silence , a fire shall devour before him , and it shall be very tempestuous round about him : not before him only , but , which is very observable , round about him , lest the wicked should hope to escape by creeping behind him . that was a terrible tempest i read of that befel alexander the great , and his army marching into the country of gabiza , when by reason of continual thundring , and lightning with hail-stones , and light-bolts , the army was dis-ranked , so that they wandred many ways : but alas that was nothing to the rout that will be at the coming of this judge ; saint paul in his first epistle to the thessalonians , chap. 1. 8. he says that he will come in flaming fire , taking vengeance on them that know not god ; 't is true , our saviour hath appeared comfortably to his , though over-shadow'd with a cloud , as at his transfiguration ; but when he comes in a warlike manner against his enemies , as he will do then , his appearance must needs be dreadful . 2. this dreadfulness will consist in his being known , revelations 1. ver . 13. we may read of one in the midst of the seven golden candlesticks like to the son of man , which shews that christ the judge of the world will be so manifest as to be acknowledg'd : then there shall be no contest about him , as whether he be elias , or jeremias , or the baptist ; such questions as these shall then be put out of question . neither shall he come obscurely , as when he came first in the flesh : but why is he said to be like the son of man only , and is not call'd the son of man , as he was call'd when he liv'd on earth ? because , saith one , sicut in christo aliquando divinitatis suae gloriam occultabai humanitas , &c. as the humanity once obscur'd in christ the glory of his divinity , so now the meanness of his humanity will seem to be swallow'd up of the glory of his majesty ; as then at first he appear'd so meanly , that little or nothing of his divinity externally shew'd it self ; so at his coming to judgment he will appear so splendent , and glorious , that he will be believed by all to be the son of god. suffer me here a little to expostulate ; if powerful herod fear'd him lying in the manger , will he not be much more fear'd sitting upon his throne ? if the buyers and sellers were drove out of the temple by him having a scourge of small cords only in his hand , who shall stand before him punishing to death with scorpions ? if he so stun'd a whole troop of his enemies in the garden at the speaking of one word , that they fell backward , what terror will it be to hear him pronounce the last sentence of damnation ? what amazement and shame will take hold of them who either believ'd him not to be god , or did not believe in him aright , or honour'd him not with a good life , who yet confess'd him to be god with their lips ? then herod will look upon him with astonishment as the wisest , whom when on earth he did cause to be gorgeously attir'd like a fool , on purpose to laugh at him , and deride him . then caiphas will behold him coming in the clouds of heaven , as he himself told him to his head , whom therefore he did pronounce a blasphemer . then will pilate see him whom he expos'd to the people to be seen , nay , deliver'd up to their brutish will. then will the jews know whether he was their king whom they deny'd ; and then shall all wicked wretches , who said in the pride of their hearts , nolumus hunc regnare , we will not have this christ to reign over us , see him reigning over them , and arraigning them both as king and judge . 3. in the authority , and power he shall be invested with , shadow'd forth by the garment he was cloath'd with , which reach'd down to his feet , rev. 1. 13. kings , saith the proverb , have long hands , but they are not so long , but some sometimes escape unpunish'd in some blind places of their kingdoms . from this judge there is no flinching ; every transgression , and transgressor from him shall receive a just recompence of reward ; even those corruptions that are most inward , and lye up in the heart of the country , as it were ; those pollutions , not of flesh only ( that is , worldly lusts , and gross evils ) but of spirit also , more spiritual lusts come within his cognizance : he eyes not only the act but the intention . 4. the dreadfulness of this day of the lord consists in the rigorousness of the judge . 't is true , he is said to be girt about the paps with a golden girdle , but this denotes severity as well as mercy : the pardoning of the thief on the cross ; the long waiting for the conversion of the jews , and the patience of his which we daily exercise , shews that he hath paps ; but a time will come , i mean , the day of judgment , when he will shut up his bosome , and girt it close about with a girdle of gold , to shew the justice of such a proceeding , they being deservedly despis'd then , who despise him now when he offers the milk of grace , and mercy unto them . 5. in the equity of the judge this dreadfulness will consist ; his head , and his hairs , 't is said , were white like wool , as white as snow , rev. 1. 14 that is , the decisions , or conclusions of this judge will be most pure , most true , and most just . 't is confest in the fifth chapter of the canticles , where he is describ'd resembling one that is young ; his locks are said to be bushy , and black as a raven : because here in this life we experience christ benign , and liberal , for he rewards true repentance with receiving into his favour , gives heaven for a few cordial sighs , or groans , proceeding from an humble , and a contrite heart ; but the case will be alter'd when he comes to sit in judgment , then he will appear white as snow , the ancient of days , not to be wrought upon to shew favour . youth ( you know ) is more liberal then old age : ancient people hardly part with any thing , as knowing the difficulty of getting what youth freely gives . 6. his eyes , 't is said , were like a flame of fire , that is , agile , nimble , and able to penetrate any thing ; hence is that of the apostle , heb. 4. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there is not any creature that is not manifest in his sight , but all things are naked , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and opened unto the eyes of him with whom we have to do : naked for the out-side ; dissected , quartered , cleft in the back-bone for the in-side ; erasmus renders it resupinata , making it a metaphor from those that lye with their faces upward , that all passengers may see who they are . thou numbrest my steps , saith job ; he did no less then confess that he kept an exact account of every sin of his , of every step that he trod awry , yea , though it were but some wry motion of his mind , so curious and critical he is in his observation ; even then when to many he seems to sleep , and to shut his eyes , and to see nothing , he takes notice of every thing . of this judge it is said , psalm 11. his eyes behold , his eye-lids try the children of men . where his eye points out his knowledge , and his eye-lids his critical descant . those creatures that have fiery eyes can see in the night ; and there is nothing but is open to the sight of this judge . again , 't is said , his feet were like fine brass , as if burned in a furnace : which may signifie the inflexibleness of this judge , proceeding from an ardent zeal to do justice : while life lasts he is pleased to bend his feet , and bow them going forth in a way of commiseration , and compassion towards the sons of men : but it shall not be so , when he acts the judge : then his legs will be marble , and his feet brass ; where he placeth his foot , there it shall inflexibly stand . this very thing is signified likewise by the twofold rod , which the scripture speaks of ; the one is a rod of wood , mentioned psalm 23. which rod is easily bow'd if any thing of weight be fastned to the end of it ; but the other altogether inflexible as being a rod of iren , spoken of , psalm 2. which the holy ghost there puts into the hand of this judge . 't is possible that the rods of earthly judges may be bow'd if a purse of money be ty'd at the end of them ; but the rod of this judge is not of wood , but iron , and so is inflexible . to proceed ; his voice is said to be as the sound of many waters , terrible ; suppose , as the noyse of a whole army that is heard far , and near . a river or stream that is damm'd up for a time , when once it breaks forth , the noyse it makes is inutterable , not to be exprest . no wonder then if the ocean of the wrath of god streightned , as it were , for so many thousand years , at length breaks forth like the sound of many waters . i have a long time held my peace , saith the lord himself , i have been still , and refrain'd my self , now will i cry like a travelling woman , i will destroy , and devour at once , isaiah 42. 14. if job was forc'd to say , destruction from god was a terrour to me , and by reason of his highness i could not endure ; how will the damned be able to bear the weight of that sentence , arise ye dead , and come to judgment ? or of that , i was an hungry , and ye gave me no meat , i was thirsty , and ye gave me no drink , &c. and if these whisperings , as i may say , be so terrible , how terrible and insupportable will the pronouncing of this sentence be ; ite maledicti , go , or depart from me ye cursed into everlasting fire ? words which breath nothing but fire , and brimstone , stings , and horrors . neither is this all , for 't is said , out of his mouth went a sharp two edged sword , which some interpret of the definitive sentence of the judge , and its executi●n : citing that passage in deuteronomy , chap. 32. 41. if i whet my glittering sword , and my hand take hold of judgment , i will make mine arrows drunk with blood , and my sword shall devour flesh , that is , say they , shall consume all the corruptibility of the flesh , so that the bad as well as the good shall be incapable of dying any more . the sword was two edg'd , to shew the 〈…〉 fulness of this , doubtless , to the bad , yea , and to the good also at first , till they have recollected , or 〈…〉 thought themselves , terrible it will be to the bad , because they know themselves guilty , and terrible to the good too , since they know they cannot stand in judgment without god's grace , cannot by any strength of their own escape . thus while the parent corrects a refractory child , the more ingenuous , and obedient fear , and tremble , because they think they may commit the same fault for which the other is beaten : as the wicked shall be sure to be condemned , that are on the left hand ; so the righteous shall hardly be saved , that are on the right hand . 't is added by saint john in his description of this judge , that his countenance was as the sun in his strength , or in its zenith . if the righteous shall shine as the sun in the kingdom of their father , as they shall , mat. 13. 43. how much more bright shall christ shine , who will appear in the strength of his own glory ? christ was a sun on earth , who rose , as i may say , at his nativity , and set or went down at his death . but alas , how few minded that day of his , because that sun was obscur'd with the cloud of his humanity , much more by the darkness of the jews obstinate blindness . he rose again at his resurrection , beginning , as it were , another day ; was in the ascendant , when he ascended ; at the day of judgment he will be in the meridian , and will never set again unless it be to the wicked , from whom he will for ever obscure himself , not vouchsafing them the least ray of the light of his countenance to all eternity . thus i have shew'd you in what respects the day of the lord may stil'd , dies magnus , the great day , and in what respects the dreadful day . as in respect of the judges dreadful coming to judgment mounted on the clouds ; in respect of his being well known to all to be the same as was judg'd , and unjustly condemn'd ; in respect of his authority , rigour , and strict justice that he will execute , in respect of his piercing eye , his inexorableness ; his dreadful denouncing of sentence ; and in respect of his brightness , every ray of which will be as a dagger to stab the reprobates at the very heart . i come now ( according to my promise ) to speak jointly of these two epithites by way of application to our selves of what hath been already said . 1. then is there a day , that the lord hath appointed to judge the world in ? then let us take saint paul's golden counsel which he gives to his corinthians . let us judge nothing before the time , until the lord come , who will bring to light the hidden things of darkness , and will make manifest the counsels of the heart , 1 cor. 4. 5. let no man anticipate this judge , take his office out of his hand by judging his brethren . exact knowledge is requisite in a judge , the eyes of man are too dim to judge of the actions of others , because they cannot see into the heart , their root , or fountain , for god alone is the searcher of the heart . hence it is that holy men in this life are oft judg'd to be hypocrites , when as on the contrary , the glistring glow-worm of morality in this dark night of the world goes under the the notion of holiness , and integrity . thus the righteous are condemn'd , and the wicked ustified by those who judge after the light of their eyes , according to appearance , and not righteous judgment . 2. is this day coming ? the thought of this should take off the wheels of their chariots , make them drive heavily , who walk not only , but run in the way of their hearts , and in the sight of their eyes , those windows of wickedness , and loop-holes of lust . know this whosoever thou art thac takest thy swing in sinful courses , that god will bring the to judgment , either in this life as he did hophni , and phineas , nadah , and abihu , or infallibly at thy death's day , which is thy dooms-day , then god will bring thee per force be thou never so loath to come to it , he will hale thee to his tribunal be it never so much against the heart , and against the hair of thee . to contract , will this day of the lord which is coming , be a great and terrible or dreadful day in so many respects as you have heard ? then as you tender the safety of your immortal souls in that day , soak them before in the consideration of it ; and to this end suffer me to furnish you with a few meditations , which may conduce to the farther setting home of what hath been already said on this subject as almighty god hath shar'd his pow'r in the creating of things , his wisdom in the government of them , his mercy in the restauration of faln man ; so he hath reserved his justice in punishing of wicked to be declared eminently on this day . 't is true , the wicked meet often with some of gods vengeance here in this life ; but that is only as the heat-drops to the swinging shower of gods wrath , and indignation , which on this day will take hold upon them ; 't is but the brief preface to the huge volume of misery that then will attain them . for if he made such variety of things to shew his power , so wonderfully hath qualified them as he hath done to shew his wisdom : if he hath done , and suffer'd so much as he hath done that he might manifest his mercy to all , what think you will he do when he sets himself about it , makes it his business to manifest the greatness of his justice ? or if you will thus , to make this day appear somewhat more dreadful yet ; if when he intended to shew the greatness of his mercy , he the son of god would be born in a stable , lye in a manger , converse with sinners here in the world , and at length for wretched sinners be apprehended , bound , spit upon , buffeted , crown'd with thorns , ridiculously array'd , bear his massy cross on his own shoulders , and at last on it be crucified between two malefactors ; if , i say , the son of god deigned to undergo such things to the astonishment of heaven , and earth , men , and angels , and this to declare the greatness of his goodness , and mercy : then conceive , if you can , what he will do when he intends fully to declare the greatness of his justice , kept with much long-suffering and patience till this great day . if you would have this farther illustrated , then thus : saint luke in his relation of the manner of saint paul's conversion , tells us , in the 9. chap. of the acts , that after he was dismounted he heard a voice , saying , saul , saul , why persecutest thou me ? and he said , who art thou lord ? and the lord said , i am jesus whom thou persecutest ; and he trembling , and astonished , said , lord what wilt thou have me to do ? to apply this to our purpose , if the apostle was struck with such trembling , and astonishment , when he did but come to the knowledge that it was jesus whom he persecuted , crying out , lord what wilt thou have to do ? as if he should have said , behold i am ready to believe , ready to obey , ready to dye for thee , ready to suffer any thing at thy hand for what i have ignorantly done : oh what fear , what trembling , what amazement , what horror , will take hold of the wicked , when they shall see christ coming in such glory , and majesty , and power , whom they for them embracing of most vile things have neglected , contemned , and despis'd , to speak the best of it ; whose ministers they have scoft at and abused , whose menaces , and threats they have vilified , whose precious pearls of promises , and wholsome admonitions they like swine have trampled on , whose livery they have worn , but have serv'd themselves . neither is it to be past by without wonder , that so much trembling , and astonishment should surprize saint paul ; for what dreadfulness could there be in that voice that courteously call'd him ( so vile a person ) by his name ; brought life to him that persecuted the lord of life , and glory ; promised salvation to one that breath'd forth nothing but malice and hatred ; kindly received so cruel an enemy ? and yet being not able to bear up under the weight of this voice from heaven , nor to endure that beam or glympse of the divine majesty ; 't is said , he fell on the earth as if destitute of life and spirit : what then will their torment , and destraction , be whom the same majesty of god shall entertain not with smiles , but frowns , not with life , but death and destruction ; not with any token of love , but with a drawn sword , and all manner of cruelty ? certainly , they that cannot endure him calling them to repentance , will not be able to endure him coming to take vengeance ; they that cannot bear the guilt of their sins , will never endure to look the avenger of sin in the face . mountainous s●nners at this great and dreadful day will be forc'd to call upon the mountains to fall upon them , and the hills to hide them from the presence of him that shall sit as judge on his throne . i shall shut up my discourse with this story : when sapores king of persia rais'd a violent persecution against the christians ; one vsthazanes an old nobleman , a courtier , that had sapores government in his minority , being a christian , was so terrified , that he left off his profession : but he sitting at the court-gate when simeon an aged bishop frown'd upon him , and turn'd away his face with indignation , as being loth to look upon a man that had deny'd the faith ; vsthazanes fell a weeping , saith my author , went into his chamber , put off his courtly attire , and brake out into these words , ah! how shall i appear before the great god of heaven , whom i have deny'd , when simeon but a man will not look on me ? if he frown , how will god look upon me , when i come before his tribunal ? the thought of gods judgment seat wrought so strongly upon him , that he recover'd his spiritual strength , and dyed a glorious martyr . thus did but men consider , that they must one day stand before the bar of gods tribunal , they would be casting up how things stand betwixt him and their own souls : would any man loyter away the day when he knows he must shew his work to his master at night ? let every man in all his doings remember his end , and so he shall never do amiss ; remember that all must come to a reckoning in this great and dreadful day , and that though here in this world men may wear vizard masks of hypocrisie , yet when they consider they shall be pluckt off in that day , it will be a means that they will order their lives so that their appearance may be with comfort . i have done with my text , and it may now be expected that i should speak somewhat of the occasion . for you are to know we at present solemnize no less then the funeral of the metropolis of this nation . but if you look that i ( though present when it was on fire , and a fellow-sufferer with many of you ) should present you with a hypotyposis or description of that most lamentable and devouring fire , as it is deservedly stil'd ; you must excuse me if i frustrate your expectation ; that i conceive is more lively to be depainted by a pensil , then a pen , and better exprest on a table or draught then by the tongue , only thus much i shall speak : as it is said concerning the roll of a book given to ezekiel , that it was written within and without , and there was written therein lamentation and mourning , and woe , ezek. 2. so in every circumstance that accompanied this dismal conflagration , judgment was writ as in text letters , whether we consider the time when it first broke forth , the dead of night ; or the place , a close narrow lane , where many houses were burn'd down before any engines could come to play in order to the extinguishing of it ; or manner of it , burning against the wind so fiercely , that is spared no fabrick in its way though never so august and stately : churches now prov'd no sanctuaries as in the time of other fires : i may adde , it was an amazing judgment , which deluded people , and deprived them of the use of their reason . i believe there are some here present , who with my self , did not think that ever the adversary and enemy , that dreadful fire would have entred into our streets , the place where it began being so far distant from our habitations : and so you 'l say this fire well deserves both the epithetes in my text , great and dreadful ; as if almighty god had spoke to london in terminis , expresly under the name or notion of a forrest , as once he did to jerusalem , ezek. 20 47. behold , i will kindle a fire in thee , and it shall devour every green tree in thee , and every dry tree in thee , the flaming flame shall not be quenched , &c. and all flesh shall see that i the lord have kindled it , and it shall not be quenched : i the lord who am a consuming fire . 't was brought to pass then , deo irato , & irritato , god being not only angry , but provok'd . it was not long before this fire hapned that god visited this city with the plague of pestilence , which walkt in as much state along the streets as ever the chief magistrate of it did ; its retinue wore a kind of purple to the fatal spots being of that colour . o the high silence that i was witness of ( to gods glory be it spoke ) in many places of the city , at other times clamorous and tumultuous enough ! had it been askt where dwells such a one , the answer would have been , he is dead ; where his wife ? dead ; where his children ? dead ; where his man ; his maid ? dead . pale death sate in the windows , kept shop , seal'd up doors , so that none durst enter . but london soon forgat this tragedy ; her filthiness was in her skirts , she remembred not her last end , or rather how near to her end ( in some sense ) she was brought : god had no sooner turn'd her sorrow into joy ; her sighing into singing ; her mourning into melody ; her prayers into praises ; her tears into triumphs , but they , nay , we made a bad use of his mercy , till a flood of fire brake in upon us , as a deluge of water did on the old world. hence it was that she came down wonderfully , to use that expression in the lamentation of jeremy , concerning jerusalem . londons incogitancy and and inconsiderateness , together with the licentious lewdness following thereupon , not to spare the place of my nativity , brought her down with a vengeance to sit in ashes , as job's calamities brought him to the dunghil . you may suppose her then as a disconsolate matron using these words ; is it nothing to you all ye that pass by , behold , and see if there be any desolation like unto my desolation , which is done unto me , wherewith the lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce , or fiery anger : he hath sent fire among my buildings , and it hath prevailed against me , he hath made me desolate . is it in the wishes of you the inhabitants of this place , whose habitations are yet standing , that they should not partake of londons punishment ? would you that your bethel ( in which through god●s goodness ye are assembled at this time ) should never be turn'd into bethaven ? would you not have iccobod written upon all that you can call beautiful and glorious ? then see you decline such sins as are mentioned in the specifick prayer for this occasion . neither are we to forget that in the midst of judgment god remembred mercy : not only in not consuming the whole suburbs that were contiguous , but in sparing some of the city , and in blessing the endeavours of the re-builders of it even to a miracle : the little time i have been in it , i have seen enough to be thankful for while i live : as if when in its rubbish it had been solemnly buried by some of her ministers in several places of it , saying , since it hath pleas'd almighty god in his righteousness to take away from us our dear habitations in which we so much delighted , we commit them to the ground , earth to earth , ashes to ashes , rubbish to rubbish , in sure and certain hope to see them to have such a glorious resurrection ( like a phoenix out of its ashes ) as shall create wonder in all that shall behold it , and this through his almighty power who is able to subdue not persons only , but all things to himself , even the vastest structures , and can with as much ease give them a being again . or as if the whole body of her inhabitants , to the credit of us their teachers , had said , seeing the fire approaching their habitations , well , gods will be done , we brought nothing into this world , neither shall we carry any thing out of it , the lord gave , and the lord hath taken away , blessed be the name of the lord. nay , we know that if these earthly houses of ours , these candle-rents , old timber buildings be dissolv'd , be consum'd by fire , we shall have buildings run up so strongly , and so suddenly , as if they had been made without hands ; nay , we shall have buildings of gods own making , for except the lord build the house , they labour in vain that build it . there is no good to be done unless god set his fiat to it , and say let it be done . if he blast and not bless mens endeavours and policies , they are all but arena sine calce , sand without lime , they will not hang together , but like untemper'd mortar fall asunder . the jews at this day when they build a house , they are , say the rabbins , to leave one part of it unfurnisht , and lying rude , in remembrance that jerusalem and the temple are at present desolate ; at least they use to leave about a yard square of the house unplaistred , on which they write in great letters that of the psalmist , if i forget thee ô jerusalem , let my right hand forget its cunning . i know not whether any of you that are building or have built your houses , will be willing to leave a yard square of them unplaistred to write in it in great letters , if i forget thee o london , &c. this may be thought too great a blemish in your fair beautiful buildings ; but as ever you would have the bricks laid in order to continue long so , and not to be burnt again , but to crumble away between the teeth of time ; let old london dreadfully consum'd by fire have a room in your minds and memories , not forgetting the mercy god shew'd in the midst of that dreadful judgment . to conclude ; let those of us that have been large sharers in this judgment , who are christians not by water only but by fire , heartily bee of god that we may come forth of the crucible of affliction , as gold doth out of the fire refin'd , that we may lose the dross only of our sins , not the gold of our patience , and holy submission to his will , and other graces . and you whose habitations are standing monuments of gods goodness , be sure at least that you thus warble it on this solemn day , so often as it shall come about ; if it had not been the lord who was on our side , we may well say , if it had not been the lord who was on our side when the fire brake out most furiously upon us , then the flames had consumed our habitations , when the fire of gods wrath was kindled against us ; but blessed be the lord who hath not given our habitations up to ruine , but hath mercifully pluckt them as so many brands out of the fire . beloved , god hath many ways to make desolate , he can effect it by fire , or sword , or pestilence , or famine , and there is but one safe way to avoid those out-goings of his judgment , and in the prophet jeremie's language is to take away the fore-skins of your heart , jer. 4. 4. that place of scripture is well worthy my citing of it , and your diligent attention to it , it runs thus ; circumcise your selves unto the lord , and take away the fore-skins of your hearts ye men of judah , and inhabitants of jerusalem , lest my fury come forth like fire , and burn that none can quench it . begin at adam's sin , heartily bewail that , and then set upon your beloved sin ; out with that eye , off with that hand , cast away all your transgressions , with as great indignation as angry ziporah did her childs fore-skin ; so will the lord lengthen out your tranquility , neither shall your iniquities be your ruine . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a39838-e190 * pro. 16. 1 * cap. 41. 6 , 7. a strange horse-race at the end of which, comes in the catch-poles masque. and after that the bankrouts banquet: vvhich done, the diuell, falling sicke, makes his last will and testament, this present yeare. 1613. vvritten by thomas dekker. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1613 approx. 97 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20087 stc 6528 estc s105271 99841000 99841000 5556 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20087) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5556) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 881:11) a strange horse-race at the end of which, comes in the catch-poles masque. and after that the bankrouts banquet: vvhich done, the diuell, falling sicke, makes his last will and testament, this present yeare. 1613. vvritten by thomas dekker. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [52] p. printed [by nicholas okes] for ioseph hunt, and are to bee sold at his shop in bedlem, neere moore-field gate, london : 1613. printer's name from stc. signatures: a-f⁴ g² . variant: title page partly in a different setting, with "catch-pols". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -social life and customs -early works to 1800. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-02 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a strange horse-race , at the end of which , comes in the catch-pols masque . and after that the bankrouts banquet : which done , the diuell , falling sicke , makes his last will and testament , this present yeare . 1613. aliquid latet , quod non patet . vvritten by thomas dekker . london , printed for ioseph hunt , and are to bee sold at his shop in bedlem , neere moore-field gate . 1613. to the very worthy , ivditiovs and vnderstanding gentleman , thomas vval●hal esquire . if i put into your hands a homely peice of worke ( neither so good as you deserue , nor so rich as i do wish it ) i must entreat you to blame the vanitie of our times which are so phantasticall , that they couet stuffes , rather slight , to feede the eye with shew , then substantiall for enduring . let the fashion be french it is no matter what the cloth be . i haue therefo●●ot ( with the sturgeon ) swomme against the streame ; but followed the humorous tides of this age , and ( like democritus ) haue falne a laughing at the world , sithence it does nothing but mocke it selfe . but seeing no creature is so wise as man , nor any so foolish , my wits haue heere beene at charges to feast either sort . a mixt banquet of sweete and sowre , fulsome , and vvholesome , seria cum iocis , stands furnished before them . in this horse-race there is no cheating , my building ( as many rich mens great houses ) is not onely to keepe rats , and spiders in it , but euery roome ( though all be but meane ) hath some picture to delight you . the plat-forme being narrow , i could raise no lofty stories ; for when the ditty is light , the aire must not be graue ; a crow is not to build so high as an eagle : as the face of my inuention was drawne , such i could not chose but proportion out the body . yet the picture hath lost some of the cullors i gaue it . i know you loue to reade , because you know to censure ; reade , this i pray as i writ it — ( willingly , ) and censure , as i send it — ( in loue ) beare with the hard-fauourdnesse of the title . the value of a diamond is not lessened by the roughnesse when it is vncut . it can bee no shame to gather a violet , growing close to the ground . had i better you should enioy it ; such as it is if you entertaine , i shall rest . most affectionately deuoted yours , thomas dekker . not to the readers : but to the vnderstanders . he that writes , had need to haue the art of a skilfull cooke ; for there must be those condimenta ( seasonings ) in his pen , which the other caries on his tongue : a thousand palats must bee pleased with a thousand sawces : and one hundred lines must content fi●e hundred dispositions . a hard taske : one sayes , it is too harsh another , too supple : another too triuiall : another too serious . the first reades , and mewes : the second reades , and railes : the third reades , and rackes me : the fourth reades , and rends me . he is tyed to a stake like a beare to be baited that comes into paules church-yard to bee read . so that bare readers ( i meane not threed-bare ) are not lectores , but lictores , they whip bookes ( as dionysius ▪ ●id boyes ) whereas to vnderstanders , our libri , which we bring forth , are our liberi ( the children of our braine ) and at such hands are as gently intreated , as at their parents : at the others , not . the titles of bookes are like painted chimnies in great countrey-houses , make a shew a far off , and catch trauellers eyes ; but comming nere them , neither cast they smoke , nor hath the house the heart to make you drinke . the title of this booke is like a iesters face , set ( howsoeuer he drawes it ) to beget mirth : but his ends are hid to himselfe , and those are to get money . within is more then without ; you shall not finde the kirnell , vnlesse you both cracke and open the shell . aliquid latet , quod non patet : digge vnder the right tree , and it is ten to one but you take vp gold : for in this ( as in all other my former nocturnis lucubrationibus ) i haue stroue to feed the mind , as well as the body : if one leafe make you laugh , the next settles your countenance . tart meates go easily downe , being strewd with sugar : as musicke in tauerns makes that wine go downe merily , till it confound vs , which ( if the fidlers were not there ) would hardly be tasted . so for the sake of the sawce which i haue tempered for this dish , you may ( perhaps ) eate the meat , which otherwise you would not touch . the maine plot of my building is a moral labyrinth ; a weake thred guides you in and out : i will shew you how to enter , and how to passe through , and open all the roomes , and all the priuate walkes , that when you come to them , you may know where you are : and these they be — y●● will not ; i know it is more pleasure to finde out the conceitfull-deceits of a paire of tarriers , then to haue them discouered . that pleasure be yours , the tarriers are mine . fare-well . the contents of this booke . a strange horse-race . chariot-races . foot-races . the sunnes race . the moones race . races of winds and waters . races of the elements . races of vertues and vices . a masque of catch-pols . vvho are catch-pols . the diuels falling sicke . his will and legacies . his recouery . his dam brought to bed with two children . their nursing . a banquet of bankrouts . the comfit-makers inuectiue against bankrouts . a strange horse-race . the first step into a princes court , treads not in the brauest roomes , but they are reached to , and ent●e● by ascensio●s , and degrées . this state and complement begetting more obseruance , delectation , astonishment , and reuerence : by the same 〈◊〉 ●●sser squares draw●● . for if you come into a gold-smiths , or lapidaries shop , and desire to buy the fairest iewels ; the running artizan tempts you first with slight ones , and then bewitcheth you with costlier , and ( for the vp-shot ) strike● your eye with admiration , by gazing at the best of all . so that 〈◊〉 man , ( how wretched soeuer ) can comparatiuely be miserable , because the pal●●e dame hand of fortune can throw him to no basenesse and deiection so low , but hee shall fall vpon s●me other as low as himselfe . euen likewise 〈◊〉 contrary par●● are there no obiects of triumph , ( a●●ashe● presentations , banquets , and such like ) how glorious soeuer of themselues , but may haue their splendor and dignity ●eightned by a comparatiue tra●●cing of things in the same rank● and qualitie . giue me leane therefore , first to make a flourish with my pen , and cleare the way , ( as a fe●cer doth in a may-game ) for more roome , vntill the masquers come in : so shall you know the cause of that cost , and the sumpt●●●snesse of the banquet ; to which i wish no man to be too sawcy in pressing in , lest he pay more déere for his sweet 〈◊〉 ( the banquet being prepared in ●●ll ) then the ●●essing 〈…〉 of one peacocke , and two pheasants cost in one of the kings of tunis his kitchin , which amounted to an hundred duckets . what talke i of an hundred duckets ? nay , lest he be more peppered then those masons , bricke-layers , and carpenters were , that builded those pyramids in egypt , during their worke ab●●● o●e of which pliny brings in a ●●t of a 1800. talents , that were laid out for scallions , onions , garlicke , and léekes onely , besides bread and cheese , which he scores not downe : for belike the gypsey-kings left that vnpaid . but before either this masque , or suger-feast come marching in their true and most sw●●t state , i inuite you ( for variety ) to behold a race , on ●●●t , and horse , with some triumphing in chariots , after the roman fashion : to set forth which of ours 〈◊〉 their thundring velocity , lightning-like violence , and earthquak●●● , ●●orrying , so liuely , that ( i● it were possible ) the noyse should make you mad , as the sight could make you merry : i will ( as i held it fit , before ) giue you seuerall pictures of races , that in former ages ran themselues out of breath● to the end that the now dead colours of the one● may set off the braue , fresh , and amazeable-starting pageantry of these our other . when the romans were lords ouer the world , and their emperours maisters ouer them , no glory was wanting to illustrate their triumphes , after the 〈◊〉 of stronge nations , nor any cost spared in popular presentations , to binde vnto them , and bewitch the hearts of their owne people , after their victorious returning home . those that did triumph ▪ sate in chariots guilded all 〈◊〉 , drawne sometimes by white horses ; so was augustus : somtimes with elephants , so was pompey . to excell whom in that pride , caesar had his chariot of triumph drawne by forty elephants : so●● haue béene drawne by harts , and so was aurelianus . in these chariots , with the emperours , sate their sonnes , as heires to their fathers glory ; and after them followed the roman souldiers , crowned with garlands , as partners in their emperours honours . before the chariots we●● the capti●●s , ( kings , quéenes , and others ) chained , the spoyles taken in warres , borne al●●● to despite them , and more to dignifie the conquerour , pictures and countersets of all the citties , mountaines , riuers and battailes , from whence they came victors , were drawne in ensignes to the liueliest portrature , all supported before the triumpher . and in this last manner did germanicus caesar enter into rome , in a triumphall chariot , loden with fiue of his children , after the victories gotten against the cherusie , chatti , and angrinari , with all other nations inhabiting to the riuer albis , as corn. tacit. sets downe in the second of his annalles . now , lest these highest exaltations of fortune should make their emperours swell into too much insulence , and so into a scorning of their subiects ; the souldiers themselues , yea and the common plebeians that stood vpon 〈◊〉 so beh●ld these sights , would commonly ( in ha●e of such honours , and in abatement of such pride that might 〈…〉 emperours ) as they march in all that pompe , ca●● b●●ter aspersions vpon them . as for example : when ven●idius ba●sus came home in a parthian triumph , the souldiers aloud cryed out thus in mockery of him ; behold , 〈…〉 la●ely rub'd horses heeles , is now your glorious 〈◊〉 . and at another time to the people thus : o you citizens of rome , keepe your wiues at home in your shops , you are best for now we haue brought you your bald-pate whore-maister , their emperour hauing , at that time , more used of a peri●ing , then a barber . these beames of worldly felicity sh●● ab●●t ●he heads of their princes : let vs now sée what pleasures the roman people enioyed . for them were built theaters , and amphi theaters , in some of which might fit fourescore thousand people together ; the theaters themselues being some of ●●one , some of wood , curiously adorned with columnes , and images of their emperours : some guilded all ouer , some mouing vpon whéeles , to avoyd the heate of the sunne . all of them spacious , all sumptuous : in these they somtimes saw playes tragicall or comicall , with all sorts of musicke , doricke , chromaticke , soft and delicate , lidian , nypolydian mournfull , fit for tragedies : and to these sorts of musicke they had all sorts of dauncing ; and hyporchema ( in time of a pestilence ) a daunce to apollo in the campe ; the pyrichian , which was a daunce in armour : in the chamber ( as wee now haue ) dances , with wanton gesticulation . all which , as well musicke as daunces , they borrowed from the greekes . then had they both in circo , & theatris , ( their race and theaters ) fights both on foot and horsebacke ; sometimes man to man , now and then men and beasts incountring together , three hundred gladiators , or sword-players , fighting at one time at sharpe , with equall number . in which pastimes gordianus the emperour , to feede the people to the full , consumed twelue dayes , euery dayes presentation ▪ varying from each other ; as sword-playing , 〈…〉 kindes , casting of dartes and speares , chariot-chaces , huntings , and such like ; in one day to a hundred fencers , thrusting out a hundred and fifty of the fiercest lybian beasts ; in another a thousand , which they were to kill with their swords , or to hazard their owne liues : for he maintained a large and thicke wood , strongly defensible , in which ran two hundred wilde harts , thirty vn-back'd fierce horses of brittaine , a thousand sheepe , ten roe-buckes , which he caused to be guilded all ouer ; thirty wilde asses , a hundred and fifty wilde boares , two hundred ibices , and two hundred wilde heluetian goates : vpon all which he cryed hauocke to the people , to haue them torne in peeces in one solemne festiuall meeting . the like did philippus arabs the emperour , at two seuerall times ; the first at the celebration of the circumcision games ( so called of circus , the place where they were performed ) at which time he turned out two and thirty elephants , twenty tygers , an hundred hyenae● , one rhynoceros , threescore tame lyons , and ten curle-mained lyons , ten panthers , thirty leopards , and ten fierce horses to be cut in péeces . the second time was at the celebration of those games , which were held but once in a hundred yeares ; and thereupon were called ludi seculares , ( of seculum , an age of a man , which was then counted an hundred yeares ) their solemnization being in honour of apollo , and diana . against which day a cryer went vp and downe the citty of rome , with this note : whosoeuer will see games , which no man aliue hath euer seene , nor any man liuing shal euer see more , now let them come . at which time , the rites due to that celebration béeing performed , and the people of rome in infinite numbers assembled together , he caused to bee hunted ( besides the beasts before named , to as great or a greater number ) ten horned elkes more , by no other persons , then by two thousand fencers , armed onely with their swords in their hands , the beasts running loose , madding and roaring vp and downe . thus haue you s●ene the roman emperours in their chariots of triumph , after which the people further rewarded them with statues , or images made to the life , some in massy gold , some in siluer , some in brasse , and some in marble , vpon which were insculped and richly cut out , all their battailes , conquests , and triumphes : and besides these statues , they had also at first crownes of gold sent them , and those were after changed to garlands of laurell , the honour of both being all one . the common people receiued after their combats , fights , victories , &c. ( to incite them likewise to hunt after ●ame , & military renowne ) wreathes & coronets to adorne their temples . the horsemen and charioters being by this time wearied , giue way for the infantery to come vp , and try how nimbly they be●tir their héeles . in which races on foot , not onely the romanes , but also the greekes , troians , athenians , macedonians , and many other nations excelled for their incredible swiftnesse : i thinke the wilde irish are be●t at it in these latter times . this kinde of exercise had three changes in it : for some , vpon whose heads the wagers were layd , stood breast-wise in a direct line , at a marke , and ran onely to a goale proposed and left there : others being at the goales end before their fellowes , wan no glory by it , vnlesse they could againe recouer the marke from which they first set forth . the third race was to run and returne to and fro , from the marke to the goale , without intermission by the space of eight changes , and neuer vnder sixe : and he that could hold out his winde so long , to be first at the bounds where he began his race , carryed away both garland and prizes . my muse could heere leaue running at base thus vpon earth , and stretching her wings forth to a more noble expansion , soare aloft vp into the celestiall habitations , and from thence bring news , what race the sun runs in his zodiacall circle , where he sets out euery morning , and where he rests euery night : at what houses he stayes ( being 12 in number ) and how long he tarries , in what part of the world he shortens his careeres , and in what part hee enlargeth it : his fires burning at all times alike , but not alike in all places : by whose heate all countries do propagate and bring forth blessings to their inhabitants ; but no country can boast she possesseth all , because what one wants , another should supply , and so euery land to be beholden one to another : then to shew , that al-be-it he runs not in a perfect orbicular circle , but that sometimes he runs side-wise with an oblique carriage of his body , yet his course is constant : his horses , ( pirois , eous , aethon , and phlegon ) as they are foure in number , making foure great stoppes , or careeres in heauen , which beget foure changes , or foure renouations of time vpon earth , that is to say : the vernall , aestmall , autumnall and brumall , they kéeping euer their day ( like iust debitors ) onely a few minutes difference . but so much reuerence do i owe to the diuine study of the transcendently-learned astronomer , that i lay downe heere this buckler , knowing him most worthy to take it vp . from tracing therefore any further the wheeles of this illuminous chariot , wherein the god of the day rides , our protean muse altering the shape of her course , a little lower could stand and discouer how the queene of the night ( ●he moone ) is , ( with a swifter whirling then the sunne her brother ) whirled vp and downe in a coach of siluer , & there shew likewise , why sometimes ●he sits horned , sometimes halfe-faced , sometimes full and perfectly round : then , where that light is locked vp that is taken from our sight ; and by what meanes , and how so quickely it is againe restored . then could i without helpe of her light , slip in a moment into the seas , and saile onely by that star , whose influence now guides my pen. there could i describe what warlike races the winds held with the waters : their wrastling , running , retiring , and chasing this way and that way , like two great princes striuing for superiority , and confounding , by their contention , not themselves , but those vnder them , quicquid delirant reges , plectuntur achiui . but because you shall not bee weary by being weather-beaten in tempests : suppose the windes haue spent their malice ( like rich-men , vndon by going to law in defending vniust actions ) but the seas swell still vp by a naturall pride which the moone ( their mistresse ) puts into them , because their nature being quarrellous , they rage ( like roaring boyes vpon the land ) that they can fasten no opposite to go together ●i'th eares withall , the next they meete they instle , and that 's the earth : there they purpose to begin another race ; for their wanes run ( like mad-men out of bedlam ) beyond their bounds vp into the land , doing what they can to swallow it , and that shewes ( me-thinkes ) like an vnthrifty riotous heire , washing away ( in tauernes ) the possessions of his father , and his owne patrimony , whilst the carefull old man seekes to keepe all within compasse ; as the walles of the earth striue to hold the vnruly waters within their owne dominions , and to bar them entrance into her owne , for all their bustling , and for all their billowes , we are now leap'd safe on shore . whilst thus i stand vpon the soft and vn-remoueable habitation of our great grand-mother ( the earth ) another race , is presented to mine eie , for i could heere describe , how the foure elements , ( like so many wheeles in a clocke ) are proportioned to more diuerse waies , and with strange turnings , yet all to meete in one delicate tune within mans body , and then , if any one of those foure protectors , bée predominant aboue the other , and so set the rest together by the eares , how then the bloud hath his race , and runnes into diseases , and the shortning of that race is to stumble at deaths dore. againe , if i should rifle this treasure-house of liuing creatures , and looke into the depth of it , i could bring you to those hidden races of minerals , and mettals , which the sunne neuersees , yet can they not liue without him : there should you behold a mine of lead , labouring to turne it selfe into tynne , and so to rise to preferment ; but like a poore man , that workes day and night to grow rich , hee striues with impossibilities , and is at the yeares end no better then at the biginning . there should you behold a mine of tynne , ( sister to siluer ) vsing all the art she can , to be transform'd into her sisters shape , and to carry a beauty as faire as her's ; but like a rich man , that hauing enough , and being well to liue , yet practiseth vnlaw●ull courses to encrease his state , as his , so her doings do seldome prosper : there likewise should you behold a mine of siluer , ambitiously aspiring to bee as glorious gold : but she workes like an alchimist , watches long , and looses her labour ; yea , though shee were able to passe through those twelue gates . 1 calcination . 2 dissolution . 3 separation . 4 coniunction . 5 putrifaction . 6 congelation . 7 cibation . 8 sublimation . 9 firmentation . 10 exaltation . 11 multiplication . 12 proiection . and so come to weare in a king , the very phylosophers stone , yet the triall of her beauty would bee when her painting came to the touch ▪ last of all , you should there likewise behold ( the eldest child of the sunne ) a mine of gold , who being king of mettals , neuer aspires to bee higher , because it knowes , there is none aboue him . touching minerals of ba●er quality let vs not cast our eye vpon them , hauing enriched our lading with the best ; hoyst now vp sailes , therefore from hence and away ; for these races ( if i should measure the shortest of them to his end ) would weary me too much , and appeare , yrkesomely , too long , like that iourney of philippides , who ranne one thousand , two hundred and forty furlongs ( which makes 155 miles ) ( from athens in greece to lacedemon ) in two daies , if polyhistor lies not . i could here be content after this weary uoyage , round about the vast compasse of the world ( dispatcht , as you sée , by my sea-chariots , within a little time , ) now to fire vp herculean pillars , and write vpon them non vltra . but our muse is ambitious , and ( to her ) non sufficit orbis , she must on againe . for she hath one race yet to run , which ( for antiquity ) is as reuerend , ( for persons ) as renowned , ( for the contention ) as glorious , and ( for the uictory ) as memorable , as any that euer yet haue bene in the world. it is ( because you shall weary your eyes with staring no longer ) a race or challenge betwixt the uertues that dwell in the little world ( man ) and the uices to whom hee giues free entertainement ; they are all ready to present their troupes , and to do their deuoire : but before they enter the lists , ( some on horse-backe , some on foote , some in chariots ) i will play the herauld to marshall them in order , according to their quality and worth , and send them forth , marching in braue equipage before you . the vertues are not mounted , and haue few followers , they haue no plumes , and so , no pride ; their attire is decent , sober , girt to them , and ciuill : their faces graue , austere in very swéetenesse , swéete in austerity ; fairest when they are neerest ; louely a farre off , and all open ; vsed to no maske , their pace demure , maiestically-humble , constant and comely . the vices are gallant fellowes , they are mounted , and haue no small fooles to their followers : they haue plumes , like estridges , and perfumes like muske-cats , ( so strong ) they are soone smelt out : for attire , they carry lordships on their backes , a knights liuing in their bréeches , & a shop-kéepers wealth in a hat-band , garters , and shoe-strings ; their faces light , anticke , impudent , disdainefull , amorously bewitching , shadowed now & then , but not possible alwaies to be couered : as a fools face can neuer be hid . the vertues will go sometimes from you ( when anon you see them ) but the vices will still come with their faces towards you , for if you looke narrowly vpon their backes , if they shew but them to you first , you will straight turne taile to them too , & no more care a pin for their company , vnlesse you be mad ; i will giue you an example of some of them , that carry their heads highest : thus , the hole i' th' counter , is the backe of riot ; if a prodigall lay there in hunger and cold , but fiue such moneth● no worse then the last great frost was , in a deere yéere , and in a plague-time when no body would come at him ; and this hée should suffer before hee bound himselfe for euer to his mercer , being sure , else , to suffer it after-wards , i doe not thinke but my gallant would loue a warme freze ierkin better then a saite of cut sattin , and choose rather ( like a horse ) to draw béere , then to weare rich trappings like an asse , for which his bones pay so derrely , so head-ach is the backe of drunkennes : if the head-ach would knocke our coxcombs soundly , so soone as wee cry out drawer in a tauerne , we should neuer quarrel with y e watch , nor breake do 〈◊〉 bandy-house windowes of mid-night . but best sinnes , like the worst faces , are most and euer painted , and that 's the reason they so bewitch vs , for it is a good eye can see their deformity : hearke , the trumpets sown● , they are ready for the lists : behold , they enter ; you perhaps ( that are but standers-by ) may mistake them , and therefore i will describe them , as they either begin the race or end it . the first that r●ns , is blasphemous insolence , a turke , ( for you must vnderstand , that of all nations , some are at this race ) he will be first , because he will be first ; his looks are full of darings , his voyce thunders out braues ; hee laies downe threates insteed of wagers , hee scornes to wage any thing vpon an euen lay , for if terror or tyrany can win it , he will haue all ; by his side comes his surgeon ( called infidelity ) the horse he rides on is swift uengeance , his two pages are fyre and sword. a christian lady runs against him , her name innocen● humility , if she get to the 〈…〉 , she is promised a paire of wings , besides the pr●●e her looks are modest , her words few , to her-selfe ( as shee sets forth ) she praies , she has onely one maid waites vpon her , called sufferance ; they both run on foote : sée , see , the turke flies like a winged dragon , the christian flies too , like a d●ue , yet with no●●er speed ; ●h●e has now gotten the better way 〈◊〉 , and is gone beyond him , and sée ! rage and hast to disgrace her , in her spéed , haue cast him from his horse ; his owne horse kickes and tramples on the maister . the christian lady runs in pitty to saue him : but he cursing her , and calling onely vpon his owne surgeon ( infidelity ) shee ( for want of skill ) poisons his wound in steed of curing it ; he 's dead : his surgeon rips his body , to search what was perished within him ( vpon so ●light a fully as she tearmes it ) and ( see ! ) his heart is turned into a flint , blacke , and hardened as marble ; & lying ●rown● in the bloud of a thousand poore hungarians , yet all that could not ●often it . the wager they ranne for was a garland of palme-trées held vp by a lady at the goales end ( whose name is eternity ) and by her giuen to the christian conqueror , with the wings , besides , which were promised her , if shee fainted not in her race . when the whéeles of desire are once set a going , the more weights you hang vpon them , the faster turne they about , for lo● all the opponents in this race-running haue done what they came for in a moment , whilst you were busy about the first challenger and defendant , so great was their fernor : but i haue the roll here of the persons and their names , and albe●t you haue lost the sight of them in action , you shall not loose the sport of it in my relation . the second that ran , and made the brauest show , was a yong gallant , his name , prodigallity , loued of many ladies for his good gifts , and followed by many rich citizens sons , who were preferd vnto him by their fathers mony , he sat in a chariot , open on euery side , foure horses drew him , ( rashnesse , luxury folly , and hanger-on ) his coach-man being drunke , a whore whipped him for-ward , and made all fly ; at the backe of the chariot , two leaped vp , & were drawne after him , viz : beggery and a foole , whose gesture of making mouthes and anticks faces was excellent sport to the spectators , he ran a swift and thundring pace , after him and close by him rid many merchants , mercers , and silke-men , who had laid great wagers on his head , but he gaue them all the slip ▪ and was before hand with them still . the defendant whom he challenged , was a polliticke belgicke , his name , hans-thrift ( a dutchman ) vigilant in his course , suttle in laying his wager , prouident in not venturing too much , honest to pay his losses , industrious to get more ( twenty sundry waies ) if hee should happen to bee cheated of all ; his horse was not so swift as sure , his attire not curious , but rich & neate , they set out both together , but before prodigallity came halfe way of his iourney , thrift got the start of him , out-went , out-wearied , out-spent him , tother lost all , this won what the other lost . prodigality vpon this disgrace hid his head , 〈◊〉 incountring when , he went away , with a c●ue of male-●ontents , they schooled him , and they spoyled him : for in a ho●e bloud hee presently grew desperate , and swore to vndertake ( for raising of his fortunes ) the plots of treason , to blow vp kingdomes , to murder ●ings , and to poyson princes : but the hang-man 〈◊〉 ing their whispering , set vp a paire of gallowes in his way at which hee can ●●lt ▪ but , fell downe , brake his necke , and neuer since could kéepe any good quarter . the third that same sneaking in was a 〈…〉 faced shotten-herring-bellied rascall , his nose ●r●pt as soone as he entred into the race , whose ●●lth , because it would scoure , and so same so●e , hee wrapt vp in as filthy a hand-kercher : his apparrell was cut out of 6 or 7 religio●s , and as they turned , that turned : he stole one onely 〈◊〉 of fire from prodigality , which hee to●● betwixt his hands to 〈◊〉 them : he had in his pocket ( to victuall him for this voyage ) two dried cobs of a red herring reserued by a ●●●●menger at the ●iege of famagosta , & then afterward laid on a 〈◊〉 , and the 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉 that had 〈…〉 at the 〈◊〉 indies . this thing was a vsurer , cald niggardlinesse , he had no page , but two brokers ( out of their loue to him , hoping to get by it ) came along with him vpon their owne charge . against this wretch ( in braue 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 ●orth 〈◊〉 did lord ( that is now no 〈◊〉 for has 〈◊〉 place in the countrey , & all the 〈◊〉 in it smoke● 〈…〉 his money as he spends the water that passeth to his house , it comes thither in great pipes , but it is all consumed in his kichin , his name hospitality . it is a graue & reuerend counteneance ; he weares his bea●● 〈◊〉 of purpose , that y e haires being white , & kill in his eie , he may 〈…〉 any thing vnworthy their honor : his app 〈◊〉 for war●●●● , not brauery : if he thinke ill at any time , he presently think● wel : for iust vpon his breast he wears his reprehension . as a iewel comprehends much treasure in a little roome ; and as that nut-shell held● all homers iliads smally written in a péece of vellum . so , though the trée of his vertues grow high , and is laden with goodly fruit , yet the top-bough of all , and the fairest apple of all he counteth his hospitality : his bread was neuer too stale , his drinke was neuer sowre , no day in the yeare was to them that are hungry , a ●asting day , yet he ●bseru●s them all : hee giues moderately euery houre , but in reuerence of one season in the yeare , all that come may fréely take . and this is ( as the booke doeth remember ) the cold frosty season of december : phoebus waxed old , and hewed like lato●● that afore in his hot declination shone as the burned gold , with streames bright , but now in capri●●●●● adowne he light , where is he shor●● full pale , i d●●● well seyne , the bitter frostes with the sleet and ●a●e destroyed hath the greene in euery yerd , ianus firteth by the fire with double ●erd , and drinketh of his bugle-hor●● the wine , 〈…〉 the brawne of the 〈…〉 the h●rse he sate vpon was gray and aged , like his maister , but weake by reason of yeares ; yet his heart good , and knew the way to many holy places , whither hee had 〈◊〉 carried 〈…〉 he should ●ncounter 〈…〉 an opposite as he saw stand brauing ; ●ee breathed a kinde of quicke fire in and out at his snoring nostrils in signe he had quickned his old courage , and that he wished to stand on ●● ground till this ●●●●ke were ended . forward therefore both 〈◊〉 , hospitality had thou 〈…〉 and prai●es 〈◊〉 niggardliness euery man laughed , euery man disdained him ; none clapped him on the backe , but his two trunch-men ( the brokers ) the tother rode like a prince with all eyes throwne vpon him in admiration : but this poore 〈◊〉 ran as if a scar-crow had flowen : it was not a running , but a kinde of false scur●y am●le , or rather hobling , which put him into such a heate ( he neuer in all his life sweating before ) that hee melted all his tallow , which at the most was not able to make a pi●●ing candle ; and so the snuffe of his life went out ●●inking . before hee dyed , he gaue his keyes to the brokers , and made them his heires , with charge to bury him there in the high-way , onely to saue charges , and to strip off his cloathes , which he made them sweare they should sell : et hic finis priami , and with that word he lay as dead as a dogge . his heires performed his will , and going home me●●● , to share his wealth , which they knew to be infinite , they 〈◊〉 nothing in the house but two peny halter : ( for all his money hee had buried vnder the earth in a field ) the sight of this struck cold to their hearts : and so ( séeing their owne father ▪ as it were , had cozened them ) the broke● went ●●th away like a cupple of hounds from the dogge-house in a 〈◊〉 together , and lye buried at the grate which receiues the common sewer in the midst of hounds-ditch . hospitality had the honour of the day , and went away : crowned with poore mens benedictions . the next contenders that followed those 〈◊〉 an english knight and a spanish ▪ the don was a temperate and very little féeder , and no drinker , as all spaniards are : the knight had béene dub'd onely for his valour in that seruice : to it they went both , h●●●ed alike , manned 〈…〉 alike , the spaniard not so gawdy , but more rich . sir d●gonet had scarce set spurs to his bucephalus , but with health● which he tooke out of euery commanders fist , drinking to his ●oone voyage , ●e fell sicke , & his horse both of the scaggers , of which hee neuer recouered : hee had ( besides his page ) some voluntaries that attended him , that is to say , the drowsie and decayed memory , the one filled his glasses , the other his tobacco-pipes . shortnesse of life held his bridle , and helped him stil off . the diego was a dapper fellow , of a frée minde and a faire , bounteous of his purse , but sparing in his cups , as scorning to make his belly a wine●eller , therefore the more nimble ; and hauing nothing in him but fire , ( as the other nothing but the contrary element ) hee flew before the winde like a gallant pinnace vnder sayle , and held out his race to the end , leauing the english-man dead-drunke , in lesse then a quarter of the way . then came in two by two , other troopes , whose onsets , and ouer-throwes , honours , and disgraces , darings , and dauntings , merit an ample chronicle , rather then an abstract ; of all which the braggadochio-vices still got the worst : the vertues departing in triumph , but not with any insulting . and thus the glory of this race ended . now , as after the cleare streame hath glided away in his owne current , the bottome is muddy and troubled . and as i haue often s●ene , after the finishing of some worthy tragedy , or catastrophe in the open theaters , that the sceane after the epilogue hath béene more blacke ( about a nasty bawdy iigge ) then the most horrid sceane in the play was : the stinkards speaking all things , yet noman vnderstanding any thing ; a mutiny being amongst them , yet none in danger : no tumult , and yet no quietnesse : no mischife begotten , and yet mischiefe borne : the swiftnesse of such a torrent , the more it ouerwhelmes , bréeding the more pleasure . so after those worthies and conquerours had left the field , another race was ready to begin , at which , though the persons in it were nothing equall to the former , yet the shoutes and noyse at these was as great , if not greater . they marched in no order , and that made them séeme comely ; handsomenesse in them had beene a disgrace , the worse they shewed , the better they were liked : they could do nothing ill , because they could doe nothing well , and were therefore commended , because there was in them nothing commendable : such praise as they brought , they caried away ; and this it was . the first troope that came thronging in , were a company of braue staring fellowes , that looked like flemings , for they were as fat as butter , and as plumpe in the face as trumpeters are when their chéekes swell like bladders . no horses could bee hired for them : for ( as gallants doe citizens ) they were sure to breake their backes : they were all foot-men therefore , and ran very heauily ( like men going to hanging ) because if they should fall , their bellies making them leape heauy , they were sure to breake their necekes . these termed themselues epicures , and all that heard them beléeued it : for their guts was their god , their heads , hogsheads of wine , their bodies , cages for wild-fowle , and their soules nothing else but the steame and breath of roasted capons serued vp piping bot . these ran into a thousand mens debts , but ran so farre one from another , ( for feare of breaking ribbes if they had iustled ) that they would be sure neuer to run in any certaine danger . the last race they ran ( for you must know they had many ) was from a cry of sergeants : yet in the end the law ouer-tooke them , and after a long , sweaty , and troublesome race , ouer-threw and layd them in the dust ; they dyed in prison , and were buryed in silence . after them came in a pert lawyer , puffing and blowing ( one that for putting a wrench into the lawes mouth , to force her to speake any thing , was pitched ouer the barre ) and hee can really : but with whom thinke you ? against this owne conscience : but in the race ( sweat and sweare , do what he could ) she gaue him the slip , tired him extreamely , and was still out of his reach the length of gracious street , at the least ; yet the lawyer was a goodly man , strong , and full of action , and his conscience nohing in the world to speake of . the next was one that should haue beene a scholler , and was indéed , and he ran horrible fast after foure benefices all at one time , they held him nobly to it a long space ; but with much adoe hee got beyond them , and wonne what he ran for : mary hee caught such an incurable cold ( by reason of his pursinesse ) that hes lost his voyce presently , and grew by degrees , so hoarse , that he neuer spake after to any great purpose , all his lights we●e so stopped . at last comes skipping in a terse , spruise , neatified capricious taylor , new leaped from his shop-boord , and the diuill could not perswade him , but hee would runne with pride , and with none else . pride was for him , and tooke hold of him presently , horses were offered to them both : no ( sayd the taylor ) i will not bee set on horfe-backe , i will not ride , nor be ridden : pride scorned any courtesie more then he . to it they go then ; pride got still before him , and he followed her at an ench like a mad-man , tooth and nayle . in the end hee had her at his backe : pride then ( for anger that any should out-strip her ) made such extreame haste , that shee caught a fall . the taylor ( hauing many gallant parts of a gentleman about him ) looking aside , and seeing his incounterer downe , came brauely to her , offering to take her vp , which she disdaining , allowed him a yard before her , which hee was content to take , and to it they go againe : pride followed him close , and comming home vp to him , spyed her aduantage ( being neere the races end ) and leaping forward , hit him full at the heart , and so ouerthrew him . inraged at which , hee drew out a spanish weapon , and would haue runne it through her ; shee put him by , and cut his combe , which so cut his heart ( to see a woman his confusion ) that hee was neuer his owne man afterward . but he sayd hee wrought his owne woe himselfe , and confest it was his owne seeking to meddle with her ; and therefore such bread as he brake , was but broken to him againe , yet swore ( if a man might beleeue him ) that though he sunke into hell for it , he would , at one time or other , sawce her . this quarrell made peace ; for the vn-rauelling of this bottome , was the last thréed that ended all . you now see what voyage this ship of fooles ( in which these last were imbarked ) hath made . heere cast they anchor , and leap on shore . a preparation to the masque ensuing , and the cause therof . fame , who hath as many tongues as there are mouthes in the world , hearing of the honourable defeature giuen by those worthy champions to to their ignoble ( but insulting ) enemies , could not choose ( because shee is a woman , but pratile of it , in all places , and to all persons ; insomuch that the courts of kings rang of it cities made bone-fires for it , the country had almost broke all their bels about it : at euery crosse it was proclaimed , at euery market , one word went about the price of victuals , and flue about that : barbers had neuer such vtterance of a newes , booke-sellers sold more sheetes then linnen-drapers ; carriers could load their horses with no packes but of this : no ship went to sea , but some part of the fraight was this victory : it was written of at home , dispersed in letters abroad , and sung to a new tune euery where . omitting these hither parts of christendome , she ( fame i meane ) taking her trumpet ( because she is times herald ) flew with it ouer the mediterranean-sea into asia , first into turkey , so to caldaea , persia , hircania , assiria , armenia , and then getting vp higher ouer the caspian sea , away shee poasted to the tartars , and cathayans , then to the chynois , and other east indians , so backe againe ouer the arabian sea , into arabia foelix : then crossing ouer numidia , her next cut was into barbary in affrica , from thence downe to noua guinea ; and from thence crossing the lyne into the ethyopian sea , away swoopes shee by brasill , and so beates her wings in the west indies , whose heate being ready to melt her , ( as the east indies did before ) ouer the lyne againe she scuds to noua hispania , & so to the northward of america : then homeward through florida , taking virginea , noua francia , norembega , and all those septentrionall countries in her passage , and so crossing the deucalidonian sea , hauing beaten her selfe almost to death in proclaiming and trumpeting lowdly the news , she pantingly ariues where shee set forth , pruning and péecing vp her flagging and broken wings . the winds caching her breath in all kingdoms , through which she went , were as great with it as her selfe , & ready to burst vntill they were deliuered . neuer was such puffing & blowing , such blustring & roaring , since they threw downe babel : so that with their strugling who should cry out first , they were all brought a bed of it at one time : for all of them breaking by force into the bowels of the earth , and by that irrruption tearing her very foundation with an vniuersall earth-quake , the massy frame was cleft & riuen asunder , and so the terror of the report was by the wherrying winds shot ( as if with a thunder-bolt from heauen ) and neuer tarryed , or met any rub , till it burst open the gates of infernall erebus . the grand-sophy of the satanicall synagogue , at the very sound of it belchd out a groane , the rebound of which ( like one bandogs whyning in paris garden , setting all the kennels a barking ) left all the stygian hel-hounds in a most clamorous howling . the dismall consort hauing ( with a worse noise then the grating and crashing of iron when it is a ●yling ) ended these blacke sants , & shooke their gastly heads foure or fiue times together , & with chaines ratling at their heeles , ( as if so many blacke dogs of new-gate had beene mad in a tauerne there ) ran bellowing all , about their father of mischiefe , to know what qualme came ouer his stomake . he ( darting an eye vpon them , able to confound a thousand coniurers in their owne circles , ( though with a wet finger they could fetch vp a little diuell ) and with an vlulation , ( his chin almost bursting his breast-bone with a nod ) from which , fum'd out a breath ( blacker then sea-coale smoake out of a brew-house chimney ) which if their withered chaps had bin there , yawning to sucke it downe was of power to haue turned ten thousand old beldams in lapland into the rankest witches ) hee thus grumbled : hel's vndone , why , yelped all the rest ? an armada ( quoth he ) cannot saue vs , our legions ( in the world next aboue vs ) are ouerthrowne by that stigmaticall virago vertue : all those battalions that warred vnder y e cullors of our red & fiery dragō are debaushed : suffer this bracke into our acheronticke territories ; & hotter assassinations will euery day pel mel maule vs. al about him cryed they would neuer endure it . whilst this indisgested mischiefe lay broyling on their stomackes , roome was made for an intelligencer newly arriu'd vpon these stronds of horror . it was one of those nimble vmbratici daemones , as inuisible as the aire , & ( like aire ) neuer out of our company , one of those gnomi , whose part theophrastus paracelsus takes so terribly , prouing that whether we swmme , or are on land , or in the woods , or in houses , wee are still haunted with a spirit or two at least , neither hurtfull nor doing good , and such a one was this : belial belzebub of barathrum , had lately employed this purseuant of his about serious businesse ; in which hauing done nothing , and dreading but sorry paiment for his labour , hee knew not how better to escape the furies , then by forging some egregious lies , by the same anuile , that all hell was now striking ( that 's to say , touching the late victorie of the vertues ) and so to bee thought hee had spent all his time in that intelligence . he therefore being tossed , ( the throng was so great ) vpon their glowing flesh-hookes , from one to one , till hee came before the grand cacodemon , ( his maister ) who sate in a chaire all on fire , downe fell my little spirit flat at his clouen feete : and then , the captaine of damnation , ( hauing first spit out foure or fiue blasphemies , which one of his gentlemen ushers still trod out ) hee gnashed his teeth , and asked if the newes were current : it was replied , yes . nay ( cries this goblin ) to vnclaspe a booke of my further trauels , let mee bee hung in chaines of yce ( as you are in fire , if i lie ) and bee bound to eate flakes in the frozen zone for a thousand yeares , if the gloabe of the terrestriall world bee not new moulded , the ball of it hath none of the old stuffing : not an inch of knauery can now bee had for loue or money , if you would giue a million of gold you cannot haue a courtier in debt , if you would bestow a thousand pounds worth of tobacco on a souldier but to sweare a garrison-oth , hee would die ere hee drunke it ; besides all rich-men are liberall , poore men not contentious , beggars not drunke , lawyers not couetous , rich heires not rietous , cittizens not enuious , clownes most religious . no more , 〈…〉 tarrarian tarmag●n● ▪ the ●●ther stop'd in his 〈◊〉 , and it was time , for this sa● cannon , 〈◊〉 schellum wafferhand through both his broad sides . the fair of this mile-stone had almost burst his heart , hee 〈◊〉 nothing but flashes of fire , spit nothing but flakes of 〈◊〉 , weep'd nothing but scoopes-full of scalding-water , for now he saw the dilaceration of his owne luciferan kingdome . and the exaltation of his enemies ; out of his presence hee commanded all , they breake their neckes for hast ; he hawle for musicke , ten thousand soules were presently set a yelling , hee tooke no pleasure in 't , hee felft himselfe damnably heart-burnt , pan●ues worse then the tortures of euerlasting death fell vpon him , and no hope of his recouery , which made an inerpressible howling in hell . no amendment being in him , hee cals for physitions : not one would come neere him , they knew his payment too well , for potecaries they were little enough , and cared not for his custome . he then ●ard out , for a cunning 〈◊〉 to make his will , one was at his elbow presently , 〈◊〉 he hugd in his armes , and cry'd out . welcome my sonne ; thou 〈…〉 euer bind mee vnto thee . s r satrapa● satan , then 〈…〉 him hee 's 〈…〉 and miserable estate , 〈…〉 desperate , 〈…〉 being vtterly giuen ouer , hee 〈◊〉 for him to 〈◊〉 his last will and testament , and 〈◊〉 or scriuano , begins , and galops as fast but then , as monsieur diabole 〈…〉 his chaps , the will 〈◊〉 this . the diuels last will and testament . behemah dornschweyn , prince of all that lyes betwéene the east and the west , the north and the south ; mighty both on the sea , and on the land , chiefe uayuode of usury , symony , bribery , periury , forgery , tyrranny , blasphemy , calumny , &c. ( my uassails and deputies , with all their petty officers vnder them ) patron of all that study the blacke and negromanticke arts ; father of all the roaring boyes ; the founder and upholder of paintings , dawbings , plaisterings , pargettings , purflings , cerusings , cementings , wrinkle-fillings , and botchings vp of old , decayed , and weather-beaten faces ; being confounded , and tormented in euery limbe : but hauing my memory and wits fresh and liuely , doe make this my last will and testament in manner and forme following : inprimis , i will bequeath the world ( whereof i am prince ) with all the pleasures , inticements , and sorcerous uanities thereof , to bee equally distributed amongst my sons and daughters ; and because ( of my owne knowledge ) i find very many of them , to be damnable and wicked , i lay vpon all such a fathers heauy curse ; not caring though they ha●g in hell , because they haue ran a villanous , impious , preposterous , and diuelish race . item . to all those ladies , gentlewoman , and cittizens wiues , ( being set downe by their names in my black book ) to whose houses & company i haue bene welcome at mid-night , my will is y e they all , shall mou●ne . item . i further will and bequeath to my louing and deerest friends , the usurers of this citty , all such moneis as are now , or shall heereafter bee taken aboue the rate of 10 . i th hundred . item . my will is , that euery gentleman who serues mee , shall bee kept in his chaine , yea ; the worst that hath followed mee , let him goe in a blacke s●●te of durance . item . whereas , i haue many base daughters lurking about y e suburbs , i giue to thē carbuncles a peece , the biggest that 〈◊〉 be goten . and to those matrons ( that for my sake haue bene euer déere to those my said daughters ) i giue to each of them a bottle of the same aqua-vitae , whereof i my selfe drinke . item . i giue my inuisible cloakes to all bankrouts , because they made them , but to one poet onely ( called poet comedy ) i giue my best inuisible cloake , because it onely fits his shoulders better then mine 〈◊〉 , but chiefly for that hée will trim it vp well , and line it with come not neere me , or stand off ; and because he is a ●lip of mine owne grafting , i likewise bequeath to him my best slippers , to walke and play with his kéepers noses . item . i giue to all officers that loue mee , a brace of my owne angels to hang about their neckes , as a remembrance of mee . item , my wil is , that all the brokers in long-lane be sent to me with all spéed possible , because i haue much of them laid to pawne to me , which will , i know , neuer be redeemed , and what i giue to them shall bee in hugger-mugger ; and for their brethren ( the rest of their iewish tribe in the synagogue of houns-ditch ) let thē be assured they shall not bee forgotten , because i heare they pray for mee howrely , i pitty these poore dispised soules , because if they should misse mee , i know what would become of them . item . i giue toward the mending of the high-waies , betweene new-gate and tyburne , all the grauell that lies in the kidneys , reynes and bladders , of churles , usures , baudes , harlots , and whoore-maisters , and rather then those grauel-pits , should grow scanty , i will that they bee supplied continually . item . i giue to all iailors and kéepers of prisons , to euery one of them , the soule of a beare ( to bee rauenous ) the body of a woolfe ( to be cr●●ll : ) the speech of a dog ( to be churlish ; ) the tallons of a ●ulture ( to bee griping , ) and my countenance to beare them out in their office , that they may looke like diuels vpon poore prisoners : item . my will is , that if any roaring boy ( springing from my race ) happen to be stabd , swaggering , or swearing three-pil'd oathes in a tauerne , or to bee kild in the quarrell of his whoore ▪ let him bee fetched hither ( in my owne name ) because heere he shall be both ●ookt too ▪ and prouided for . lastly , i make and ordaint ( by this my last will and testament ) a common barretour to bee my executor ; and two knights , who are my sworne seruants and are of the post ; ( their names and seruice being naild vpon pillers in westminster pallace ) i make them , ( al-be-it they are pur-blind ) my ouerseers , and for their paines therein , i will bequeath to each of them a great round pearle , to be worne in their eyes , because i may be still in their sight , when i am gone from them . and to testify that this is my last and onely will which shall stand , i subscribe my name vnto it , thereby renouncing , retracting , reuocating , disanulling , & quite cancelling , all former wils whatsoeuer by mee at any time or times made ; in witnesse whereof all the states infernall ; auernall , acheronticke , stygian , phlegetonticke , and peryphlegitonticke , haue likewise subscribed , in the yeare of our ranging in the world , 5574. mounsieur nouerint ( being a man , whose conditions were too well knowne ) had nothing said to him at this time , because the diuell was very bad , and had no stomacke to talke of old reckonings ( for vniuerse was in his debt ) but had his payment , and was glad he got away . now , as it often happens to rich curmudgeons , that after they haue settled their estates on their death-beds , ( as they verily feare ) and that their wiues gape day and night to be widdowes , that from their husbands 〈◊〉 they may leape into a coach and be ladies , their sonnes and heires cursing as fast ( as the mothers pray ) vntill they great capon-bell ring out , the daughters weeping ( when they know their portions ) onely because they are not marriageable , or if mariageble , because ere they mourne in blacke , they haue not suiters to make them merry & the kindred as greedy ( for their parts ) to see the winding sheete laid out , that they may fetch their 〈◊〉 legacies , & then ( oh terrible then ! ) y e old fox reuiues , fals to his sleepe , cals for his victuals , feeles himselfe mend , remembers his bags , cries out for his keies , seales vp his , mony ▪ no talk of a wil , no hope of a widdow , no sharing of his wealth ; euen the selfe-same pill tooke this diego daemonum , and recouered vpon it . for all his children , acquaintance , and seruants , standing round about him , howling and ●rying for him , behold ! this howling of theirs made him almost o●t of his wits , that madnesse quickened his spirits , his spirits made him rowze vp himselfe , with that rowzing hee began to looke into what danger he was falne , and by looking into it , to deuise plots againe to raise it . heereupon , a synode was called of all the subtillest and plaugiest prates in hell , ( of which there are good store ) magog mammon , there discouers his disease , the cause of it , and the perill ; his feare is that his kingdome would now bee sorely shaken , and his sorrowes , because all they should be sure to smart for it more then he himselfe , hee therefore craues their infernall counsell . they sit , they confer , they consult , and from that consultation ( after many villanous proiects tosd on their hornes like dung vpon pitch-forkes , and smelling worse ) this aduice was hatched , and had fethers stucke on the backe , the rest were pluckt naked ; and this it it was , that minotaure polyphem ( the sire of all those whelpes barking thus in the kennels of hell ) should forth-with put fire into his old bones , and fall to threshing of their damme , to get more hell-hounds , ( braue yong little diuels ) whom hee may ( like tumblers ) hoyst from one fiends shoulder vp to another , and so pop them into the world : and they againe going to bull , with other blacke goblins , may ingender , what monsters they please to set all the world and all the people in it out of tune , and the worse musicke they make , the more sport it is for him . this act was filed vpon record : most uoyces carried it away ; the councell flowed currant , the court is adiourned , and the great beglherby of lymbo fals ho●ly to his businesse . now you must vnderstand that the diuell bring able to get children faster then any man else , had no sooner touched his old ●aplendian gueneuora , but shee as speedily quickned ; and no sooner quickned , but was deliuered , and lay in , and had at this litter or burden , two twins . dabh ▪ aldip alambat , their father gaue them their names , the one was called hypocrisie , the other ingratitude . hypocrisie was put to nurse to an anabaptist of amsterdam , but ingratitude was brought vp at home . in a short time they battend , and were plunipe as fat chop-bacons they were , and toward to practise any trickes that were shewed them . so that béeing ripe for maisters , hypocrisie was presently bounded a puritane taylor , by his nurle , and did nothing but make clokes of religion for to weare , of a thousand colours . hee ran away from the taylor , and then dwelt with a uizard maker , and there hee was the first who inuented the wearing of two faces vnder a hood . after this hee trauelled into italy , and there learned to embrace with one arme , and stabbe with another to smile in your face 〈…〉 a ponyard in your bosome : to protest , and 〈◊〉 lye to sweare loue , yet hate mortality . from italy hee came into the low-countries , where he would not talke , vnlesse hee dranke with him ▪ and-cast you myn leeuin broder , with a full grasse , onely to ouer● reach you in your cups of your bargaine . out of germany hee is againe come ouer into england , his lodging is not certaine : for ( like a whoore ) hee lyes euery where . hée sometimes is at court , and is there excéeding full of complement , hee goes sometimes like a threed-bare scholler , with lookes humble , as a lambes , and as innocent , but his heart prouder then a turkes to a christians . hee hath a winning and bewitching presence , a sweete breath , a musicall voyce , and a warme soft hand . but it is dangerous to keepe company with him , because he can alter himselfe into sundry shapes . in the citty hee is a dogge , and will fawne vpon you : in the fields hee is a lyons whelpe , and will play with you : in the sea hee is a mer-mayd , and will sing to you . but that fawning is but to reach at your throat : that playing is to get you into his pawes , and that singing is nothing else but to sink and confound you for euer . this picture of perdition ( hypocrisie ) was not drawne so smoothly , so cunningly , and so enticingly , but his brother ( ingratitude ) though there went but a paire of sheares betweene them , was as vgly in shape , and as blacke in soule : hee was a fiend in proportion , and a fury in condition . it is a monster with many hands , but no eyes : it catcheth at any thing , but cannot see the party from whom it receiues . this is that follow made all the diuels at first , and still supplyes their number continually . this is that lethargy that makes vs forget our maker , and neuer to thanke him for whatsoeuer he bestowes on vs : for no estate is content with his state . if wee are poore , wee curse : if rich , wee grumble it comes in no faster ; if hard-fauoured , wee enuy the beautifull ; if faire , it is our trée of damnation , and for money euery slaue climbes it . this is that torpedo , which if we touch , a numbnesse strikes all our ioynts , and wee haue no féeling one of another . this is hee which maketh one forget god and his country , the king and his kindred , only to please the great diuell his father . he that this day hath beene comforted with thy ●●e , fed with thy bread , relieued with thy purse , and kept from being lowsie by thy linnen , to morrow will bée ready to set the same house on fi●● y t hid him from cold , for thy bread to giue thee stories ; for the money thou lentest him , to sell thee ( like a iudas , ) and for thy linnen , which wrapped him warme , glad to see thee in danger to goe naked ▪ thus hast thou this gorgon in his liuely colours : because therefore that the odiousnesse of this beast , ingratitude , should still be in our eye , god hath hierogliphically figured it in many of his creatures . the viper is an embleme of it , whose yong-ones gnaw out the belly in which they are bred . so is the mule , whose panch being full with sucking , she kickes her dam. so is the iuy , which kils that by which it climbes : and so is fire , which destroyes his nourisher . the tongue of ingratitude is the sting of that frozen snake , which wounds the bosome that gaue it heate and life . the hands of ingratitude are those tubbes full of holes , which the daughters of da●au● fill vp with ●●ter in hell , and as fas● as it is 〈◊〉 in , it all rans out againe . an ingratefull man therefore is not like nero , that gathered flowers out of ennius his heape of dung , but like the cantharides that sucke● poyson out of the sweetest flower . not without great wisedome did that old serpent , ( the anchropophagiz de satyr ) cloath his hellish brood of his in human shapes : for you see how beneficiall their seruice may ●ee to him , and how maleuolent they are likely to be to man : for these are those ichneumons that creepe in at our mouthes , and are not satisfied only first with deuouring what 's within vs , and then to eate quite through our bodyes ▪ but the food which they lust after , is to rauen vpon the soule . my purpose was ( when the grand helea had gotten these two furies with nine liues , onely to haue drawne the curta●●es of her childe-bed , in which shee lay in , and to haue she●●e no more but the well-fauoured faces of her 〈◊〉 of monkyes ; but you see , from her withered t●●tes i haue brought them to their cradles , from the coadle 〈◊〉 thee to nurse ; & from thence followed them till they were able to doe seruice in the world . how they haue sped , you heare , and how they are likely to prosper , you may iudge . but you must thinke that there father , after hee had begun to digge ▪ and séeing his labours thr●●ie , would not so giue ouer : for the old countesse canidia , ( his wife ) being a teeming lamia , after she was deliuered of the two first lemures , ( hypocrisie and ingratitude ) did within short time after , bring forth others , as schisme , atheisme , paganisme , idiotisme , apostacy , impeniten●cy , diffidence , presumption , and a whole generation of such others : of whom the father needes not bee iealous that the sorceresse their mother playd false with him , euery one of them 〈…〉 him in visage , and carrying in their bosomes his villanous conditions : for as he himselfe goes prowling vp and downe for his prey , so do these take after him , and play their parts so well , that all hell routes with ●●ughing , and rings with giuing them plaudits . for these furies haue in the church bred contentions , in courts irreligion , in the ctity prophanation ; in the countrey ignorance of all goodnesse ; and in the world , a knowledge of the most flagicious impieties . at the birth of euery one these monsters , were particular triumphes , but aboue all the rest , one had the glory to be graced with a masque , and it was at an vp-sitting , when the gossips and many great states were there present . it was a morall masque , a misticall masque , and a conceited , set out at the cost of certaine catchpols , who were witty in the inuention , liberall in the expence , quicke in the performance , and neate in the putting off . the masquers themselues were braue fellowes , bare-faced , not néeding , nor caring for any uizards , ( their owne visages béeing good enough , because bad enough ) they were not ashamed of their doings . euery one of them came in with some property in his right hand , appliable to the name of a catch-poll , and to the nature of the catch-pols masque : for one had a fishermans net , another an angling rod , another a trée like a lime-bush , another a welsh-hooke , another a mouse-trap ▪ another a handfull of bryers , and such like : and euery one of these had ●●aite , and a soule nibling at eueuery baite . in their left hands they held whips , vpon their heads they wore anticke crownes of feathers plucked from rauens wings , kites and cormorants , ( béeing all birds of rapine and catching : ) and on their bodyes loo●e iackets of wolues skinnes , with bases to them of uultures , whose heads hang dangling downe as low as their kn●es ; which made an excellent shew . their legges were buttoned vp in gamashes , made of beares paw● , the naile● sticking out at full length . they who supplyed the places of torch-bearers ▪ carryed no torches , ( as in other masqueries they doe ) but ( their armes being stript vp naked to their elbowes ) they griped ( in either hand ) a bundle of liuing snakes , and adde●s , which writhing about their wrists , spit wild fire and poyson together , and so made excellent sport to the assembly . they had a drum , after which they marched ( 〈◊〉 & two ) & that was made of an old caudron , the head of it being couered with the skins of two flead spanish inquisitors , and a hole ( for vent ) beaten out at the very bottome : the drum-stickes were the ●hin-bones of two dutch-free-booters : so that it sounded like a switzers ket●le-drum . the musicke strucke vp , and they daunced ; in their dauncing it was an admirable sight to behold , how the soules that lay nibbling at the baites , did bobbe vp and downe : and still as they did bite , the whippes lashed them for their liquorishnesse . the swallowing of the baytes was ( to those soules ) a pleasure , and their skipping to and fro , when they were whipped , made all hell fall into a laughing . one of those baytes was promotion , the second was gold , the third beauty , the fourth reuenge , the fift a pipe of tobacco : and such rotten stuffe were all the rest . the daunce was an infernall irish-hay , full of mad and wilde changes , which ( with the masquers ) vanished away as it came in , ( like vnto agryppaes shadowes . ) now because ( in naming this the catch-pols masque ) some squint-eyd asse , ( thinking he can sée quite through a load of mill-stones ) will goe about to perswade the credulous world , that i meane those sergeants and officers who sit at counter●●ates . no , there is no such traine layd , no such powder , no such liustocke in my pen to giue fire : they are boni & legaies homines , good fellowes , and honest men : ( that name of catch-poll is spitefully stucke vpon them by a by-name : for to these catch-pols , that are now vnder my fingers , doth it properly , naturally , and really belong , and to n●●● other . if those two set of counters compell a man to cast vp his reckoning , what he owes , and how much hee is out , yet they catch no man , except the law put them on , and it is their office . no , no , paulo maiora canamus . those catch-pols whom we deale with , are of a larger stampe , of a richer mettall , and of a coine more currant . i will therefore first tell you what a catch-poll is , and then you may easily picke out what those gallants are whom we call so . a catch-poll is one that doth both catch and poll : who is not content onely to haue the sheepe , but must sheare it too ; and not sheare it , but to draw bloud too . so then by this etymology of the word , any one that sinisterly wrests and serues monopolies into his hands , to all his coffers , ( though his owne conscience whispers in his eare , that hee beggers the common-wealth ) and his prince neuer the better for it : but the poore subiects much the worse : hee is a grand catch-poll . any one that takes bribes , and holds the scales of iustice with an vn-euen hand , laying the rich mans cause ( be it neuer so bad ) in the heauy scale , and the poore mans ( be it neuer so good ) in the light one , hée is a catch-poll . a pastor , that hauing a flocke to féede , suffers them to breake into strange fields , lets them stray he cares not how ; be dragged away by the wolfe , he regards not whither : séeth them sicke and diseased , and will not cure them ; hee is a catch-poll . so is a lawyer , that fleas his c●●ent , and doth nothing else for him . so is an 〈◊〉 man , if he rob the poore widow , or friendlesse-forsaken orphant . so is a soldier , that makes bloud , rapes , lust and violence his proper ends ; and not gods quarrell , his princes right , or the honour of his country . so is a citizen , that cozens other men of their goods , and ●els bad ware in a blind shop , to honest customers , of which they neuer are able to make the one halfe : yet if they breake their day , hee will let them rot in prison rather then release them . and lastly , that prentice , who robs his maister , and spends his substance vpon harlots ; hée is a catch-poll as egregious as the best . out of these rankes were those hot-shots ( the masquers ) drawne , whom i leaue to double their files by themselues , because i sée the reare-ward comming vp , and i must likewise teach them their postures . the bankrovts banqvet . what is a masque without a banquet ? and what is a banquet if it hee not serued vp in state ? to heighten therefore the solemnity of this child-beds vp-sitting , as also to curry fauour , with the blacke king of neagers , ( their lord and maister ) another crew , of as bo●ne companions as the former , as fat in the purse and as lauish in spending , but more-carefull of beeing blazoned in the world , for what they did , and therefore all of them hiding their heades , laid their monies together , and presented a strange , rare , en●ious , and most sumptuous banquet , to donzell diauolo . inuitng not onely himselfe , but also his new-deliuered spouse ( queene of the grimme tartars , the trogto●●●●res , who eate serpents , the foode of diuels , the cimerians , the sodomites , and the gomorrhaeans ) and with her , the great diabolicall conuenticle there assembled together . to stoppe all these mouthes with sugar-plumes , you must needs thinke , would aske a huge charge ; but they who vndertake the cost , respected not the expence , for they had not onely coyne of their owne enough , but they had shragd others too of theirs , and being hunted from corner to corner in the world , hither ( into the iland of the bermudes haunted as all men know with hogs and hobgoblings ) came they for shelter , for heere they know they are sure , from hence none dare fetch them ; they are called bankrouts . and because the catch-pols proportiond out a deuice responsible to their name and quality ; these bankrouts , ( treading in the same steps of ambition ) martiald vp a banquet , rellishing likewise of their name , carriage and condition . so that , although they had hooked into their hands , all sorts of wares , goods , commodities , and merchandize , out of the true owners singers , and had laid them far enough from their r●ath ; yet would they serue this banquet to the table , neither in plate , in christall , in chyna dishes , glasse or any other furniture , but in a stuffe , deerer to them ( and more deere to others ) then any of the mettals recited , for they to get wealth into their fists , not makings feare . nor conscience to seale to any parchements , in sealed dishes , therefore was their banquet brought in . and thus the bankrouts themselues ( to adde more state to the ceremony ) come marching with their suckets , &c. in order . first , the vpper end of the table was such 〈◊〉 with the heauiest , costliest , and cunningst bondes that could be got , for loue , wit , or mony ; and they were heaped vp with cynamon comfits . ( cynamon being an extreme bynder ; ) and of this banquetting dish was such store , that it ran cleane through the board . next , came in bils obligatory , ( a thousand in a cluster ) and they were filled with conserues of slowes , and other stipticke sweete meates . after these in most iudiciall manner , and with great pompe and charge , were statutes serued vp : and they were laden with candyed ering●●s ▪ of purpose to put spirit into him that should eate of this dish , and to keepe him vp , because , if hee sinke or grow sicke with chewing downe or swallowing of statute , he●es g●ne and little hope of recouery . iust in the taile of those , were brought to the table a goodly company of defeazances , and they held delicate flakes of white and red iellies , being both restoratiue , and very loosing to the stomake , and good against those binding and restringent dishes , which came in first , at the vpper end of the table this dish should haue bene serued vp , but it had a mischance . after all this , a c●pias with a latitat , went from one to one , but none touched those dishes , yet they were heaped full to the brim with sugar-pellets , and cakes of gynger-bread piled round about them ; but the pellets when they were shot did scarce hit , and the gynger so bit their tongues , and set their mouths in a heat , that none at the table toucht them , but shifted them one from another . at the last , attachments appeared in their likenesse , and they were fild into bottels of hypo●●as , and other strong wines , able to lay hold of a 〈◊〉 , as suddenly as he laies hold of them , and to make him ( if hee drinke hard of them ) to bee carried away , and his good-night land-lord . next those dishes , were brought in , a number of outlaries , thwackt with purging-comfits , for they are able to make a man flye ouer nine hedges . and below them stood iudgements , full of newbakt diet-bread , and therefore hard for the stomack● to disgest . but close by them were placed executions , which cloyed euery ones stomacke there ; for they were tarts of of seuerall fruites , stucke with muske-comfits of purpose , to sweeten the mouth , if any should happen to lay his lippes to sowre a dish . the last banquetting 〈◊〉 ( saue one ) were ne exeat regnum , and those were heaped to the top with annis-seed-comfits , being exceeding good to procure long-winds , if a man haue a minde , or bee forced to run his country . the last of all were protections , some larger then other ; and when these came in , a shoute was giuen , for all the bankrouts slung vp their caps , and bid their guests profaces , for now they saw their cheere . in those protections lay march-panes , which shewed like bucklers , y e long orange-comfits standing vp like pikes , & in the midst of euery march-pane a goodly swéet castle , all the bottomes being thickely strewed with careawaies . and this was the bankrouts sybariticall banquer . the queint casting of the dishes so brauely , all in wax was wondred at , the working , tempering , moulding , and fashioning of the sweete-meates were commended , the conceipt of furnishing the table extolled , the cost well liked off , and the bestowers , not reward with common thankes , for the grand-signior of the triple worse called the bankrouts his white sonnes , and swore a damnable oath , that hee himselfe would haue an eye ouer them . and so , after hee and his bash●●● , had 〈◊〉 their guts , they rose , euery officer being charged to looke to his place , that no more such 〈…〉 hils , that support his kingdome , and with such lessons , they flye seuerall waies , swift , and as horrid as whi●lewindes . a musse being made amongst the poorer sort in hell , of the sweete-meate-scraps , left after the ban-quet . the feasters being dispersed , the maisters of the feast , ( the bankrouts ) held in a knot together : it was told them , there was beating at the gates to speake with them . all went to sée : and who was it but the comfit-maker , that trusted them with his stuffe , and brought a bill of three-score and odde pounds , requesting to haue his money . his pay-maisters told him this was no world to part from money , but to get as much as euery man could into his owne hands : other men did so , and so would they , their elders read them that lesson , and they must take it out . if he would take two shillings in the pound , they would pay him downe vpon the na●le : if not , they were resolued to try the vtmost , and therefore bid him go shake his eares . the poore rotten-tooth'd comfit-maker , et these out-of-tune notes , was ready to run out of his wits : hee rapt at the gates , swore , cursed , and railed ; are you m●● ( cryed he out ) or diuels ? now shall i pay my sugarmarchant : now my grocer● ▪ now my bakers ? now my worke-men ▪ now my orange-women , if you pay me thus with slips ? into halters slip you all ; you haue robbed me , vndone me , beggered me , and left nothing in my ship but one box of 〈◊〉 almonds , and i would they were burning red-hot in your bellies too . the more sowre his language was , the more sweet it was to them : for they did but laugh to heare him curse , and went their wayes : he séeing no remedy , swore hee would rattle all hell about their eares if they bod'd him off thus : and so betwéene scolding and whining , he thus tooke his peny-worths of them in words , though not in siluer . if ( fai● he ) you were poore , 〈◊〉 had it not , i would neuer aske you a peny , if you 〈◊〉 forced to breake by any 〈◊〉 ship-wracke at sea , or by the villany of debitos on the land , or by the frownes of the world , or the falsenesse of seruants , i should pawne my shirt from my backe to releiue you ; but you burst vpon knauery , cheating and roguery . you that thus vndermine your owne estates , ( with other mens ) your selues , are like trées standing in your next neighbours ground , which you climbe in the darke , & gathering the fruit ( like théeues ) run away with it by moone-shine . but if your states were weake for want of ability to pay , then are you those tree that ( in your owne ground ) are beaten with stormes , whose apples are shaken downe spitefully on the earth , and are deuoured by such hoggish debters before the true owners can come to take them vp and if so , you are to be pittied and releeued . you tell me you will breake : do so , breake your neckes . but before you do so , make this account , that you are as bad as halfe hanged ; for you haue an ill , and a most abhominable name : try else . a bankrout , that is to say , a banker-out : a citizen that deales in mony , or had mony in banke , or in stocke , he is out ( when he breakes : ) but me thinkes hee is rather in. i sée no reason we should say , he breakes , there is more reason to cry out , he makes all whole , or hee makes vp his mouth , ( as you haue done with my plums ) or he gets the diuell and all . for what doe you , but lye grunting in your flyes , like hogges , and sat your ribbes with fruits of other mens labours . in my opinion you should feare the bread you eate should choke you , because it is stolne ; the drinke you swallow should strange you , because you quaffe the bloud of honest housholders : and that the wine you carowse should dam you , because ( with it ) you mixe the teares of mothers , & the cries of children . if a rogue cut a purse , hee is hanged : if pilfer , hée is burnt in the hand : you are worse then rogues ; for you cut many purses : nay , you cut many mens throats , you steale from the husband , his wealth : from the wise her dowry : from children their portions . so that ouer your heads hang the curses of families : how then can you hope to prosper ? for to play the bankrout , is to bid men to a citty-rifling , where euery one puts in his money , and none wins but one , and that is the bankrout . if all the water in the thames were inke , and all the fethers vpon swans backes were pens , and all the smoky sailes of westerne barges , were white paper , & all the scriueners , all the clarkes , all the shoole-maisters , & all the scholers in the kingdome were set a writing , and all the yeares of the world yet to come , were to be imploied only in that businesse : that inke would be spent , those pens grub'd close to the stumps , that paper scribled all ouer , those writers wearied , and that time worne out , before the shifts , legerdemaines , conueiances , reaches , fetches , ambushes , traines , and close vnder-minings of a bankrout could to the life be set downe . this was the last winter-plum the sad comfit-maker threw at their heads ; and so left them , and so i leaue them . my muse that art so merry , when wilt thou say th' art weary ? neuer ( i know it ) neuer , this flight thou couldst keepe euer : thy shapes which so do vary , beyond thy bownds thee cary . now plume thy ruffled wings , hee 's hoarse who alwayes sings . contigimus portum , quò mihicursus erat . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20087-e700 blondus de roma triumphante . chariot races for triumph . tranquil . suetonius . the manner of roman triumphes . cor. tacit. lib. 2. annal . qui mulos frica●a● factus est cōsul . romani seruate vxores , maechum calvum vobis adducimus . in the roman theaters were alwaies their scoenici ludi , stage-playes . grecian musicke . plutarch . in moralib . trāquillus suctonius . sword-players . sword-playing , hunting , and the fighting of beast in the roman amphitheaters . ludi circēses , cuius ludi originem . virgil. lib. 5. describit venite ad ludos quos nemo mortalem vidit , neque visurus est . vide plin. lib. 18. aureis post-modum successerunt , laureae : erantque & virtutis & honoris eiusdem praemia . gellius . garlands giuen to the romans . the first sort of rūners were called stadiodromi . the secōd sort were called diaulodromi . the third sort were called dolichodrmi . races in heauen . the suns race . sol fons lucu . 1 spring . 2 summer 3 autum . 4 winter . the 〈◊〉 race . the sun the cause of the moones variable shapes . the race of the windes & the waters . the sea flowes when the motion of the moon is downewards and neerer to it . the race of the elements in mans body . 1 earth . 2 water . 3 aire . 4 fire . the race of minerals . the ambition of lead . the ambition of tynne . ambition of siluer . rip●●y● chanon of 〈◊〉 . gold hath no ambition . a fres● race . vertue & vice run . vertue is seldome mounted . her picture . vice is euer mounted . her picture . the backe part of riot . the backe part of drunkennesse . the race beginnes . the charracter of a proud turke . the turks owne vengeance prepar'd for others , cōfounds himselfe . hungary ouer-run by the turkes . prodigalities race . the character of a prodigall . thrifts race . discontēt the mother of treason . a malo in peius . the character of a niggard . hospitality pictured . chaucer in the franklins tale . they that vphold hospitality are in these daies weake , because few . niggardlinesse & hospitali●● 〈◊〉 . the spaniard temperate in dyet , the english a glutton . a drunkards followers . plures occidit ●rapula , quam glad●us . other races . belly-gods . of epicurus , from whom sprang that sect. a lawyer and his conscience run . a vicar . a taylor runs with pride . notes for div a20087-e5460 a newes spred . the naturall cause of an earth-quake . the diuel put in feare when good-men prosper . hels army defeated . paracelsus de gnomis . furies are h●ls beadels , are three in number : alecto , tysiphone , and maegera : to the number of those three passions which carry vs headlong , viz. anger , couetousnesse , and luxury . lactantius de verae cultu . blasphemy the dia els spittle . schellum in dutch , a theife : wasserhand a fauning cur , names fitting for the diuell . the notary dwels in helstreete in paris . notes for div a20087-e6510 the diuill is behemah , an elephant for strength to ouercome and dornschweyn , a porcupine for quils , he shoots daily at our soules . a vayuode is a chiefe ruler : an attribute giuen to great men in those parts of morauia and transalpine hungary . the legacies . to his children . a legacy to ladies . a legacy to vsurers . a legacy to gallants , that follow him . a legacy to puncks of the cittie . a legacy to baudes . a legacy to bankrouts . a legacy to officers tha● loue him . a legacy to brokers . a legacy for repairing the way to tyburne . a legacy to iaylors . a legacie to roaring boies . a legacie to the diuels ouer-seers . although there be , vestigia nulla retrorsa out of hell , yet you must know hee had a conueiance for that purpose , to haue ingresse and egresse . rich mens false alarums . dabh , the hyaena that digs dead men out of graues to deuoure them aldip alambat , is a rauenous or furious woolfe ▪ ingratitude , & hypocrisy borne . hypocrisyes cloake maker . the picture of an hypocrite . fistula dulce canit , &c. ingratitude pictured . lethargiaest mentis alienatio & ●erum prope omnium obliuio . torped●aem pistem , siquis attgeril , torpent m●mbra . a gorgon is a beast euer looking downeward , it eateth serpents , is scaly as a dragon , toothed as a swine : it hath wings to flye , the breath is venemous , the eyes fiery , and strike beholders dead . all which properties belong to the diuell . aesop. fab. 5. cantharidum succos , dante parente bibas . ouid . in ibim . the man-eating-monster . anthropophagi were scythians ( now tartars ) so called for eating men , & drinking bloud in their sculs . polyhistor . canidia a witch of whom hor. writes . lamia a letcherous , spirit , that neuer takes rest . a spectre . a race of vnhapy children . the masque . the masquer● their masquing apparrell . the torch-bearers . their drum. the masquers daunce . what a catch-poll is . their species . notes for div a20087-e9140 bermudes called the iland of diuels , by reason of the grunting of swine , heard from thence to the sea. the bankrouts banquet . bondes , a binding meate . bils , binders too . statutes dangerous meats . defeysance cōfortable to the stomacke . latitats no sweetnesse in them . hot in the mouth and biting . attachments a heady-drinke . outlaries are terrible purges . iudgements lie heauy in the stomacke . executions a very sowre meate and vnwholsome . ne exeat regnum good to stay a running . protections wholesome & comfortable . men that are forc'd to break are to be pittied . an inuectiue against voluntary and cofening bankerouts . their good name lost . who is a bankrout . the life of a bankrout . the 〈◊〉 of a bankrout . the villany of bankrouts can not be expressed . a full and more particular account of the late fire with several losses at newmarket : in a letter from thence of the 24th instant. 1683. cole, john, 17th cent. 1683 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33715 wing c5023 estc r16790 12394564 ocm 12394564 61090 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33715) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61090) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 935:2) a full and more particular account of the late fire with several losses at newmarket : in a letter from thence of the 24th instant. 1683. cole, john, 17th cent. 1 sheet ([2] p.) printed for john smith, london : 1683. reproduction of original in bodleian library. signed: john cole. broadside. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -fire, 1683. broadsides 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a full and more particular account of the late fire . with the several losses at newmarket : in a letter from thence of the 24th instant . 1683. having seen a forged paper ( pretended to be written in a letter from hence ) giving a short and imperfect account of the late dreadful fire at newmarket , i thought my self obliged as well to answer your request as to satisfie others , to give you a particular and more exact account of that unfortunate accident . on the 22d instant being thursday , betwixt eight and nine a clock at night , by the carelesness of a groom smoaking tobacco ; it first broke out in a stable , having seized upon the litter , straw , hay , and roof of the stable before it was discern'd , and then too violent to be overcome , till it had seized upon the next house , and so from one to another till it had run through all the houses on that side of the town . it began at the lowermost end of the town next the heath , the wind being at south-west , which carrying the flame strongly forward , no water being near to quench it , nor powder to blow up the houses in less than three hours time , all the houses on that side of the town were on fire , and continued burning till the morning , by which time they were reduced to ashes . that which made the worse for the town , was the many thatch'd houses , stables and hayricks , which took fire from one another like a train of gunpowder , having not left a house before twelve a clock that the fire had not seized upon . in this dreadful and terrible condition all burning at once , and most of all the houses yet standing , the roofs being the first that took the flame , the houses seem'd all the way as if they had been arched or rather roof'd with fire . some of them continuing burning till the next day . it would be dreadful to tell you the consternation we were in upon this so sudden and unhappy an accident ; which from the first kindling , burnt on with that violence , that those who were twelve houses and upwards from the place where the fire began , had scarce time to save any thing , scarce their horses , and those that were nearer could hardly save themselves ; many people by the sudden surprize , and others who were assisting in the quenching of the fire , having perished therein , several of whom we have since found buried under the rubbish . many brave horses , coaches , and chariots , with all their rich furniture , were lost in this general conflagration . some run about the streets half naked , with their saddles , bridles , and portmantles , others run into the houses to save what they could , till they were many of them half burnt , and many lost , endeavouring to save their horses ; which by no means they could get to come through the fire till they had hoodwincked them , or the fire had seized upon them behind , the pain of which drove them forward to seek for their safety . the distracted people were in such consternation , that many horses which were taken out of the flame , and set loose in the street , to shift for themselves upon the heath with the people , instead of making towards the heath , made to the stables , where they were burnt without all possibility of preventing it . many sustained great losses , not only of horses , but coaches and other things ; but the greatest of this nature fell upon the lord sunderland , who not only lost his chief saddle-horses , but his best set of coach-horses ; the lord clarendon , lord clifford , lord rochester , lost several race horses , and best saddle-horses , and many others , which would be too tedious to relate . all that happened well in so unhappy an accident was , that the fire all this time , did not touch on that side of the street where the kings house stood ; which was the only comfort we had in the midst of all our losses . it would but create a trouble to tell you the miserable estate these poor wretches are in , expos'd to the wind and weather upon the heath , having neither house nor goods , cloathes nor sustenance . i will therefore add no more , but that i am your distressed humble servant . john cole . london , printed for john smith . 1683. the protestant's warning-piece or, the humble remonstrance of ieffery corbet citizen and grocer of london, composed for the view of his highness, the parliament, and all the good people in england, scotland, and ireland; and published to frustrate the designes of the incendiaries employed by the pope, and the king of spain, who have severall yeares contrived to fire the city of london in a 100 places at once, and then proceed to their long intended massacre. corbet, jeffrey. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80546 of text r211849 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.20[37]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80546 wing c6246 thomason 669.f.20[37] estc r211849 99870536 99870536 163454 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80546) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163454) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f20[37]) the protestant's warning-piece or, the humble remonstrance of ieffery corbet citizen and grocer of london, composed for the view of his highness, the parliament, and all the good people in england, scotland, and ireland; and published to frustrate the designes of the incendiaries employed by the pope, and the king of spain, who have severall yeares contrived to fire the city of london in a 100 places at once, and then proceed to their long intended massacre. corbet, jeffrey. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1656] imprint from wing. signed at end: jeffery corbet. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng catholics -ireland -early works to 1800. anti-catholicism -england -early works to 1800. protestants -england -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a80546 r211849 (thomason 669.f.20[37]). civilwar no the protestant's warning-piece: or, the humble remonstrance of ieffery corbet citizen and grocer of london, composed for the view of his hig corbet, jeffrey. 1656 1803 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2008-08 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the protestant's warning-piece : or , the humble remonstrance of ieffery corbet citizen and grocer of london , composed for the view of his highness , the parliament , and all the good people in england , scotland and jreland ; and published to frustrate the designes of the incendiaries employed by the pope , and the king of spain , who have severall yeares contrived to fire the city of london in a 100 places at once , and then proceed to their long intended massacre . sheweth , that about the yeare , 1639. the pope and his councell sent william oconner , an irish jesuit unto the king of spain and the rest of the catholick princes for their contribution of money , arms and amunition to carry on the massacre of all the protestants in the 3. nations . and for that end the said oconner came over into england about iuly , 1640. and went daily in the garbe of a courtier attending upon the queen mother . about 1. septemb. 1640. the said oconnee did boast unto an jrish convert that he was the chief contriver of that intended massacre , and that there were 7000. men in private pay for the massacre in london . and that the l. cottington was to be lieutenant of the tower , and had 500. irish papists sent out of flanders to guard the tower under him . and that the queene was to goe beyond sea , and pawne the jewels of the crowne for that purpose . and that the money , arms , and amunition which the king of spain had sent over was secured at the spanish ambassadors house in london , and was disposed of amongst the papists by one garrat dillon an irish iesuit , who had his residence at the spanish ambassadors . that upon discovery of the massacre the said o conner was apprehended , and committed to the gate-hoase , 3. septemb. 1640. but divers persons in and about the city of london , and west minster , caused the said o conner to be protected from iustice above 4. years and then to be released , contrary to the law of god , and the laws of the land . and though the said o conner was so timely apprehended that the massacre was prevented here , yet because iustice was not speedily executed upon him that others might heare & feare , and do no more so wickedly . therefore the hearts of his confederates were fully set in them to do evill . insomuch that above 100000 protestants in ireland were barbarously murdered in cold blood severall moneths after the said o conner was apprehended . moreover those persons did not only prevaile , that the bloody massacre was not at all discovered to the protestants in ireland to fore-warn and arme them to fight for their lives ; but they improved such an interest here , that the popish party who had a hand in the massacre intended in england were never searched out . yea those persons wittingly and wilfully suffered the queen to goe beyond sea to pawne the jewels of the crowne for laying the foundation of the late warres here to carry on the popes hellish interest . that those persons have from time to time , protected the popes agents from iustice , when they were apprehended by his highness , and others during the wars , and sent to the parliament , to be tryed for their lives as trayterous incendiaries . insomuch , that the pope & his conclave finding such encouragement they sent over 300 chosen jesuits into england to make factions , and parties amongst professors , and so preach us into confusion as they have boasted . moreover the pope caused his buls to be hanged up on the church doores at antwerp and other places , in 1643. and 1644. giving dispensations to all priests , and iesuits to come into england and to transforme themselves into the various formes of religion amongst us , the better to divide the people and carry on their bloudy designes under a form of godliness . and by that stratagem they have all along exasperated the spirits of professors differing in iudgement and made them bite , and endeavour to devour one another . mean while the popes interest hath gone on unsuspected . and under this colour they have conspired divers yeares to set the city of london on fire in a hundred places at once , and then fall to massacre , and cut off the root and branch of all the protestants in these nations . yea , they have boasted that they are in constant readiness , and watch only for the remove of the army as they did in 1648. upon the scots invasion , and the insurrection in kent wales , &c. and the captain generall for that bloody worke had his constant resident at the spanish ambassadours house till hee removed from london . that the aforesaid persons have from time to time dammed up justice against the discoverers of those horrid conspiracies , and all others who have appeared on their behalfe . and have caused them and their friends to bee defrauded of estates above 40000. pounds in value . mean while they have caused divers friends to those discoverers to goe with sorrow to their graves , and others to lead languishing lives in disgrace and repreach . upon which account the foresaid persons being subtle secret enemies did improve such an interest in the three last parliaments , that no law was made to remedy such abhominable obstructions of iustice whereby the agents for the pope , and the king of spaine , and the king of scots have been encouraged , and protected in their barbarous conspiracies , and the friends of the common-wealth exposed to ruine . onely the good hand of providence hath preserved those discoverers , and many of their friends even to admiration for to make good the fore-going particulars on behalfe of this divided , and wel-nigh distracted common-wealth . that the king of scots hath many yeares since engaged to the pope to set up popery in these nations upon the popes engagement to improve his interest to settle him in his throne . and from that mutuall ingagement , the presbyterians in scotland , and here may gather that their making a party to bring in the k. of scots for the establishing of presbytery was to strengthen the hands of the popes party to murder them , and their posterities . and the protestant cavalier may likewise observe that if they should have conquered the parliaments party , yet all the advantage they would have gained thereby would have been only this to have been last destroyed . for the popes bloody monsters would have given them no more quarter then they did the 100000. in ireland , which they murdered in cold blood . that the spine saith . no prophesie of scripture is of any private interpretation . and because thou hast let goe out of thy hand a man whom i appointed to utter destruction , thy life shall goe for his life , and thy people for his people . and neglect to strengthen the hands of the poore and needy , was one of the sins of sodom , and god abhorres solemne fasts , and other duties where iudgement and righteousness are neglected , ( 2 pet. 1. 20. 1 king. 20. 42. ezek. 16. 49. isa 1. 11. to 18. amos , 5. 21. ) from whence it doth appeare that the unparalell'd mercies which god hath bestowed upon these nations have been hitherto intermixed with dreadfull iudgements threatning utter desolation . because ! the popes bloody monsters have been let goe from time to time by the aforesaid secret enemies . and , because men of knowne integrity , fearing god , and of a good conversation are not appointed for commissioners to bring these secret enemies unto speedy publick justice , and to breake the heavie yoke of oppression by delivering the spoyled from their oppressors and strengthen the hands of the poore and needy , which is the faft that god hath chosen , and promised a speciall blessing unto . in tender consideration of the premisses j doe earnestly beseech all protestants under what forme whatsoever , specially in , and about the city of london , and west minster ( as they will answer it at the great day of account , and desire to be free from the blood of themselves , and their wives , children and friends . ) that they would unite as one man , and improve their utmost interest in the parliament by petition and otherwise , for the obtaining of such cōmissioners , to the end the innocent blood which hath been spilt by the trechery of those secret enemies may be expiated , and the pope's bloody designes now on foot may bee defeated . and that the complainings in our streets may cease by setting the oppressed free from the obstructions of iustice which they have long groaned under . and i doe hereby engage my life to make good the aforesaid particulars before such commissioners , and do professe before god and men that j am moved to declare these things out of no self-end or by-respect whatsoever , but out of a desire to discharge a good conscience and a zeale to promote the good and welfare of these nations ; being fully convinced that the appointment of such commissioners would soone root out the popes incendiaries , and undeceive many thousands of deluded dissenters , and reconcile this divided people and open an effectuall doore for judgement , & righteousness to run downe like a mighty streame , and would give the people cause to blesse the lord , for raising and spiriting his highness , and this parliament , to be repairers of our breaches , and the restorers of paths to dwell in . prov. 14. 34. isa. 32. 17. iustice exalts a nation . and the worke of righteousness shall be peace . prov. 3. 27. withhold not good from them to whom it is due , when it is in the power of thy hand to doe it . iudges , 5 23. curse yee meroz because they came not to the helpe of the lord against the mighty . 8. novemb. 1656. jeffery corbet . a new declaration of the lords and commons in parliament assembled, in answer to his majesties letter to the lord major and the court of aldermen of the city of london, and concerning his declaration to the county of yorke at heyworth moore by his last speciall summonds, luna 20. day of junæ, 1642. / ordered by the lords in parliament that this declaration be forthwith printed and published, joh: brown cler. parl. ; with a letter from the lord paget, lord lievtenant of the county of buckingham, to the earle of holland, shewing the readinesse of that county to obey the ordinance of parliament touching the militia ; and the examination of the lord magwire, colonell read, cousin-germane to tyrone, capt. mac mallion, brother-in-law to philomy o-neale, the relation being truly taken from their owne mouths word for word as followeth, before a committee of both houses in the court of wards on munday the 21. of june, 1642. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82907 of text r171992 in the english short title catalog (wing e1669). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82907 wing e1669 estc r171992 45097697 ocm 45097697 171294 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82907) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171294) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2571:10) a new declaration of the lords and commons in parliament assembled, in answer to his majesties letter to the lord major and the court of aldermen of the city of london, and concerning his declaration to the county of yorke at heyworth moore by his last speciall summonds, luna 20. day of junæ, 1642. / ordered by the lords in parliament that this declaration be forthwith printed and published, joh: brown cler. parl. ; with a letter from the lord paget, lord lievtenant of the county of buckingham, to the earle of holland, shewing the readinesse of that county to obey the ordinance of parliament touching the militia ; and the examination of the lord magwire, colonell read, cousin-germane to tyrone, capt. mac mallion, brother-in-law to philomy o-neale, the relation being truly taken from their owne mouths word for word as followeth, before a committee of both houses in the court of wards on munday the 21. of june, 1642. england and wales. parliament. paget, william paget, baron, 1609-1678. browne, john, ca. 1608-1691. 8 p. printed for w. gay., london : 1642. reproduction of original in the sutro library. eng enniskillen, connor maguire, -baron of, 1616-1645. reade, john, -sir. macmahon, hugh oge, 1606?-1644. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. london (england) -history -17th century. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a82907 r171992 (wing e1669). civilwar no a new declaration of the lords and commons in parliament assembled, in answer to his majesties letter to the lord major and the court of ald england and wales. parliament 1642 1976 3 0 0 0 0 0 15 c the rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a new declaration of the lords and commons in parlialiament assembled , in answer to his majesties letter to the lord major and the court of aldermen of the city of london , and concerning his declaration to the county of yorke at heyworth moore by his last speciall summonds , luna 20. day of junae , 1642. ordered by the lords in parliament that this declaration be forthwith printed and published , joh : brown cler. parl. with a letter from the lord paget , lord lievtenant of the county of buckingham , to the earle of holland , shewing the readinesse of that county to obey the ordinance of parliament touching the militia and the examination of the lord magwire , colonell read , cousin-germane to tyrone , capt. mac mallion , brother-in-law to philomy o-neale , the relation being truly taken from their owne mouths word for word as followeth , before a commitee of both houses in the court of wards on munday the 21. of june , 1642. london printed for w. gay . 1642. a declaration of the lords and commons concerning a paper directed by his maiesty to the lord maior and sheriffs of london , dated iune fourteenth , 1642. whereas in a paper inscribed to our trusty and well-beloved the lord maior , aldermen and sheriffs of the city of london , dated the fourteenth of june 1642. it is affirmed that great labour is used to perswade his majesties subjects to raise horse and to furnish money upon pretence of a guard for the parliament , but in truth to bee imployed against his majesty , the lords and common doe declare that the designe of those propositions is , as was formerly declared , to maintaine the protestant religion , the kings authority and person in his royall dignity , the free course of justice , the lawes of the land , the peace of the kingdome and priviledges of parliament , against any force which shall oppose them . and they doe further declare , that as the forces already attending his maiesty and the preparation which his maiesty is now making of armes , horse and ordinance from within his kingdome and without , at first coloured under the pretence of a guard , doe evidently appeare to be intended for some great and extraordinary designe , so they give just cause of feare and jealousy to the parliament . and doe fully justify those votes of the kings intention of levying warre against the parliament , to be altogether free from any imputation of scandall as is injuriously cast upon them by that paper ; for so long as his maiesty shall continue those levies and preparation . the lords and commons in parliament , having been so often threatned and reviled for their proceedings about hull , and the militia , so necessarily undertaken for the good and peace of the kingdome , they cannot bee secured by his maiesties solemne protestation alone , expressed in this and other declarations , that all his desires and purposes are for the publick peace , and that he hath not the least thought of using force , except he be compelled to it for the defence of his person and protecti of the lawes , seeing his maiesty in a declaration published at hyworth more , doth interpret the protection of the lawes in such a manner as giveth just and full occasion to beleeve , that by protecting the lawes , his maiesty intendeth force upon , or against those who shall submit to the ordinance of the militia , it appeares by divers expressions of his maiesty , he hath discovered an intention of making some attempt upon hull . and because in both which cases they doe declare that whatsoever violence shall be used either against those who exercise this militia , or against hull , they cannot but take it as done against the parliament . and whereas the houses have upon loane received great summes of money for the service of ireland , from the companies of the city of london , ( for which they give them grtat and hearty thankes . ) they doe declare that these summes shall be dispended as the former have beene to that onely service . notwithstanding an infinuation laying an aspersion upon them as if they had done otherwise . further , whereas it is declared to the great reproach of the parliament , that the summes desired towards the raising of horse and armes is contrived upon generall pretences by some few factious persons we leave it to the world to judge how it is possible , that houses should have all their members , seeing diverse of them are by his majestie summoned to yorke , and there contrary to the lawes of the land ; and priviledges of parliament deteined , may be protected from the justice of both houses . and secondly , how that can possibly be called a faction which is done by both houses of parliament , the greatest court of england , the most faithfull councell his majesty hath . but at such language as this they wonder not , considering by what wicked councell his majesties affaires are guided , and by what malignant spirits his majesties affections to the parliament of late have been mis-led . both houses well weighing the premisses doe forbid any majors , sheriffs , bailiffs , or other officers whatsoever to publish or spread that paper as they will answer their contempt to the parliament . and doe assure themselves that neither his majesties commands nor his threats will withdraw or deterrmen well affected to the publique from doing their duty , in contributing such money , horse and plate , as will be necessary for the preserving the being of parliament , the peace of the kingdome , and those other ends before mentioned , for which they are desired . the dangerous and mischievous intentions of some about his majestie being such , that whatsoever is most precious to men of conscience and honour , as religion , liberty , and publique safety , are like to be overwhelmed and lost in the generall confusion and calamity of the kingdome , which will not only question , but overthrow the charter of the city of london , expose the citizens , their wives , and children to violence and villany , and leave the wealth of that famous city , as a prey to those desperate and necessitous persons . the lords and commons as they hope by this means those horrid mischiefs may be prevented : so those of the city ( which contribute hereunto ) whereof none are so mean and base , as to deserve the reproches cast on them by that paper . and all his majesties good subjects may be assured that in doing their duty herein , they shall be protected and secured in their persons , liberties , and estates , by the power and authority of both houses of parliament , according to their former ingagements , which they will ever faithfully perform . a copy of a letter sent from the right honourable the lord paget , lord lieutenant of the county of buckingham , to the right honourable the earle of holland ; shewing the great readinesse of that county , to obey the ordinance of the parliament touching the militia . i have received so great expressions of my countreymen of buckinghamshire , of their good affections to the publique , and ready obedience to the commands of parliament , in the present muster this day begun for a fourth part of this county , that i held it my duty to make your lordship acquainted here with , to the end an account may be given of it to the parliament , if your lordship shall thinke fit . ten of my deputy lievtenants met me this morning at beckonsfield , where we called over the traine band , consisting but of one hundred and fifty men , who made a very good appearance with their armes and supplyes , and as full as they have been formerly upon any o●her summons . besides eightscore volunteers and upwards within this division , presented themselves to us very well armed , and exercised in two companies ; more in number then the trained band ; summoned to this place . i am also informed of another company of an hundred and fifty volunteeres more within this division , that intend to shew themselves in our way to the next place of meeting , and of another company of an hundred more , who there intend to meet us , besides the trained band . this publique testimony of my countrymens good affections , for the safety of the king and kingdome , i thought not unfit to make knowne . and rest beckonsfield 23. may . 1642. your lordspips most dutifull sonne , and humble servant , william paget . newes from yorke . with his majesties propositions to the lords there . sir , i conceive my lord of lindsey is admirall of england , and the lord o●o●mond lord lievtenant of ireland . the king hath this day made diverse propositions to the lords here ; as , first , to have the declaration of both houses of the ninth of may to be disavowed . secondly , to have justice in hull businesse . thirdly , to have the militia declared to be his right . fourthly , to have tumults punished . fiftly , to have the parliament adjourned to oxford , cambridge , winchester , yorke , coventry , bristoll , nottingham , or any of those places where his majesty shall command , and other things which i have not leisure to adde . to morrow they meet againe , and i beleeve the maine question will be , whether a declaration shall be made here , or the lords to agree here , and vote in the house , and in what equipage to goe . our court increaseth daily , and we beleeve , notwithstanding the offer of an hundred thousand pound , by the common councell , that the king may have as much money from the citizens as they , and i beleeve here is ground for such a conceit . here is no possibility for the kings suddaine remove hence , though some thinke he may step hence to lincolne , for three or foure dayes , to settle that countrey , but i am not of that opinion , the examination of three notorius rebels before a committee sitting in the court of wards . they were brought last monday before a committee of both houses , sitting in the court of wards , where when they first appeared at their examination before the committee , they answered , that they were recusants , and being borne and brought up in the same religion , which the catholique church of rome profess●d , they were also resolved to live and die in the maintenance thereof : renouncing whatsoever shall be in opposition to the same . and that though the might be supposed to be rebels , and so reputed , yet they did nothing ( as they strongly did asseverate ) but what the lawfulnesse of their consciences did suggest unto them . wherepuon it was ordered by the house , that they should be committed to strong custody , till the further censure of the house . finis . an act constituting major-general philip skippon to be major-general and commander in chief of all the forces within the city of london, the late lines of communication, and weekly bills of mortality. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84566 of text r211958 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.15[37]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84566 wing e985 thomason 669.f.15[37] estc r211958 99870623 99870623 163111 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84566) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163111) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f15[37]) an act constituting major-general philip skippon to be major-general and commander in chief of all the forces within the city of london, the late lines of communication, and weekly bills of mortality. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by edward husband and john field, printers to the parliament of england, london : 1650. order to print dated: die martis, 25 junii, 1650. signed: hen: scobell, cleric. parliamenti. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng skippon, philip, d. 1660 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -militia -early works to 1800. a84566 r211958 (thomason 669.f.15[37]). civilwar no an act constituting major-general philip skippon to be major-general, and commander in chief of all the forces within the city of london, th england and wales. parliament. 1650 406 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an act constituting major-general philip skippon to be major-general , and commander in chief of all the forces within the city of london , the late lines of communication , and weekly bills of mortality . be it enacted by the parliament assembled , and it is enacted by the authority of the same , that major general philip skippon be , and is hereby appointed major general , and commander in chief over all the forces within the city of london and liberties thereof , the late lines of communication , and weekly bills of mortality , raised or to be raised by the respective committees for the militia for the places and precincts aforesaid for the time being , within the several limits and jurisdictions aforesaid : and the said major general philip skippon shall have power , and is hereby authorized from time to time to command , lead , conduct and imploy the forces so raised or to be raised as aforesaid , for the protection , and safe guarding of the parliament from all force and violence , and likewise of the cities of london and westminster , and parts adjacent , within the said late lines of communication , and weekly bills of mortality ; and for the suppressing of all tumults , insurrections , rebellions and invasions , and of all forces that shall be raised without authority of parliament within the limits aforesaid ; and shall and may fight with , kill and slay all such as shall by force oppose him , and the forces under his command , in the execution of this act ; and to observe and follow such other directions , which the said major general shall from time to time receive from the respective committees for the militia aforesaid , or either of them , within their respective limits and jurisdictions , in order to the peace and safety of the parliament , cities and places aforesaid ; and likewise to observe all such orders and directions as he shall from time to time receive from the parliament or councel of state . die martis , 25 junii , 1650. ordered by the parliament , that this act be forthwith printed and published . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . london , printed by edward husband and john field , printers to the parliament of england , 1650. by the council of state. a proclamation. whereas several officers reduced and disbanded, within the space of a year last past, do now remain in and about the cities of london and westminster, and frequently resort thither, who may be justly suspected (in these times of danger) to be inclineable (through the influence of their discontent with the present posture of affairs) to foment dissatisfactions, and to combine amongst themselves, and with others of the same principle, for disturbance of the publick peace: ... england and wales. council of state. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84471 of text r40212 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.24[23]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84471 wing e781 thomason 669.f.24[23] estc r40212 99872573 99872573 163754 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84471) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163754) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f24[23]) by the council of state. a proclamation. whereas several officers reduced and disbanded, within the space of a year last past, do now remain in and about the cities of london and westminster, and frequently resort thither, who may be justly suspected (in these times of danger) to be inclineable (through the influence of their discontent with the present posture of affairs) to foment dissatisfactions, and to combine amongst themselves, and with others of the same principle, for disturbance of the publick peace: ... england and wales. council of state. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by abel roper, and thomas collins, printers to the council of state, london : [1660] title from caption and opening lines of text. dated: saturday the 17 of march 1659. at the council of state at whitehal. date of publication from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "march 19". identified as wing e783 on umi microfilm set "early english books, 1641-1700". reproductions of the originals in the british library and the harvard university library. eng england and wales. -army -officers -early works to 1800. exile (punishment) -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a84471 r40212 (thomason 669.f.24[23]). civilwar no by the council of state. a proclamation. whereas several officers reduced and disbanded, within the space of a year last past, do now remain england and wales. council of state. 1660 352 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the council of state . a proclamation . whereas several officers reduced and disbanded , within the space of a year last past , do now remain in and about the cities of london and westminster , and frequently resort thither , who may be justly suspected ( in these times of danger ) to be inclineable ( through the influence of their discontent with the present posture of affairs ) to foment dissatisfactions , and to combine amongst themselves , and with others of the same principle , for disturbance of the publick peace : the council of state having a due resentment hereof , and in tender respect to the safety of the commonwealth , have thought it necessary , that all and every such reduced and disbanded officer and officers , do on or before the twenty fifth day of this instant march , depart out of the said cities of london and vvestminster , and the late lines of communication , to their respective dwellings and places of abode in the country . and they do hereby charge and require them , and every of them to depart accordingly , and not to return till the first of may next , unless upon satisfaction received of their peaceable spirits and demeanour ; or that they have no dwellings and places of abode in the country , and notice left with the clerks of the council , or one of them , of the places of their residence in and about the said cities , or either of them , they shall obtain leave from the council of state there to continue till further order . herein the council will expect , from all persons concerned , a punctual submission and conformity at their perils . saturday the 17 of march 1659. at the council of state at whitehal ordered that this proclamation be forth with printed and published . wil . jessop , clerk of the council . london , printed by abel roper , and thomas collins , printers to the council of state . at the general quarter-sessions of the publick peace holden for the city of london by adjournament at justice-hall in the old baily london, on vvednesday the xij day of january in the year of our lord 1652 before john fowke maior of the city of london, thomas atkins, thomas andrewes, thomas foote, john kendricke, aldermen of the city of london, and william steel recorder of the same city, samuel avery, robert titchborne and john dethicke, aldermen of the said city, and other their fellowes justices assigned to keep the publick peace in the city of london, and also to hear and determine divers fellonies, trespasses and other misdemeanours within the same city committed. city of london (england). this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88483 of text r211624 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.16[82]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88483 wing l2887a thomason 669.f.16[82] estc r211624 99870335 99870335 163235 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88483) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163235) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f16[82]) at the general quarter-sessions of the publick peace holden for the city of london by adjournament at justice-hall in the old baily london, on vvednesday the xij day of january in the year of our lord 1652 before john fowke maior of the city of london, thomas atkins, thomas andrewes, thomas foote, john kendricke, aldermen of the city of london, and william steel recorder of the same city, samuel avery, robert titchborne and john dethicke, aldermen of the said city, and other their fellowes justices assigned to keep the publick peace in the city of london, and also to hear and determine divers fellonies, trespasses and other misdemeanours within the same city committed. city of london (england). 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by james flesher, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : [1653] imprint place and publication date from wing. the response of the corporation of london to the 10 december 1652 order of parliament that the lord mayor and aldermen were to inquire into and take remedy for the extraordinary price of coal in which they fix the price "of seacoals untill further or other order shall be duely given in this behalfe". signed: sadler. annotation on thomason copy: "january 12th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament. -early works to 1800. coal trade -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -economic conditions -early works to 1800. a88483 r211624 (thomason 669.f.16[82]). civilwar no london ss. at the general quarter-sessions of the publick peace holden for the city of london by adjournament at justice-hall in the old bai city of london 1653 571 2 0 0 0 0 0 35 c the rate of 35 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms blazon or coat of arms at the general quarter-sessions of the publick peace holden for the city of london by adjournament at justice-hall in the old baily london , on wednesday the xij day of january in the year of our lord 1652 before john fowke maior of the city of london , thomas atkins , thomas andrewes , thomas foote , john kendricke , aldermen of the city of london , and william steel recorder of the same city , samuel avery , robert titchborne and john dethicke , aldermen of the said city , and other their fellowes justices assigned to keep the publick peace in the city of london , and also to hear and determine divers fellonies , trespasses and other misdemeanours within the same city committed . whereas by order of parliament of the xi of january instant , it was referred to the lord maior and the several courts of sessions of the peace for london and middlesex , at their then next sitting being at this present time , and they were impowred to give in charge to the grand iury to inquire what is a fit and indifferent price for seacoals and upon their presentment to set such rate and price as they shall think fit both within the cities of london and westminster , and liberties thereof , the borough of southwark and county of middlesex , and that all wood-mongers cole-merchants and others that sell either in grosse or by retail within the said cities and liberties thereof , the borough of southwark and county aforesaid , be enjoyned to sell the coals in their possessions not exceeding the rate and price which shall be so set accordingly , and that the lord maior and iustices of the peace within the said cities and liberties thereof , and borough and county aforesaid , respectively doe take care that this order be duely observed and put in execution with all possible speed for the advantage and relief of the poor : and whereas this court in pursuance of the said order and by virtue thereof have given in charge to the grand iury for the city of london to enquire and make presentment according to the said order : and accordingly the said grand iury have made and delivered in their presentment to that court in this behalfe : and now upon serious consideration thereof had in the presence of and with the advice of the lord chief iustice rolle , the lord chief baron wyld , m. iustice jermin , and iustice aske , and divers other iustices here present : this court doth think fit and hereby order that no cole-merchant , wood-monger , chandler , or other person or persons whatsoever that sel sea-coals either in grosse or by retail within the city of london and the liberties thereof , and the borough of southwark shall from henceforth sell or utter any seacoales either in grosse or by retail above the rate and price of twelve pence the bushell , nor above the rate and price in proportion for any greater or lesser measure or quantity of seacoals untill further or other order shall be duely given in this behalfe , and that for the better observation hereof this order be openly published . january 12 〈…〉 sadler . printed by james flesher , printer to the honourable city of london . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a88483e-30 ●ondon ss. novem. 12. 1642 yov are to give notice in your pulpit tomorrow, that all such in your parish as have listed themselves to go for souldiers ... city of london (england). this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a49051 of text r39652 in the english short title catalog (wing l2878a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a49051 wing l2878a estc r39652 18460701 ocm 18460701 107736 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49051) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107736) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:8) novem. 12. 1642 yov are to give notice in your pulpit tomorrow, that all such in your parish as have listed themselves to go for souldiers ... city of london (england). 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1642] second part of title taken from first four lines of text. signed: "isaac pennington, major." order directing london ministers to announce instructions for soldiers. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. london (england) -history -17th century. a49051 r39652 (wing l2878a). civilwar no novem. 12. 1642 yov are to give notice in your pulpit tomorrow, that all such in your parish as have listed themselves to go for souldiers . corporation of london 1642 107 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-10 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion novemb. 12. 1642. yov are to give notice in your pulpit tomorrow , that all such of your parish as have listed themselves to goe for souldiers , or any other that are willing to goe in this service , doe repaire to the new artillery ground by eight of the clocke on munday morning , and to encourage them to goe on with cheerefullnesse . and if any man have any old saddles , and will bring them into blackwell hall either on munday or tuesday next , for such as are dragooneres , it shall bee well accepted . isaac pennington , major . by the king, a proclamation touching the charitable collections for relief of the poor distressed by the late dismal fire in the city of london england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1668 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32652 wing c3589 estc r39207 18271112 ocm 18271112 107277 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32652) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107277) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:107) by the king, a proclamation touching the charitable collections for relief of the poor distressed by the late dismal fire in the city of london england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 broadside. printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker ..., in the savoy [i.e. london] : 1668. "given at our court at whitehall the twenty sixth day of september, 1668. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng disaster relief -england -london. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. london (england) -history -17th century. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king. a proclamation touching the charitable collections for relief of the poor distressed by the late dismal fire in the city of london . charles r. whereas by our proclamation of the thirteenth day of september , in the eighteenth year of our reign , for a general fast and humiliation in reference to that conflagration , we did earnestly recommend the distressed estate of those who had been undone by that fire , to the charity of all good and well disposed christians , requiring collections to that purpose to be made in all churches and chappels , and the moneys collected to be faithfully and entirely returned up to london to the lord mayor of that city , or as he should appoint , to be distributed amongst poor sufferers by that fire : and whereas we are informed by the lord mayor and aldermen of the said city , that the collections intended by that proclamation , have not been so made or answered as they ought to have been , but in many places omitted and not made at all , and from many parts no returns at all made : and although many cities , towns and places have expressed their forward sense and compassion of the deplorable estate of the same our poor subjects , by liberal contributions , yet the receipt in the whole falls short of what hath been collected at other times upon like losses in small towns and villages ; which doth manifest the remiss execution of our said proclamation . therefore , to the end collections may be made in places where they were omitted , although the time prefixed for making such collections by the said former proclamation be elapsed , and that just and regular accompts may be taken , made , and published for general satisfaction , of all the moneys collected , and to be collected , and of the issuing and distribution thereof to and for the said charitable uses and intents ; we are graciously pleased , and by advice of our privy council , do hereby strictly charge and command , upon pain of our high displeasure , and such other penalties as may by law be inflicted upon them , that where the said collections according to the tenor of our former proclamation , have been omitted , all ministers , parsons , vicars or curates , shall cause the same to be made in their respective churches or chappels on some lords day forthwith after receipt hereof : and that all the present ministers , parsons , vicars or curates , and churchwardens , and all officials , registers , officers of all parishes and places within our realm , where any of the said collections have been , or shall be made ; and all officials , registers , and other officers concerned , who have received any moneys for the uses aforesaid , shall before the first day of february now next ensuing , deliver , or send in to the high-constables of the respective hundreds to which such parishes and places do belong , a true and perfect certificate in writing under their hands , and under the hands of the late churchwardens who were in office at the time of the said collections made , of the total sum of money collected , given , or contributed in every the said parishes or places , and to whom the same was delivered or paid over to be returned or sent up to the lord mayor of london , and how much thereof ( if any ) is resting unpaid , and by whom , and in whose hands or charge the same is still remaining . and that all churchwardens , and others who have collected or received , and not paid , or shall collect or receive , or otherwise have in their hands or charge any of the said moneys , shall before the said first day of february , pay the same to the said respective high-constables of the hundreds or divisions wherein they live ; and the said high-constables shall and are hereby required and commanded to receive the said moneys , and send out their warrants to the said ministers , churchwardens , and others , to bring in the said certificate , and to pay the said money accordingly . and that the said high-constables shall forthwith after the said day , send or deliver the said certificates , together with what parishes or places have not certified , unto the sollicitors appointed in the several counties by the lords commissioners of our treasury for the eleven moneths assessment , from the six and twentieth day of january , one thousand six hundred sixty and seven : and that the said sollicitors shall and are hereby required and commanded without delay to transmit the same certificates to the chamberlain of the city of london for the time being , for and to the end a perfect accompt may be thereupon stated and made up of the said receipts ; and in the said certificates to return the names of the parishes and places that have neglected their duty : and also that the said high-constables shall with all expedition after receipt of the said moneys from the several persons , parishes and places within their constableries , pay over the same to the general-receivers of the said eleven moneths assessment in their several counties respectively ; and the said general-receivers shall also forthwith after the receipt of the moneys from the said high-constables , remit and pay the same to the chamberlain of the city of london for the time being : and in case they cannot find ways safety to remit the same as aforesaid , that they give notice thereof to the chamberlain aforesaid , that care may be taken for the speedy bringing it into the hands of the said chamberlain , to be disposed and imployed for relief and succour of the said distressed poor , as is intended and directed by our former proclamation . and that all persons concerned may take notice of this our royal pleasure and command , it is our further will and pleasure , that the sheriffs of our respective counties and cities do cause this our proclamation to be so distributed , as that it may be read in all churches and chappels on the lords-day , which will be the third lords-day in the moneth of november next ensuing . given at our court at whitehall the twenty sixth day of september , 1668. god save the king . in the savoy , printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1668. commune concilium tentum in camera guihald' civitas london die jovis, vicesimo quarto die martii, anno dom' millesimo sexcentesimo sexagesimo nono ... an act appointing the exchange-hours. act appointing the exchange-hours city of london (england). 1669 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a48995 wing l2854c estc r39345 18368501 ocm 18368501 107418 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48995) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107418) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:31) commune concilium tentum in camera guihald' civitas london die jovis, vicesimo quarto die martii, anno dom' millesimo sexcentesimo sexagesimo nono ... an act appointing the exchange-hours. act appointing the exchange-hours city of london (england). 1 broadside. printed by andrew clark ..., [london] : [1669] reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng markets -law and legislation -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms commune concilium tentum in camera guihald ' civitatis london die jovis , vicesimo quarto die martii , anno dom ' millesimo sexcentesimo sexagesimo nono , annoque regni dom ' nostri caroli secundi , dei gratia , angliae , scotiae , franciae & hiberniae regis , fidei defensoris , &c. xxii o , coram samuele starling mil ' , majore civitatis london , johanne robinson milite & baronetto , locumtenente turr ' , johanne lawrence , willielmo peake , willielmo turner , richardo ford , georgio waterman , roberto hanson , willielmo hooker , & josepho shelden , mil ' , aldermannis , johanne forth armig ' , aldermanno , francisco chaplin milite , aldermanno , vvillielmo fluellin & dannetto forth , armig ' , aldermannis , johanne smith & jacobo edwards , armig ' , aldermannis , & vicecom dictae civitat ' , necnon majore parte communiariorum de communi concil ' ejusd ' civitat ' tunc & ibidem assemblat ' . an act appointing the exchange-hours . whereas by act of common council of the 27. of august in the time of the maioralty of sir thomas cambell knight , deceased , the exchange-hours are appointed to be throughout the whole year , for the noon-exchange , from eleven of the clock until twelve , and in the evening , from michaelmas until lady-day , from five of the clock until sir , and from lady-day until michaelmas , in the evening , from six of the clock until seven , and not after those several hours ; and the exchange-bell to be rung accordingly , to give notice to all persons for their speedy and present departure off and from the said exchange after the said several and respective hours , upon the penalty in the said act contained , as in and by the said act more fully may appear : it is now enacted , ordained and established , by the right honourable the lord maior , the right vvorshipful the aldermen his brethren , and the commons , in this common council assembled , and by the authority of the same , that from and after the feast of the annunciation of the blessed virgin mary now next ensuing , the time for merchants , tradesmen , factors and brokers , and the servants of merchants and tradesmen , to be and continue at and upon the said burse or royal exchange , at noon , shall be from eleven of the clock until one of the clock in that forenoon , and not after one ; and that the exchange-bell shall begin to be rung every day at three quarters of an hour past twelve of the clock at noon , and so continue for the space of one quarter of an hour , viz. till one of the clock , to give notice to the said merchants and tradesmen , factors and brokers , and other the persons aforesaid , for their speedy and present departure off and from the said exchange after the said hour , so that the said burse or exchange may be cleared , and none there remain , after the said bell shall have done ringing . and if any merchant , tradesman or broker whatsoever , or any of their factors or servants , shall offer or presume there to tarry or abide after the ending of the ringing of the said bell , then every such person shall forfeit and pay the sum of twelve pence of lawful money of england , to be recovered and employed as in and by the said former act of common council is directed and appointed , of and for the penalties in the said act contained ; which said former act is to continue and remain in force as to all other particulars thereof , any thing before-mentioned to the contrary notwithstanding . wagstaffe . printed by andrew clark , printer to the honourable city of london . this court taking into their consideration, that the utmost time appointed for taking down and removing all such sheds, shops, and other like buildings, which have been erected since the late dismal fire ... city of london (england). 1674 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49041 wing l2864p estc r39833 18506091 ocm 18506091 107923 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49041) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107923) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:67) this court taking into their consideration, that the utmost time appointed for taking down and removing all such sheds, shops, and other like buildings, which have been erected since the late dismal fire ... city of london (england). hooker, william, sir, 1612-1697. 1 broadside. printed by andrew clark ..., [london] : [1674] title from first five lines of text. at head of title: hooker maior. martis, decimo septimo die martii, 1673. annoque regni regis caroli secundi angliæ, &c. vicesimo sexto. date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng squatter settlements -england -london. urban renewal -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion hooker maior . martis , decimo septimo die martii , 1673. annoque regni regis caroli secundi angliae &c. vicesimo sexto . this court taking into their consideration , that the utmost time appointed for taking down and removing all such sheds , shops , and other like buildings , which have been erected since the late dismal fire , in smith-field , moor-fields , and other void places within this city , does now very near approach , lady-day next having been prefixed by this court for that purpose , in pursuance of the additional act of parliament for rebuilding the city of london : this court doth now think fit to publish and declare , that they expect and require that all persons concerned should yield a ready compliance and obedience to their former orders in that behalf , and remove all such their sheds and buildings , with their goods and materials therein , precisely by the said time ; otherwise this court will be inforced to pull down the said sheds , and make seizure of all such goods and commodities which shall be found upon the said ground after the said 25 th day of march. wagstaffe . printed by andrew clark , printer to the honorable city of london . the speech of sir robert clayton, kt., lord mayor elect for the city of london, at the guild-hall of the said city, to the citizens there assembled on the 29th of september 1679, for the electing of a lord mayor for the year ensuing clayton, robert, sir, 1629-1707. 1679 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33393 wing c4615 estc r862 13170390 ocm 13170390 98277 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33393) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98277) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 412:2) the speech of sir robert clayton, kt., lord mayor elect for the city of london, at the guild-hall of the said city, to the citizens there assembled on the 29th of september 1679, for the electing of a lord mayor for the year ensuing clayton, robert, sir, 1629-1707. edwards, james, sir, d. 1691. 4 p. printed for tho. collins ..., london : 1679. caption title. imprint from colophon. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. "the speech of sir james edwards, lord mayor": p. 4. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -politics and government. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the speech of sir robert clayton kt. lord mayor elect for the city of london , at the guild ▪ hall of the said city , to the citizens there assembled on the 29th of september 1679. for the electing of a lord mayor for the year ensuing . gentlemen , i make no question , but every one of you is sensible of the great burthen , the honour you have done me this day , carries with it , even in the most sedate times : but when publick calamities seem to threaten this city , and nation , so much the greater ought the care and vigilancy of the magistrate to be . i wish i could truly say , there were no occasion for any such apprehensions ; and whatever hath been of late of that kind , were without cause . i have the testimony of my own conscience ▪ that i have always had a great sence of my unfitness for such a trust ; and that my own ambition hath not had any share in the work of this day . but seeing the providence of god , with your good opinions , hath placed me in this station , i intend ( by his blessing ) to undergo it chearfully ; and endeavour to understand , and then to do my duty , as becomes an honest man , without favour , or affection , or regard to any private interest of my own. and i resolve , ( according to the best of my understanding , and with the advice of my worthy brethren the aldermen ) that the law shall be my rule ; the observation of which , next to our duties to god , i make no question will by his good providence , be a means to preserve us in our religion , and properties , protect me in doing my duty , and be grateful to you and every good man. there is one thing i would beg , that every one of you in your several stations , would consider the duty incumbent upon himself , by the wholsom laws , customs and usages of this city ; and answer to a good mind the discharge of the same ; lest , whilst we are under such great apprehensions of the loss of our good government and constitution by the attempts of our enemies , we become instruments of our own ruine , and bring that confusion upon our selves by a supine neglect , which otherwise ( i trust ) all the diligence of our enemies will never be able to accomplish . let it never be said of this famous city , ( the present envy of all her neighbours ) as once it was of old rome , ( then the envy of the whole world ) rome's destruction was from her self : but let it never be so said of london . rome indeed had many and powerful enemies abroad ; but , had she not divided within her self , and fallen into faction at home , those could not have hurt her. we cannot be ignorant how busie our common-adversaries , the church of rome , and her emissaries , are , in sowing seeds of dissention amongst us , in hopes of a plentiful harvest in our destructions : let us therefore , who intend to be protestants , as we tender our own preservation , be admonish'd to unite , and joyn together , as becomes men in the same common-danger to do ; i mean , in defence of his majesties royal person , and government ; the true protestant religion , our laws , our lives , our liberties , and properties ; and , this great metropolis , against all such endeavours , and damnable plots and contrivances , as have been , and ( i fear ) still are , in agitation against us ; and , let no diligence of the adversary prevail to make a breach amongst us ; nor no difference of opinion , amongst protestants , be so much as remembred , or once mention'd in this our time of extremity , when , no less then utter ruine is threatned to the whole protestant interest ; and which , nothing but a firm vnion amongst themselves , and gods providence , can , in human probability , prevent : and , if we thus joyn our hands , and vnite our hearts in prayer , to that god , who hath so miraculously preserved , and restored this city hitherto , notwithstanding the many attempts against it , we may reasonably assure our selves , he will , in his good time , work out a mighty deliverance for us ; which god of his mercy grant ; and , let all good protestants say , amen . the speech of sir james edwards , lord mayor ; at the election of sir robert clayton . gentlemen , i bless god for this opportunity , that i can see the face of my successor ; a person , from whom you may , and i do promise my self a supply , of what was deficient in me . i call god to witness , that i have endeavoured to serve you impartially ; for which , i do first return my hearty thanks to that good god ; and next , to my worthy brethren , who were alwayes so near me . now , i pray god to continue his blessings upon your persons , and families ; upon the governor , and government of this city ; particularly , upon his majesty , and his government ; that god would give him a long and happy reign . finis . london , printed for tho. collins , at the middle-temple-gate in fleetstreet , 1679. whereas the fish-market at billingsgate, by reason of the dismal fire and other accidents, hath for some late years been in much disorder, and yet continues without that due regulation ... city of london (england). 1671 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49039 wing l2864m estc r39823 18504881 ocm 18504881 107913 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49039) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107913) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:65) whereas the fish-market at billingsgate, by reason of the dismal fire and other accidents, hath for some late years been in much disorder, and yet continues without that due regulation ... city of london (england). ford, richard, sir, d. 1678. 1 broadside. printed by andrew clark ..., [london] : [1671] title from first four lines of text. at head of title: ford mayor. martis 17. die januarii 1670. annoque regni regis caroli secundi, angliæ, &c. vicesimo secundo. date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng markets -law and legislation -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ford blazon or coat of arms mayor . martis 17. die januarii 1670. annoque regni regis caroli secundi , angliae , &c. vicesimo secundo . whereas the fish-market at billingsgate , by reason of the dismal fire and other accidents , hath for some late years been in much disorder , and yet continues without that due regulation , which by antient rules and provisions it ought to be : therefore for restoring the same to the former good order and condition , it was now considered and ordered by this court , that the fish-market at billingsgate shall be kept from the bottom of st. mary-hill to billingsgate-stairs : and that no fish be sold aboard any vessel or boat except herrings , sprats , makrel , and shell-fish , nor in any other place or key , then in the said place at billingsgate , and at queenhithe , which are the antient places accustomed for that purpose . and it is further ordered , that the bell at billingsgate shall be henceforth duly rung by the yeoman at the water-side , for beginning of the market there ( that is to say ) from lady day to michaelmas at four of the clock in the morning , and from michaelmas to lady day at six of the clock in the morning . and if any shall presume to buy or sell any sorts of fish at the said markets before those hours respectively , and notice thereof given by ringing of the said bell ( excepting makrel , sprats . and herrings ) such offender and offenders shall be proceeded against as forestallers of the market , as by the law in this case is directed and provided . and it is further ordered , that no fish be hereafter landed at other then the common and accustomed keys and places above-mentioned . of all which the yeoman of the water-side , and under-water bayliff are to be careful , and vigilant to prevent the contrary , at their utmost perils . avery . printed by andrew clark , printer to the honourable city of london . by the mayor. to the aldermen of the ward of [blank] forasmuch as the lords day, commonly called sunday, is of late much broken and prophaned, by a disorderly sort of people, in frequenting tavernes, alehouses, and the like, ... city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88467 of text r211998 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[54]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88467 wing l2878e thomason 669.f.7[54] estc r211998 99870657 99870657 161035 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88467) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161035) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[54]) by the mayor. to the aldermen of the ward of [blank] forasmuch as the lords day, commonly called sunday, is of late much broken and prophaned, by a disorderly sort of people, in frequenting tavernes, alehouses, and the like, ... city of london (england). lord mayor. wollaston, john, sir. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : [1643] title from caption and first lines of text. the form of an order by the mayor of london to the several wards, for the due observance of the lord's day. dated at end: this second of november, 1643. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng sunday -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88467 r211998 (thomason 669.f.7[54]). civilwar no by the mayor. to the aldermen of the ward of [blank] forasmuch as the lords day, commonly called sunday, is of late much broken and prophane city of london 1643 495 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the mayor . to the alderman of the ward of forasmuch as the lords day , commonly called sunday , is of late much broken and prophaned , by a disorderly sort of people , in frequenting tavernes , alehouses , and the like , and in carrying and putting to sale victuall , and other things , and exercising unlawfull games and pastimes , to the great dishonour of god , and reproach of religion . these are therefore to will and require you , in his maiesties name , forthwith upon sight hereof , to give strict charge and command unto all and every the church-wardens and constables within your ward , that from henceforth they doe not permit or suffer any person or persons , in the time of divine service , or at any time upon the lords day , to be tipling in any taverne , inne , tobaccoshop , alehouse , or other victualling house whatsoever , nor suffer any fruiterers , or herb-women , to stand with fruite , herbes , or other victuall or wares , in any streetes , lanes , or allies , within your ward , or any other wayes , to put those or any other things to sale on that day , at any time of the day , or in the evening thereof , or any milkewomen to cry milke on that day , in any the streetes , or places aforesaid , nor to permit or suffer any person or persons to use or exercise upon that day their labour in unlading any vessels of fruite , or other goods , and carrying goods on shore , or in the streetes , or to doe any unlawfull exercises and pastimes , within your ward , and that expresse charge be given to every keeper of any taverne , inne , cookes-shop , tobacco house , alehouse , or any other tipler or victualler whatsoever within your ward , that hereafter they receive not or suffer to remaine any person or persons whatsoever as their guests or customers , to tipple , eate , drinke , or take tobacco in their houses upon the lords day , other then that inholders may receive their ordinary guests , or travellers and such like , who come to remaine for a time in their inne , for dispatch of their necessary businesse . and if any person or persons , shall bee found offending in the premises , that then they bee brought before me the lord mayor , or some other of his maiesties iustices of the peace , to the end they may receive such punishment as to iustice shall appertaine . and hereof not to faile , as you will answer the contrary at your perill . this second of november , 1643. michel . printed by richard cotes , printer to the honourable city of london . by the king a proclamation for the keeping of markets to supply the city of london with provisions, and also for prevention of alarms and tumults, and for appointing the meeting of merchants. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1666 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32567 wing c3491 estc r214894 31354791 ocm 31354791 110260 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32567) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110260) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1736:20) by the king a proclamation for the keeping of markets to supply the city of london with provisions, and also for prevention of alarms and tumults, and for appointing the meeting of merchants. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by john bill, and christopher ..., london : 1666. "given at our court at whitehall the sixth day of september 1666. in the eighteenth year of our reign." reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng markets -england -london. london (england) -economic conditions. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-11 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king , a proclamation for the keeping of markets to supply the city of london with provisions , and also for prevention of alarms and tumults , and for appointing the meeting of merchants . charles r. whereas most of the places wherein markets were kept in our city of london are destroyed by the late fire , we are desirous , that our loving subjects may nevertheless be furnished with a constant supply of provisions , as well as the present exigency will permit : it is therefore our will and pleasure , that markets be kept and held within and without bishops-gate , at towerhill , and smithfield every day of the week , and also continued in leaden-hall-street upon the daies wherein they have been accustomed to be held . requiring all persons whom it may concern , duely and constantly to resort unto the places , and at the times above mentioned , we having taken care to secure the said markets in safety , and prevent all disturbances by refusal of payment for their goods , or otherwise . and we do further charge and command all mayors , sheriffs , iustices of the peace , and other our officers and ministers within the counties from whence provisions are or have been usually brought to our said city of london , to take notice of this our will and pleasure , and to use their utmost diligence and authority to see the same performed accordingly . and whereas through the temerity and unadvisedness of some persons , groundless fears and apprehensions have been and may be cast into the minds of our people , to prevent all tumults and disorders which may thereby or otherwise arise , it is our will and pleasure , that upon any alarm raised or taken , no man stir or disquiet himself by reason thereof , but only attend the business of quenching the fire , we having in our princely care taken order to draw together such a sufficient force both of horse and foot in and about our said city , as may abundantly secure the peace and safety thereof , and prevent or repress any attemps whatsoever that can be made to disturbe the same . and whereas the royal exchange is demolished and burned down by the late fire , it is our pleasure , that gresham colledge in bishops-gate street be for the present the place for the usual meeting and assembling of merchants in the same manner as heretofore the exchange was . given at our court at whitehall the sixth day of september 1666. in the eighteenth year of our reign . god save the king . london , printed by john bill , and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty , 1666. by the maior whereas divers persons rudely disposed, within this city, have of late years been observed to behave themselves in an uncivil and insolent manner towards persons of quality ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1673 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49066 wing l2885s estc r41294 31354829 ocm 31354829 110270 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49066) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110270) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:9) by the maior whereas divers persons rudely disposed, within this city, have of late years been observed to behave themselves in an uncivil and insolent manner towards persons of quality ... city of london (england). lord mayor. hanson, robert, sir, fl. 1672-1673. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by andrew clark, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : [1673] other title information from first lines of text. "given at guild-hall, this five and twentieth day of march, 1673. and in the five and twentieth year of his majesties reign." reproduction of original in the guildhall library (london, england). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -(london, england) -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the maior . whereas divers persons rudely disposed , within this city , have of late years been observed to behave themselves in an uncivil and insolent manner towards persons of quality ; by means whereof divers that would otherwise be forward to come within the city for supply of their occasions , are forced to repair to other places , least they should suffer here by the violence and rudeness that is too often committed and acted in the streets of this city , to the great scandal and disreputation of the government , as well as prejudice and loss of the trade and commerce of this city . these are therefore by the advice of my brethren the aldermen and the commons of this city in common council assembled ; in his majesties name streightly to charge and command all persons within this city and the liberties thereof , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost perils , to behave themselves at all times in a civil and orderly manner , with due respect and regard to all persons of quality , ladies and gentlemen , that shall think fit to repair at any time to this city upon their occasions . and because the misdemeanors and rudeness of car-men , dray-men and other persons hereafter mentioned committed in the streets are too notorious : these are therefore streightly to command , that from henceforth no car-man , dray-man or other person with a car or cart or the like , do presume to run against or obstruct any gentlemans coach in their passage in any the streets of this city , but give them full space and freedom of passage without the least disturbance , affront or injury to be offered to them , their servants , horses or coaches . and also that tankard-bearers , porters , and other persons laden with burdens or of inferior quality do forbear to run against , justle or offer the least uncivil action to persons of better quality , and that they do constantly give them place in their passage on foot through the streets . and all vagrants , beggers and other idle and lewd persons are hereby enjoyned not to presume to place themselves in , or wander about any the streets and publick passages of this city . and all constables and other officers are hereby charged and required to intercept and apprehend all such persons , and deal with them according to the law in that behalf . and whereas throwing of squibs , fire-works , foot-ball play and the like , are at certain seasons frequently practised by apprentices and others in the streets , which is a great grievance and annoyance to the publick passages of this city , whereby much mischief is often done , and is an occasion of great fear to passengers . these are therefore further to command all apprentices and other young persons to forbear from time to time all such rude practices . and that all masters of families do look to and secure their sons , apprentices and servants in the well ordering of themselves and giving due obedience hereunto . and all persons are to take notice , that the observation hereof is strictly required . and all offenders in any the particulars before-mentioned shall suffer the utmost penalties can be inflicted upon them . given at guild-hall , this five and twentieth day of march , 1673 . and in the five and twentieth year of his majesties reign . god save the king. printed by andrew clark , printer to the honourable city of london . at a generall meeting of the committee for arrears, the 13th. of september, anno dom. 1648. city of london (england). court of common council. committee for arrears. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a75756 of text r210933 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[18]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a75756 wing a4092 thomason 669.f.13[18] estc r210933 99869681 99869681 162913 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a75756) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162913) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[18]) at a generall meeting of the committee for arrears, the 13th. of september, anno dom. 1648. city of london (england). court of common council. committee for arrears. lathum, tho. city of london (england). court of common council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1648] imprint from wing. signed at end: tho. lathum cler. conmiss. præd. annotation on thomason copy: "sept 15". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng taxation -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a75756 r210933 (thomason 669.f.13[18]). civilwar no at a generall meeting of the committee for arrears, the 13th. of september, anno dom. 1648. city of london 1648 531 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-09 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion at a generall meeting of the committee for arrears , the 13th . of september , anno dom. 1648. forasmuch as that by severall former precepts awarded in pursuance of severall orders of common-councell , and in particular by the precept dated the fourth of this instant september ; it was ordered , that on this day return should be made to this committee , of the names of all persons that are in arrear upon any of the assessments , in such manner , and to such purpose as therein was expressed . and whereas also by the same precept , the collectors in their severall divisions were required to be active and diligent in the collecting of the said severall assessments ; and that the collectors within a certain time therein prefixed , were to make up their accompts concerning the same , with the deputy and common-councell-men in their said severall divisions , and pay in the money then remaining in their hands to the treasurers at war : and that return should by the deputy common-councell-men and collectors be made to this committee , of the names of such persons within their ward , as have not paid their said assessments , and the summes by them owing , and the reasons why they pay not the same ; and if any of the said collectors should be remiss that then their names were to be this day also returned ; and thereupon ( according to an order of the honourable house of commons ) to be certified to a committee of parliament , as in and by the said precept , relation being thereunto had , may more at large appear : all which nevertheless , and although the said committee this day expected returns to have been made , according to the same precept ; but the said service being ( as it now seems ) neglected , it is therefore ordered , that time be given for the doing the matters and things contained in the former precept , by the said deputy , common-councell-men , and collectors , and every of them , untill tuesday next at two of the clock in the afternoon ; with this intimation also , that if the said returns are not by that time made , that then the deputies and severall common-councell-men doe make return of such of the said collectors as either obstruct or neglect the work , or fail in doing any thing of them required , whose names are by this committee to be then returned to the said committee of parliament ; or in default thereof , the said deputies and common-councell-men are to be returned to the said committee of parliament , there to be dealt withall according to their demerit : with this also , that further time or favour is not to be expected . and it is hereby further ordered , that the returns shal be made by this committee of the said defaulters at the time aforesaid . and all parties concerned therein , are to take notice hereof . tho. lathum cler. comiss . praed. a true bill of the whole number that hath died in the cittie of london, the citty of westminster, the citty of norwich, and diuers other places, since the time this last sicknes of the plague began in either of them, to this present month of october the sixt day, 1603 with a relation of many visitations by the plague, in sundry other forraine countries. 1603 approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06259 stc 16743.2 estc s4372 24227514 ocm 24227514 27396 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06259) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27396) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1820:12) a true bill of the whole number that hath died in the cittie of london, the citty of westminster, the citty of norwich, and diuers other places, since the time this last sicknes of the plague began in either of them, to this present month of october the sixt day, 1603 with a relation of many visitations by the plague, in sundry other forraine countries. chettle, henry, d. 1607? worshipful company of parish clerks. 1 broadside. printed by i.r. for iohn trundle, and are to be sold at his shop in barbican, neere long lane end, at london : [1603] attributed to the worshipful company of parish clerks by nuc pre-1956 imprints. signed at end: henry chettle. date of publication suggested by stc (2nd ed.) and nuc pre-1956 imprints. text in two columns. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with 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in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -mortality. london (england) -statistics, vital. westminster (london, england) -statistics, vital. norwich (england) -statistics, vital. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true bill of the whole number that hath died in the cittie of london , the citty of westminster , the citty of norwich , and diuers other places , since the time this last sicknes of the plague began in either of them , to this present month of october the sixt day , 1603. with a relation of many visitations by the plague , in sundry other forraine countries . it is no doubt that the corruption of the ayre , together with vncleanly and vnwholsome kéeping of dwelling , where many are pestered together , as also the not obseruing to haue fiers priuate & publiquely made as well within houses , as without in the stréets , at times when the ayre is infected , are great occasions to increase corrupt and pestilent diseases . neither can it be denied , that the ouer-boldnes of many preasing into infected places , and the lewdnes of others with sores vppon them , presuming into the open ayre , some of wilfulnes , but truly many of necessitie , contaminateth & corrupteth diuers : as the leprosie , the pocks , and sundry such vncleane diseases doo : as by drinking , lying in company , and other such meanes , where pure complexions and cleane bloods are defiled with such as are putrified : and therefore carefully to be auoyded . but all these are accidentall , and rather effects then the cause . then first this citty of london cannot be denied , to haue had as great blessings as euer had ierusalem , for héere god hath long time béen present by his word and sacraments , yet they haue abounded in all iniquitie , when ierusalem long since had not a stone left vpon a stone . in the yéere of christ , 81. and in the yere 188. there continued a great time a plague in rome , of which there daily died two thousand people . in the yéere 254. fiftéene prouinces of the romaine empire , were in a manner consumed with the pestilence . in the yéere 530. there died in constantinople fiue thousand a day , and diuers times tenne thousand : and at that time , in some other parts of gréece , there were not sufficient liuing men left to bury their dead . and in the yéere 1569. there fell such a plague in constantinople , that there died in sixe months space , 7. hundred thousand persons , and the yéere following fell such a famine , that a penny loafe of bread of english mony , was worth a crowne of gold : by reason whereof , the people died as fast then of the famine , as they did before of the plague . in the yéere 540. there began an vniuersall plague all ouer the world , that continued 50. yéeres with great violence . in the yéere 1348. in paris in fraunce , there died a hundred thousand people of the plague . in the yéere 1359. so great a pestilence there was in italy , that there were scarce tenne left of a thousand . and in the yéere 1521. there died in rome a hundred thousand of the pestilence . in the yéeres 1576. and 77. in millan , padua , and uenice , there fell a hundred thousand in euery citty : and in bohemia ( béeing but a small kingdome ) there died thrée hundred thousand the same time . soone after the conquest of king william , duke of normandy , when the people were subdued to him , and the knights fés rated which he had made , and himselfe placed with crowne and scepter , hee tooke number of the acres of land in all the realme , and of all the people , and of all the cattell : after which fell so sore a plague , that the people died in such number that tillage decaied , and famine ensued , with rot of cattell , that men were faine to eate flesh of dogs , cats , & mise . a fearefull example for princes . in the raigne of king edward the third , there fell a very great pestilence in the east-indies , among the tartarians , saracens , & turks , which lasted the space of seauen yéeres : through the feare whereof , many of the heathens willingly offered themselues to become christians . and shortly after , by reason of passengers from one prouince to another , the same pestilence was dispersed in many christian kingdoms , & amongst other places , brought into england : where it was so forcible all ouer the land , that not onely men , but also beasts , birds , and fishes were smitten therewith , and found dead with botches vpon thē . also among men , the number that were left aliue , were scarely sufficient to bury their dead . at which time , with the rest that then died of the plague , henry duke of lancaster , blanch dutchesse of lancaster , and the earle of warwicke ended the liues . so that in one yéere , in a little plot of ground of 13. acres compasse , then called spittle-croft , and now the charter-house , was buried fifty thousand persons , besides all them that were then buried in the churchyards , and diuers places in the fields . also in barbarie , alexandria , tripolie , and in constantinople , this last yéere 1602. fell so grieuous a plague , that there died thréere thousand a day for a long time together . our visitations , though our sinnes excéede , haue beene more gentle . for in the first great plague in our memory after the losse of newhauen , frō the first of ianuary 1562. to decemb. 1563. there died of the plague , twenty thousand , one hundred , thirtie sixe . and in the last great visitation , from the 20. of december 1592. to the 23. of the same month in the yéere 1593. died in all 25886. of the plague in and about london , 15003. and in the yéere before , 2000. god of his mercy , as he did then , hold his heauy hand from vs , and giue vs true repentance , the onely meane to win his grace toward vs. and now in this present visitation which it pleaseth god to strike vs with , there hath died from the 17. of december 1602. to the 14. of iuly 1603. the whole number in london and the liberties , 4314. whereof of the plague , 3310. the rest are set downe as they haue followed wéekely . from the 14 of iuly , to the 21. of the same 867 vvhereof of the plague 646 in the out parishes 319 whereof of the plague 271 buried in all this weeke , 1186. vvhereof of the plague 917. from the 21 of iuly , to the 28 of the same 1103 vvhereof of the plague 857 in the out parishes 781 vvhereof of the plague 671 out of the pesthouse 18 buried in all this weeke , 1728. vvhereof of the plague 1396. from the 28 of iuly to the 4. of august , 1700 vvherof of the plague 1439 in the out parishes 537 vvhereof of the plague 464 pesthouse , 19 buried in all this weeke , 2256. vvhereof of the plague 1922. from the 4 of august , to the 11 of the same 1655 vvherof of the plague 1372 in the out parishes 410 vvhereof of the plague 361 pesthouse , 12 buried in all this weeke , 2077. vvhereof of the plague 1745. from the 11 of august , to the 18 of the same , 2486 vvherof of the plague 2199 in the out parishes , 568 vvhereof of the plague 514 in bridewell 7. pesthouse , 21 buried in all this weeke , 3054. vvhereof of the plague 2713. from the 18 of august , to the 25 of the same , 2343 vvherof of the plague 2091 in the out parishes , 510 vvhereof of the plague 448 in bridewell 8. pesthouse , 12 buried in all this weeke , 2853. vvhereof of the plague , 2539. from the 25 of august , to the 1. of september , 2798 vvherof of the plague 2495 in the out parishes , 587 vvhereof of the plague 540 in bridewell 5. pesthouse 6 buried in all this weeke , 3385 , vvhereof of the plague , 3035. from the 1 of september to the 8 of the same , 2583 vvherof of the plague 2283 in the out parishes , 495 vvhereof of the plague 441 in bridewell 17 pesthouse 5 buried in all this weeke , 3078 whereof , of the plague 2724 from the 8 of september to the 15 of the same , 2676 wherof of the plague , 2411 in the out parishes , 453 vvherof of the plague , 407 in bridewell 7. pesthouse . 10 buried in all this weeke , 3129. whereof of the plague , 2818. from the 15 of septemb. to the 22 of the same , 2080 vvherof of the plague , 1851 in the out parishes , 376 vvhereof of the plague , 344 in bridewell 19 pesthouse , 10 buried in all this weeke , 2456. vvhereof of the plague , 2195. from the 22 of septemb. to the 29 of the same , 1666 wherof of the plague , 1478 in the out parishes , 295 vvhereof of the plague , 254 in bridewell 8. pesthouse , 4 buried in all this weeke , 1961. vvhereof of the plague , 1732. from the 29 of septemb. to the 6 of october , 1525 vvherof of the plague , 1367 in the out parishes , 306 vvherof of the plague , 274 in bridewell 6. pesthouse , 4 buried in all this weeke , 1831. vvhereof of the plague , 1641. buried in all , within london and the liberties , since the sicknes began , 32353. whereof of the plague , 27710. the number that hath died this weeke in the cittie of westminster and the places following . buried in westminster , this weeke , 80. whereof of the plague , 75. buried in the sauoy , this weeke , 12. whereof of the plague , 10. buried in stepny parish , this weeke , 107. whereof of the plague , 100. buried at newington-buts , this weeke , 18. vvhereof of the plague , 14. buried in islington , this weeke , 12. whereof of the plague , 10. buried in lambeth , this weeke , 40. whereof of the plague , 40. buried in hackny , this weeke , 10. whereof of the plague , 8. buried in redrieffe , this weeke , 8. whereof of the plague , 6. ¶ the whole number buried within the 8. seuerall places last before-named , since the sicknes began in them , is 4024. whereof the number of the plague , is 3700. ¶ and the full number that hath beene buried in all , both within london and the liberties , and the eight other seuerall places last before mentioned , is 37376. whereof the number of the plague is , 32368. ¶ the seuerall visitations by the plague in the citty of norwich . ¶ in the yeere of our lord , 1349. from the first of ianuary to the last of iune , there died of the plague within the cittie of norwich , 57104. persons , besides ecclesiasticall mendicants and domanicks . ¶ from the first of iune 1579. to the first of the same month , 1580. there died of the pestilence in the citty of norwich , 4928. persons . ¶ and from the 8 of aprill 1603. ( which was the time that this last visitation beganne in the citty of norwich ) there haue died to the 29. of iuly , of all diseases , ( as well strangers as others ) 387. and from the 29 of iuly , to the 30 of september following , the number is set downe weekely . from the 29 of iuly , to the 6. of august , the whole number is 67. the number of strangers , is 32 , the number of the plague , is 55. from the 6 of august to the 12. in all 75. strangers 26. plague 60 from the 12 of august to the 19. in all 96. strangers 32. plague 87. from the 19 of august to the 26 , in all 96. strangers 32. plague 87 from the 26. to the 2 of septem . in all 132. stran. 53. plague 119. from the 2 of septemb. to the 9 , in all 140. strang. 38. plague 120. from the 9 of septemb. to the 16 , in all , 218. strang. 80. plague 204 from the 16 of septemb. to the 23 , in all 166 , strang. 70. plague 158 from the 23 of septemb. to the 30. in all 169 , strang. 75. plague 161 the whole number , is 1546. whereof of the plague , 1536. henry chettle . god saue the king. finis . at london printed by i. r. for iohn trundle , and are to be sold at his shop in barbican , neere long lane end . the report of the governours of the corporation for improving and releiving the poor of this city of london, and liberties thereof city of london (england). this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a49050 of text r39650 in the english short title catalog (wing l2877b). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a49050 wing l2877b estc r39650 18460585 ocm 18460585 107734 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49050) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107734) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:7 or 21241:124) the report of the governours of the corporation for improving and releiving the poor of this city of london, and liberties thereof city of london (england). 1 broadside. printed by james flesher ..., [london] : 1655. at head of title, in verse: these children orphans singing show ... reproductions of originals in the harvard university library and the british library. eng orphans -england. poor laws -england. london (england) -history -17th century. a49050 r39650 (wing l2877b). civilwar no the report of the governours of the corporation for imploying and releiving the poor of this city of london, and liberties thereof; corporation of london 1655 1057 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-10 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion these children orphans singing show , though god's above , he dwels below , who clothes their backs and bellies feed , and gave them fathers in their need . these father'd fatherless , their fathers bless , and warble forth their worth in thankfull verse . blazon or coat of arms city of london coat of arms the epicureans say god takes no care , nor yet regardeth how poor mortals fare , but being himself above all sense of trouble , grief , and indigence ; enjoyes himself , and can , no notice take of man nor sees , nor hears , their sighs or tears ; nor mindes , nor yet condoles , mens joyes or fears . that the light lamps of heaven know their way and beaten paths , from whence they cannot stray , the planets march their wonted pace , sun , moon , and stars , keep on their race from night to day , and then , from day to night agen , times come and goe , tides ebbe and flow , things round redown'd , as days and years do show . hold atheist , stop thy mouth , proceed not thus , gods care o' th poor blaspheme not , look on us , and recollect thy self , for we on dunghils droop't in miserie , had not jehovah car'd , how here poor mortals far'd , we still had lain , pining in pain , but now in plenty he doth us maintain . repent of these thy thoughts vain man , behold how god by us , have these thy thoughts controld , for living instances we are , that god for mortals poor takes care , and doth regard the cries , of orphans waterie eyes , and sends relief from pain and grief , who help and succour to the poor doth give . wandring we were from heavens and earths good waies in sin and idleness to spend our daies , but now translated from that state which led to lewdness , death , hells gate , and in a hopefull way to live another day , when thankfull we , shall surely be , and londons mercy keep in memorie . blest be the great protector of the poore whom fatherless admire , widdows adore ; blest be his a vice protector who much favour did on us bestow , our b president blest be , and blest his c deputy , lord blesse them all who hence forth shall lend hearts , and hands , to ridd the poor from thrall . god is the poor mans god , who doth express himself the father of the fatherless , and men like gods themselves appear , to whom poor fatherless are dear , whose works of charity , he suffers not to dye , what thus they spend to god they lend , who will repay with glory in the end . this is the pure religion , and this by gods appointment leads to lasting bliss ; when scarlet robes , and golden chains shall come to nothing , this remains , when creature comforts faile , such works as these prevaile , most certainly such seed shall be an harvest lasting to eternity . you that have thus so well begun , go on , finish your work , let no man take your crown , such works as these their workmen bless ; by spending thus , you shall increase , this is gods way of thriving , thus give , and get by giving ; what else you save others may have ; these works your selves shall find beyond the grave . the report of the governours of the corporation for imploying and releiving the poor of this city of london , and liberties thereof ; the said corporation ( through the pious care and assistance of the lord mayor , commonalty , and citizens of the city of london , and other well affected persons ) do at the present maintain , and educate about 100. poor children in learning , and arts , whose parents are either dead or not able to maintain them , ayming ( according as ability by the good providence of god shall be administred ) at the entertaining of some hundreds more ; moreover , there are many hundred of poor people and families imployed by the said corporation , the manufactures of spinning hemp , flax , and tow , and weaving of it into cloth ; and many hundreds more might be imployed , in case they did not habituate and necessitate themselves to an idle course of life , none being refused or denyed imployment that will come for it , either to the wardrobe neer black-fryers , or to haiden-house in the minories , belonging to the said corporation . towards the more effectuall carrying on and accomplishing of which good work , so abundantly conducing to the glory of god , the honour of the government of this city , ( being presidentiall in this kind to the whole nation ) the prevention of many evils and enormities , so abounding in that sort of people , and the eternall good of their precious souls : this corporation earnestly desire the ready concurrence and assistance of the magistrate , and ministers of justice of this city in causing the known laws of this common-wealth to be put in execution * for suppressing of vagrants , and common beggars , able to work , who come in troops from the out parts of this city , and make it their constant practice , to spend the day time in begging , and a great part of the nights in drinking , and revelling . and then repair to the city again for fresh supplies , to the great dishonor of this city , the scandall of religion , and hindrance of the charity of many pious and well affected people towards this good work . printed by james flesher , printer to the honourable city of london , 1655. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a49050e-30 a his highness a special friend . b lord mayor president . c john cutler esq deputy president . mr thomas read treasurer . notes for div a49050e-1230 * 39 eliz. 4. and 1 jac. 7. die veneris, 19 januarii, 1648 [i.e. 1649]. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament, that all commission-officers, and others of the trained-bands and auxiliaries under the militia of the city of london, and liberties thereof; bee, and are hereby required to act upon the commissions they now have ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83777 of text r176483 in the english short title catalog (wing e2658c). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83777 wing e2658c estc r176483 47683431 ocm 47683431 172897 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83777) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 172897) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2655:9) die veneris, 19 januarii, 1648 [i.e. 1649]. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament, that all commission-officers, and others of the trained-bands and auxiliaries under the militia of the city of london, and liberties thereof; bee, and are hereby required to act upon the commissions they now have ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1649] date of publication from wing (2nd ed.). signed: hen. scobell cler. parl. dom. com. reproduction of original in: birmingham central reference library (birmingham, england). eng city of london (england). -committee for the militia -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -england -london -17th century. a83777 r176483 (wing e2658c). civilwar no die veneris, 19 januarii, 1648. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament, that all commission-officers, and others of the trained-band england and wales. parliament. house of commons 1649 123 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die veneris , 19 januarii , 1648. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament , that all commission-officers , and others of the trained-bands and auxiliaries under the militia of the city of london , and liberties thereof ; bee , and are hereby required to act upon the commissions they now have , untill the committee of the militia now constituted shall think fit to appoint others , to the intent no prejudice may happen to the parliament or city , in the interim , till the militia be setled ; and that they doe obey all such orders and directions as they shall from time to time receive from major generall skippon . hen. scobell cler. parl. dom. com. a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament, for the kings majesties speedy coming to london. die sabbathi, ultimo julii, 1647. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82679 of text r210589 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[55]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82679 wing e1417 thomason 669.f.11[55] estc r210589 99869373 99869373 162704 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82679) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162704) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[55]) a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament, for the kings majesties speedy coming to london. die sabbathi, ultimo julii, 1647. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for edward husband, printer to the honorable house of commons, london : august 2. 1647. signed: h: elsynge, cler. parl. d. com. with decorative border. whereas the king has been carried away from holdenby to the army without his consent, parliament desires that he will come to such place as they shall appoint to arrange a safe and well-grounded peace. london is to be the place the king shall be desired to come to -cf. steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -militia -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a82679 r210589 (thomason 669.f.11[55]). civilwar no a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament, for the kings majesties speedy coming to london. die sabbathi, ultimo julii, england and wales. parliament. 1647 222 1 0 0 0 0 0 45 d the rate of 45 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament , for the kings majesties speedy coming to london . die sabbathi , ultimo julii , 1647. whereas the king hath been seized upon , and carryed away from holdenby without his consent , or the consent of the houses of parliament , by a party into the army , where his majestie yet remaineth ; the lords and commons in parliament assembled do desire , that his majestie will be pleased immediately to come to such places as both houses of parliament shall appoint ▪ and they do declare , that he shall there be with honor , freedom and safety ; and that they , with the commissioners of the kingdom of scotland , will make their addresses unto his majestie for a safe and well-grounded peace . 2o augusti , 1467. resolved upon the question , that london be the place whither the king shall be desired to come to , where both houses of parliament , and the commissioners of the kingdom of scotland , may make their addresses to him for a safe and well-grounded peace . h : elsynge , cler. parl. d. com. london , printed for edward husband , printer to the honorable house of commons . august 2. 1647. an humble advice to his sacred majesty anent the drawing of londons charter by a scottish pen. scottish pen. 1683 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44971 wing h3395 estc r33611 13533715 ocm 13533715 100012 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44971) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100012) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1551:24) an humble advice to his sacred majesty anent the drawing of londons charter by a scottish pen. scottish pen. 1 broadside. printed by the heir of andrew anderson ..., edinburgh : 1683. in verse. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -poetry. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an humble advice to his sacred majesty , anent the drawing of londons charter . by a scottish pen. dread sir , you still was good , but now most great ; ye now do reign in majestie and state : your unsheath'd sword of justice hath done more , than all the kings of england did before , by strength , and force of armes ; yea , it is strange , there 's not a drop of blood spilt in this change : a wonder sir , like to your coming home , to see r●bellion buried in it's tomb ; vvhich lately roar'd and rag'd in every bench , in street , in coffee-house : then let the french , and other monarchs , vail their capes to thee , vvho rules by laws , and not by tirranie : but since they thus , are at your royal feet , crying peccavi , and humblie do intreat your grace and favour , pray you take advice , compose their charter , as the heavens do ice , to last no longer then it is your pleasure . clip you their wings , not they the vvings of caesar : and left that they , and their pesteritie , turn wanton , and abuse your clemencie ; let that their charter , bear this special clause , that these who slight authoritie , or laws ; or vent seditious words , may breed mischief , shall never taste bag-pudden , nor rost-bief , nor pig , nor pork , nor powthered-bief and cabbage , but brownest-bread , boyl'd-beans , and such like baggage and that but once a day , to save their life ; this is the way to keep them free of strife : and since their patience was impertinent , let patience be their sole medicament . finis . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sa cred majesty , anno dom 1683. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a44971-e10 conform to hen 8. statute . the new uotes of parliament for the fvther secvring of those officers that are appointed for the ordering of the militia, may 1642 votes. 1642-05-12. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a37852 of text r221694 in the english short title catalog (wing e1672). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a37852 wing e1672 estc r221694 99832967 99832967 37442 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37852) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 37442) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2170:06) the new uotes of parliament for the fvther secvring of those officers that are appointed for the ordering of the militia, may 1642 votes. 1642-05-12. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for g.w., [london : 1642] votes in support of the militia and the trained bands of the city of london. imprint from wing; cataloged copy cropped at foot. copy imperfect; closely trimmed; cropped at foot with loss of imprint. reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -militia -early works to 1800. a37852 r221694 (wing e1672). civilwar no the new uotes of parliament for the fvther secvring of those officers that are appointed for the ordering of the militia, may 1642. england and wales. parliament 1642 421 1 0 0 0 0 0 24 c the rate of 24 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the new uotes of parliament for the fvther secvring of those officers that are appointed for the ordering of the militia , may 1642 : rosolved . that this house doth declare , that if any person whatsoever shall arrest , or imprison the persons of those lords and gentlemen or any of them , or any other of the members of either house of parliament that shall bee imployed in the service of both houses of parliament , or shall offer violence to them or any of them for doing any thing in pursuance of the commands or instructions of both houses , shall bee held disturbers of the proceedings of parliament and publicke enemies of the state : and that all persons are bound by their protestation to indeavour to brirng them to condigne punishment . that this house doth declare that those of the city of london , and all othar persons that have obayed the ordinance for the malitia , and done any thing in execution thereof , haue done according to the law of the land , and in persuance of what they were commanded by both houses of parliament : and for the defence of king and kingdome , and shall have the assistance of both houses of parliament , against any that shall presume to question them for yeelding their obedience unto the said commands in this necessary and important service : and that whosoever shall obey the said ordinance for the time to come , shall receive approbation and assistance from both houses of parliament . that this house doth declare that they are resolved to maintaine those lords , and gentlemen in those things they have done , and shall further doe in defence of their commands for thepreserving the peace of this kingdome . die martis maii. 1642. ordered by the lords and commons in parliament assembled , that the persons intrusted with the ordering of the militia of the citie of london , shall have power to draw the trained bands of the citie into such usuall and convenient places within three miles of the said citie , as to them from time to time shall seem fit for the training and exercising of the souldiers , & that the said soldiers upon summons shal from time to time appeare & not depart from their colours without the consent of their officers , as they will answer their contempt to the parliament . ioh browne cler. parliam . 〈…〉 a seasonable letter of advice delivered to the major of london; as he was sitting at common councell at guild-hall, on tuesday the 27. of december, and by him read on the bench. c. d. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82304 of text r211405 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[35]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82304 wing d9 thomason 669.f.22[35] estc r211405 99870134 99870134 163618 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82304) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163618) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[35]) a seasonable letter of advice delivered to the major of london; as he was sitting at common councell at guild-hall, on tuesday the 27. of december, and by him read on the bench. c. d. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1659] signed at end: c.d. imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "28. 1659. xber [i.e. december] 28". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng city of london (england). -lord mayor -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a82304 r211405 (thomason 669.f.22[35]). civilwar no a seasonable letter of advice delivered to the major of london; as he was sitting at common councell at guild-hall, on tuesday the 27. of de c. d. 1659 234 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a seasonable letter of advice delivered to the major of london ; as he was sitting at common councell at guild-hall , on tuesday the 27. of december , and by him read on the bench . right honourable , your very good friends here present understand by some members of your councell , that you have many difficulties to wrastle with , which are cast in amongst you by ill-affected members to the peace of this nation . your adversaries will grow upon you by your delayes . the eyes of the nation are upon you . glory or shame will be your potion . your authority hath the only lawfull stamp ; all others are but pretenders : resolution and expedition are the mothers of glorious actions . sir , you are more neerly concerned in this glorious work then any other person . if by delayes the work succeedeth not , i dare assure you the fury of the people will unavoidable fall upon you : but i hope your good example will prevent the ill consequence of it . the pretended authority fear your councell ; but their only hope is , you may as easily be misled by them , as you were caught by that silly gull fleetwood , by the pretence of a free parliament . verbum sapienti . your humble servant and wellwisher c. d. london's calamity by fire bewailed and improved in a sermon preached at st. james dukes-place wherein the judgements of god are asserted, the times of those judgments specified, the reasons for those judgments assigned, and all in some measure suitably applied / by robert elborough ... elborough, robert. 1666 approx. 89 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a38556 wing e320 estc r37316 16350294 ocm 16350294 105318 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38556) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105318) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1091:8) london's calamity by fire bewailed and improved in a sermon preached at st. james dukes-place wherein the judgements of god are asserted, the times of those judgments specified, the reasons for those judgments assigned, and all in some measure suitably applied / by robert elborough ... elborough, robert. [8], 36 p. printed by m.s. for dorman newman, and are to be sold at his shop ..., london : 1666. "licensed according to order." numerous errors in paging. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -o.t. -ezekiel xx, 47 -sermons. fire -religious aspects -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. london (england) -history -17th century -sermons. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2007-10 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion london's calamity by fire bewailed and improved , in a sermon preached at st. james dukes-place ; wherein the judgements of god are asserted , the times of those judgments specified , the reasons for those judgments assigned , and all in some measure suitably applied . by robert elborough , minister of the parish that was lately st. laurence pountney , london . is it nothing to you all ye that pass by ? behold and see , if there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow , which is done unto me , wherewith the lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce anger . lament . 1. 12. rejoyce not against me , o mine enemy ; though i am fallen , i shall arise ; though i sit in darkness , the lord shall be a light unto me , micah 7. 8. licensed according to order . london , printed by m. s. for dorman newman , and are to be sold at his shop at the chirurgeons arms near the hospital-gate in little britain , 1666. to the lately most renowned , but now sadly ruined city , and all concerned and sufferers in her sore affliction . oh thou afflicted and not comforted ! the lion hath roared , who will not fear ? the lord god hath spoken , who can but prophesie ? amos 3. 8. i , god hath spoken in the voyce of mercy , and thou hast not heard ; in the voyce of his ministers , and thou hast not heard ; in the voyce of threatnings , and thou hast not heard ; in the voyce of sad presages , and thou hast not heard ; in the voyce of the plague , and the sword , and thou hast not heard ; and now in this dreadful judgement of fire , and thou dost not hear ; no , though the fire hath burnt round about , and in the midst of thee , and there be such sad and dismal effects of it , yet thou dost not hear . what therefore shall be done unto thee , or wherewith shall i bewaile thee ? is this the joyous city , whose antiquity was of ancient dayes , whose merchants were princes , and whose traffiquers the honourable of the earth ? isa . 27. 7 , 8. how art thou fallen , oh thou darling of england ! how art thou levelled with the ground , oh thou wonder of europe ! how art thou brought to ruine , confusion , and desolation , oh thou queen of cities , whose fame was spread in all nations , far and near , by reason of that comeliness which the lord did put upon thee ! was there none of all thy sons , whom thou hast brought forth , to deliver thee ? was there none of all thy sons , whom thou hast brought up , to quench the flames for thee ? the lord had and hath purposed to stain the pride of all glory , and to bring into contempt all the honourable of the earth , isa . 23. 9. these things will be told in gath , and declared in the streets of askelon : i , the philistines will rejoyce , and the daughters of the uncircumcised will triumph over thee . but laugh not too soon , lest you cry and repent at leisure . if judgement begin thus at the city of god , what shall and will be done to those that are none of gods cities ? if god cause his people to see and feel such terrible things , what terrible things shall those see and feel , that are none of gods people ? if god kindle ▪ such fire in sion , what fire shall be kindled in babylon ? i , the lord is risen out of sion , and he will not sit down , till he be come to the gates of babylon . for thus saith the lord to his afflicted one ▪ i have taken out of thy hand the cup of trembling , even the dregs of the cup of my fury : thou shalt no more drink it again : but i will put it into the hands of them that afflict thee , which have said to thy soul , bow down , that we may go over : and thou hast laid thy body as the ground , and as the streets to them that went over , isa . 51. 22 , 23. now that all this may be made good to thee , i would ( and oh that i might ) perswade thee , and all those sufferers with thee , to see thy abomination , by reason whereof thou art under this desolation ; lay thy self low before that god , who hath laid thee low ; accept of thy calamity as the punishment for thy iniquity ; cry mightily unto the lord for the pardon of thy transgressions , and he will delight in thee notwithstanding thy affliction , and then mayest thou say indeed , rejoyce not against me , o mine enemy : though i am fallen , i shall arise ; though i sit in darkness , the lord shall be a light unto me , micah 7. 8. i , assemble your selves , and ye shall be broken in pieces ; take counsel together , and it shall come to nought ; speak the word , and it shall not stand ; for god is with me , isa . 8. 9 , 10. thou canst not be so sinful , but god is as merciful ; and where gods mercy , thy misery , and thy favourites spiritual fervency meet at the throne of grace , the result thereof will be thy restauration and re-edification ; to thy enemies confusion , and to thy sons and daughters consolation : for it's gods own promise , in the day that i shall have cleansed you from all your iniquities , i will also cause you to dwell in the cities , and the wastes shall be builded , ezek. 36. 33. accept of my desires earnestness for thy good , which hath prevailed with me , not so directly to apply my self to those towards whom under a ministerial consideration i more peculiarly stood ( and still stand ) related ▪ yet in remembring thee , i don't , neither shall i forget them , and accordingly i hope the same will be acknowledged by them . i have seen the plague ( adored be divine goodness for preserving me ) not leaving any persons in houses , and now this dreadful judgement of fire , not leaving houses for persons ; the sense therefore of my duty , as sympathizing with thy misery , and , i say , the desire for thy prosperity , hath drawn forth these lines and the subsequent subject , with bleedings of heart , and distillings of tears ; and may the same be so seriously considered and improved by thee , as that no more judgements be inflicted on thee . for , whatsoever is said as to thy restauration , remember , and so i must be understood , that it depends upon thy reformation . the lord grant therefore that thy magistrates that are and shall be , may be vigorous , thy ministers zealous , thy people conscientious , and all every way pious . the lord grant that thy dispersed ones may be gathered , thy suffering ones succoured , thy succouring ones solaced , thy dismayed ones encouraged , and thy poor ones enriched . the lord grant that thy windows may be of agates , thy gates of carbuncles , and all thy borders of pleasant stones , i , and above all , that thy foundation be holiness , thy superstructure righteousness , and the top-stone thereof crying , grace , grace . this is and shall be the desire of him , who is , and desires to be thy fellow-sufferer and unfeigned well-wisher in the gospel , rob. elborough . londons calamity by fire bewailed and improved . ezek . 20. 47. behold , i will kindle a fire in thee , and it shall devour every green tree in thee , and every dry tree : the flaming flame shall not be quenched , and all faces from the south to the north shall be burnt therein these words are a true comment upon our times , and our times are a sad comment upon these words . in the words we have a sad judgment threatned , and in our times we have seen a sore judgment of fire inflicted . if therefore i have made choyce of these words to recommend them to you , it 's because god hath made choyce of them in verifying them upon us . the lord grant , that what shall be discovered , may be so improved , as that though our houses be destroyed by fire on earth , our souls may not be destroyed by fire in hell. in this chapter we have promises on the one , and threatnings on the other hand ; promises of mercy in case of obedience , and threatnings of misery in case of disobedience . it 's usual with god to apply lenitives and corrosives , and to administer cordials and bitter potions . it must be a sun-shiny day indeed that is without any clouds ; and it must be a cloudy day indeed , that 's without any shining of the sun. god had done more for them than he had done for others ; he woo'd them by promises , and he endeavoured to awe them by threatnings : and when by reason of their abominations he might again and again have broken in upon them with the fury of his indignation , he was pleased to work for his names sake , bestowing good things upon them , and with-holding evil things from them , vers . 9. 14 , 22. but alass , promises did not work upon them , threatnings did not at all prevail with them , and gods patience and forbearance did not at all engage them to repentance : and therefore what was it god commissionated ezekiel to prophesie ? and what was it ezekiel prophesied according to his commission ? behold , i will kindle a fire in thee , &c. this you will find to be the sum of the chapter in general ; and this we find , alass , we find to be the substance of our condition by vertue of gods dispensations in particular . we have had promises , and they have not wrought ; we have had threatnings , and they have not prevailed ; we have had the forbearings of gods wrath and indignation ▪ and the same have not been influential as to a reformation in church and state , in our magistracy , ministry , and commonalty ; and therefore what was in ezekiels commission is made good upon us , as to our sad , ruinated , consumed and destroyed condition . i will kindle a fire in thee . the words of my text are a declaration of gods more than ordinary judgment against judaea and jerusalem , termed a forrest , by reason of its unfruitfulnesse ; and the forrest of the south , as lying southwards from chaldaea . you have here , sad , doleful , and dreadful tydings , as never ear heard before , lips expressed before , eyes saw before , or , in some sence , the hand of god inflicted before . from the first to the last there is nothing but woe and misery , and destruction , and desolation . hear o heavens , and be astonished o earth , yea , be amazed o you inhabitants of the south , for the lord hath spoken , yea the lord speaks , yea by fire doth the lord god contend ; i will kindle a fire in thee , &c. but i come more close to the words , wherein we have observable four particulars . first , what god will do . secondly , what this fire will do . thirdly , what they shall not be able to do towards this fire . fourthly , what they shall find and feel by reason of and in this fire . first , what god will do ; i will kindle a fire in thee . fire is taken in scripture , amongst other significations , either , literally , for a material fire , consuming houses , laying wast , and bringing level to the ground good and stately structures , jer. 21. 10. metaphorically or typically , for great and sore judgments , whereby god will ruine and destroy us , even as fire consumes and destroyes whatsoever it meets with , nah. 1. 6. jer. 4. 4. i can see no reason but that both , and in particular the former may be , and that right and apposite enough , understood here , inasmuch as it was made good in a great part of jerusalems conflagration when it was taken by nebuchadrezzar , and afterwards by vespatian , and that the church and people of god acknowledge the truth hereof , isa . 64. 11. lam. 4 , 11. now this and such fire god threatens to kindle , and that in thee ; not about thee , but in thee ; not in the skirts , but in the heart ; not in the suburbs , but in the city ; not within the usual lines of communication , but in the center whence those lines are drawn . secondly , what this fire shall do . ah! what should this fire do but undoe ! and indeed this it doth : it shall devour every green tree in thee , and every dry tree . whether by green tree you understand the saints , usually compared to trees that flourish ; or by dry tree you mean the sinner , compared to trees that don't flourish : or whether by green you take things that are delightful , or by dry you take things that are needful ; the one being for ornament , the other being for exigent ; both one and the other shall be consumed in thee , ezek. 21. 3 , 4. thirdly , what they shall not be able to do towards this fire ; the flaming flame shall not be quenched . he doth not say , they shall not endeavour to quench it . in a common calamity , who will not put to his helpng hand ? though in our sad disaster i wish every one had conscienciously discharged their duty : but notwithstanding their endeavours it shall not be quenched . such , such shall be the rage and violence of it , as that aching hearts and helping hands , as that , to speak in our dialect and usual practice , buckets , engines , ladders , hooks , the opening of pipes , and sweeping of channels , shall not avail any thing at all : no , they would not withdraw the fewel of their corruption , and god would not withdraw the fire of his indignation . if the sinner do not leave off finning before god comes , god will not soon leave off punishing when he comes . fourthly , what they shall find and feel by reason of and in this fire ; and all faces from the south to the north shall be burnt therein . none shall have cause to rejoyce , but all cause to complain and bewail . do any live in the southern parts of the city , they shall be burnt ? do any live in the northern parts , and so think it will not come at them ? they shall likewise be burnt , all faces from the south to the north. alass , poor sinner , how dost thou toyl and moyl to build thy nest ! but there is too much of sin within , and so suddenly it 's burnt , and thou it may be , with the pelican art burnt therein . thus you see , beloved , the parts of a sad text. first , what god will do ; that speaks his judgment . secondly , what the fire shall do ; that evidences the greatness , soreness , and extraordinariness of gods judgments . thirdly , what they shall not be able to do towards this fire ; that shews the irresistibleness of those judgments . fourthly , what they shall find and feel by and in this fire ; that intimates the universalness of this sore , sad , dismal and unusual judgment . from these particulars i might , but must not , recommend several truths to you . i shall only present you with one as suitable to the occasion ; and oh my bowels , my bowels , that there is such an occasion to present you with this truth and doctrinal observation . god is somtimes more than ordinary in his sore judgments upon a nation or city . god will not alwayes bear with a sinful nation and city , but let them know what abused mercy , and disdained grace , and provoked justice , and an incensed god means . god somtimes whips a nation with some small twigs , when at other times he scourges it with scorpions : god somtimes layes upon it his gentle hand of correction , when at other times he pours forth the vials of his indignation . so isa . 42. 13 , 14 , 15. jer. 9. 10 , 11. jer. 16. 9. jer. 19. 3. ezek. 7. 2 , 3 , 4. ezek. 2. 9 , 10. by all those places you see , that the sun of prosperity doth not alwayes shine in a nations horizon ; i , and somtimes it 's hid in such a dark cloud , as that all faces gather paleness , the hearts of adams children ready to fail , and they are within a step or two of being utterly ruined and undone . oh how many places have found god more than ordinary in his judgments , who little thought that he would have been such a god of judgment . little did sodom think of a fiery rainy day , when they had such a sunshiny morning . ah how art thou poor london a sad instance and evidence of the truth of this doctrine , when in the midst of thy security thou art overtaken with unparallel'd misery . but to methodise a little , what as to this , though constrained , must be spoke unto , i shall first , instance in some of those sore and great judgments , wherewith god punisheth a nation or city . secondly , discover unto you what those times are , wherein god is more than ordinary in his sore judgments upon a nation and city . thirdly , study to give you an account , as near as i can , with the spirit 's and scriptures assistance , why it is that god is so eminent and extraordinary in his judgments . fourthly , see what improvement may be made of it by way of application ; and in all have reference to gods late proceedings , especially as to that sore judgment of fire . as to the first , i shall name , amongst others , four sore judgments , which god inflicts upon a nation and city . first , the plague . gods hand hath been , and that so severe as to this judgment , as that the greatest atheist cannot but acknowledg him a god of judgment . when god takes away here one , and there another , it 's not much ; but when god leaves but here and there one amongst those many thousands that be taken away , that is much indeed , 1 chron. 21. 14. amos 4. 10. jer. 42. 17. if an atheist do not see the works of gods hand , let him but go to the places of interment , and he may see gods handy work . i bless god for his goodness continued towards me in the midst of those many thousands destroyed round about me . i have seen londons health exchanged into sickness , fulness into emptiness , & where one could not pass for inhabitants , no inhabitants at all to pass by ; and god forbid that any one should not say , god hath done more than he hath done before . london's pestilential visitation , cannot but be an evidence of gods more than ordinary judicial dispensation . certainly , god did ride his circuit in judgment , when the judgments of god did thus ride their circuit . secondly , the sword. when god hath furbished the sword in his hand , it can't but be an evidence of the sore displeasure of his heart . i hope you will take the judgment of god to be truth as to this ; and what is the truth of his judgment , but that it 's the severity of his judgment , jer. 16. 5. ch. 25. 15 , 29. amos 4. 10. and therefore consult , ezek. 5. 12. jer. 50. 35 , 36. ah how do christians complain of the loss of those relations , who having escaped the fury of the pestilence , have not escaped the edg of the sword. certainly , it cannot but be a severity , though not parallel to our iniquity , to be preserved from the plague , and to be rereserved to the sword. they who spiritually have not known god , have looked upon the sword as a sore ▪ judgment from god. oh how sore and how soon must that place needs be undone , in reference whereunto god saith , the sword , the sword is drawn for the slaughter , it's forbished to consume because of the glittering . thirdly , famine when the figtree don't blossom ; & there is no fruit in the vine , when the labour of the olive failes and the fields yeeld no meat , when the flock is cut ▪ off from the fold , and there is no heard in the stalls . too too many have turned their fulness into sinfulness , and god , hath turned their fulness into emptiness . those that commonly are wanton under mercies are not like to have those mercies continued long in common . what was judahs sin but fulness of bread ; and god soon made even with her in giving her cleanness of teeth . in england there was a famine of three years continuance , and the same so violent , that not only many died daily for hunger , but great numbers joyning hand in hand threw themselves head-long into the sea. in samaria the famine was so great , as that an asses head was sold for fourscore pieces of silver , and the fourth part of a cab of doves dung for five pieces of silver . and therefore what saith god ? amos 4. 6. ezek : 5. 16 , 17. jerem. 14. 16 , 18. it 's good , christians , to make much of a little . it 's great impiety to sin much in much ; and so 't is great & righteous severity not to have either little or much . god is the great house-keeper of the world , and for him to let his family starve , his creatures pine away , and those that had their dependance upon him to have no sustinance and allowance at all from him . ah those that have felt any thing as to this , have found it sad enough when god at any time brought this judgment upon them . if as yet london there be not this calamity , the lord grant that this calamity may never be . fourthly , fire . fire and water are proverbially said to be good servants , but bad masters . both are good enough , whilst within their limits , but bad enough god know's when got beyond their bounds . it 's usual with god in scripture to set forth the greatness of his wrath by fire and fiery indignation . god when eminently he would avenge himselfe on sodom for their abominations , it was by raining fire and brimstone from heaven . what can be more terrible to man than fire ? and therefore how sore and terrible must needs those judgments be that are inflicted by fire ! ezek : 20. 47. jerem. 17. 29. ch. 15. 14. lamen . 4. 11. god is great in this judgment ; and oh how great must needs this judgment be , when london that lately was is no more , and she that gloried in the stateliness of her structures , hath now none of those structures to glory in ▪ i , thy houses are burnt , thy churches consumed , thy places of judicature ruined , thy halls and pinacles brought low , even to the ground , i , those that see thee cannot but bemoan thee ; that pass by thee , can't but pity thee ; they that know thee cannot but say ( and alas poore london for it ) is this the joyous city , whose antiquity was of ancient dayes ? whose merchants were princes , and whose traffiquers the honourable of the earth ! isa . 23. 7. 8. my beloved , our eyes have seen , our goods and estates have found , and our persons have experienced the greatness of gods judgment , when he hath made a city an heap , and a ruine of a defenced city , isa . 25. 2. thus much as to the first thing proposed , which i shall close with recommending to your perusall , as sutable enough to our condition , and whereby you may see the sence of god as to those former severe judgements , jer. 29. 17 , 18. ezek. 14. 21. ezek. 15. 6 , 7. the second thing premised , is to shew what those times are wherein god is more than ordinary in his judgements upon a nation and city : and as to this i shall in plainness , and i hope , faithfully instance in these following . first , times of more then ordinary iniquity . times of more then ordinary abomination are times of more then ordinary desolation . though god may bear with peccadilloes , and not presently evidence his displeasure from heaven ; yet when persons sin in heavens face as to gross enormities , he will stretch out heavens hand as to sore calamities . sin is a cloud in the ayre ; the more it 's thickened with vapours from the earth , the more the cloud empties it selfe into dismall showers and stormes , ezek. 5. 5 , 6 , 7 , 12. jer. 15. 5 , 13 , 14. jer. 4. 18 , 19 , 20. when the amorites cup was full as to iniquity , the amorites cup did not remain long empty as to calamity : oh london , hadst not thou been more then ordinary as to thy abomination , god would not have been more then ordinary as to thy destruction and desolation . it is a remarkable expression , gen. 18. 20 , 21. and therefore see , lam. 4. 6. if wee goe on in sodoms defilement , we shall not go without sodoms punishment ; and if wee outgoe sodom as to iniquity , wee shall outgoe sodom as to calamity . we are fallen into sad times as to sufferings , i , and we were fallen into sad times as to sinning ; we commit those sins against god , which wee committed not before , and so wee have undergone those punishments from god , which were not undergone before : the ready way for a nation and city to be undone by calamity , is to doe all manner of iniquity . that is the first . secondly , times of oppression and cruelty . it 's an hard thing for us to be hard-hearted , and god to be tender-hearted ; when we put off the heart of humanity , god will put out the hand of severity ; when we doe what we can to bring others under the hatches , god will bring those hatches upon us . methinks i hear poor oppressed souls crying out in the bitterness of their spirit , and there is none to help ; methinks i hear poor souls crying out , bread , bread for the lords sake . and therefore look to it england , and those remaines of london , for if no repentance as to this , there is sure to be vengeance as to this , jer. 34. 16 , 17. micah . 2. 2 , 3 , 4. and therefore those expressions in amos cannot but must be observed , amos 1. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. the cryes of poor oppressed soules so pierce gods eares , as that they cannot but work upon gods heart . i could wish i had not seen so much of cruelty , and i am confident i should not have seen so much of calamity : what hath been thy sin , london , as to this but oppression ? and therefore how deservedly punished ! oh if you that are preserved goe on in your rigorous exactions , in your unheard of fines , and your high , ah too high rents . you that now lett your houses , ere long may have no houses at all to lett : to make an advantage of your suffering brethren , will but be a disadvantage to your selves in your sufferings . if we drink out of babylons cup as to cruelty , we shall drink out of babylons cup as to calamity . that 's the second . thirdly , times of pride and arrogancy . god will soon bring those low enough , that think they can never be high enough . god will make those remember they are but dust and ashes , that forget themselves to be dust and ashes . when persons deface the image of god which is humility , god will maintaine his power and authority in their calamity . herods heart was no sooner lift up against god , but gods hand was as soon lifted up against herod , isa . 16. 6. 3. 10. 24. humility is one of the best jewels in a nations crown : it s impossible a political body should be in a good crasis and constitution , whilest swelled with this tympany of pride . oh god cannot bear with this sin of pride in persons , or that persons should pride themselves in this sin . if we don't lay our selves at gods feet , in a way of humility , god will lay us at others in a way of misery ; i , thou hast prided thy self in what thou hadst , and god hath sent a sore judgement of fire to remove what thou hadst , jer. 50. 31 , 32. remember oh you daughters of london , remember your sin in this , when they that did feed delicately are desolate in the streets , and they that were brought up in scarlet , alas , alas , now embrace dunghills . if we ruffle it up and down the streets with those garments , for which we are still endebted in heavens debtbook , god will soon send some sore judgement or other as a serjeant to arrest us . how much better is it for us to be humbled that we may be exalted , then to be exalted that we should be humbled ! arrogancy turned the angels out of heaven into hell , and humility turnes persons out of hell into heaven . that 's the third . fourthly , times of carnall confidence and reliancy . when we look for help more from man then from god , and assistance from the creature more then from the creator , and comfort from broken cysternes more then from the fountaine of living waters . the sin of carnall confidence is sure to be attended with more then ordinary vengeance . god will let us see the creatures emptiness in our ruine and misery , if we look to the creatures fullness for our safety and security . if we lay gods honour in the dust , in giving that to man which is gods , god will lay our honour in the dust in suffering us to be dishonoured by man , see isa . 30. 15 , 16 , 17. hosea 8. last . i would willingly be resolved in this question , whether ever the nation was less in it's sufferings from god , then when least in it's dependance upon man ? thou trustest not a little in thy much customed shop , well replenished warehouses , full and crowded congregations , and in thy great practise ; & so god kindles a fire , and thy shop 's destroyed , thy warehouses ruined , thy churches consumed , and thy patients scattered and dispersed . my beloved , god will be sought unto in all we doe ; and if we are so far of seeking to him as that it 's something else , alas what miseries have and will not break in upon us ! never needst thou have feared , london , i , and never wouldst thou have felt this calamity , if thou hadst but come to this , it 's god and god alone , and not man that is my safety , and security : they that won't make use of god as a place of refuge in time of trouble , will finde trouble enough in their times , and the inlet to all their troubles this , their not dependance on god. that 's the fourth . fifthly , times of heedlesness and security . times full of security are commonly times full of calamity : we are never nearer destruction , then when we are farthest from it in our apprehension . god would have us sensible of judgements threatned , as not knowing how soon they may be inflicted ; but if we put the evil day far from us , the more sore and sudden it 's sure to overtake us , jer. 21. 13 , 14. micah . 3. 12. ezek. 39. 6. little did dives think of his souls being required , when he sang such a lullaby , soul take thine ease , thou hast goods laid up for many years . agag cryes out in the fondness of his spirit , surely the bitterness of death is past , when on a sudden hewen in pieces . you remember , christians , ah you cannot but remember gods sore judgement of the plague ; and were we not ready to say , oh now god hath done with us ? i , we soothed our selves in all being well , we cryed , the bitterness of death is past , we ranted it up and down the taverns , oh a severe judgement cannot overtake us ; and behold , where the plague left us , there the fire found us ; and how , alas , are we brought to the ground that did dwell securely ! i , thou tookest many a sweet nap in thy downy bed of security , and on a sudden thou art awakened with this dreadfull fire about thine ears . oh that we were awakened to our duty by this calamity : i pray , sirs , let me tell you , that the onely way to be safe is not to be secure . god will , and he hath already disappointed us in our delighted insecurity , in laying on us those not delighted in fiery calamities . that 's the fifth . sixthly , times of sabboth unobservancy . when persons make light of gods own institution , god will avenge himself in our ruine and desolation : god hath set apart this day for his own use , but if we abuse it , god will be sure to abase us for it . ahasuerus would not respite haman at all , when , in his judgement , he would offer violence to his queen . the sabboth is the queen of days ; and therefore when he sees we offer violence to her by our looseness and prophaneness , by our moore-fields-walkes and hide-park recreations , execution shall be done upon us . how many places have been eminent in their sinnings as to this , who have been eminent in their sufferings as to this , jer. 17. 29. i pray , when was the sabboth more prophaned within these late years then now ? and therefore how severely and justly hath god punished us on the sabboth ! if thy sabboths be continued to thee , i wish they may better be sanctified by thee ; if we doe the work of iniquity on gods day , god will doe his strange work of severity on his and our day . that 's the sixth . seventhly , times of popery and idolatry . the great quarrell god hath with his people is their being an apostatising people ; and though god may bear with them as to other backslidings , yet when it comes to this , baal and not the god of eliah ; the language of ashdod , and not the language of canaan ; bethaven and not bethel , god will not bear with them . god is so far of giving his power to graven images , as that they are sure to be destroyed , i , and the supporters and upholders of them shall fall with them , isa . 42. 8. hosea 8. last . jer. 7. 18 , 19 , 20. i could wish that what of popery and idolatry there hath been and is , were suppressed ; it may be we should then not have been destroyed : how much better it is to stub up those bryers and thorns , which if let alone , may set on fire the tallest cedars in our lebanon . the jews will acknowledge to this day , that in all those judgements that have befallen them , there is an ounce of the golden calfe made by their forefathers in the wilderness . that 's the seventh . eighthly , times of remisness in the ministry . when those that should tread out , tread down the corn ; that should be labourers , are loyterers ; that should tell england of her sins , and london of her iniquities , cry peace , peace , healing but slightly the wound of the sons of sion , and the daughters of jerusalem , lament . 4. 11 , 13. ezek. 22. 25 , 26 , 31. that body cannot be long in a good constitution , whose more noble and essentiall parts are in a consumption . god soon left the jews house desolate unto them , and them unto it , when from the prophets of jerusalem prophaness went forth into all the land , jer. 23. 15. one may well write , lord have mercy upon a nation , when those that are angels in their function and profession , are far of being angels in their lives and conversation . that 's the eighth . ninthly , times of incorrigibleness , notwithstanding former misery . incorrigible times are miserable times . times of continued abomination are times of renewed and encreased desolation . what can be thought of that nation that hath been twenty years and upwards in the furnace of affliction , and no removall at all of the dross of corruption ? the patient not recovered by milder , must undergoe sharper and more severe medicines , levit. 26. 27 , 28. amos 4. 9 , 10 , 11. the sword , my beloved , was sheathed for severall years in one anothers bowels , and we are not reformed ; we have been under turnings upon turnings , and under powrings forth from one vessell into another , and not reformed ; the plague hath been in the midst of us , and yet not reclaimed , the sword hath been and is still furbished in in gods hand , and no amendment ; and therefore god is come now with this dreadfull judgement of fire , and hath made such a desolation in the midst of us . i dare appeal to any person concerning the righteousness of gods proceedings , though never so rigorous on all those , who through the abatement of judgements being returned to their possessions , estates , and grandeur , both in church and state , return again to their corruption . if we continue acting such comedies , god will be sure to act a severer tragedy upon us , then ever yet hath been acted . hadst thou ere this but turned sin out of thy house by repentance , god would not have turned thee out of thy house by this fiery vengeance . that 's the ninth . the third thing proposed , is to give an account of the doctrine , why god is more than ordinary in his judgments upon a nation and city ; and those i humbly conceive to be these following . first , that thereby he may evidence his soveraignty . if we don't acknowledg his dominion over us in a way of reformation , god will make us feel his dominion over us in a way of desolation . the soveraignty of god is the scepter in his hand ; if we don't fall down before it in a submissive and pious adoration , god will cause it to fall upon us to our dismal ruine and destruction . hath god taken away thousands , and ten thousands , in the midst of us ? it's no more than what he may : hath god continued his visitation from city to county , and from one county to another ? it's no more than what he may . hath god forbished the sword in his hand , and given it a commission to devour ? it 's no more than what he may . hath god destroyed our houses , ruiued our churches , turned us out of our possessions , and levelled our stately monuments of antiquity and glory even with the ground ? it 's no more than what he may . and when he hath done all this , he may still do more , ezek. 58. two last verses . ch. 20. 48. ezek. 30. 8. oh the sorest judgments that a poor place can possibly lye under , are but the demonstrations of his prerogative , the nonesuch of the world. alas , we take god every way to be like unto us , but god will evidence himself to be every way above us . god will not give his glory to another , but rather stain the beauty of the whole creation ( how much more of a particular city ) than that there should be any flaw in the least jewel belonging to the crown of heaven , isa . 42. 8. secondly , that thereby he may destroy the workers of iniquity . he will not alwayes suffer the earth to bear those who could not bear with him on the earth . as to these god will empty the earth in a way of destruction , who would otherwise fill the earth with their abomination . who are the caterpillars of a nation , if not the contemners of holiness , and practitioners of profaneness ? and it 's not every misling rain , but storms and showrs must be their ruine . it 's not every potion that presently removes the bodies peccant-humours . god as a wise physitian so tempers his providential ingredients in the cup of affliction , as that indeed they shall do the work , isa . 13. 9. isa . 31. 2. ch. 10. 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. jer. 4. 24 , 25. i hope , london , god will doe thee good by this fiery calamity , when thereby those may be removed , that spiritually are enemies to thy prosperity . i know in a common calamity the good may be removed , but it 's the bad that indeed shall be destroyed . i am apt to think that the work of god at present in this and other nations , is to suffer those no longer to live in the world , that care not at all for living to the creator of the world. remember , sirs , and i pray don't forget it , god will here maintain his own glory , either to the sinners conversion , or the sinners confusion . thirdly , that thereby he may procure to his people safety . god works his peoples recovery out of sore troubles and miseries ; and is so far from undoing them , as that others shall be undone , that they may not be undone . the same cloud of providence that hath darkness on the one , hath brightness on the other side . the showres that destroy the caterpillars , refresh the dry and parched gardens . when egypt was punished , it was that israel might be delivered . see isa . 51. two last verses . ezek. 28. 23 , 24. nah. 1. ult . gods people , though they have lived in sad times , yet have they found the result of those sad times to be for their advantage ; and that god hath punished the inhabitants of the earth , that they might not be so much harassed by them . god will bring his peoples settlements out of the greatest dissettlements , and will not think much to shake heaven and earth , that the desire of all flesh may come . lord , had not i been undone by this temporal-fire , i should have been undone by eternal fire . i hope london , thou wilt esteem those that are christians in sincerity , seeing such sore evils have befallen thee from the god of those christians . the fire that consumes the dross , makes way for the golds brightness . it was high time for the egyptians to let the israelites go , when they were upon the poynt of being utterly ruined and undone . fourthly , that there may be an acknowledgment of his own glory ; the glory of his greatness in destroying so much , and the glory of his goodness in destroying no more ; the glory of his majesty in dealing so severely , and the glory of his mercy in dealing so favourably . persons don't observe god in his ordinary proceedings of judgment , and therefore he will be more than ordinary in his judicial proceedings , that he may be observed . the seas usual keeping its course don't engage persons admiration , as it 's unexpected and unaccustomed tydes . it 's not the fire in the chimney , as on the house top , that makes persons to look about them . for two at a mill , the one to be taken , and the other left ! for two in the field , the one to be taken , and the other left ! for several to be in a family , and so many removed , and thee to be continued ! for thousands to be taken away in a fight , and thou to be spared ! for so many thousand houses to be destroyed , and thine escape the flames rage and violence ! god had power enough to destroy me and my house ; and for both to be preserved ! there could not but be a more than ordinary observance of god in dealing so favourably with zoar , when he dealt so severely with sodom . for any of you , and your houses to be as so many brands pluckt out of the burning . when thousands are not only scorched , but consumed ▪ who , oh ▪ who under more than ordinary experiences of mercy , can otherwise than observe god under more than ordinary proceedings of severity ? hath god destroyed a third part and more of the city by fire ? why that which remains , and all the suburbs at the same time might have been destroyed . fifthly , that others may be warned by gods severity . god would have his judgments be advertisements ; the rod of correction to be a rod of instruction ; and every lush to be a lesson . we don't care for coming into that house , that still hath the sent of fire . punishments inflicted for sin , are often more disswasive from sin , than gods commands on the one hand , and his threatnings on the other hand . it 's usual for others to be punished , that princes children may thereby be warned and reclaimed . god makes some monuments of his severity , that thereby others may not be practitioners of iniquity . what is it that god saith to others by londons constagration ? oh have a care of londons abomination . if you partake of london , as to its sinning , you shall partake of london as to it's suffering . remember'd pet. 2. 6. god by this terrible sound of the trumpet alarums others , that they may look about them . god hath no small intendments of mercy to some , in his intendments of misery on others . it 's high time for me to remove my combustible matter , when my neighbours house is on fire round about me . if god hath made the city a elaming beacon , oh see and fear , and do no more so wickedly . sixthly , that so a nation may be reformed , & not meet with utter ruine and misery . god is so far from delighting in a nations destruction , as that he comes again and again in a way of judgment , in hopes of a timely amendment . god had rather see a nation famous for reformation , than that it should be famous for desolation . gods greatest severities as to this are not severities , when they are only preventive as to that severity , which is utter ruine and misery , amos 4. 11. 12. jer. 6. 29 , 30. ezek. 24. 6 , 7. it 's true , and alas , who will not acknowledge that god hath dealt severely with london ? and yet herein he deals not severely , in that he may not deal more severely . who knows but that londons destruction improved , may keep off englands total desolation ? god comes with the plague , and that don't work ; god comes with the sword , & that don't work ; at last he comes with a fiery judgment , that so he may not come with this , london adieu , and england farewel , thy house is left desolate unto thee , and thou art left desolate without an house . remember , that this fiery rod on thy back , is only that the rope thereby may be kept from thy neck . we complain of bad times ; and why are the times so bad , but that if possibly the times may not be worse ? how many would have been undone to all eternity , if they had not been undone on this side eternity ! thus much as to this doctrinal consideration , wherein hath been shewed what gods judgments are , what commonly are the times of gods judgments , and what the reasons , why god is so much in those judgments . we come now to the improvement of it by way of application . application . is god more than ordinary somtimes in his judgments upon a nation and city ? then i observe for information , first , that god is not an approver of sin in a nation . a nation may be guilty of many abominations , but none of all those abominations have gods approbation . i , there may be , and is , wickedness , loosness , and profaneness ; there may be , and is , hypocrisie , formality , and apostasie ; and they that think god is taken with these , are much mistaken as to god. those judgments inflicted by god upon a nation , are sufficient evidences of his not approving sin in a nation . hab. 1. 13. and canst not look on iniquity . jer. 5. 29. jer. 7. 18 , 19 , 20. you know the father brings the child under the rod , because he delights not in the childs wallowing in the mire . why is so much evil brought upon london , but that god abhors the evil so much committed in london ? it would be hard measure for a poor place to lye under so many miseries , the plague , the sword , deadness of trade , want of imployment , and lastly , this dreadful judgment of fire , if all this while god was delighted with its sins . i dare say the greatest quarrel god hath with this nation is because of its abomination . secondly , god then is of an unlimited power in his proceedings of judgment . judgments upon a nation are not so few , but they may be more ; and they are not so severe , but they may be more severe . god hath been and is still at work , as to eminent and remarkable judgments ; and if we think he is now at a loss as to more judgments , we shall find that god will find more judgments for us . time was that we thought all was well with us , and oh how sore judgments have overtaken us ! and if we think that god hath now done with us , he hath power enough utterly to ruine and undoe us , levit. 20. 27 , 28. ezek. 15. 7. they shall go from one fire , and another fire shall devour them . oh how easily did god encrease judgments upon pharaoh , when pharaoh encreased his sin against god! who would not fear thee o thou king of kings , who if thou wilt canst soon turn judgments into mercy , and as soon canst turn our present sore judgments into greater . if london continue its iniquity , i dread to think what will befall it , notwithstanding what already hath overtaken it . you may , and oh who knows how soon you may lose your lives by another , as you have lost your houses and ●states by this judgment ? thirdly , sin then is a nations greatest enemy . you can't express your selves sins friend , but you will find it your foe . it 's impossible a nations interest should be established , let its superstructure be what it will , as long as there is sin for it's foundation . though thou build thy wall as high as heaven , said the oracle to phocas , yet sin that lyes at the foundation will one day overturn them . have we been christians ? and are we still under the sword without , and the plague within ? it's because of sin . do we live in sad and miserable times ? it's because of sin . is the city ruined ? the foundations thereof discovered ? and the streets desolate , without inhabitants and houses ? it's because of sin , and therefore oh how great an enemy ! jer. 30. 15. jer. 21. 12 , 13 , 14. isa , 9. 18 , 19. if we think to procure a nations happiness by our wickedness , we take the ready way for a nations wretchedness . oh london , thy greatest enemies have been within , though too too many without favour thy ruine . fourthly , security then is no wayes becoming a nation . security may be a nations temper , but it 's one of the nations greatest distempers . ah christians , is it for you with the old worldlings to put off the evil day , when you know not how soon you may be under a deluge of misery ? is it for you with agag to say , the bitterness of death is past , when on a sudden you may be hew'n in pieces , and butchered ? is it for you with him in the gospel to say , soul take thine ease , thou hast goods laid up for many years ; when alas , the fire already hath destroyed thy house and goods , and thou knowest not how soon a bloody knife may be put to thy throat ? oh the remembrance of gods more then ordinary proceedings of judgement is not to be attended with groundless promisings of what not to our selves , ezek. 15. 7. neh. 3. 13 , 15. oh you suffering christians , i beseech you , stand to your watch , when too too many watch that you may not stand . the lord keep this poor nation , and us in it , from a spirit of security , as being never less secure then when most secure , ezek. 39. 6. fifthly , the vanity of all creature confidences . alas we are apt to lay our selves at their feet , who when god comes in a way of judgment , can't be a place of safety and refuge to us . i , thou wilt have the world , come of it what it will ; and when all comes to all , what is it able to doe for thee ? thy house can't secure thee against an arrest from heaven , thy riches can't priviledge thee against the prison of affliction , and the worlds best cordials and prescription can't keep thee from a bed of languishing , jer. 47. 13 , 14. zeph. 1. 18. jer. 51 , 58. how many in the enjoyment of all have found troubles overtaking them , and none of all those enjoyments could or have kept those troubles from them . alas , christians , what are become of your houses , shops , goods , estates and warehouses , when you could not keep them from being destroyed , and they could not keep your houses from being consumed . forbear o my soul , endeavouring after that which never succoured thee less , then when thou stood'st most in need of being succoured . it 's enough , o my god , that the world hath been desired so much , and thy self so little , when it 's not the world , but thy self that is most to be desired . sixthly , gracious souls are persons of more esteem then commonly esteemed . there are none more trodden under feet then believers ▪ and there are none more prevailing with god for the keeping off and removall of judgements then believers . who diverted the fierce anger of the lord from breaking in upon israel , but moses ? who stayed the plague from raging amongst the people , but aaron ? who prevailed with god for the clouds to empty themselves into showers in the time of drought , but elias ? who kept the fire from jacob ; that thereby he might not be destroyed when he was small , but amos ? amos 7. 4 , 5. jam. 5. 17 , 18. jer. 15. 1 , 2. job 42. 8. godliness was never yet an hinderance to a nation , though many have been the hinderancers of the godly in a nation . a few more persons of the same size with lot as to godliness would have kept sodom from being entombed in it's own ashes . i believe that god was in no place more owned and acknowledged then in the late city ; and therefore how great must needs be it's provocation , when their relation unto , and all their interest with god could not keep off it's ruine and desolation ! the best counsel that can be given to a nation , is to countenance those who have the greatest interest with god in his judgements upon a nation . oh england , england , wert thou not more beholding to a company of upright and sincere christians then thy prophane and debauched sinners ; thou wouldest have been long ere this a sodom , and like unto gomorrah . the second improvement of this doctrine shall be by way of consolation , to those who are sufferers through this sore judgement of fire upon their houses . and indeed who stand most in need of comforts , if not those who are without their comforts ? but , alas , suffering souls , how shall i speak to you , or wherewithall shall i comfort you for this sore affliction that is laid upon you ? my hearts desire for you all is and shall be , that god would answer your desire , and in his own time make up all your loss in the midst of all your sufferings ▪ this cannot but be the result of my bowels yerning with compassion towards you . but yet more particularly by way of comfort , i would leave these things with you , as so many cordials to your swooning spirits . first , hath god removed from you the worlds comforts ? it may be , it 's made up with heavens comforts the meanness of the ground without is made up with the richness of the myne within ▪ the meanness of a christians outward condition is made up with the richness of a christians inward condition ; col. 4. 16. and therefore see ch. 1. of the said epistle , 5. v. it 's not unusuall with god to smile upon his with a piece of brown bread , when he frowns upon others in enjoying their choisest dainties . well then , thou art now none of the worlds honoured ones , but thou art heavens beloved one ; there are crosses without , but there are comforts within ; god denies thee the pleasures of egypt , but he feeds thee with milk and honey of canaan . i hope it the some ▪ and the lord grant that all of you may know experimentally , how to reconcile that seeming contradiction of outward poverty and inward plenty , outward sufferrings and inward solacing . a silken soul under thredbare clothes is better then a thredbare saul under silken garments . it 's enough surely , friend , that there is comfort within , though there are not comforts without . secondly , hath god destroyed thy house , and taken away thy comforts and enjoyments , why he hath left still some of thy enjoyments and comfort . the mother won't alwayes give to her babe the breasts to the full , but yet to it's wants . i , thou art a childe , and what is thy desire ? lord , let such a mercy continue to me ; but what faith god , a great deale less will serve thy turne , and that thou shalt not be without . god it may be don't proportion mercy to thy petition , but still to thy condition , math. 6. 30. well then , thou hast had such and such mercies , and they are gone , and what dost thou want ? is it daily bread ? he gives it food and rayment ? he gives and continues it ; in it what may serves thy turne ? why still he continues it . i , god hath removed thy superfluities , but still he continues thy necessaries . thou hast still thy daily food and drink , though thou art not served on thy silver plates , and with thy silver bowles . i suppose , christians , you may doe well enough without those bespotted faces , perriwigg'd heads , long trayling gowns , and those silken garments ; these were but superfluities , and god hath continued thy necessaries . thirdly , hath god taken away your enjoyments and houses ? why he gives you content in the want of enjoyments . god takes care that you shall not be without contentation in the removall of the worlds full accommodation , phil. 4. 11. the little bird sings as pleasantly in gathering here and there a corn , as others that are fed to the full . i dare say , the christian blesses god as heartily at the meanest board , and coursest commons , as the greatest epicure at his full cups , curions dishes , and downy beds . doth god remove mercies from me ? i am content . doth god lay miseries on me ? i am content . doth god feed me with the crumbs that fall from others table ? i am content , job 1. 21. i pray which is better , to have a large estate to an unsatisfied mind , or a satisfied minde to a mean estate ? oh it 's a great deal better to want enjoyments , and to have contentment , then to want contentment in the greatest enjoyments . fourthly , hath god destroyed thy house , and taken away thy enjoyments ? for all that he will take the care of thee . when is the mothers care drawn out towards the child , but when it wants those mercies which it had before ? god will find out some way or other to relieve thee , though he don't see good bountifully to supply thee . piety hath had too too much of the worlds enmity , yet still god hath provided some or other to relieve her in her greatest indigency . god hath his daughter of pharaoh for his moses in the water , his ebadmilechs for his jeremiahs in the dungeon , his onesipherasses for his paul & his distressed saints and servants , and his zoars for his lots in sodom . see davids expression psal . 23. 1. and let it be your comfort in the lowest condition . if this be not enough , why remember the apostles exhortation , suitable enough to your condition , 1 peter 1. 7. casting all your care upon him , for he careth for you . will you remember , sirs ? and what would i have you remember but this : the worst of times have not been without the best of christians , and the best of christians have not been without some or other to provide for them , when it went hardly with them . fifthly , hath god destroyed thy house ? he might the same time have destroyed thy soul ; hath he dealt so severely with thee on earth , he might have dealt more severely with thee as to hell ; thou mightst have been in hell , thy soul might have been roaring in the place of torments , thou mightst have been reserved in chains of darkness unto the judgement of the great day . oh had it not been for infinite mercy , thy soul would have flamed in hell , as well as thy house hath been all in a flame . oh don't complain , but rather comfort thy self in the greatest severity , that it is not severity in hell . the greatest misery on this side hell , can't but be infinite mercy . sixthly , hath god destroyed thy house , and taken away thy enjoyments ? why he hath not , neither will he take away himself . how great a loser soever thou art as to other things , thou art not a loser as to god ; and how great a sufferer soever thou art , thou art not a sufferer as to god , and this god as thine , and this god to be thine , and that for ever . he that was thy god in prosperity , when those mercies were , he will be thy god in adversity , now those mercies are no more , psal . 27. 10. and 89. 31 , 32 , 33. rest assured of it , thy god will not leave thee , and thou hast enough , whatsoever is not left thee ; that thy god is still left , and that he will not leave thee . one god in the want of all is enough , and the enjoyment of all in the want of god is and will be every way sad enough . what canst thou have to comfort thee when thou hast not a god ? what canst thou have to sadden thee in the want of all , when thou hast a god ? i have done with thee thou poor suffering christian . i am so far of representing thee under this calamity a frighted citizen , as that the lord knows i would willingly leave thee a comforted christian ; the lord of all comfort in his own time comfort thee . the third and last improvement of this doctrine shall be by way of exhortation , and that in these particulars . first , sanctifie god in all , and in this sore judgment of fire upon us . it s easie and usual to speak-well of god , when he dealeth well with us , but rare and hard to extol him when he debaseth , and advance him when he vilifieth us . acknowledg god as righteous in his proceedings , when his proceedings are ne're so rigorous . let your apprehensions of god be honourable , when your condition from god is sad and miserable . it is said of the turks when cruelly lashed , that they are compelled to return to the judg , to kiss his hand , give him thanks ; and pay the officer that whipt them , and so clear the judge and officer of injustice . my beloved , as to the unrighteousness of our wayes , god expects that we should be humbled ; and as to the rigorousness of his wayes , that he should be acquitted , isa . 24. 15. l am . 1 : 18. dan. 9. 14. doth the angel destroy from one county to another ? god is righteous . doth the sword devour from one year to another ? god is righteous . am i under want of the choycest mercies , and a sense of the severest miseries ? god is righteous . is the city ruined and undone , my house consumed , my goods burnt , and my estate lost ? why god is righteous . it was an holy expression of the suffering emperour mauritius , when his wife and children were slain before his face , righteous art thou o lord , and in very faithfulness hast thou afflicted me . oh remember , that his will is the rule of justice , and so his actings cannot be charged with any thing of injustice . condemn thy self , but acquit thy god. secondly , get your hearts affected with this sore judgment of god upon us . don't put off the judgments of god , or this place of sore judgments , with this gallio-like spirit , let look to it who will. let your eyes be open to see , wherein gods hand hath gone out , and accordingly let there be the outgoings of your heart . insensible hearts are no wayes becoming miserable times . how sad is it for others to feast while the city flames ! and to go abroad with their garments of joy , whilst the nation hath on her mourning apparel ! rom. 12. 15. latter part , weep with those that weep . zach. 11. 2. jer. 49. 2 , 3. the times i am confident are not so hard , but persons hearts , alas , towards those times are harder . ah christians , where are your hearts for gods judgments in the midst of gods judgments upon your shops and houses ? oh get broken hearts for broken times , and sorrowing hearts for suffering times , and a pitying heart for a flaming city . is it nothing unto you that pass by ? behold and see , whether there be any sorrow like unto mine , wherewith the lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce anger , lament . 1. 12. for my part , let him pass for an hard hearted wretch indeed , who in the day of londons calamity can be without any yearnings of pity . o london , what shall be done for thee , or how shall my heart be drawn out with compassion towards thee ? my bowels , my bowels , oh that my head were waters , and mine eyes a fountain of tears , that i might weep day and night for the ruine and destruction of the daughter of my people , jer. 9. 1. thirdly , be submissive unto god under this fore judgment . thy mercies are not , and thy miseries are ; oh but be content . god hath made sore breacher again and again upon thee , but be quiet ; thy house is burnt , thy shop destroyed , thy trade decayed and lost , i , it may be with many , alas , thou art turned out of a possession of all ; but let there be a sweet acquiescence in the will of god. it 's not a murmuring and quarrelling , it 's not a contradicting and counteracting of god , no ; it was israels sin , the lord grant it may not be ours , to quarrel with god , and to be unsubmissive unto god. i am sure the churches practice herein is every way commendable , mic. 7. 9. i will bear the indignation of the lord. and therefore 1 sam. 3. 18. ely hears such news , as should make the ears of such as heard it to tingle , & their hearts to tremble , and yet quietly and calmly he submits unto it . remember christians , that obedience is due to gods severest precepts , and patience is your duty under the sharpest providence . i confess we never underwent a sorer judgment than this of fire ; oh but for all that there must be a submissiveness unto god. i , god hath laid a fiery rod on our backs ; oh but don't let us fly in heavens face , but rather lay our selves at heavens feet . fourthly , don't act any thing to encrease gods judgments . do what you can to quench , but not to kindle the fire ; to allay , but not to raise the storme ; to recover this place out of its rubbish , but not that it may be ruined . in a common calamity all ought to put to their helping hand ; what then should be done with those that help forward the calamity ? oh take away the fewel , but don't add to the fewel . i don't see how in the judgment of sobriety , they really wish englands and londons welfare , that encrease the fewel to encrease the fire . oh that god would do us good , that god would take away his plagues , that god would make us succesful , that god would build again the desolate streets in the midst of us . my beloved , i say so likewise , and god forbid that any should not cry , grace , grace , to such undertakings and undertakers ; and yet those i , those very persons will not leave their ranting , and drinking , and healthing , and damming , and chambering , and stage-playing . oh sirs , sirs , the earnestness of our lips must be attended with the religiousness of our lives , amos 4. 12. jer. 8. 6 , 13. if we pray that god would do london , we must live that god may do it good . oh don't walk in any wayes , wherein god will meet with us , and lay more calamity upon us . piety is the only way for our prosperity , whereas iniquity will be the only way for our ruine and calamity , ezek. 36. 33. a little more loosness , a little more remisness , and a little more profaneness , will make us cry out , when god will say , why cryest thou for thine afflictions ? thy breaches , sores , and wounds , are incurable , for the multitude of thine iniquities . fifthly , be much with god for removing his sore judgments : how canst thou christian , see trouble upon trouble , and misery upon misery , and calamity upon calamity , such dreadful judgments one after another , and not so much as speak a word to god in reference unto them ? times of more than ordinary indignation and desolation should be times of more than ordinary supplication . it 's not some few formal expressions or other that will serve turn upon gods turning upon us in eminent wayes of judgement . when should we poure out a spirit of supplication , but when god poures out the vials of his indignation ? how sad is it to hear persons ranting in taverns , when they should be upon their knees to god in their closets ! lam. 2. 18. let teares run down like a river day and night . chap. 8. 48 , 49 , 50. ezek. 22. 30 , 31. i don't see how they can be londons real favourers , that are not so much as it 's faithful remembrancers . i could wish , and the lord grant , while we endeavour to make a prey one of another , there may be more of praying with and for one another ; for englands sake don 't you hold your peace , and for londons sake don 't you rest , till the righteousness thereof goe forth as brightness , and the salvation thereof as a lamp that burneth , isa . 62. 1. sixthly , secure the interest of your soul with and in god ; get god to be yours in the midst of those judgements , wherein you can't say , that any thing is yours hath god by fire destroyed thy house , and taken away thy estate ? and hast thou not yet god to be thine ? what wilt thou doe ? oh hath god poured out the vials of his indignation , and hast thou not got god to be thine ? what wilt thou doe ? is god risen out of his sanctuary to punish the inhabitants of the earth ? and hath he severely punished us ? and hast thou not got god to be thine ? what wilt thou doe ? for my part i must say it , and i can't but say it again , i don't know what thou wilt doe unless thou hast got god to be thine , and that thou art his , isa . 10. 3 , 27 , 5. psal . 5. 7. 1. labour , oh labour and make it your work , that though your houses be destroyed by fire on earth , yet that your souls be not destroyed by : fire in hell . if god be none of yours , i don't know what can be done ; but if he be yours , i don't know what can be done undone . this , this is your maine work ; and more to stir you up to this , as the close of all , give me leave to recommend these following considerations . first , i don't know any thing that is more your duty then this : you will tell me it 's the world cap and knee ; i tell you no , it 's god : you will tell me it 's your shop , and warehouses and merchandising ; i tell you , no , it 's god : you will tell me it's getting something , or other these hard times to keep soul and body together ; i tell you no , it 's god , and keeping god and your soul together . amos 5. 6. luke 21. 36. the greatest security in the world without a god , as yours , will be found not to be your security . so far as i know my own heart , i would be faithful to your eternal interest ; and if any thing ought to be your work more then this , god forbid that the same should not be discovered to , and pressed upon you . it 's a fond thing for ministers to make so much adoe in the pulpit concerning a god in covenant relation as yours , if not your duty , and the maine of your duty . w● secure now adays what not to our selves ; and what doe we secure , but what cannot be secure ? methinks i hear poor wretches crying out , oh that in londons conflagration , when houses lost , and goods lost , and estate lost , and all lost , i had secured a covenant relation . secondly , it 's the concernment of your souls that you are to secure . it 's the jewel in the cabinet , the treasure in the field , the child in the cradle , and the eternal well-being of your precious souls . god allowes us time enough to live comfortably in this world , but no time at all to live wretchedly in another world . god would have the sum and substance of a christians spiritual circumspection to be his souls salvation , not his souls destruction . oh , that we should be so serious as to trifles , and trifle as to that which is so serious ! luke 12. 21. thou fool , this night , &c. shall i be so serious as to houses and riches which have been destroyed by fire , and not as to a soul which may be burnt with fire in hell ? what folly would it have been for any in the late fiery calamity to regard his lumber , and not at all his jewels , mat. 16 26. that person must needs come home by weeping cross , that hath seemingly it may be secured his estate in houses , but not his estate in god ; the soul of his estate , but not the estate of his soul. i pray let it not be said of you , christians , that you should be penny-wise , and pound-foolish . be wise unto sobriety is the apostles expression ; and it s the greatest sobriety , yea policy , to be wise to our souls safety . thirdly , god with the voyce of judgement calls upon you as to this . god is more then ordinary in his judicial proceedings , and so the result of them should be your spiritual ensurings . god alarums persons by this fire on earth , that so they may keep their souls from that fire in hell . all will , and alas , they must say ? we live in miserable times : but what saith god ? have a care , you be not miserable with and after those times , luke 21. 35 , 36. psal . 57. 1. in the shadow of thy wings will i take my refuge . are your houses destroyed , see your souls be not destroyed ; are your riches lost ? see you don't lose your treasure in heaven ; are you turned out of all ? see you be not turned out by the god of all : is there so much misery here ? see there be nothing of misery hereafter . times of prosperity , sirs , though too too often they influence us with security , yet the voyce of god in times of calamity is , see that your work be done , least otherwise you be undone . oh it 's high time , christians , to look to the childe in the cradle , and the jewels in the cabinet , when the house is on fire . oh make sure of your god , and never more then when his judgments have been , and are so sore . fourthly , this is that which will secure you in the midst of judgements . it 's not so much the money in your bags , as grace in your hearts , that will indemnifie you in the sorest troubles . how often makes god a manifest difference between those that fear him , and those that fear him not ; between sinners in their rufflings of profaneness , and the saints in their garbe of holiness . i confess both the one and the other , have and doe often drink out of the same bitter cup ; but then the saint kisses onely the cup in comparison of the sinner , who must drink the very dregs , zeph. 2. 3. it may be ye shall be hid , ezek. 9. 4 , 5. job 5. 19 , 20. gracious souls are marked by god for preservation , when loose and debauched sinners for wrath and indignation . oh how poor preservatives are all things to this , a covenant relation to god! i don't know any thing that will or can secure you from an arrest of evil , but only as you have heavens protection . if safety is to be had any where on earth , i may rather hope for it in the place of gods worship , then in an house of goodfellowship . when there was nothing but darkness in egypt , there was brightness in goshen . fifthly , this is that which will comfort you in the midst of judgments : you may drink out of the same bitter cup with others , but this will sweeten it to you . the clouds of a sad providence may empty themselves into showers , but this will be a soul comforting sunshine to you . the fire may and hath destroyed your houses with others , but this will be a support to you , 1. sam. 30. 6. david encouraged himself in the lord his god. david with a god as his , could not but encourage himself , whereas without a god he could not but be discouraged . i have lost my friends , but i have god to be my friend ; i have lost my houses , but i have a god to be my house ; i have lost my riches and all that ever i had , but i have god to be my riches , and all that ever i can want , 2 sam. 23. 5. psal . 23. 1. the lord is my shepheard , i shall not want . oh how chearfull may the soul be in the loss of all , that is not at a loss as to god! go and be miserable with a god if thou canst , and let others be comfortable without a god if they can . i had rather choose a saint in his meanest rags , then a sinner in his stateliest robes . if a god can't comfort thee , alas , what will or can comfort thee ! a god as thine cannot but be a cordial to thee in all thy swoonings . sixthly , your souls shall be saved notwithstanding the greatest and sorest judgements . when judgements break the cabinet of your bodies , they shall not be prejudicial to the jewel , your souls . those judgments that make way for others to be damned , they make way for you to be saved . those judgments that are so many serjeants haling others away to a prison , are but so many servitours convaying you to a pallace , malach. 3. 16 , 17. they shall be mine , saith the lord. what was a fiery chariot to e●●ah , when therein he was had away for heaven , ps . 73. 24. when judgments have done their work upon you , you shall not be undone by those judgments . i , the fire hath destroyed your houses , and a next may destroy your lives : god this time hath put fire to your houses , and men through their cruelty the next may put a bloody knife to your throats ; but when your houses , goods , and lives themselves are gone , your souls for all that shall not be gone , but bound up in the bundle of life . a believer may say to judgments , the plague , the sword , famine and fire , do your work and spare not ; my body can but be resolved into dust , but my soul shall not be sentenced into hell . i believe that many good men may be removed in a common calamity , but i dont believe that any good man shall be sentenced into eternal misery . to draw therefore to an end . it 's salvation work , christians , and dear friends , that i have put you upon ; and if any thing would do it without securing your souls with and in god , i would not trouble you with one word of what hath been delivered . you don't know what evil there will be in the earth ; we have lost our goods and houses , and we may next lose our lives , and the lives of our poor babes . all that i am earnest for , is only , and i hope you wont blame me for it , that it may not go ill with you hereafter , how ill soever it hath & may still go with you here . oh who would not be safe as to heaven , when heaven alone it is that will be his safety . and now i have done the whole ; and may the blessing of god attend the whole that hath been done , in setting it so upon our hearts , and our hearts upon it , as that the judgments that have been , may be removed , this sore fiery judgment sanctified , and those that may be , and are still threatned , through mercy , prevented , that so england may once more be a quiet habitation , and londons ruined foundations again laid , yea , the topstone thereof crying , grace , grace : even so blessed lord god , and let all thy people heartly and reformedly say , amen , and amen . finis . p. 20. l. 14. r. justifie god. p. 24. l. 24. r. wherein you can be undone . mr. hampdens speech occasioned upon the londoners petition for peace. denham, john, sir, 1615-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a81293 of text r212629 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.6[122]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a81293 wing d1002a thomason 669.f.6[122] estc r212629 99871231 99871231 160982 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a81293) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160982) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f6[122]) mr. hampdens speech occasioned upon the londoners petition for peace. denham, john, sir, 1615-1669. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1643] verse "but will you now to peace encline,". anonymous. by sir john denham. imprint from wing. a satire. annotation on thomason copy: "march. 23. 1642". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng hampden, john, 1584-1643 -early works to 1800. satire, english -17th century. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a81293 r212629 (thomason 669.f.6[122]). civilwar no mr. hampdens speech occasioned upon the londoners petition for peace. denham, john, sir 1643 753 7 0 0 0 0 0 93 d the rate of 93 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mr. hampdens speech occasioned upon the londoners petition for peace . but will you now to peace encline , and languish in the maine designe , and leave us in the lurch ; i would not monarchy destroie , but only as the way t' injoy the ruines of the church . is not the bishops bill deni'd , and we still threatned to be tri'd ? you see the king embraces those counsells he approv'd before , nor does he promise which is more that we shall have their places . did i for this bring in the scot , ( for'tis no secret now ) the plot was s●y's and mine together ; did i for this returne againe ? and spent a winter then in vaine once more t' invite them hither . though more our money then our cause their brotherly assistance drawes my labour was not lost ▪ at my returne i brought you thence necessity , their strong pretence , and this shall quit your cost did i for this my country bring , to helpe their knight against their king , and raise the first division ; yet i the businesse did decline though i contriv'd the whole designe , and taught them to petition . so many nights spent in the city in that invisible committee , the wheele that governs all ; from thence the change in church & state and all the mischiefes beares their date from haberdashers hall . did we force ireland to despaire ? upon the king to cast the war to make the world abhor him ; because the rebels used his name , though we our selves can doe the same while both alike are for him . then the same fire we kindled here whilst we pretend to quench that there , and wisely lost that nation ; to doe as crafty beggars use to maine themselves only t' abuse the simple mans compassion . have i so often past between winsor and westminster unseen ? and did my selfe divide , to keep his excellence in awe , and give the parliament the law , for they knew none beside . did i for this take paines to teach our zealous ignorance to preach , and did their lungs inspire read 'em their texts , shew'd them their parts and taught them all their little arts to fling abroad the fire sometimes to beg , sometimes to threaten ? then say the cayaliers are beaten , and strooke the peoples ears ▪ and straight when victories grow cheap , and will no more advance the heap to raise the price of fears ▪ and now the books , and now the bells , and now our arts the preacher tells to edifie the people ; all our divinity is news , and we have made of equall use the pulpit and the steeple . and shall we kindle all this flame only to put it out againe , and must we now give ore , and only end where we begun , in vaine this mischiefe we have done if we can do no more . if men in peace may have their right , where is this necessity to fight and break both law and oath ? who say that they fight for the cause , and to defend the king and laws , but'tis against them both . either the cause at first was ill , or being good it is so still , and thence they will infer that either now , or at the first they were dceived , or which is worst that we our selves may erre . but plague and famine will come in , for they and we are near of kin , and cannot go asunder ▪ for while the wicked starve indeed , the saints have ready at their need gods providence and plunder . princes we are if we prevaile , and gallant villaines if we faile when to our fame 't is told , it will not be our least of praise when our new state we could not raise we have destroi'd the old . then let us slay , fight , and vote till london be not worth a groat , oh 't is a patient beast , when we have gal'd and tir'd that mule ▪ and can no longer have the rule ▪ wee le have our spoile at least . finis . an order of the committee of the lords and commons at guild-hall for the defence of the kingdom for the disarming and securing the persons of such as are disaffected to the parliament :nd [sic] commonwealth, with citie of lodon [sic] and westminster, and the suburbs within three miles of the citie. with a proclamation by the lord maior of london. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82930 of text r36394 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[95]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82930 wing e1696 thomason 669.f.5[95] estc r36394 99872442 99872442 160808 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82930) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160808) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[95]) an order of the committee of the lords and commons at guild-hall for the defence of the kingdom for the disarming and securing the persons of such as are disaffected to the parliament :nd [sic] commonwealth, with citie of lodon [sic] and westminster, and the suburbs within three miles of the citie. with a proclamation by the lord maior of london. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for i. iackson, g. tomlinson, and t. homer, and are to be sold in the old baily, london : 1642. novemb. 4. a variant of the edition with line 3 of title beginning "with the cities of london" in place of "with citie of lodon". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a82930 r36394 (thomason 669.f.5[95]). civilwar no an order of the committee of the lords and commons at guild-hall for the defence of the kingdom, for the disarming and securing the persons england and wales. parliament. 1642 1681 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2008-02 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an order of the committee of the lords and commons at guild-hall for the defence of the kingdom , for the disarming and securing the persons of such as are disaffected to the parliament and commonwealth ; with citie of lodon and westminster , and the suburbs within three miles of the citie . with a proclamation by the lord maior of london . it is this day ordered by the said committee of the lords and commons , that the 〈◊〉 hereafter mentioned , shall be disarmed , and their persons secured ; that is to say , first , all of ability and estate , who have not contributed to the defence of the kingdome , upon the propositions heretofore issued for that purpose , whose names are contained in a roll hereunto annexed under the hand of the clerke of the commons house of parliament . all such as by name have been voted by both or either of the houses of parliament , to be disarmed or to be delinquents . a roll wherof is hereunto annexed under the hands of the foresaid committee . all popish recusants , or iustly suspected of popery , or whose wives are popish recusants , or whose children are popishly bred : all that have contributed to the warres against the patlirment . the armes and horses to be found in the houses of any bishops or deane , and chapters , or other supected places to be ceised and brought to any of the places heereafter appoynted , and the persons that are to disarme and secure the parsons heereby intended to be disarmed and secured shallhereb have power and authority to enter into and search the houses of the said bishops , deanes and chapters , and all other townes and places where any suspected persons doe usually lodge or abide , and to seize and secure the said suspected persons . for the effecting of the premises , the severall and respective colonels , lieutenant colonels , captaines , and other officers of the trained bands of the severall wards within the citie of london , are hereby authorized and required to disarme the persons before mentioned within their severall wards , and other their places within their liberties ; and to take and ceize all their horses , armes , and ammunition , or other provision of warre , and to ceise upon and secure their persons . the severall aldermen and aldermens deputies , common councell men , constables , and all other persons are required to bee assisting and aiding to the said severall officers and trained bands in the execution of the premises . that the premises may with the better effect and speed be executed , it , will bee convenient that the trained bands in each ward be divided inth three or more severall companies , which is hereby required , unlesse the respective officers and persons intrusted with the service upon the place , and upon emergencies shall finde cause to doe otherwise . the lord mayor and the sheriffes of the citie of london , sergeant maior generall skippon , together with such persons as they shall thinke fit to call to their assistance , are hereby required to use all care and diligence that the premises bee executed according to the intent of these presents . the persons of such as by intent of this order are to be secured , shallbe brought unto the places hereafter mentioned , that is to say , unto gresham colledge , and crosby house in bishops-gate-street , winchester house in or neere the burrough of southwarke . ; the house of the bishop of london , neer the church of s. pauls ; lambeth house , the house of the deane and chapter of westminster , and ely house . and it is left to the discretion of the officers of the respective trained bands , to which of the said houses they shall carry the persons of those whom they shall apprehend . the severall houses and places where the persons apprehended shall remaine , shall have guards set about them of such number of the trained bands , or others , as the said lord maior and shariffes of the city of london , and sergeant maior generall skippon , or any of them shall appoint . and those that shall be appointed to make those guards , shall have allowance of one shilling fix pence per diem , during the time they continue in the said services , the same to be paid at the charge of the persons so restrained , in such manner as by the lords and commons shall be appointed . for the better effecting of the premises about the suburbs of london , and within the citie of westminster , the burough of southwark , and other places within three miles of the citie of london , the severall colonels , lieutenant colonels , captaines , and other officers of the trained bands of the severall wards within the citie of london , and of the respective colonels , lieutenant colonels , captaines , and other officers of the trained bands of those respective places without the citie of london , are hereby authorized and required to disarme the persons before mentioned therein residing , and to take and ceize all their horses , armes and ammunition , and other provisions of warre , and to ceize upon and secure their persons . the lord lieutenants , and deputy lieutenants , and the knights and burgesses serving in this presont parliament , for the counties , cities , and burroughes in the said severall places ; as likewise all constables , headburroughes , and other persons abiding therein respectively , are required to be assistant and aiding unto the severall colonels , lieutenant colonels , captains , and other officers , and the trained bands in the execution of the premises . in respect that it may so fall out , that in some of the wards within the citie of london , and some other of the places without the citie of london , there may not occasion of use for the full number of their trained bands , but that they may be spared and sent into other places within the respective limits . the officers of the trained bands therefore respectively within the citie of london , and without the citie , are required to be aiding and assisting unto each other in the execution of the premises , whereby the service may with greater speed be performed . the arms and ammunition , and other provision of warre , shall be ceized in any the places aforesaid , as well without the citie of london as within , shall bee brought to such of the halles belonging to the severall companies of the citie of london , as shall be neerest to the places where such ceisure shall be made onely fittest for that use , and the horses with their furniture shall be brought to such places as the lord maior and the sheriffes of the citie of london , sergeant maior skippon , or any of them shall appoint . all the horses , armes or ammunition and provision for warre , which shall be ceised by vertue of this order , or to be inventoried and listed by the captains and lieutenants of the respective companies of the teained bands , and certified under their hands to the lord maior , to the end it may better appeare where such horses and ammunition remaine , and to whom they belong . and authority is hereby given to the said lord maior of london , sheriffes , leiutenants , colonels , lieutenant colonels , captaines and other officers , and to every of them , before or at the time of the execution of the premises , to make proclamation in the severall wards within the said citie of london , and likewise in such severall places within the suburbs thereof , the citie of westminster , burrough of southwarke , and other places and precincts within thre miles of the citie of london , as they or any of them shall think convenient thereby commanding all and every the person and persons , which according to the true intent and meaning of this order , are to be disarmed , and their persons secured , that they and every of them from and after the time of the making of the said proclamation , shall repaire unto , continue and abide , in their severall houses , lodgings , or places of their usuall abode , untill the premises shall be duely executed and performed , and during such time only and in such manner , as by the said severall proclamations shal be enioyned . proclamations to be made at or before the time of disarming and securing the malignants in and about the citie of london and the suburbs , in the forme of words ensuing . all popish recusants , or whose wives are papists , or wwhose children are popishly bred , : all that have contributed to this present warre against the parliament . all of ability and estate , who have not contributed to the defence of the kingdome , upon the propositions heretofore issued for that purpose , together with such others as shall receive particular directions for that purpose . ate by the authority of both houses of parliament , commanded to repaire unto , remanie and abide within their severall houses , lodgings , and usuall places of abode , untill they shall have further directions from both houses of parliament , upon the paines and penalties that may ensue thereupon . london printed for i. iackson , g. tomlinson , and t. homer , and are to be sold in the old baily , 1642. the case of several hackney-coachmen in and about the cities of london and westminster and the suburbs, occasioned by one robert murrey and his adherents, to the utter ruin of many families, for his and his accomplices private interest cadman, thomas. 1690 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33493 wing c4747 estc r9374 12274837 ocm 12274837 58418 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33493) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 58418) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 176:37) the case of several hackney-coachmen in and about the cities of london and westminster and the suburbs, occasioned by one robert murrey and his adherents, to the utter ruin of many families, for his and his accomplices private interest cadman, thomas. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 169-?] signed: thomas cadman [and 7 others]. place and date of publication from wing. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng murrey, robert. cadman, thomas. coach drivers -england -law and legislation. london (england) broadsides -england -17th century. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the case of several hackney-coachmen in and about the cities of london and westminster and the suburbs , occasioned by one robert murrey , and his adherents , to the utter ruin of many families , for his and his accomplices private interest . 1. the said robert murrey , a common projector , in the year 1682 obtained an act of common council in london , to restrain all but 400 hackney coachmen to ply in and about the city of london and suburbs thereof , under the penalty of forty shillings each coach for every offence : by which project the said murry did get clear to himself four hundred and fifty pounds , besides all bribes and other incomes ; but the coachmen that were oppress'd by the said murrey's project , having obtained the then attorny general 's opinion , that the said act was against law , staid several suits , and cast the said murrey , or those imployed to put the said act in execution . 2. that then the said murrey and his accomplices did obtain an order from sir edmand villers , then knight-marshal for the liberty of the verge ( viz. westminster , whitehall , and st. james's ) to suppress the hundred hackney coachmen from plying with their coaches within the liberties aforesaid , and did with money hire men and keep them from their said imployment , until one thomas cadman did send his servant with his hackney-coach to ply within the said verge , after having suffered nine weeks restraint , by means of the aforesaid order , resolving to see by what right they held their power ; whereupon the knight-marshals men immediately seized upon the said cadman's servant , and kept him prisoner at white-hall for above six houres , until he gave a note under his hand of forty pounds penalty to appear before the said sir edward villers the next day by nine of the clock : and the said thomas cadman appeared accordingly on his said servants behalf before his honour , and made him sensible of the oppression , who was thereupon pleased to take it off , and never put it upon the said coachmen after . 3. that the said murrey and his accomplices afterwards sollicited his honour capt. cheek , then governour of the tower of london , to keep the said one hundred hackney coachmen from taking up any fare upon the bulwark wharfe before the tower gate , under the penalty of five shillings for each coach so offending , so that many poor men suffered thereby , until the said thomas cadman petitioned his honour , and made him sensible of the abuse put upon them by the aforesaid murrey and his accomplices , so that now the said robert murrey , having made what mony he could of the said 400 hackney coachmen , came to those he had formerly ruined , and by his deluding speeches prevailed upon some poor hackney-coachmen and others not qualified for that imploy , to assist him with money to sollicit the then popish commissioners to licence 600 hackney-coachmen , and to pay more money in one year for working their coaches in the streets , to the commissioners and the said murray and his accomplices than all the said hackney-coachmen were worth , and if the rich men should pay the poor mens debts ; the commission was sealed and security given in to the lords of the treasury in november , 1688. ( as the said coachmen are credably inform'd , ) and if it had not pleased almighty god to send his highness , the then prince of orange , to their relief at that very time , the said hackney-coachmen had been all ruined and undone by the unjust and wicked contrivance aforesaid . 4. that when the said murrey saw the late king james was gone out of this kingdom , and his popish commission of no effect , did with the assistance of a friend or two in london , for his own by-ends since christmas last , get the act of common-councel revived . and the said coachmen being informed , that the said murrey , and several others , are endeavouring , for their own private interest , and to the prejudice of your petitioners , to procure one or more bills , of their own framing , to be brought into this honourable house , for the regulating of hackney-coaches . the said coachmen therefore humbly desire that the act made for regulating of hackney-coaches in the 13th and 14th years of king charles ii. may be vived , with the addition only of one hundred coaches . and that they may be settled at the same yearly rent that was limitted by the said act. wherefore we most humbly beseech your honours to take the premises into your serious consideration ; and we and all the rest , as in duty bound , shall ever pray , &c. thomas cadman , thomas whittle , peter welch , john hurt , john sheldarick , george loverick , john beaver , john hugins . by the maior whereas divers rude and disordered young-men, apprentices and others, do now of late presume and take to themselves a liberty ... to throw about squibs and fireworks in the streets ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1674 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49068 wing l2885u estc r41752 31360544 ocm 31360544 110731 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49068) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110731) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:10) by the maior whereas divers rude and disordered young-men, apprentices and others, do now of late presume and take to themselves a liberty ... to throw about squibs and fireworks in the streets ... city of london (england). lord mayor. hooker, william, sir, 1612-1697. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by andrew clark, printer to the honorable city of london, [london] : 1674. "given this third day of november, 1674. and in the six and twentieth year of his majesties reign." reproduction of original in the guildhall library (london, england). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the maior . whereas divers rude and disordered young-men , apprentices and others , do now of late presume and take to themselves a liberty ( beyond what hath ever been in former times ) to throw about squibs and fire-works in the streets and publick passages of this city , and especially in places and at times of greatest resort ; whereby great and intolerable mischiefs are continually done , proceeding sometimes even to murder itself , ( as is too too evident by a late sad example ) and very many persons , especially women and children are terrified and affrighted , not daring to adventure themselves in the streets for fear of such rude and barbarous usage , which is no where else to be parallelled in the whole world ; and almost all persons of quality ( upon whom the trade of this city does very much depend ) being so frequently assaulted in their coaches in that rude manner , are driven and kept out from the city , to secure themselves from those dangers . which disordered practices , although they have been constantly disowned and prohibited by the authority of this city , yet nothing hitherto hath been sufficient to prevent them , to the great dishonour of the magistracy of this city , the great prejudice and hindrance of the trade thereof , and the scandal of this once renowned city in all civilized parts of the world. the right honorable the lord maior of this city doth therefore think it fitting , and necessary , and highly incumbent upon him to take all possible care to obviate and prevent so rude and disordered a practice , and he doth hereby streightly charge and command , that all persons do for the future altogether forbear to throw about any squibs , fire-brands or fire-works at any time , or upon any occasion , in any the streets or publick passages of this city : and that all masters of families within the same be very diligent and careful , and use their utmost endeavours to keep in and restrain their children and servants from doing the same : in default whereof his lordship is resolved , and he doth hereby publish and declare , that he will certainly inflict the utmost and severest punishment , with all possible rigor , upon all such who shall hereafter be found to transgress herein . and wherever any person shall be so apprehended , besides their personal punishment , their parents or masters for neglecting the government , and their remisness to contribute their endeavours to the weal and publick benefit of this city in the restraint of such rudeness and abuses , shall also have marks of his lordships displeasure inflicted on them . given this third day of november , 1674. and in the six and twentieth year of his majesties reign . god save the king. printed by andrew clark , printer to the honorable city of london . 1674. a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament that the sheriffes of london shall be saved and kept harmelesse by the authority of both houses, for not publishing some late messages and proclamations lately sent them in his majesties name. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82713 of text r211764 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[144]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82713 wing e1466 thomason 669.f.5[144] estc r211764 99870465 99870465 160855 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82713) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160855) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[144]) a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament that the sheriffes of london shall be saved and kept harmelesse by the authority of both houses, for not publishing some late messages and proclamations lately sent them in his majesties name. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) march 11. printed at london for john wright in the old-bailey, [london] : 1642. offical date from steele. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a82713 r211764 (thomason 669.f.5[144]). civilwar no a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament, that the sheriffes of london shall be saved and kept harmelesse by the autho england and wales. parliament. 1642 303 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament , that the sheriffes of london shall be saved and kept harmelesse by the authority of both houses , for not publishing some late messages and proclamations lately sent them in his majesties name . whereas divers proclamations , writs , and messages , some under the great seale , and some under the privie signet , have beene directed and delivered unto alderman langham and alderman andrewes , then and yet sheriffs of the city of london and countie of middlesex , commanding them in his maiesties name to execute the same , which proclamations , writs and messages , being contrary to the priviledge of parliament , and some of them conteining matters tending to the scandall of the procéedings thereof , and to the preiudice of the common-wealth , were by order of both or either house of parliament , forbidden to be executed , and the said sheriffs in obedience thereunto , according to their duty did forbeare to execute the same , the lords and commons doe declare , that they well approve of the ready conformity of the said sheriffs to their commands ; and doe further declare and ordaine , that the said sheriffs shall by the authority of both houses be saved and kept harmelesse from all damages and inconveniences that shall or can happen unto them for obeying the said orders , or for any act or thing they have done or shall doe , in pursuance of the said order or orders . ordered by the lords and commons assembled in parliament , that this declaration shall be forthwith printed and published . john browne cler. parliamentorum . march 11. printed at london for john wright in the old-bailey . 1642. sir, by virtue of a letter from his highness the prince of orange to the sheriffs of london ... sam. ridgley, beadle. ridgley, sam. 1689 approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a91818 wing r1448b estc r42880 38875889 ocm 38875889 152345 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91818) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 152345) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2293:16) sir, by virtue of a letter from his highness the prince of orange to the sheriffs of london ... sam. ridgley, beadle. ridgley, sam. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [london : jan. 1689] contains date in ms.: 1688 [i.e. 1689], and names of the two representatives, sir robert clayton, and sir patience ward. reproduction of original in: cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng clayton, robert, -sir, 1629-1707. ward, patience, -sir, 1629-1696. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -revolution of 1688. great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion serve & obey blazon or coat of arms sir , by virtue of a letter from his highness the prince of orange to the sheriffs of london to this purpose directed , you are desired to meet the master and wardens of the worshipful company of haberdashers at haberdashers-hall , on wednesday next , the ninth day of ▪ january , at eight of the clock in the morning ; from thence to accompany them to guild-hall , there to elect four representatives for the city of london , to meet at westminster the 22th . day of this instant . sam. ridgley , beadle . die mercurii 22. julii 1646. whereas divers malignants and others that have adhered to the king against the parliament, are now come to the cities of london and westminster, and other places within the parliaments quarters: ... england and wales. parliament. house of lords. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83923 of text r212300 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[65]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83923 wing e2867b thomason 669.f.9[65] estc r212300 99870938 99870938 161163 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83923) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161163) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[65]) die mercurii 22. julii 1646. whereas divers malignants and others that have adhered to the king against the parliament, are now come to the cities of london and westminster, and other places within the parliaments quarters: ... england and wales. parliament. house of lords. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for john wright at the kings head in the old bayley, london : 1646. title from heading and first lines of text. signed: joh. brown cler. parliamentorum. an order of the lords forbidding anyone "to repaire to the court or to the kings person, without the speciall leave of this house." reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. westminster (london, england) -early works to 1800. a83923 r212300 (thomason 669.f.9[65]). civilwar no die mercurii 22. julii 1646. whereas divers malignants and others that have adhered to the king against the parliament, are now come to the england and wales. parliament. 1646 260 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die mercurii 22. julii 1646. whereas divers malignants and others that have adhered to the king against the parliament , are now come to the cities of london and westminster , and other places within the parliaments quarters : and under pretence of severall articles doe repaire to the kings person , whereby much inconvenience may arise , the lords in parliament do declare , that no such person whatsoever shall presume in the future to repaire to the court , or to the kings person , without the speciall leave of this house , and a passe under the hand of the speaker of this house , as they will answer the contrary to this house at their perils . and that this declaration may be communicated to the scots commissioners , who are hereby desired to give directions , that this order be performed accordingly . and lastly , that all such persons as have been in armes against the parliament , and in particular edward walker , a dangerous malignant and a person ill affected to the parliament , now about the king , shall be forthwith dismissed and sent away from about his maiesty . and it is ordered , that the scots commissioners be desired to prevent the comming of any of their nation to the king , who have beene in armes against the parliament of either or both kingdoms . joh. brown cler. parliamentorum . london printed for john wright at the kings head in the old bayley . 1646. the vvonderfull yeare. 1603 wherein is shewed the picture of london, lying sicke of the plague. at the ende of all (like a mery epilogue to a dull play) certaine tales are cut out in sundry fashions, of purpose to shorten the liues of long winters nights, that lye watching in the darke for vs. 1603. the wonderfull yeare dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1603 approx. 100 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20094 stc 6535.5 estc s105274 99841003 99841003 5559 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20094) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5559) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 780:05) the vvonderfull yeare. 1603 wherein is shewed the picture of london, lying sicke of the plague. at the ende of all (like a mery epilogue to a dull play) certaine tales are cut out in sundry fashions, of purpose to shorten the liues of long winters nights, that lye watching in the darke for vs. 1603. the wonderfull yeare dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [48] p. printed by thomas creede, and are to be solde in saint donstones church-yarde in fleet-streete [by n. ling, j. smethwick, and j. browne, london : 1603?] by thomas dekker. another edition of "1603. the wonderfull yeare", originally published in 1603. booksellers' names supplied and publication date conjectured by stc. signatures: a-f⁴. in this edition the last line of a4v has "farewell" in italic. identified as stc 6535a on umi microfilm. reproduction of the original in the folger shakespeare library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2002-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2003-01 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the vvonderfull yeare . 1603. wherein is shewed the picture of london , lying sicke of the plague . at the ende of all ( like a mery epilogue to a dull play ) certaine tales are cut out in sundry fashions , of purpose to shorten the liues of long winters nights , that lye watching in the darke for vs. et me rigidi legant catones . london printed by thomas creede , and are to be solde in saint donstones church-yarde in fleet-streete . to his vvelrespected good friend , m. cutbert thuresby , vvater bayliffe of london . bookes are but poore gifts , yet kings receiue them : vpō which i presume , you will not turne this out of doores . yet cannot for shame but bid it welcome , because it bringes to you a great quantitie of my loue : which , if it be worth litle , ( and no maruell if loue be solde vnder-foote , when the god of loue himselfe goes naked ) yet i hope you will not say you haue a hard bargaine , sithēce you may take as much of it as you please for nothing . i haue clapt the cognizance of your name , on these scribled papers , it is their liuery : so that now they are yours : being free frō any vile imputation , saue only , that they thrust themselues into your acquaintance . but gene●all errors , haue generall pardons : for the title of other mens names , is the common heraldry which all those laie claime too , whose crest is a pen-and-inckhorne . if you read , you may happilie laugh ; t is my desire you should , because mirth is both phisicall , and wholesome against the plague : with which sicknes , ( to tell truth ) this booke is , ( though not sorely ) yet somewhat infected . i pray , driue it not out of your companie for all that ; for ( assure your soule ) i am so iealous of your health , that if you did but once imagine , there were gall in mine incke , i would cast away the standish , and forsweare medling with anie more muses . to the reader . and why to the reader ? oh good sir ! there 's as sound law to make you giue good words to the reader , as to a constable when hee carries his watch about him to tell how the night goes , tho ( perhaps ) the one ( oftentimes ) may be serued in for a goose , and the other very fitly furnish the same messe : yet to maintaine the scuruy fashion , and to keepe custome in reparations , he must be honyed , and come-ouer with gentle reader , courteous reader , and learned reader , though he haue no more gentilitie in him than adam had ( that was but a gardner ) no more ciuili●ie than a tartar , and no more learning than the most errand stinkard , that ( except his owne name ) could neuer finde any thing in the horne-booke . how notoriously therfore do good wits dishonor , not only their calling , but euen their creation , that worship glow-wormes ( in stead of the sun ) because of a litle false glistering ? in the name of phoebus what madnesse leades them vnto it ? for he that dares hazard a pressing to death ( that 's to say , to be a man in print ) must make account that he shall stand ( like the olde weathercock ouer powles steeple ) to be beaten with all stormes . neither the stinking tabacco●breath of a sattingull , the aconited sting of a narrow-eyde critick , the faces of a phantastick stage-monkey , nor the ind●ede-la of a puritanicall citizen , must once shake him . no , but desperately resolue ( like a french post ) to ride through thick & thin : indure to see his lines torne pittifully on the rack : suffer his muse to take the bastoone , yea the very stab , & himselfe like a new stake to be a marke for euery hagler , and ●herefore ( setting vp all ●hese rests ) why shuld he regard what fooles bolt is shot at him ? besides , if that which he presents vpon the stage of the world be good , why should he basely cry out ( with that old poeticall mad-cap in his amphitruo ) iouis summi causa clarè plaudite , beg a plaudite for god-sake ! if bad , who ( but an asse ) would intreate ( as players do in a cogging epilogue at the end of a filthie comedy ) that , be it neuer such wicked stuffe , they would forbeare to hisse , or to dam it perpetually to lye on a stationers stall . eor he that can so cosen himselfe , as to pocket vp praise in that silly sort , makes his braines fat with his owne folly . but hinc pudor ! or rather hinc dolor , heere 's the diuell ! it is not the ratling of all this former haile-shot , that can terrisie our band of castalian pen-men from entring into the field : no , no , the murdring artillery indeede lyes in the roaring mouthes of a company that looke big as if they were the sole and singular commanders ouer the maine army of poesy , yet ( if hermes muster-booke were searcht ouer ) thei le be found to ●e most pitifull pure fresh-water souldiers : they giue out , that they are heires-apparent to helicon , but an easy herald may make them meere yonger brothers , or ( to say troth ) not so much . beare witnes all you whose wits make you able to be witnesses in this cause , that here i meddle not with your good poets , nam tales , nusquàm sunt hîc ampliüs , if you should rake hell , or ( as aristophanes in his frog sayes ) in any celler deeper than hell , it is hard to finde spirits of that fashion . but those goblins whom i now am cōiuring vp , haue bladder-cheekes puft out like a swizzers breeches ( yet being prickt , there comes out nothing but wind ) thin-headed fellowes that liue vpon the scraps of inuention , and trauell with such vagrant soules , and so like ghosts in white sheetes of paper , that the statute of rogues may worthily be sued vpon them , because their wits haue no abiding place , and yet wander without a passe-port . alas , poore wenches ( the nine muses ! ) how much are you wrongd , to haue such a number of bastards lying vpō your hands ? but turne them out a begging ; or if you cannot be rid of their riming company ( as i thinke it will be very hard ) then lay your heauie and immortall curse vpon them , that what●oeuer they weaue ( in the motley-loome of their rustie pates ) may like a beggers cloake , be full of stolne patches , and yet neuer a patch like one another , that it may be such true lamentable stuffe , that any honest christian may be sory to see it . banish these word-pirates , ( you sacred mistresses of learning ) into the gulfe of barbarisme : doome them euerlastingly to liue among dunces : let them not once lick their lips at the thespian bowle , but onely be glad ( and thanke apollo for it too ) if hereafter ( as hitherto they haue alwayes ) they may quench their poeticall thirst with small beere . or if they will needes be stealing your heliconian nectar , let them ( like the dogs of nylus , onely lap and away . for this goatish swarme are those ( that where for these many thousand yeares you went for pure maides ) haue taken away your good nemes , these are they that de●lowre your beauties . these are those ranck-riders of art , that haue so spur-gald your lustie winged pegasus , that now he begins to be out of flesh , and ( euen only for prouander sake ) is glad to shew tricks like bancks his curtall . o you bookes-sellers ( that are factors to the liberall sciences ) ouer whose stalles these drones do dayly flye humming ; let homer , hesiod , euripid●s , and some other mad greekes with a band of the latines , lye like musket-shot in their way , when these gothes and getes set vpon you in your paper fortifications ; it is the only canon , vpon whose mouth they dare not venture , none but the english will take their parts , therefore feare them not , for such a strong breath haue thesee chese-eaters , that if they do but blowvpon a booke they imagine straight t is blasted : quod supra nos , nihil ad nos , ( they say ) that which is aboue our capacitie , shall not passe vnder our commendation . yet would i haue these zoilists ( of all other ) to reade me , if euer i should write any thing worthily : for the blame that knowne-fooles heape vpon a deseruing labour , does not discredit the same , but makes wise men more perfectly in loue with it . into such a ones hands therefore if i fortune to fall , i will not shrinke an inch , but euen when his teeth are sharpest , and most ready to bite , i will stop his mouth only with this , haec mala sunt , sed tu , non meliora facis . reader . whereas there stands in the rere-ward of this booke a certaine mingled troope of straunge discourses , fashioned into tales , know , that the intelligence which first brought them to light , was onely slying report : whose tongue ( as it often does ) if in spreading them it haue tript in any materiall point , and either slipt too farre , or falne too short , beare with the error : and the rather , because it is not wilfully committed . neither let any one ( whom those reports shall seeme to touch ) cauill , or complaine of iniury , sithence nothing is set downe by a malitious hand . farewell . the vvonderfull yeare . vertumnus being attired in his accustomed habit of changeable silke , had newly passed through the first and principall court-gate of heauen : to whom for a farewell , and to shewe how dutifull he was in his office , ianus ( that beares two faces vnder one hood ) made a very mannerly lowe legge , and ( because he was the onely porter at that gate ) presented vnto this king of the moneths , all the new-yeares gifts , which were more in number , and more worth then those that are giuen to the great turke , or the emperour of persia : on went vertumnus in his lustie progresse , priapus , flora , the dryades , and ha●●adryades , with all the woodden rabble of those that drest orchards & gardens , perfuming all the wayes that he went , with the swéete odours that breathed from flowers ; hearbes and trées , which now began to péepe out of prison : by vertue of which excellent aires , the skie got a most cleare completion ; lookte s●●g and smoothe , and had not so much as a wart st●●king on her face : the sunne likewise was freshly and very richly apparelled in cloth of gold like a bridegroome , and in stead of gilded rosemary , the hornes of the ramme , ( being the signe of that celestiall bride house where he lay , to be marryed to the spring ) were not like your common hornes parcell gilt , but double double-gilt , with the liquid gold that melted from his beames , for ioy wereof the larke sung at his windowe euery morning , the nightingale euery nighte the cuckooe ( like a single sole fidler , that réeles from tauerne to tauerne ) plide it all the day long : lambes friskte vp and downe in the vallies , kids and goates leapt too and fro on the mountaines : shepheards sat piping , country wenches singing : louers made sonnets for their lasses , whilest they made garlands for their louers : and as the country was frolike , so was the citie mery : oliue trées ( which grow no where but in the garden of peace ) stood ( as common as béech does at midsomer ) at euery mans doore , braunches of palme were in euery mans hand : stréetes were full of people , people full of ioy : euery house séemde to haue a lorde of misrule in it , in euery house there was so much ●ollity : no scritch-owle frighted the silly countryman at midnight , nor any drum the citizen at noone-day ; but all was more calme than a still water , all husht , as if the spheres had bene playing in consort : in conclusion , heauen lookt like a pallace , and the great hall of the earth , like a paradice . but o the short liu'de felicitie of man ! o world of what slight and thin stuffe is thy happinesse ! iust in the midst of this iocund holy-day , a storme rises in the west : westward ( from the toppe of a ritch-mount ) descended a hidious tempest , that shooke cedars , terrified the tallest pines , and cleft in sunder euen the hardest hearts of oake : and if such great trées were shaken , what thinke you became of the tender eglantine , and humble hawthorne ; they could not ( doubtlesse ) but droope , they could not choose but die with the terror . the element ( taking the destinies part , who indéed set abroach this mischiefe ) scowled on the earth , and filling her hie forehead full of blacke wrinckles , tumbling long vp and downe ( like a great bellyed wife ) her sighes being whirlewindes , and her grones thunder , at length she fell in labour , and was deliuered of a pale , meagry , weake child , named sicknesse , whom death ( with a pestilence ) would néedes take vpon him to nurse , and did so . this starueling being come to his full growth , had an office giuen him for nothing ( and that 's a wonder in this age ) death made him his herauld : attirde him like a courtier , and ( in his name ) chargde him to goe into the priuie chamber of the english quéene , to sommon her to appeare in the star-chamber of heauen . the sommons made her start , but ( hauing an inuincible spirit ) did not amaze her : yet whom would not the certaine newes of parting from a king●ome amaze ! but she knewe where to finde a richer , and therefore lightlie regarded the losse of this , and thereupon made readie for that heauenlie coronation , being ( which was most strange ) most dutifull to obay , that had so many yeares so powrefully commaunded . she obayed deaths messenger , and yéelded her body to the hands of death himselfe . she dyed , res●gning her scepter to posteritie , and her soule to immortalitie . to report of her death ( like a thunder-clap ) was able to kill thousands , it tooke away hearts from millions : for hauing brought vp ( euen vnder her wing ) a nation that was almost begotten and borne vnder her ; that neuer shouted any other aue than for her name , neuer sawe the face of any prince but her selfe , neuer vnderstoode what that strange out-landish word change signified : how was it possible , but that her sicknes should throw abroad an vniuersall feare , and her death an astonishment ? she was the courtiers treasure , therefore he had cause to mourne : the lawyers sword of iustice , he might well faint : the merchants patronesse , he had reason to looke pale : the citizens mother , he might best lament : the sepheards goddesse , and should not he droope ? onely the souldier , who had walkt a long time vpon wodden legs , and was not able to giue armes , though he were a gentleman , had brisseld vp the quills of his stiffe porcupine mustachio , and swore by no beggers that now was the houre come for him to be●●irre his stumps : usurers and brokers ( that are the diuels ingles , and dwell in the long-lane of hell ) quak● like aspen leaues at his oathes : those that before were the onely cut-throates in london , now stoode in feare of no other death : but my signior soldado was deceiued , the tragedie went not forward . neuer did the english nation behold so much black worne as there was at her funerall : it was then but put on , to try if it were ●it , for the great day of mourning was set downe ( in the booke of heauen ) to be held afterwards : that was but the dumb shew , the tragicall act hath bene playing ●uer since . her herse ( as it was●borne ) s●emed to be an iland swimming in water , for round about it there rayned showers of teares , about her death-bed none : for her departure was so sudden and so strange , that men knew not how to wéepe , because they had neuer bin taught to shed teares of that making . they that durst not speake their sorrowes , whisperd them : they that durst not whisper , sent them foorth in sighes . oh what an earth-quake is the alteration of a state ! looke from the chamber of presence , to the farmers cottage , and you shall finde nothing but distraction : the whole kingdome s●emes a wildernes , and the people in it are transformed to wild men . the may of a countrey so pitifullie distracted by the horor of a change , if you desire perfectlie to behold , cast your eyes then on this that followes , which being heretofore in priuate presented to the king , i thinke may very worthily shew it selfe before you : and because you shall sée them attirde in the same fashion that they wore before his maiesity , let these fewe lines ( which stood then as prologue to the rest ) enter first into your eares . not for applauses , shallow fooles aduenture , i plunge my verse into a sea of censure , but with a liuer drest in gall , to see so many rookes , catch-polls of poesy , that feede vpon the fallings of hye wit , and put on cast inuentions , most vnfit , for such am i prest forth in shops and stalls , pasted in powles , and on the lawyers walls , for euery basilisk-eyde criticks bait , to kill my verse , or poison my conceit : or some smoakt gallant , who at wit repines , to dry tabacco with my holesome lines , and in one paper sacrifice more braine , than all his ignorant scull could ere containe : but merit dreads no martyrdome , nor stroke , my lines shall liue ▪ when he shall be all smoke . thus farre the prologne , who leauing the stage cléer● , the feares that are bred in th● wombe of this al●ring kingdome do next step vp , acting thus . the great impostume of the realme was draw●e euen to a head : the multitudino●s spawne was the corruption , which did make it swell with hop'd sedition ( the burnt seed of hell . ) who did expect but ruine , blood , and death , to share our kingdome , and diuide our breath . religions without religion , to let each other blood , confusion to be next queene of england , and this yeere the ciuill warres of france to be plaid heere by english-men , ruffians , and pandering slaues , that faine would dig vp gowtie vsurers graues : at such a time , villaines their hopes do honey , and rich men looke as pale as their white money : now they remoue , and make their siluer sweate , casting themselues into a couetous heate , and then ( vnseene ) in the confederate darke , bury their gold , without or priest , or clarke . and say no prayers ouer that dead pelfe , true : gold 's no christian , but an indian elfe . did not the very kingdome seeme to shake her precious massie limbes ? did she not make all english cities ( like her pulses ) beate with people in their veines ? the feare so great , that had it not bene phisickt with rare peace , our populous power had lessend her increase . the spring-time that was dry , had sprung in blood , a greater dearth of men , than e're of foode : in such a panting time , and gasping yeare , victuals are cheapest , only men are deare . now each wise-acred landlord did dispaire , fearing some villaine should become his heire , or that his sonne and heire before his time , should now turne villaine , and with violence clime vp to his life saying father you haue seene king he●ry , edward , mary , and the queene , i wonder you 'le liue longer ! then he tells him hee s loth to see him kild , therfore he kills him , and each vast landlord dyes lyke a poore slaue , their thousand acres makes them but a graue , at such a time great men conuey their treasure into the trusty citie : wayts the leisure of bloud and insurrection , which warre clips , when euery gate shutts vp her iron lips , imagine now a mighty man of dust , standeth in doubt , what seruant he may trust , with plate worth thousands : iewels worth farre more ▪ if he proue false , then his rich lord proues poore : he calls forth one by one , to note their graces , whilst they make legs he copies out their faces , examines their eye-browe , consters their beard , singles their nose out , still he rests afeard : the first that comes by no meanes hee le alow , has spyed three hares starting betweene his brow , quite turnes the word , names it celeritie , for hares do run away , and so may he : a second shewne : him he will scarce behold , his beard 's too red , the colour of his gold : a third may please him , but t is hard to say , a rich man 's pleasde , when his goods part away . and now do cherrup by , fine golden nests of well hatcht bowles : such as do breed in feasts , for warre and death cupboords of plate downe pulls , then bacchus drinkes not in gilt-bowles , but sculls . let me descend and stoope my verse a while , to make the comicke cheeke of poesie smile ; ranck peny-fathers scud ( with their halfe hammes , shadowing their calues ) to saue their siluer dammes , at euery gun they start , tilt from the ground , one drum can make a thousand vsurers sound . in vnsought allies and vnholesome places , back-wayes and by-lanes , where appeare fewe faces , in shamble-smelling roomes , loathsome prospects , and penny-lattice-windowes , which reiects all popularitie : there the rich cubs lurke , when in great houses ruffians are at worke , not dreaming that such glorious booties lye vnder those nasty roofes : such they passe by without a search , crying there 's nought for vs , and wealthie men deceiue poore villaines thus : tongue-trauelling lawyers faint at such a day , lye speechlesse , for they haue no words to say . phisitions turne to patients , their arts dry , for then our fat men without phisick die . and to conclude , against all art and good , warre taints the doctor , le ts the surgion blood . such was the fashion of this land , when the great land-lady thereof left it : shée came in with the fall of the leafe , and went away in the spring : her life ( which was dedicated to uirginitie , both beginning & closing vp a miraculous mayden circle : for she was borne vpon a lady eue , and died vpon a lady eue : her natiuitie & death being memorable by this wonder : the first and last yeares of her raigne by this , that a lee was lords maior when she came to the crowne , and a lee lorde maior when she departed from it . thrée places are made famous by her for thrée things , greenewich for her birth , richmount for her death , white-hall for her funerall : vpon her remouing from whence , ( to lend our tiring prose a breathing time ) stay , and looke vpon these epigrams , being composed , 1. vpon the queenes last remoue being dead . the queene 's remou'de in solemne sort , yet this was strange , and seldome seene ; the queene vsde to remoue the court , but now the court remou'de the queene . 2. vpon her bringing by water to white hall. the queene was brought by water to white hall , at euery stroake , the oares ●eares let fall . more clung about the barge : fish vnder water wept out their eyes of pearle , and swom blind after . i thinke the barge-men might with easier thyes haue rowde her thither in her peoples eyes : for howsoe're , thus much my thoughts haue skand , s'had come by water , had she come by land . 3. vpon her lying dead at white hall. the queene lyes now at white hall dead , and now at white hall liuing , to make this rough obiection euen , dead at white hall at westminster , but liuing at white hall in heauen . thus you sée that both in her life and her death shée was appointed to bee the mirror of her time : and surely , if since the first stone that was layd for the foundation of this great house of the world , there was euer a yeare ordained to be wondred at , it is only this : the sibils , octogesimus , octauus annus , that same terrible 88. which came sayling hither in the spanish armado , and made mens hearts colder then the frozen zone , when they heard but an inckling of it : that 88. by whose horrible predictions , almanack-makers stood in bodily feare their trade would bée vtterly ouerthrowne , and poore erra pater was threatned ( because he was a iew ) to be put to ●aser offices , than the stopping of mustard●pots : that same 88. which had more prophecies waiting at his héeles , thā euer merlin the magitian had in his head , was a yeare o● iubile to this . platoes mirabilis annu● , ( whether it be past alreadie , or to come within these foure yeares ) may throwe platoes cap at mirabilis , for that title of wonderfull is bestowed vpon 1603. if that sacred aromatically persumed fire of wit ( out of whose flames phoenix poesie doth arise ) were burning in any brest , i would féede it with no other stuffe for a twelue-moneth and a day than with kindling papers full of lines , that should tell only of the chances , changes , and strange shapes that this protean climactericall yeare hath metamorphosed himselfe into . it is able to finde ten chroniclers a competent liuing , and to set twentie printers at worke . you shall perceiue i lye not , if ( with peter bales ) you will take the paines to drawe the whole volume of it into the compasse of a pennie . as first , to begin with the quéenes death , then the kingdomes falling into an ague vpon that . next , followes the curing of that feauer by the holesome receipt of a proclaymed king. that wonder begat more , for in an houre , two mightie nations were made one : wilde ireland became tame on the sudden , and some english great ones that before séemed tame , on the sudden turned wilde : the same parke which great iulius caesar inclosed , to hold in that déere whome they before hunted , being now circled ( by a second caesar ) with stronger pales to kéepe them from leaping ouer . and last of all ( if that wonder be the last and shut vp the yeare ) a most dreadfull plague . this is the abstract , and yet ( like stowes chronicle of decimo sexto to huge hollinshead ) these small pricks in this set-card of ours , represent mightie countreys ; whilst i haue the quill in my hand , let me blow them bigger . the quéene being honoured with a diademe of starres , france , spaine , and belg●a , lift vp their heads , preparing to do as much for england by giuing ayme , whilst she shot arrowes at her owne brest ( as they imagined ) as she had done ( many a yeare together ) for them : and her owne nation betted on their sides , looking with distracted countenance for no better guests than ciuill sedition , uprores , rapes , murders , and massacres . but the whéele of fate turned , a better lottery was drawne , pro troia stabat apol●o , god stuck valiantlie to vs. for behold , vp rises a comfortable sun out of the north , whose glorious beames ( like a fan ) dispersed all thick and contagious clowdes . the losse of a quéene , was paid with the double interest of a king and quéene . the cedar of her gouernment which stood alone and bare no fruit , is changed now to an oliue , vpon whose spreading branches grow both kings and quéenes , oh it were able to still a hundred paire of writing tables with notes , but to sée the parts plaid in the compasse of one houre on the stage of this new-found world ! upon thursday it was treason to cry god saue king iames king of england , and vppon friday hy● treason not to cry so . in the morning no voice heard but murmures and lamentation , at noone nothing but shoutes of gladnes & triumpe . s. george and s. andrew that many hundred yeares had de●●●d one another , were now sworne brothers : england and scotland ( being parted only with a narrow riuer , and the people of both empires speaking a language lesse differing than english within it selfe , as the prouidence had enacted , that one day those two nations should marry one another ) are now made sure together , and king iames his coronation , is the solemne wedding day . happiest of all thy ancestors ( thou mirror of all princes that euer were or are ) that at seauen of the clock wert a king but ouer a péece of a little iland , and before eleuen the greatest monarch in christendome . now — siluer crowds of blisfull angels and tryed marytrs tread on the star-●eeling ouer englands head : now heauen broke into a wonder , and brought forth our omne bonum from the holesome north ( our fruitfull souereigne ) iamns , at whose dread name rebellion swounded , and ( ere since ) became groueling and nerue-lesse , wanting blo●d to nourish , for ruine gnawes her selfe when kingdomes flourish , nor are our hopes planted in regall springs , neuer to wither , for our aire breedes kings : and in all ages ( from this soueraigne time ) england shall still be calde the royall clime . most blisfull monarch of all earthen powers , seru'd with a messe of kingdomes , foure such bowers ( for prosperous hiues , and rare industrious swarmes ) the world containes not in her solid armes . o thou that art the meeter of our dayes , poets apollo ! deale thy daphnean bayes to those whose wits are bay-trees , euer greene , vpon whose hye tops , poesie chirps vnseene : such are most fit , t'apparell kings in rimes , whose siluer numbers are the muses chimes , whose spritely caracters ( being once wrought on ) out-liue the marble th' are insculpt vpon : let such men chaunt thy vertue , then they flye on learnings wings vp to eternitie . as for the rest , that limp ( in cold desert ) hauing small wit , lesse iudgement , and least art : their verse ! t is almost heresie to heare , banish their lines some furlong , from thine eare : for t is held dang'rous ( by apolloes signe ) to be infected with a leaprous line ▪ o make some adamant act ( n'ere to be worne ) that none may write but those that are true-borne : so when the worlds old cheekes shall race and peele , thy acts shall breath in epitaphs of steele . by these comments it appeares that by this time ling iames is proclaimed : now does fresh blood leape into the chéekes of the courtier : the souldier now hangs vp his armor , and is glad that he shall féede vpon the blessed fruites of peace : the scholler sings hymnes in honor of the muses , assuring himselfe now that helicon will bée kept pure , because apollo himselfe drinkes of it . now the thriftie citizen casts beyond the moone , and séeing the golden age returned into the world againe , resolues to worship no saint but money . trades that lay dead & rotten , and were in all mens opinion vtterly dambd , started out of their trance , as though they had drunke of aqua caelestis , or unicornes horne , and swore to fall to their olde occupations . taylors meant no more to be called merchant-taylors , but merchants , for their shops were all lead foorth in leases to be turned into ships , and with their sheares ( in stead of a rudder ) would they haue cut the seas ( like leuant taffaty ) and sayld to the west indies for no worse stuffe to make hose and doublets of , than beaten gold : or if the necessitie of the time ( which was likely to stand altogether vpon brauery ) should presse them to serue with their iron and spanish weapons vpon their stalls , then was there a sharpe law made amongst them , that no workman should handle any néedle but that which had a pearle in his eye , nor any copper thimble , vnlesse it were linde quite through , or bumbasted with siluer . what mechanicall hardhanded uulcanist ( séeing the dice of fortune run so swéetly , and resoluing to strike whilst the iron was hote ) but perswaded himselfe to bée maister or head warden of the company ere halfe a yeare went about ? the worst players boy stood vpon his good parts , swearing tragicall and busking oathes , that how vilainously soeuer he randed , or what bad and vnlawfull action soeuer he entred into , he would in despite of his honest audience , be halfe a sharer ( at least ) at home , or else strowle ( that 's to say trauell ) with some notorious wicked sloundring company abroad . and good reason had these time-catchers to be led into this fooles paradice , for they sawe mirth in euery mans face , the stréetes were plumd with gallants , tabacconists fild vp whole tauernes : uintners hung our spicke and span new iuy bushes ( because they wanted good wine ) and their old raine-beaten lattices marcht vnder other cullors , hauing lost both company and cullors before . london was neuer in the high way to preferment till now ; now she resolued to stand vpon her pantoffles : now ( and neuer till now ) did she laugh to scorne that worme-eaten prouerbe of lincolne was , london is , & yorke shall bée , for she saw her selfe in better state then ierusalem , she went more gallant then euer did antwerp , was more courted by amorous and lustie suiters then venice ( the minion of italy ) more loftie towers stood ( like a coronet , or a spangled head-tire ) about her temples , then euer did about the beautifull forehead of rome : tyrus and sydon to her were like two thatcht houses , to theobals : y e grand cayr but a hogsty . hinc illae lachrimae , she wept her belly full for all this . whilst troy was swilling sack and sugar , and mowsing ●at venison , the made gréekes made bonefires of their houses : old priam was drinking a health ●o the wooden horse , and before it could be pledgd had his throat cut . corne is no sooner ripe , but for all the pricking vp of his eares hée is pard off by the shins , and made to goe vpon stumps . flowers no sooner budded , but they are pluckt vp and dye . night walks at the héeles of the day , and sorrow enters ( like a tauerne-bill ) at the taile of our pleasures : for in the appenine heigth of this immoderate ioy and securitie ( that like powles stéeple ouer lookt the whole citie ) behold , that miracle-worker , who in one minute ●urnd our generall mourning to a generall mirth , does nowe againe in a moment alter tha● gladnes to shrikes & lamentation . here would i faine make a full point , because posteritie should not be frighted with those miserable tragedies , which now my muse ( as chorus ) stands ready to present . time would thou hadst neuer bene made wretched by bringing them forth : obliuion would in all the graues and sepulchres , whose ranke iawes thou hast already closo vp , or shalt yet hereafter burst open , thou couldst likewise bury them for euer . a stiffe and fréezing horror sucks vp the riuers of my blood : my haire stands an ende with the panting of my braines : mine eye balls are ready to start out , being beaten with the billowes of my teares : out of my wéeping pen does the inck mournefully and more bitterly than gall drop on the pale●ac'd paper , euen when i do but thinke how the bowels of my sicke country haue bene torne , apollo therefore and you bewitching siluer-tongd muses , get you gone , inuocate none of your names : sorrow & truth , sit you on each side of me , whilst i am deliuered of this deadly burden : prompt me that i may vtter ruthfull and passionate condolement : arme my trembling hand , that it may boldly rip vp and anotimize the v●cerous body of this anthropophagized plague : lend me art ( without any counterfeit shadowing ) to paint and delineate to the life the whole story of this mortall and pestifero●s battaile , & you the ghosts of those more ( by many ) then 40000. that with the vir●lent poison of infection haue bene driuen out of your earthly dwellings : you desolate hand-wringing widowes , that beate your bosomes ouer your departing husbands : you wofully distracted mothers that with disheueld haire falne into swounds , whilst you lye kissing the insensible cold lips of your breathlesse infants : you out-cast and downe-troden orphanes , that shall many a yeare hence remember more freshly to mourne , when your mourning garments shall looke olde and be for gotten ; and you the genij of all those emptyed families , whose habitations are now among the antipodes : ioyne all your hands together , and with your bodies cast a ring about me : let me behold your ghastly vizages , that my paper may receiue their true pictures : eccho forth your grones through the hollow truncke of my pen , and raine downe your gummy teares into mine incke , that euen marble bosomes may be shaken with terrour , and hearts of adamant melt into compassion . what an vnmatchable torment were it for a man to be ●ard vp euery night in a vast silent charnell-house ? hung ( to make it more hideous ) with lamps dimly & slowly burning , in hollow and glimmer●ng corners : where all the pauement should in stead of gréene rushes , be strewde with blasted rosemary : withered hyacinthes , fatall cipresse and ewe , thickly mingled with heapes of dead mens bones : the bare ribbes of a father that begat him , lying there : here the chaplesse hollow scull of a mother that bore him : round about him a thousand coarses , some standing bolt vpright in their knotted winding shéetes : others halfe mouldred in rotten coffins , that should suddenly yawne wide open , filling his nosthrils with noysome stench , and his eyes with the sight of nothing but crawling wormes . and to kéepe such a poore wretch waking , he should heare no noise but of toads croaking , screech-owles howling , mandrakes shriking : were not this an infernall prison ? would not the strongest , harted man ( beset with such a ghastly horror ) looke wilde ? and runne madde ? and die ? and euen such a formidable shape did the diseased citie appeare in : for he that durst ( in the dead houre of gloomy midnight ) haue bene so valiant , as to haue walkt through the still and melancholy stréets , what thinke you should haue bene his musicke ? surely the loude grones of rauing sicke men : the strugling panges of soules departing : in euery house griefe striking vp an allarum : seruants crying out for maisters : wiues for husbands , parents for children , children for their mothers : here he should haue met some frantickly running to knock vp sextons ; there , others fearfully sweating with coffins , to steale forth dead bodies , least the fatall hand-writing of death should seale vp their doores . and to make this dismall consort more full , round about him bells heauily folling in one place , and ringing out in another : the dreadfulnesse of such an houre , is in vtterable : let vs goe further . if some poore man , suddeinly starting out of a swéete and golden slumber , should behold his house flaming about his eares , all his family destroied in their sléepes by the mercilesse fire ; himselfe in the very midst of it , wofully and like a madde man calling for helpe : would not the misery of such a distressed soule , appeare the greater , if the rich usurer dwelling next doore to him , should not stirre , ( though he felt part of the danger ) but suffer him to perish , when the thrusting out of an arme might haue saued him ? o how many thousands of wretched people ha●e acted this poore mans part ? how often hath the amazed husband waking , ●ound the comfort of his bedde lying breathlesse by his side ! his children at the same instant gasping for life ! and his seruants mortally wounded at the hart by sicknes ! the distracted creature , beats at death doores , exclaimes at windowes , his cries are sharp inough to pierce heauen , but on earth no ●are is opend to receiue them . and in this maner do the tedious minutes of the night stretch out the sorrowes of ten thousand : it is now day , let vs looke forth and try what consolation rizes with the sun : not any , not any : for before the iewell o● the morning be fully set in siluer , hundred hungry graues stand gaping , and euery one of them ( as at a breakfast ) hath swallowed downe ten or eleuen liuelesse carcases : before dinner , in the same gul●e are twice so many more deuoured : and before the sun takes his rest , those numbers are doubled : thréescore that not many houres before had euery one seuerall lodgi●gs very delicately furnisht , are now thrust altogether into one close roome : a litie noisome roome : not fully ten foote square . doth not this strike coldly to y e hart of a worldly mizer ? to some , the very sound of deaths name , is in stead of a passing-bell : what shall become of such a coward , being told that the selfe●same bodie of his , which now is so pampered with superfluous fare , so per●umed and bathed in odoriferous waters , and so gaily apparelled in varietie of fashiōs , must one day be throwne ( like stinking carion ) into a rank & rotten graue ; where his goodly eies , y ● did once shoote foorth such amorous gla●ces , must be beaten out of his head : his lockes that hang wantonly dangling , troden in durt vnder-foote : this doubtlesse ( like thunder ) must néeds strike him into the earth . but ( wretched man ! ) when thou shalt sée , and be assured ( by tokens sent thée from heauen ) that to morrow thou must be tumbled into a mucke-pit , and s●ffer thy body to be bruisde and prest with thréescore dead men , lying ●louenly vpon thée , and thou to be vndermost of all ! yea and perhaps halfe of that number were thine enemies ! ( and sée howe they may be reuenged , for the wormes that bréed out of their putrifying carkasses , shall crawle in huge swarmes from them , and quite deuoure thée ) what agonies will this strange newes driue thée into ? if thou art in loue with thy selfe , this cannot choose but possesse thée with frenzie . but thou art gotten safe ( out of the ciuill citie calamitie ) to thy parkes and pallaces in the country , lading thy asses and thy mules with thy gold , ( thy god ) , thy plate , and thy iewels : and the fruites of thy wombe thriftily growing vp but in one onely sonne , ( the young landlord of all thy carefull labours ) him also hast thou rescued from the arrowes of infection ; now is thy soule iocund , and thy sences merry . but open thine eyes thou foole and behold that darling of thine eye , ( thy sonne ) turnd suddeinly into a lumpe of clay ; the hand of pestilence hath smote him euen vnder thy wing : now doest thou rent thine haire , blaspheme thy creator , cursest thy creation , and basely descendest into bruitish & vnmanly passions , threatning in despite of death & his plague , to maintaine the memory of thy childe , in the euerlasting brest of marble : a tombe must now defen● him from tempests : and for that purpose , the swetty hinde ( that digs the rent he paies thée out of the entrailes of the earth ) he is sent for , to conuey foorth that burden of thy sorrow : but no●e how thy pride is disdained : that weather-beaten sun-burnt drudge , that not a month since fawnd vpon thy worship like a spaniell , and like a bond-slaue , would haue stoopt lower than thy féete , does now stoppe his nose at thy presence , and is readie to set his mastiue as hye as thy throate , to driue thée from his doore : all thy golde and siluer cannot hire one of those ( whom before thou didst scorne ) to carry the dead body to his last home : the country round about thee shun thée , as a basiliske , and therefore to london ( from whose armes thou cowardly fledst away ( poast vpon poast must be galloping , to fetch from thence those that may performe that funerall office : but there are they so full of graue-matters of their owne , that they haue no leisure to attend thine : doth not this cut thy very heart-strings in sunder ? if that doe not , the shutting vp of the tragicall act , i am sure will : for thou must be inforced with thine owne handes , to winde vp ( that blasted flower of youth ( in the last linnen , that euer he shall weare : vpon thine owne shoulders must thou beare part of him , thy amazed seruant the other : with thine owne hands must thou dig his graue , ( not in the church , or common place of buriall , ) thou hast not fauour ( for all thy riches ) to be so happie , ) but in thine orcharde , or in the proude walkes of thy garden , wringing thy palsie-shaking hands in stead of belles , ( most miserable father ) must thou search him out a sepulcher . my spirit growes faint with rowing in this stygian ferry , it can no longer endure the transportation of soules in this dolefull manner : let vs therefore shift a point of our compasse , and ( since there is no remedie , but that we must still bée tost vp and downe in this mare mortuum ) hoist vp all our sailes , and on the merry winges of a lustier winde séeke to arriue on some prosperous shoare . imagine then that all this while , death ( like a spanish leagar , or rather like stalking tamberlaine ) hath pitcht his tents , ( being nothing but a heape of winding shéetes tackt together ) in the sinfully-polluted suburbes : the plague is muster-maister and marshall of the field : burning feauers , boyles , blaines , and carbuncles , the leaders , lieutenants , serieants , and corporalls : the maine army consisting ( like dunkirke ) of a mingle-mangle , viz. dumpish mourners , merry sextons , hungry coffin-sellers , scrubbing bearers , and nastie graue-makers : but indéed they are the pioners of the campe , that are imployed onely ( like moles ) in casting vp of earth and digging of trenches ; feare and trembling ( the two catch-polles of death ) arrest euery one : no parley will be graunted , no composition stood vpon , but the allarum is strucke vp , the toxin ringes out for life , and no voyce heard but tue , tue , kill , kill ; the little belles onely ( like small shot ) d●e yet go● off , and make no great worke for wormes , a hundred or two l●st in euery skirmish , or so : but alas that 's nothing : yet by those desperat sallies , what by open setting vpon them by day , and secret ambuscadoes by night , the skirts of london were pittifully pared off , by litle and litle : which they within the gates perceiuing , it was no bo●t to bid them take their héeles , for away they trudge thick and thréefold ; some riding , some on foote : some without bootes , some in their slippers , by water , by land , in shoales swo● they west-ward , mary to grauesend none went vnlesse they be driuen , for whosoeuer landed there neuer came back again : hacknies , water-men & wagon● , were not so terribly imployed many a yeare ; so that within a short time , there was not a good horse in smith-field , nor a coach to be set eye on . for after the world had once run vpon the whéeles of the pest-cart , neither coach nor caroach durst appeare in his likenesse . let vs pursue these runnawayes no longer , but leaue them in the vnmercifull hands of the country-hard-hearted hobbinolls , ( who are ordaind to be their tormentors , ) and returne backe to the stege of the citie ; for the enemie taking aduantage by their ●●ight , planted his ordinance against the walls ; here the canons ( like their great bells ) roard : the plague tooke sore paines for a breach ; he laid about him cruelly , ere he could get it , but at length he and his tiranous band entred : his purple colour● were presently ( with the sound of bow-bell in stead of a trompet ) aduanced , and ioynd to the standard o● the citie ; he marcht euen thorow cheapside , and the capitall stréets of troynouant : the only bl●t of dishonor that struck vpon this inuader , being this , that he● plaid● the tyrant , not the conqueror , making ha●ocke of all , when h● had all lying at the foote of his mercy . men , women & children dropt downe before him : houses were ri●led , stréetes 〈◊〉 , beautifull maidens throwne on their beds , and rauisht by sicknes : rich mens cofers broken open , and shared amongst prodigall heires and vnthri●tie seruants : poore men vsde poorely , but not pittifully : he did very much hurt , yet some say he did very much good . howsoeuer he behaued himselfe , this intelligence runs currant , that euery house lookte like s. bartholmewes hospitall , and euery stréete like bucklersbury , for poore methrid●tum and dragon-water ( being both of them in all the world , scarce worth thrée-pence ) were ●oxt in euery corner , and yet were both drunk● euery houre at other mens cost . lazarus laie groning at euery mans doore , mary no diues was within to send him a cru● , ( for all your gold-●●nches were fled to the woods ) nor a dogge left 〈◊〉 licke vp his sores , for they ( like curres ) were knockt downe like oxen , and fell thicker then acornes . i am amazed to remember what dead marches were made of thrée thousand trooping together ; husbands , wiues & children , being led as ordinarily to one graue , as if they had gone to one bed . and those that ●ould shift for a time , and shrink their heads out of the collar ( as many did ) yet went they ( most bitterly ) miching and muffled vp & downe with rue and wormewood ●●utt into their ●ares and nosthrils , looking like so many bores heads stuck with branches of rosemary , to be serued in for brawne at christmas . this was a rare worlde for the church , who had wont to complaine for want of liuing , and now had more liuing thrust vpon her , than she knew how to bestow : to haue bene clarke now to a parish clarke , was better then to serue some foolish iustic● of peace , or than the yeare before to haue had a bene●ice . sextons gaue out , if they might ( as they hoped ) continue these doings but a tweluemoneth longer , they and their posteritie would all ryde vppon footecloathes to the ende of the world . amongst which worme-eaten generation , the thrée bald sextons of limpi●g saint gyles , saint sepulchres , and saint olaues , rulde the roaste more hotly , than euer did the triumuiri of rome ▪ iehochanan , symeon , and eleazar , neuer kept such a plaguy coyle in ierusalem among the hunger-starued iewes , as these thrée sharkers did in their parishes among naked christians . cursed they were i am sure by some to the pitte of hell , for tearing money out of their throates , that had not a crosse in their purses . but alas● they must haue it , it is their fee , and therefore giue the diuell his due : onely hearbe-wiues and gardeners ( that neuer prayed before , vnlesse it were for raine or faire weather , were now day and night vppon their marybones , that god would blesse the labors of those mole-catchers , because they sucke sweetnesse by this ; for the price of ●low●rs , hearbes and garlands , rose wonderfully , in so much that rosemary which had wont to be sold for 12. pence an armefull , went now for six shillings a handfull . a fourth sharer likewise ( these winding-shéete-weauers ) deserues to haue my penne giue his lippes a iewes letter , but because he worships the bakers good lord & maister , charitable s. clement ( whereas none of the other thrée euer had to do with any saint ) he shall scape the better ▪ only let him take heede , that hauing all this yeare buried his praiers in the bellies of fat ones , and plump capon-eaters , ( for no worse meat would downe this bly-foxes stomach ) let him i say take héee least ( his flesh now falling away , his carcas be not plagude with leane ones , of whom ( whilst the ●ill of lord haue mercy vpon vs , was to be denied in no place ) it was death for him to heare . in this pittifull ( or rather pittilesse ) perplexitie stood london ; forsaken like a louer , forlorne like a widow , and disarmde of all comfort : disarmde i may well say , for fiue rapiers were not stirring all this time , and those that were worne , had neuer bin séene , if any money could haue bene lent vpon them , so hungry is the estridge disease , that it will ●euoure euen iron : let vs therefore with bag & baggage march away from this dangerous sore citie , and visit those that are fled into the country . but alas ! decidis in scyllam , you are pepperd if you visit them , for they are visited alreadie : the broad arrow of death , flies there vp & downe , as swiftly as it doth here : they that rode on the lust●est geldings , could not out-gallop the plague , it ouer-tooke them , and ouerturnd them too , horse and foote . you whom the arrowes of pestilence haue reache at eightéen and twenty score ( tho you stood far enough as you thought frō the marke ( you that sickning in the hie way , would haue bene glad of a bed in an hospitall , and dying in the open fieldes , haue bene buried like dogs , how much better had it bin for you , to haue ly●●●uller of byles & plague-sores than euer did iob , so you might in that extremity haue receiued both bodily & spiritual comfort , which there was denied you ? for those misbeléeuing pagans , the plough-driuers , those worse then infidels , that ( like their ▪ swine neuer looke vp so high as heauen : when citizens boorded them they wrung their hands , and wisht rather they had falne into the hands of spaniards : for the sight of a flat-cap was more dreadfull to a lob , then the discharging of a caliuer : a treble-ruffe ( being but once named the merchants set ) had power to cast a whole houshold into a cold sweat . if one new suite of sackcloth had béene but knowne to haue come out of burchin-lane ( being the common wardrope for all their clowne-ships ) it had béene enough to make a market towne giue vp the ghost . a crow that had béene séene in a sunne-shine day , standing on the top of powles , would haue béene better than a beacon on sire , to hau● raizd all the townes within ten miles of london , for the kéeping her out . neuer let any man aske me what became of our phisitions in this massacre , they hid their synodicall heads aswell as the prowdest : and i cannot blame them , for their phlebotomies , lo●inges , and electuaries , with their di●catholicons , diacodions , amulets , and antidotes , had not so much strength to hold life and soule together , as a pot of pinders ale and a nutmeg : their drugs turned to durst , their simples where simple things : galen could do no more good , than sir giles goosecap : hipocrates , auicen , paraselsus , rasis , fernelius , with all their succéeding rabble of doctors and water-casters , were at their wite end , or i thinke rather at the worlds end , for no● one of them durst péepe abroad ; or if any one did take vpon him to play the ventrous knight , the plague pu● him to his nonpl●s ; in such strange , and such changeable shapes did this camel●onlike si●k●es appeare , that they could not ( with all the cunning in their budgets ) make pursen●ts to take him napping . onely a band of desper-vewes , some fewe empiricall mad-caps ( for they could neuer be worth veluet caps ) tu●ned themselues into bées ( or more properly into drones ) and went humming vp and downe , with hony-brags in their mouthes , sucking the swéetnes of siluer ( and now and then of aurum potabile ) out of the poison of blaines and carbuncles : and these iolly mountibanks clapt vp their bils vpon euery po●t ( like a fencers challenge ) threatning to canuas the plague , and to ●●ght with him at all his owne seuerall weapons : i know not how they sped , but some they sped i am sure , for i haue heard ●hem band for the heauens , because they sent those thither , that were wisht to tarry longer vpon earth . i could in this place make your chéekes looke pale , and your hearts shake , with telling how some haue had 18 ▪ sores at one time running vpon them , others 10. and 12. many 4. and 5. and how those that haue bin foure times wounded by this yeares infection , haue dyed of the last wound , whilst others ( that wer● hurt as often ) goe vp and downe now with sounder limmes , then many that come out of france , and the nether-lands . and descending from these , i could draw forth a catalogue of many poore wretches , that in fieldes , in ditches , in common cages , and vnder stalls ( being either thrust by cruell maister● out of doores , or wanting all worldly succour but the common benefit of earth and aire ) haue most miserably perished . but to chronicle these would weary a second fabian . we will therefore play the souldiers , who at the end of any notable battaile , with a kind of sad delight rehearse the memorable acts of their friends that lye mangled before them : some shewing how brauely they gaue the onset : some , how politickly they retirde : others , how manfully they gaue and receiued wounds : a fourth steps forth , and glories how valiantly hée lost an arme : all of them making ( by this meanes ) the remembrance euen of tragicall and mischieuous euents very delectable . let vs striue to do so , discoursing ( as it were at the end of this mortall stege of the plague ) of the seuerall most worthy accidents , and strange birthes which this pestiferous yeare hath brought ●oorthsome of them yéelding comicall and ridiculous stuffe , others lamentable : a third kind , vpholding rather admiration , then laughter or pittie . as first , to rellish the pallat of lickerish expectation , and withall to giue an item how sudden a stabber this ruffianly swaggerer ( death ) is , you must belée●e , that amongst all the weary number of those that ( on their bare féete ) haue trauaild ( in this long and heauie vocation ) to the holy-land , one ( whose name i could for néede bestow vpon you ) but that i know you haue no néed of it , tho many want a good name ) lying in that cōmon inn● of sick-men , his bed , & séeing the black & blew stripes of the plague sticking on his flesh , which he receiued as tokens ( from heauen ) that he was presently to goe dwell in the vpper world , most earnestly requested , and in a manner coniured his friend ( who came to enterchange a last farewell ) that hée would see him goe handsomely attirde into the wild irish countrey of wormes , and for that purpose to bestow a coffin vpon him : his friend louing him ( not because he was poore ( yet he was poore ) but because hee was a scholler : alack that the west indies stand so farre from uniuersities ! and that a minde richly apparelled should haue a thréed-bare body ! ) made faithfull promise to him , that he should be naild vp , he would boord him , and for that purpose went instantly to one of the new-found trade of coffin-cutters , bespake one , and ( like the surueyour of deaths buildings ) gaue direction how this little tenement should be framed , paying all the rent for it before hand . but note vpon what slippery ground , life goes ! l●ttle did he thinke to dwell in that roome himselfe which he had taken for his friend : yet it seemed the common law of mortalitie had so decréede , for hée was cald into the colde companie of his gra●e neighbours an houre before his infected friend , and had a long lease ( euen till doomes day ) in the same lodging , which in the strength of health he went to prepare for another . what credit therefore is to be giuen to breath , which like an harlot will runne away with euery minute . how nimble is sickenesse , and what skill hath he in all the weapons he playes withall ? the greatest cutter that takes vp the mediterranean i le in powles for his gallery to walke in , cannot ward off his blowes . hée s the best fencer in the world : vincentio sauiolo is no body to him : he has his mandrit●aes , imbrocataes , stramazones , and s●occataes at his ●ingers ends : hee le make you giue him ground , though y● were neuer worth foote of land , and beat you out of breath , though aeolus himselfe plai● vpō your wind-pipe . to witnes which , i will call forth a dutch-man ( yet now hée s past calling for , has lost his hearing , for his eares by this time are eaten off with wormes ) who ( though hée dwell in bedlem ) was not mad , yet the very lookes of the plague ( which indéed are terrible ) put him almost out of his wits , for when the snares of this cunning hunter ( the pestilence ) were but newly . layd , and yet layd ( as my dutch-man semlt it out well enough ) to intrap poore mens liues that meant him no hurt , away sneakes my clipper of the kings english , and ( because musket-shot should not reach him ) to the low-countries ( that are built vpon butter●irkins , and holland chéese ) sailes this plaguie fugitiue , but death , ( who hath more authoritie there than all the seauen electors , and to shew him that there were other low-countrey besides his owne ) takes a little frokin ( one of my dutch runnawayes children ) and sends her packing , into those netherlands shée departed : o how pitifully lookt my burgomaister , when he vnderstood that the sicknes could swim ! it was an easie matter to scape the donkirks , but deaths gallyes made out after him swifter then the great turkes . which he perceiuing , made no more adoo , but drunke to the states fiue or sixe healths ( because he would be sure to liue well ) and backe againe comes he , to try the strength of english béere : his old randeuous of mad-men was the place of meeting , where he was no sooner arriued , but the plague had him by the backe , and arrested him vpon an exeat regnum , ●or running to the enemie , so that for the mad tricks he plaid to cozen our english wormes of his dutch carkas ( which had béene fatted héere ) sicknesse and death clapt him vp in bedlem the second time , and there he lyes , and there he shall lye till he rot before i le meddle any more of with him . but being gotten out of bedlem , let vs make a iourney to bristow , taking an honest knowne citizen along with vs , who with other company trauailing thither ( onely for feare the aire of london should conspire to poison him ) and setting vp his rest not to heare the sound of bow-bell till next christmas , was notwithstanding in the hye way singled out from his company , and set vpon by the plague , who had him stand , and deliuer his life . the rest at that word shifted for themselues , and went on , hée ( amazed to sée his friends flye , and being not able to defend himselfe , for who can defend himselfe meeting such an enemy ? ) yéelded , and being but about fortie miles from london , vsed all the slights he could to get loose out of the handes of death , and so to hide himselfe in his owne house , whereupon , he calld for help at the same inne , where not long before he and his fellowe pilgrimes obtained for their money ( mary yet with more prayers then a beggar makes in thrée termes ) to stand and drinke some thirtie foote from the doore . to this house of tipling iniquitie hée repaires againe , coniuring the lares or walking sprites in it , if it were christmas ( that it was well put in ) and in the name of god , to succor and rescue him to their power out of the handes of infection , which now assaulted his body : the diuell would haue bene afraid of this coniuration , but they were not , yet afraid they were it séemed , for presently the doores had their woodden ribs crusht in pieces , by being beat●n together : the casements were shut more close than an usurers greasie veluet powch : the drawing windowes were hangd , drawne , and quartred : not a creuis but was stopt , not a mouse-hole left open , for all the holes in the house were most wickedly dambd vp : mine hoste and hostesse ranne ouer one another into the backe-side , the maydes into the orchard , quiuering and quaking , and ready to hang themselues on the innocent plumb trées ( for hanging to them would not be so sore a death as the plague , and to die maides too ! o horrible ! ) as for the tapster , he fled into the cellar , rapping out fiue or sixe plaine countrey oathes , that hée would drowne himselfe in a most villanous stand of ale , if the sicke londoner stoode at the doore any longer . but stand there he must , for to go away ( well ) he cannot , but continues knocking and calling in a faint voyce , which in their eares sounded , as if some staring ghost in a tragedie had exclaimd vpon rhadamanth : he might knocke till his hands akte , and call till his heart akte for they were in a worse pickle within , then hée was without : hée being in a good way to go to heauen , they being so frighted , that they scarce knew whereabout heauen stoode , onely they all cryed out , lord haue mercie vpon vs , yet lord haue mercy vpon vs was the only thing they feared . the dolefull catastrophe of all is , a bed could not be had for all babilon : not a cup of drinke , no , nor cold water be gotten , though it had 〈◊〉 or alexander the great : 〈◊〉 a draught of aqua●v●tae might haue saued his soule , the towne denyed to do god that good seruice . what miserie continues euer ? the poore man standing thu● at deaths doore , and looking euery minute when he should bee let in , behold , another londoner that had likewise bene in the frigida zona of the countrey , and was returning ( like aeneas out of hell ) to the heauen of his owne home , makes a stand at this sight , to play the physition , and seeing by the complexion of his patient that he was sicke at heart , applies to his soule the best medicines that his comforting spéech could make , for there dwell no poticary néere enough to helpe his body . being therefore driuen out of all other shi●tes , he leads him into a field ( a bundle of stawe , which with much adoe he bought for money , seruing in stead of a pillow . ) but the destinies hearing the diseased partie complaine and take on , because hée lay in a field●bedde , when before hee would haue beene glad of a mattresse , for very spight cut the threade of his life , the crueltie of which déede made the other that playd charities part ) at his wittes end , because hée knew not where to purchase tenne foote of ground for his graue : the church nor churchyard would let none of their lands . maister uiear was strucke dumbe , and could not giue the dead a good word , neither clarke nor sexton could be hired to execute their office ; no , they themselues would first be executed : so that he that neuer handled shouell before , got his implements about him , ripped vp the belly of the earth , and made it like a graue , stript the colde carcasse , bound his shirt about his téete , pulled a linnen night cappe ouer his eyes , and so layde him in the rotten bedde of the earth , couering him with cloathes cut out of the same piece : and learning by his last words his name and habitation , this sad trauailer arriues at london , deliuering to the amazed widdow and children , in stead of a father and a husband , onely the out-side of him , his apparell . but by the way note one ●hing , the bringer of these heauy tydings ( as if he had liued long enough when so excellent a worke of pietie and pittie was by him finished ) the very next day after his comming home , d●parted out of this world , to receiue his reward in the spirituall court of heauen . it is plaine therefore by the euidence of these two witnesses , that death , like a thiefe , sets vpon men in the hie way , dogs them into their owne houses , breakes into their bed chambers by night , assaults them by day , and yet no law can take hold of him : he deuoures man and wife : offers violence to their faire daughters : kils their youthf●ll sonnes , and deceiues them of their seruants : yea , so full of trecherie is he growne ( since this plague tooke his part ) that no louers dare trust him , nor by their good wils would come neare him , for he workes their downfall , euen when their delights are at the highest . too ripe a proofe haue we of this , in a paire of louers ; the maide was in the pride of fresh bloud and beautie : she was that which to be now is a wonder , yong and yet chaste : the gifts of her mind were great , yet those which fortune bestowed vpon her ( as being well descended ) were not much inferiour : on this louely creature did a yong man so stedfastly ●ixe his eye , that her lookes kindled in his bosome a desire , whose ●●ames burnt the more brightly , because they were fed with swéet and modest thoughts : hymen was the god to whome he prayed day and night that he might marry her : his praiers were receiued , at length ( after many tempests of her deniall , and frownes of kinsfolk ) the element grew cléere , & he saw y e happy landing place , where he had long sought to ariue : the prize of her youth was made his own , and the solemne day appointed when it should be deliuered to him . glad of which blessednes ( for to a louer it is a blessednes ) he wrought by all the possible art he could vse to shorten the expected houre , and bring it néerer : for , whether he feared the interception of parents , or that his owne soule , with excesse of ioy , was drowned in strange passions , he would often , with sighs mingled with kisses , and kisses halfe sinking in ●eares , prophetically tell her , that sure he should neuer liue to enioy her . to discredit which opinion of his , behold , the sunne had made hast and wakened the bridale morning . now does he call his heart traitour , that did so ●alsly conspire against him : liuely bloud leapeth into his chéekes : hee s got vp , and gaily attirde to play the bridegroome , shée likewise does as cunningly turne her selfe into a bride : kindred and friends are mette together , soppes and muscadine run sweating vp and downe till they drop againe , to comfort their hearts , and beca●se so many coffins pestred london churches , that there was no roome left for weddings , coaches are prouided , and away rides all the traine into the countrey . on a monday morning are these lustie louers on their iourney , and before noone are they alighted , entring ( insteade of an inne ) for more state into a church , where they no sooner appeared , but the priest fell to his busines , the holy knot was a tying , but he that should fasten it , comming to this , in sickenesse and in health , there he stopt , for sodainly the bride tooke holde of , in sicknes , for in health all that stoode by were in feare shee should neuer be kept . the maiden-blush into which her chéekes were lately died , now beganne to loose colour : h●r voyce ( like a coward ) would haue shrunke away , but that her louer reaching her a hand , which he brought thither to giue her , ( for hée was not yet made a full husband ) did with that touch somewhat reuiue her : on went they againe so farre , till they mette with for better , for worse , there was she worse than before , and had not the holy officer made haste , the ground on which shée stood to be marryed might easily haue béene broken vp for her buryall . all ceremonies being finished , she was ledde betwéene two , not like a bride , but rather like a coarse , to her bed : that ; must now be the table , on which the wedding dinner is to be serued vppe ( being at this time , nothing but teares , and sighes , and lamentation ) and death is chiefe waiter , yet at lenght her weake heart wrastling with the pangs , gaue them a fall , so that vp shée stoode againe , and in the fatall funerall ▪ coach that carried her forth , was she brought back ( as vpon a béere ) to the citie : but sée the malice of her enemy that had her in chase , vpon the wensday following being ouertaken , was her life ouercome , death rudely lay with her , and spoild her of a maiden head in spite of her husband . oh the sorrow that did round beset him ! now was his diuination true , she was a wife , yet continued a maide : he was a husband and a widdower , yet neuer knew his wife : she was his owne , yet he had her not : she had him , yet neuer enioyed him : héere is a strange alteration , for the rosemary that was washt in swéete water to set out the bridall , is now wet in teares to furnish her buriall : the musike that was heard to sound forth dances , can not now he heard for the ringing of belles : all the comfort that happened to either side being this , that he lost her , before she had time to be an ill wife , and she left him , ere he was able to be a bad husband . better fortune had this bride , to fall into the handes of the plague , then one other of that fraile female sex , ( whose picture is next to be drawne ) had so scape out of them . an honest cobler ( if at least coblers can be honest , that liue altogether amongest wicked soales ) had a wife , who in the time of health treading her shooe often away , determined in the agony of a sicknesse ( which this yeare had a saying to her ) to fall to mending aswell as her husband did . the bed that she lay vpon ( being as she thought or rather feared ) the last bed that euer should beare her , ( for many other beds had bo●ne her you must remember ) and the worme of sinne tickling ▪ her conscience , vp she calls her very innocent and simple husband out of his vertuous shoppe , where like iustice he sat distributing amongst the poore , to some , halfe-penny peeces , penny péeces to some , and two-penny peeces to others , so long as they would last , his prouident care being alway , that euery man and woman should goe vpright . to the beds side of his plaguy wire approacheth monsieur cobler , to vnderstand what deadly newes she had to tell him , and the rest of his kinde neighbours that there were assembled : such thicke teares standing in both the gutters of his 〈◊〉 , to sée his beloued lie in such a pickle , that in their salt water , all his vtterance was drownd : which she perceiuing , wept as fast as he : but by the warme counsell that sat about the bed , the shower ceast , she wiping her chéekes with the corner of one of the shéetes : and he , his sullie● face , with his leatherne apron . at last , two or thrée sighes ( like a chorus to the tragedy ensuing ) stepping out first , wringing her handes ( which gaue the better action ) shée told the pittifull actaeon her husband , that she had often done him wrong : hee onely shooke his head at this , and cried humh ! which humh , she taking as the watch-word of his true patience , vnraueld the bottome of her frailetie at length , and concluded , that with such a man ( and named him , but i hope you would not haue me follow her steppes and name him too ) she practised the vniuersall & common art of grafting , and that vpon her good mans head , they two had planted a monstrous paire of inuisible hornes : at the sound of the hornes , my cobler started vppe like a march hare , and began to looke wilde : his awle neuer ranne through the sides of a boote , as that word did through his heart : but being a polliticke cobler , and remembring what péece of worke he was to vnder-lay , stroking his beard , like some graue headborough of the parish , and giuing a nodde , as who should say , goe on , bade her goe on indéed , clapping to her sore soule , this generall salue , that all are sinnes , and we must forgiue , &c. for hée hoped by such wholesome phisicke , ( as shooemakers waxe being laide to a byle ) to draw out all the corruption of her secret villanies . she good heart being tickled vnder gilles , with the finger of these kind spéeches , turnes vp the white of her eye , and fetches out an other . an other , o thou that art trained vp in nothing but to handle péeces : ) another hath discharged his artillery against thy castle of fortification : here was pass●on predominant : vulcan strooke the coblers ghost ( for he was now no cobler ) so hardy vpon his breast , that he cryed oh! his neighbours taking pitte to sée what terrible stitches pulld him , rubde his swelling temples with the iuice of patience , which ( by vertue of the blackish sweate that stoode reaking on his browes , and had made them supple ) entred very easily into his now-parlous-vnderstanding scull : so that he left wenching , and sate quiet as a lamb , falling to his old vomite of councell , which he had cast vp before , and swearing ( because he was in strong hope , this shoo should wring him no more ) to seale her a generall acquittance , prick● forward with this gentle spur , her tongue mends his pace , so that in her confession shée ouertooke others , whose po●tes had béene set all night on the coblers laast , bestowing vppon him the poe sie of their names , the time , and place , to thin tent it might be put in to his next wifes wedding ring . and although shée had made all these blots in his tables , yet the bearing of one man false ( whom she had not yet discouered ) stucke more in her stomacke than all the rest , o valiant cobler , cries out one of the auditors , how art thou set vpon ? how are thou tempted ? happy arte thou , that thou art not in thy shop , for in stead of cutting out péeces of leather , thou wouldst doubtlesse now pare away thy hart : for i sée , and so do all thy neighbours here ( thy wife 's ghostly fathers ) sée that a small matter would now cause thée turne turk , & to meddle with no more patches : but to liue within the compasse of thy wit : lift not vp thy collar : be not horne mad : thanke heauen that the murther is reueald : study thou baltazars part in ieronimo , for thou hast more cause ( though lesse reason ) than he , to be glad and sad . well , i sée thou art worthy to haue patient griseld to thy wife , for thou bearest more than she : thou shewst thy selfe to be a right cobler , and no sowter , that canst thus cleanely clowt vp the seam-rent sides of thy affection . with this learned oration the cobler was tutord : layd his singer on his mouth , and cried paucos palabros : he had sealed her pardon , and therefore bid her not feare : héervpon he named the malefactor , i could name him too , but that he shall liue to giue more coblers heads the bastinado . and told , that on such a night when he supt there ( for a lord may sup with a clobler , that hath a pretty wench to his wife ) when the cloth , o treachero●s linnen ! was taken vp , and menelaus had for a parting blow , giuen the other his fist : downe she lights ( this half-sharer ) opening the wicket , but not shutting him out of the wicket , but conu●is him into a byroom ( being the wardrob of old shooes and leather ) from whence the vnicorne cobler ( that dream● of no such spirits ) being ouer head and eares in sléepe , his snorting giuing the signe that he was cock-sure , softly out-steales sir paris , and to helenaes téeth prooued himselfe a true troian . this was the creame of her confusion , which being skimd off from the stomach of her conscience , we looked euery minute to goe thither , where we should be farre enough out of the coblers reach . but the fates laying their heades together , s●nt a repriue , the plague that before meant to p●pper her , by little and little left her company : which newes being blowne abro●d , oh lamentable ! neuer did the olde buskind tragedy beginne till now : for the wiues of those husbands , with whom she had playd at fast and loose , came with nayles sharpened for the nonce , like cattes , and tongues forkedly cut like the stings of adders , fi●st to scratch out false cressidaes eyes , and then ( which was worse ) to worry her to dath with scolding . but the matter was tooke vp in a tauerne ; the case was altered , and brought to a new reckoning ( mary the blood of the burdeaux grape was first shead about it ) but in the end , all anger on euery side was powred into a pottle pot , & there burnt to death . now whether this recantation was true , or whether the stéeme of infection , fuming vp ( like wine ) into her braines , made her talke thus idlely , i leaue it to the iury. and whilst they are canuasing her case , let vs sée what dooings the sexton of stepney hath : whose ware-houses being all full of dead commodities , sauing one : that one hée left open a whole night ( yet was it halfe full too ) knowing y ● théeues this yeare were too honest to break into such cellers . besides those that were left there , had such plaguy pates , that none durst meddle with them for their liues . about twelue of the clock at midnight , when spirites walke , and not a mowse dare stirre , because cattes goe a catter-walling : sinne , that all day durst not shew his head , came réeling out of an ale-house , in the shape of a drunkard , who no sooner smelt the winde , but he thought the ground vnder him danced the canaries : houses séemed to turne on the toe , and all things went round : insomuch , that his legges drew a paire or indentures , betwéene his body and the earth , the principal couenant being , that he for his part would stand to nothing what euer he saw : euery trée that came in his way , did he iustle , and yet chalenge it the next day to fight with him . if he had clipt but a quarter so much of the kings siluer , as he did of the kings english , his carkas had long ere this bene carrion for crowes . but , he liued by gaming , and had excellent casting , yet seldome won , for he drew reasonable good hands , but had very bad feete , that were not able to carry it away . this setter vp of malt-men , being troubled with the staggers , fell into the selfe-same graue , that stood gaping wide open for a breakfast next morning , and imagining ( when he was in ) that he had stumbled into his owne house , and that all his bedfellowes ( as they were indéede ) were in their dead sléepe , he , ( neuer complaining of colde , nor calling for more shéete ) soundly takes a nap til he snores again : in the morning the sexton comes plodding along , and casting vpon his fingers ends what he hopes y e dead pay of that day will come too , by that that which he receiued the day before , ( for sextons now had better doings than either tauernes or bawdy-houses ) in that siluer contemplation , shrugging his shoulders together , he steppes ere he be aware on the brimmes of that pit , into which this worshipper of bacchus was falne , where finding some dead mens bones , and a scull or two , that laie scattered here and there ; before he lookt into this coffer of wormes , those he takes vp , and flinges them in : one of the sculls battered the sconce of the sléeper , whilst the bones plaide with his nose ; whose blowes waking his mustie worship , the first word that he cast vp , was an oath , and thinking the cannes had flyen about , cryed zoundes , what do you meane to cracke my mazer ? the sexton smelling a voice , ( feare being stronger than his heart ) beléeued verily some of the coarses spake to him , vpon which , féeling himselfe in a cold sweat , tooke his héeles , whilst the goblin scram●led vp and ranne after him : but it appeares the sexton had the lighter foote , for he ran so fast , that hee ranne out of his wittes , which being left behinde him , he had like to haue dyed presently after . a meryer bargaine than the poore sextons did a tincker méete withall in a countrey towne ; through which a citizen of london being driuen ( to kéepe himselfe vnder the léeshore in this tempest●ous contagion ) and casting vp his eye for some harbour , spied a bush at the ende of a pole , ( the auncient ●adge of a countrey ale-house : ) into which as good lucke was , ( without any resistance of the barbarians , that all this yeare vsed to kéepe such landing places ) veiling his bonnet , he strucke in . the host had bene a mad greeke , ( mary he could now speake nothing but english , ) a goodly fat burger he was , with a belly arching out like a béere-barrell , which made his legges ( that were thicke & short , like two piles driuen vnder london-bridge ) to stradle halfe as wide as the toppe of powles , which vpon my knowledge hath bene burnt twice or thrice . a leatherne pouch hung at his side , that opened and shut with a snap-hance , and was indéed a flaske for gun-powder when king henry went to bulloigne . an antiquary might haue pickt rare matter but of his nose , but that it was worme-eaten ( yet that proued it to be an auncient nose : ) in some corners of it , there were blewish holes that shone like shelles of mother of pearle , and to too his nose right , pearles had bene gathered out of them : other were richly garnisht with rubies , chrisolites and car●unckles , which glistered so oriently , that the hamburgers offered i know not how many dollars , for his companie in an east-indian voyage , to haue stoode a nightes in the poope of their admirall , onely to saue the charges of candles . in conclusion , he was an host to be ledde before an emperour , and though he were o●e of the greatest men in all the shire , his bignes made him not proude , but he humbled himselfe to speake the base language of a tapster , and vppon the londoners first arriuall , cryed welcome , a cloth for this gentleman : the linnen was spread , and furnisht presently with a new cake and a can , the roome voided , and the guest left ( like a french lord ) attended by no bodie : who drinking halfe a can ( in conceit ) to the health of his best friend in the citie , which laie extreame ●icke , and had neuer more néed● of health , i knowe not what qualmes came ouer his stomach , but immediately he fell downe without vttering any more wordes , and neuer rose againe . anon ( as it was his fashion ) enters my puffing host , to relieue with a fresh supply out of his celler , ) the shrinking can , if hée perceiued it stoode in daunger to be ouerthrowne . but séeing the chiefe leader dropt at his féete , and imagining at first hée was but wounded a little in the head , held vp his gowty golles and blest himselfe , that a londoner ( who had wont to be the most valiant rob-pots ) should now be strooke downe only with two hoopes : and therevpon iogd him , fombling out these comfortable words of a souldier , if thou be a man stand a thy legges : he stird not for all this : wherevpon the maydes being raisde ( as it had bene with a hue and cry ) came hobling into the roome , like a flocke of géese , and hauing vpon search of the bodie giuen vp this verdict , that the man was dead , and murthered by the plague ; oh daggers to all their hearts that heard it ! away ●●udge the wenches , and one of them hauing had a freckled face all her life time , was perswaded presently that now they were the tokens , and had liked to haue turned vp her héeles vpon it : my gorbelly host , that in many a yeare could not without grunting , crawle ouer a threshold but two foote broad , leapt halfe a yarde from the coarse ( it was measured by a carpenters rule ) as nimbly as if his guts had béene taken out by the hangman : out of the house he wallowed presently , being followed with two or thrée dozen of napkins to drie vp the larde , that ranne so fast downe his héeles , that all the way he went , was more greazie than a kitchin-stuffe-wifes basket : you would haue sworne , it had béene a barrell of pitch on fire , if you had looked vpon him , for such a smoakie clowde ( by reason of his owne fattie hotte stéeme ) compassed him rounde , that but for his voyce , hée had quite béene lost in that stincking myst : hanged himselfe hée had without all question ( in this pittifull taking ) but that hée feared the weight of his in tollerable paunch , would haue burst the roape , and so hée should bee put to a double death . at length the towne was raised , the countrey came downe vpon him , and yet not vpon him neither , for after they vnderstood the tragedie , euery man gaue ground , knowing my pursie ale-cunner could not follow them : what is to bée done in this straunge allarum ? the whole uillage is in daunger to lye at the mercy of god , and shall bée bound to curse none , but him for it : they should doe well therefore , to set fire on his house , before the plague scape out of it , least it forrage higher into the countrey , and knocke them downe , man , woman , and childe , like oxen , whose blood ( they all sweare ) shall bée required at his handes . at these sp●eches my tender-hearted hoste , fell downe on his maribones , meaning indéede to entreat his audience to bée good to him ; but they fearing hée had béene pepperd too , as well as the londoner , tumbled one vpon another , and were ready to breake their neckes for haste to be gone : yet some of them ( being more valiant then the rest , because they heard him roare out for some helpe ) very desp : rately stept backe , and with rakes and pitch-forkes lifted the gulch from the ground : cōcluding ( after they had laid their hogsheads togither , to draw out som holesom counsel ) that whosoeuer would ve●ter vpon the dead man & bury him , should haue fortie shillings ( out of the common towne-purse , though it would bée a great cut to it ) with the loue of the churchwardens and side-men , during the terme of life . this was proclaimed , but none durst appeare to vndertake the dread●ull execution : they loued money well , mary the plague hanging ouer any mans head that should meddle with it in that sort , they all vowde to dye beggers before it should be chronicled they kild themselues for forty shillings : and in that braue resolution , euery one with bagge & baggage marcht home , barricadoing their doores & windowes with f●rbushes , ter●e , and bundels of straw to kéepe out the pestilence at the staues ende . at last a tinker came sounding through the towne , mine hosts house being the auncient w●●ring place where he did vse to cast anchor . you must vnderstand hé was none of those base rascally tinkers , that with a ban-dog and a drab at their tayles , and a pike-staffe on their necks , will take a purse sooner then stop a kettle : no , this was a deuout tinker , he did honor ●od pan : a musicall tinker , that vpon his kettle-drum could play any countrey dance you cald for , and vpon holly-dayes had earned money by it , when no fidler could be heard of . hee was onely feared when he stalkt through some townes where bées were , for he strucke so swéetely on the bottome of his copper instrument , that he would ●mpie whole hi●es , and leade the swarmes after him only by the sound . this excellent egregious tinker calls for his draught ( being a double iugge ) it was fild for him , but before it came to his nose , the lamentable tale of the londoner was tolde , the chamber-doore ( where hée lay ) being thrust open with a long pole , because none durst touch it with their hands ) and the tinker bidden ( if he had the heart ) to goe in and sée if hée knew him . the tinker being not to learne what vertue the medicine had which hée held at his lippes , powred it downe his throate merily , and crying trillill , he fea●es no plagues . in hée stept , tossing the dead body too and fro , and was sorie hée knew him not : mine hoste that with griefe began to fall away villanously , looking very ruthfully on the tinker , and thinking him a fit instrument to be playd vpon , offred a crowne out of his owne purse , if he would bury the partie . a crowne was a shrew● temptation to a tinker ; many a hole might he stop , before hée could picke a crowne of it , yet being a subtill tinker ( & to make all sextons pray for him , because hée would raise their fées ) an angell he wanted to be his guide , and vnder ten shillings ( by his ten bones ) he would not put his finger into the fire . the whole parish had warning of this presently , thirtie shillings was saued by the bargaine , and the towne like to be saued too , therefore ten shillings was leuyed out of hand , put into a rag , which was tyed to the ende of a long pole and deliuered ( in ●ight of all the parish , who stood aloo●e stopping their noses ) by the headboroughs owne selfe in proper person , to the tinker , who with one hand receiued the money , and with the other struck the boord , crying hey , a fresh double pot . which armor of proofe being fitted to his body , vp he hoists the londoner on his backe ( like a shoole-boy ) a shouell and pick-axe standing ready for him : and thus furnished , into a field some good distance from the towne he beares his deadly loade , and there throwes it downe , falling roundly to his tooles , vpon which the strong béere hauing set an egde , they quickely cut out a lodging in the earth for the citizen . but the tinker knowing that wormes néeded no apparell , sauing onely shéetes , stript him starke naked , but first diu'de nimbly into his pocket , to see what liuings they had , assuring himselfe , that a londoner would not wander so farre without siluer : his hopes were of the right stampe , for from out of his pockets he drew a leatherne bagge with seuen pounds in it : this musicke made the tinkers heart dance , he quickely tumbled his man into the graue , hid him ouer head and eares in dust , bound vp his cloathes in a bundle , & carying that at the end of his staffe on his shoulder , with the purse of seuen pounds in his hand , backe againe comes he through the towne , crying aloud , haue yée any more londoners to bury , hey downe a downe dery , haue ye any more londoners to bury : the hobbinolls running away from him , as if he had béene the dead citizens ghost , & he marching away from them in all the hast he could , with that song still in his mouth . you see therefore how dreadfull a fellow death is , making fooles euen of wisemen , and cowards of the most valiant ; yea , in such a base flauerie hath it bound mens sences , that they haue no power to looke higher than their owne roofes , but séeme by their turkish and barberous actions to belieue that there is no feliciti● after this life , and that ( like beasts ) their soules shall perish with their bodyes . how many vpon sight onely of a letter ( sent from london ) haue started backe , and durst haue layd their saluation vpon it , that the plague might be folded in that empty paper , belieuing verily , that the arme of omnipotence could neuer reach them , vnlesse it were with some weapon drawne out of the infected citie : in so much that euen the westerne pugs receiuing money there , haue tyed it in a bag at the end of their barge , and so trailed it through the tha●●es , least plague-sores sticking vpon shillings , they should be naild vp for counterfeits when they were brought home . more ventrous than these block-heads was a certaine iustice of peace , to whose gate being shut ( for you must know that now there is no open house kept ) a company of wilde fellowes being lead for robbing an orchyard , the stout●hearted constable rapt most couragiously , and would haue about with none , but the iustice himselfe , who at last appeard in his likenesse aboue at a window , inquiring why they summond a parlée . it was deliuered why : the case was opened to his examining wisedome , and that the euill doers were onely londoners : at the name of londoners , the iustice clapping his hand on his brest ( as who should say , lord haue mercie vpon vs ) started backe , and being wise enough to saue one , held his nose hard betwéene his fore-finger and his thumbe , and speaking in that wise ( like the fellow that described the villainous motion of iulius caesar and the duke of guize , who ( as he gaue it out ) fought a combat together ) pulling the casement close to him , cryed out in that quaile-pipe voice , that if they were londoners , away with them to limbo : take onely their names : they were sore fellowes , and he would deale with them when time should serue : meaning , when the plague and they should not be so great together , and so they departed : the very name of londoners being worse then ten whetstones to sharpen the sword of iustice against them . i could fill a large volume , and call it the second part of the hundred mery tales , onely with such ridiculous stuffe as this of the iustice , but dij meliora , i haue better matters to set my wits about : neither shall you wring out of my pen ( though you lay it on the rack ) the villanies of that damnd kéeper , who kild all she kéept ; it had bene good to haue made her kéeper of the common iayle , and the holes of both counters , for a number lye there , that wish to be rid out of this motley world , shée would haue tickled them , and turned them ouer the thumbs . i will likewise let the church-warden in thames stréete sléepe ( for hée s now pasi waking ) who being requested by one of his neighbors to suffer his wife or child ( that was then dead ) to lye in the church-yard , answered in a mocking sort , he kéept that lodging for himselfe and his houshold : and within thrée dayes after was driuen to hide his head in a hole himselfe . neither will i speake a word of a poore boy ( seruant to a chandler ) ●welling thereabouts , who being struck to the heart by sicknes , was first caryed away by water , to be left any where , but landing being denyed by an army of browne bill●men that kept the shore , back againe was he brought , and left in an out-celler , where lying groueling and groning on his face ( amongst fagots , but not one of them set on fire to comfort him ) there continued all night , and dyed miserably for want of succor . nor of another poore wretch in the parish of saint mary oueryes , who being in the morning throwne , as the fashion is , into a graue vpon a heape of carcases , that kayd for their complement , was found in the afternoone , gasping and gaping for life : but by these tricks , imagining that many a thousand haue bene turned wrongfully off the ladder of life , and praying that derick or his executors may liue to do those a good turne , that haue done so to others : hic finis priami , héere 's an end of an old song . et iam tempus equûm fumantia soluere colla . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20094-e850 vertumnus god of the yeare . description of the spring . vpon the 23. of march the spring begins , by reason of the sunnes entrance into aries . the queenes ●icknes . her death . the genera●● terror that her death bred . 1603. a more wonderfull yeare than 88. king iames proclaimed . the ioyes that followed vpon his proclayming . the pl●gu● anthropophagi are scithia●s , that feed on mens flesh . goodman country to his worship the city of london l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 1680? approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70420 wing l1255b estc r36248 15620526 ocm 15620526 104219 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70420) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104219) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books,1641-1700 ; 1151:33 or 1725:12) goodman country to his worship the city of london l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 4 p. s.n., [s.l. : 1680?] caption title. signed: honest country. attributed to l'estrange by wing. this item appears at reel 1151:33 incorrectly identified as wing (2nd ed.) l1255a, and at reel 1725:12 as wing (2nd ed.) l1255b. reproduction of originals in huntington library and harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-06 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion goodman country : to his worship the city of london . zir , we have of late been in a woundy pudder and tattle about your election of sheriffs . the king , we thank him , chuses ours to our great content and quiet ; but it zeems it 's your right and property to chuse yours ; and we commend you for being so stout and stickling to maintain your priviledges : nor was it a little joy to us to hear how successful you were in carrying the cause , and that your battel and victory was attended with such houting and shouting , and flourishing of handkerchiefs , that the gyants in yeild-hall never saw the like in all their born . we know not well what men you have chosen , nor do we much care what they are , or what they have been , or what they will be ; or what party they are of , as long as they have money enough to qualifie them for the office : but this we hope , they are men for the purpose , and will stand stiffly up to preserve our kings life , property , and protestant religion . and then bless me , and my dun cow , we care not a fig for all the papists in the world. for as silly a clown as i am , i love my liberty and my protestant religion ; and would the pope and his agents had been poxt and bepist when they seduced any of our volk to popery : and were i heir to a crown , the old canting rogue the pope should be hang'd before he should wheedle me out of it , with the promise of giving me a heavenly one for it , because i know he hath nothing to do there . and if i were the son of a king that was murthered by his counsel and contrivance , i would see him at the devil , before he should bubble me into his religion , for then i must believe that his killing my father was no murder , and that they died wrongfully who were executed for having a hand in his death . for our parson hath often told us , that the pope and his jesuits hold it lawful to poyson or stab , or make away kings , that are hereticks or excommunicate . the duce take such a religion , and a bots on all rebels and traytors . now hang me like a dog if i am not as great a lover of my protestant religion as any of you all . for my grand-father , and my father which begot me , and bred me up in it , were very good scholards , and could write and read , and they always told me , that i could not have learnt a better religion in the world , for it taught me to be a true christian , a good man , and a loyal subject to the king , god bless him . besides , i am possest of vour or vive closes , which formerly belonged to an abby , and before i will lose my londs , i will cut the popes throat . zookes , i will never change my religion for that , which will kill my king , and rob me of my estate . but now mr. city i must tell your worship , that some gentry-volk of your town tell us strange stories of you , how that you make a woundy noise and buzzle in glorying of your late gained victory , and that you proudly and insolently call all the protestants that go to church , by the names of church-papists , and popishly affected . zump ! what do you mean to do ? are you for running down the popish plot , and will you now disoblige and lose the best friends that ever you had , or will have , for carrying on such a cause . did ever men write and speak , preach and dispute against the whore of babilon at that rate , and with such success as the parsons of our country do ? and will you call these men church-papists ? i would a blister had been on that worshipful godfathers tongue , that gave the name of protestants in masquerade to our honest church of england men . i am sure whatever the word signifies , he meant no good by it : and you cannot imagine how much we stomach the word , since we now understand it ; for say the learned , the first syllable of masquerade is mass , and mass is a popish word , ergo , masquerade protestant is a popish protestant : a most ridiculous nonsensical invention , to render odious all those that worship god in their parish churches . what if we in retort should say , that a jesuit is a popish presbyterian , and a presbyterian is a protestant jesuit ? i think this would not be so absurd , as your calling the church of england-men popish protestants . no sooner did our church-wardens and zidesmen hear that you , mr. city , called all them that went to church , by the names of popishly affected , and protestants in masquerade , but presently they went and searched the book of martyrs that was chained to a desk in the corner of the church , and there they found , that the people that were burnt , and hang'd , and executed in the bloody reign of queen mary , were those that first modell'd and compiled our protestant religion in the days of edward the sixth , or which professed and practised the outward form of it in their publick churches or private families . nay one of our zidesmen , a parlous fellow at the statute book , hath often told our parishioners , that queen elizabeth , king james , and king charles were protestants , and that in their reigns the strongest and best laws against popery , and for the establishment and preservation of the true protestant religion were made by such men , that went constantly to our parish churches , to worship god in the same manner that we do in our town . and were these men then , both good , and true , and honest protestants , and now must we be call'd popishly affected , and protestants in masquerade , because we worship god after their example , and according to the laws which they made ? a peascod on these villanous nicknames ; for you could not have done a greater injury to your selves , nor a greater kindness to the popish plot , than by vilifying that church which the papist hates , and would rejoice to see ruined . come , come , leave your madness and fooling , and learn to be sober and wise : for a gentry man in our town hath often said , that they are the true english protestants , who profess and practise that protestant religion which was established by law in the time of queen elizabeth , king james , and king charles . and if it be true which we hear , that your sheriffs elect have lately been at one of your parish churches , to hear common-prayer , and receive the sacrament according to the church of england : then by your leave , mr. city , and according to your own argument , you have chosen two sheriffs that are popishly affected , and protestants in masquerade . well , sir , if you have a mind to weaken the interest of protestantism in cutting off from you the best and greatest part of the nation by such scandalous characters , i am afraid you will afterwards treat them again with blows and bloody persecution . but if you have a longing after a holy war , to fight the lords battel , pray keep your armies within your lines of excommunication , as we call them . you have a magazine of arms , and a bank of money within your self . and therefore if you have a mind to fight , draw your parties out every morning to mile-end-green , moorfields , or islington ; there let them combat all day , and at night receive them that come off alive into your own quarters : but be sure you march not one foot out of the lines of excommunication . for should you come once more into our parts with your essex-garters , orange coloured scarfs , with great gold fringe at the end of them , you are like to have cold entertainment , and no lodging : for now we have no cittadels , no castles , no forts , nor any remains of a town or city wall to shelter your selves so much as from a shower of rain . and as for mony , alack , we have not enough by a great deal to pay our landlords . and as for quartering you in our villages , inns , or alehouses , our last prudent parliament hath by a law secured us against you . nay our very women are grown stark mad to hear that there is any cause to fear another rebellion , because that they know upon experience that they shall all then be rifled of their plate , pewter and brass , their pigsties and henroosts robb'd , and they and their daughters ravisht . and as for our younger sort , they are resolved never to part with their bodkins , thimbles and silver spoons , because their sweet-hearts made them swear at the giving of them , that they would never more lend such things upon publick faith. and as for our landlords , though they hate popery as much as your worship , mr. city , yet they cannot endure to think of rooting it out of england by an army ; because they know that their own houses then , will at one time or another be exposed to plunder , their horses stole out of field or stables , their coffers broke open , rents run all away into taxes , and they and their children be sent to beg , or serve as slaves to those that will pity them so much , as to give them bread and water . and i have heard three or vour of our gentry volk that wear velvet coats on christmas and easter-day , zay , that if ever an army of threescore thousand men get into the heart of our kingdom , they may easily conquer it , and when it is once conquered , they may make all the people their tenants : for where power is , there is right and possession ; saith that varlet hobbes , and then the stile of our petitions will be , may it please your majesty , our sovereign lord the army ? nor will your worship , mr. city , fare any better , for you shall be continually bridled and sadled as well as chain'd . then no counters , newgate , ludgate , or kings-bench will be allowed , for as fast as men become malefactors or run in debt , or break , they will presently take refuge under the wings of the army , and live upon pay and plunder . nay , the very apprentices , if they do not like their masters , will presently run to the army , and be dubb'd freemen . whatever may be the cause of your heats and divisions , we are sure , that none amongst us clamor and rail against the present government , but the disgusted , discontented , and indigent persons : for we observed in our towns , that the most active and violent men for petitioning , were quondam committee-men , and sequestrators , and those that were concerned in crown and church-lands , and those that were decaying in their trades ; for men that have good estates , and thrive in their callings , will never be so mad and foolish to put government into confusion and war , since they only all men must run the hazard of losing all they have . for as the contesting between parties for superiority in a nation will at last come to blows and fighting , so such a sort of controversie cannot be maintain'd without money . and as our late unnatural war begat such taxes and impositions , as england never heard of before , so another like war will revive the same , or put some men upon inventing others far more grievous and intolerable . and then how like fools shall we all look one upon another , when we have changed our king and civil government , which secures our rights , liberties , properties and priviledges , for a sovereign lord the army , and the tyranny of the sword , which alwayes plunders a people of these riches , and oppresses them with slavery and bondage . perhaps mr. city , you are not now designing such a thing as this , and without a pair of spectacles you cannot see those that are : but if it should come to pass ( which god forbid ) then you will say i am a conjurer , and cry , a vow to god , who would a thought it . no doubt , but very good and honest men were concern'd in those unhappy affairs of vorty , and vorty one ; and had no other inteniton at first , but to remove or redress some grievances which they then zaid were in church and state : yet when these good men went to reformation , how soon were they carried off from the jack they aimed at , by an undiscernable byass that was in the bowl , and unexpected rub in the way . and then by the wiles and stratagems of jesuited polititians , how strangely were they carried to all manner of extravagancies ; insomuch that they found they could not be safe , without being the monsters of wickedness and villany ? and the same restless spirits , and machiavillian brains are now at work , and unless there be a very speedy , prudent and vigilant care taken to cool and moderate the furious temper and fiery zeal of some that are call'd protestants , i dare foretell , you will have another civil war , and far more bloody than the former . it 's no matter who are presbyterians , or independents , or anabaptists , so they be for the protestant religion and interest : and as long as they are for that , the church of england-men heartily joyn with them . but if these several persuasions ( to gratifie the papists , and further their designs ) shall persist to vilifie the church of england-men , by saying they are popishly affected , or protestants in masquerade ; then the church of england-men have nothing else to do , but to commit their cause to god , and to acquiesce in his providence , with this declaration to the world : that fire and fagot will never make them papists ; and sequestration , imprisonment and death will never force them to be fanaticks and rebells . thus wishing you all peace and prosperity , and to keep out of the need of another act of indempnity , i rest your worships true and hearty lover and humble servant honest country . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70420-e10 the reason why the country applauds the cities choice . it is no matter who the city chooses for sheriffs , so they are protestants and wealthy . it is very irrational to change protestantism for popery . especially if a man have been bred up in the protestant religion , and is heir to a good estate . the imprudence of the city in calling the church of england men protestants in masquerade or saying that they are popishly affected . country church wardens and sidemen can prove out of the book of martyrs , and the statute law of england , that the men of the church of england are the best and truest sort of protestants . advice to leave off nicknames . or else your sheriffs elect are protestants in masquerade and popishly affected . where is the most proper place to manage a rebellious war. the country unfit to entertain a rebellious army . the country unwilling . the country unable to maintain another civil war. have a care of making an army our sovereign lord and tyrant . the city utterly undone if they set up an army . none discontented at the present government , but old committee men , sequestrators , purchasers of crown and church lands , and bankrupts . no war without money , and no money without insufferable taxes . folly to change a good condition for a bad one . the city perhaps doth not intend tumult and rebellion . but the papists will drive them to it , unless speedily and prudently prevented . lay aside parties and factions . the church of england-men are resolved neither to be papists nor rebels . die jovis 18 may, 1648. ordered by the lords and commons in parliament assembled, that all the commission-officers and others within the city of london and the liberties thereof, bee, and are hereby required to act upon the commissions they now have ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82948 of text r176469 in the english short title catalog (wing e1733c). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82948 wing e1733c estc r176469 47682930 ocm 47682930 172882 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82948) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 172882) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2654:25) die jovis 18 may, 1648. ordered by the lords and commons in parliament assembled, that all the commission-officers and others within the city of london and the liberties thereof, bee, and are hereby required to act upon the commissions they now have ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n.], [london : dated the twentyeth of may, 1648. headpiece; initial. place of publication from wing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in: birmingham central reference library (birmignham, england). eng city of london (england). -committee for the militia -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -england -london -17th century. a82948 r176469 (wing e1733c). civilwar no die jovis 18 may, 1648. ordered by the lords and commons in parliament assembled, that all the commission-officers and others within the cit england and wales. parliament 1648 213 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die jovis 18 may , 1648. ordered by the lords and commons in parliament assembled , that all the commission-officers and others within the city of london and the liberties thereof , bee , and are hereby required to act upon the commissions they now have , untill the committee of the militia now constituted shall think fit to appoint others ; to the intent no prejudice may happen to the parliament or city in the interim , till the militia be setled . and that they doe obey all such orders and directions as they shall from time to time receive from major-generall skippon . joh. brown cler. parliamentorum . in pursuance of an ordinance of parliament concerning the commission-officers within the city of london , dated the 18 of may instant ; the committee of the militia of the said city , and liberties thereof ; do desire all the souldiers listed of the trained bands at the beat of drum to repair to their colours , and to be in readiness under their present commanders , as they tender the safety of the parliament and city , in these times of imminent danger : hereof you are not to fail . dated the twentyeth of may , 1648. his royall maiesties speech: spoken in the high court of parliament on friday, december the 2. 1641, with the love which his majesty lately hath shown to the city of london, by knighting five aldermen, at his palace at hampton court, and royally giving them againe into their hands london-derrie. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79105 of text r9799 in the english short title catalog (thomason e199_33 e199_34). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79105 wing c2795 thomason e199_33 thomason e199_34 estc r9799 99873616 99873616 157532 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79105) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 157532) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 35:e199[33], 35:e199[34]) his royall maiesties speech: spoken in the high court of parliament on friday, december the 2. 1641, with the love which his majesty lately hath shown to the city of london, by knighting five aldermen, at his palace at hampton court, and royally giving them againe into their hands london-derrie. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2], 1, [5],p. printed by b. alsop, [london] : 1641. place of publication from wing. text continuous despite pagination. thomason e.199[34] has the caption title: "his majesties love to the aldermen of london at hampton court.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng speeches, addresses, etc., english -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a79105 r9799 (thomason e199_33 e199_34). civilwar no his royall maiesties speech: spoken in the high court of parliament on friday, december the 2. 1641,: with the love which his majesty latel england and wales. sovereign 1641 326 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties love to the aldermen of london at hampton court . his majesties goodnesse and care of this kingdome , hath alwayes bin wonderfull , to the comfort of all his loyall and well-affected subjects . london in his returning home , shew'd its love unto his sacred majesty , and he his affection by the honour which he shewed downe upon it . first of all , in knighting the loid major , and recorder , at kingsland , then by suffering the lord major in such a tryumph to beare the sword before him . the like of which , was never knowne in england , but the sword was alwayes presented , as an honour to some noblemen . at guild-hall his majesty graced the city with his presence to dine there , accompanyed with his spouse and princely children , guifts were presented there unto his sacred majesty . and he rewarded them with as great a benefit by granting unto them ( so soone as it shall please god to fet a period to the wicked designes of treacherous rebels in ireland ) london-derry . also upon thursday , decemb , 4 about seven of the clock in the morning , so expresse his extraordinary love to the city , he sent for five of the aldermen of london to hampton court , his majesties royall palace , 12 miles distance from london , and made them all knights . what encouragement can subjects have more , as to love and obey a king , then to have such favour and love showne by a king ; for whose prosperous , happy , and successive reigne , it behoves us all to pray : else there is no question to be made , but that judgment will bee flowred downe upon our heads , by the heavenly king , for not loving so good a heavenly king . finis . jovis decimo quarto die decembris, 1699, annoque regni regis willielmi tertij ... whereas not withstanding several good and wholsom orders of this court heretofore made for the prevention of forestalling, regrating and other abuses in the fish-market of billingsgate ... city of london (england). 1699 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49045 wing l2865h estc r39646 18460340 ocm 18460340 107730 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49045) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107730) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:4) jovis decimo quarto die decembris, 1699, annoque regni regis willielmi tertij ... whereas not withstanding several good and wholsom orders of this court heretofore made for the prevention of forestalling, regrating and other abuses in the fish-market of billingsgate ... city of london (england). 1 broadside. printed by samuel roycroft ..., [london] : 1699. at head of title: levett mayor. second part of title taken from first three lines of text. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fish trade -law and legislation -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion levett blazon or coat of arms mayor . jovis decimo quarto die decembris , 1699. annoque regni regis willielmi tertij , angliae , &c. undecimo . whereas notwithstanding several good and wholsom orders of this court heretofore made for the prevention of forestalling , regrating and other abuses in the fish-market of billingsgate , divers frauds and exactions are yet there daily practised , which is much occasioned by the remisness of officers in putting the said orders in execution . now for the better remedying and preventing such evil practices for the time to come , it is ordered by this court , that the hours heretofore limited for the opening and beginning of the fish-market at billingsgate , shall hereafter be strictly observed ( that is to say ) from lady-day to michaelmas , to begin at four of the clock in the morning ; and from michaelmas to lady-day at six of the clock in the morning ; and that the said markets for the ●uture shall from lady-day to michaelmas end at eight of the clock in the evening ; and from michaelmas to lady-day at six of the clock in the evening ; and that the said respective times for beginning and ending the said market may be the better known and observed , it is ordered that the market-bell there shall be constantly rung by the yeomen of the water-side , at the respective hours aforesaid ; and it is also ordered , that if any person shall before the said respective hours of four and six in the morning presume to buy , sell or expose to sale in the said market any sort of fish ( except herrings , sprats , mackerel and shell-fish ) every such offender shall be proceeded against , as a forestaller of the market , as by the laws now in force against forestalling and regrating is directed and appointed . and the yeomen of the water-side are hereby strictly enjoyned every morning and evening to ring the said bell precisely at the hours aforesaid ; and that the said yeoman and under-waterbailiff do carry all persons that shall buy or sell , or expose to sale fish there , contrary to this present order , before the right honourable the lord mayor for the time being , or some other of his majesty's justices of the peace for this city , to be bound over , and prosecuted according to law. and that the mischiefs and evil practices intended to be remedied by a late act of parliament , intituled , an act for making billingsgate a free-market for sale of fish , may be effectually prevented . it is further ordered , that if any person or persons whatsoever shall imploy or be imployed by any other person or persons to contract or buy in or at the said market any quantity of fish , to the intent to be divided by lots , or in shares amongst any fishmongers or other persons , in order to be put to sale by retail , or otherwise ; or if any shall ingross or buy in or out of the said market , any quantity of fish other than what shall be for his own private use , or for sale in his or her own shop or shops , that then the yeomen of the water-side and under-water-bayliff , or one of them shall give information thereof , and prosecute every such offender or offenders , accordding to the directions of the said act ; and if any of the said officers shall be remiss or negligent in putting this order in due execution , he or they shall be proceeded against with the utmost severity . and that no person shall or may pretend ignorance hereof , it is ordered , that this order be forthwith printed , published and set up in the most publick places at billingsgate aforesaid , and be so continued from time to time by the officers of this city attending the said market . goodfellow . printed by samuel roycroft , printer to the honourable city of lond0n , 1699. 15. june, 1645. it is desired that all the ministers in london, the liberties, and within the lines of communication doe this sabbath day blesse god that hee hath beene pleased to heare our prayers in the behalf of our army ... city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88471 of text r200104 in the english short title catalog (thomason e288_20). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88471 wing l2882c thomason e288_20 estc r200104 99860908 99860908 113035 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88471) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 113035) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 47:e288[20]) 15. june, 1645. it is desired that all the ministers in london, the liberties, and within the lines of communication doe this sabbath day blesse god that hee hath beene pleased to heare our prayers in the behalf of our army ... city of london (england). lord mayor. atkins, thomas, sir. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1645] imprint from wing. signed at end: tho. atkin major. orders a thanksgiving prayer for the parliamentary victory at naseby. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88471 r200104 (thomason e288_20). civilwar no 15. june, 1645. it is desired that all the ministers in london, the liberties, and within the lines of communication doe this sabbath day bl city of london 1645 127 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-09 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion 15. iune , 1645. it is desired that all ministers in london , the liberties , and within the lines of communication doe this sabbath day blesse god that hee hath beene pleased to heare our prayers in the behalf of our army ; and hath given the parliament a glorious victory , killed many , taken many prisoners , the standard with the ramping lyon in gold , with the crown upon it taken , and colonell crumwell pursuing ; the fight began on saturday the 14. of iune , about 12 a clock at noon , and held a terrible fight for about half an houre : and it is reported in the pursuit prince rupert is taken . tho. atkin major . whereas the committee for the militia of london, taking into consideration that not withstanding their commission, directed to their sub-committee sitting at salters hall in breadstreet for the listing of all persons fit for the warres, and forming them into several regiments committee for the militia of london. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a48976 of text r37944 in the english short title catalog (wing l2851i). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a48976 wing l2851i estc r37944 17154464 ocm 17154464 105969 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48976) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105969) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1619:5) whereas the committee for the militia of london, taking into consideration that not withstanding their commission, directed to their sub-committee sitting at salters hall in breadstreet for the listing of all persons fit for the warres, and forming them into several regiments committee for the militia of london. 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1644] title taken from first line of text. "dated at salters hall in breadstreet this fourth day of aprill, anno dom. 1644. edward peed, clerk to the committee, by order of the said committee." reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng committee for the militia of london. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. london (england) -history -17th century. a48976 r37944 (wing l2851i). civilwar no whereas the committee for the militia of london, taking into consideration, that not withstanding their commismission [sic], directed to the committee for the militia of london 1644 370 1 0 0 0 0 0 27 c the rate of 27 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion whereas the committee for the militia of london , taking into consideration , that not withstanding their commismission , directed to their sub-committee sitting at salters hall in breadstreet , for the listing of all persons fit for the warres , and forming them into severall regiments , and arming such persons as they are able to furnish , and notwithstanding the severall directions issued out from the same sub-committee to the aldermans deputy , and the rest of the common councellmen and constables in the several wards , and the great paines and care formerly taken in the prosecution of the same , the businesse is not yet brought to effect : a speedy performance whereof is required : these are therefore according to renewed directions by the militia in that behalfe given to request you , the aldermans deputy , and the rest of the common-councell-men of the ward , with such of this company , as present this unto you , to review and rectifie the said lists , according to the instructions formerly given ; as also to inquire what armes have been received by any person or persons , for the service of the state in the auxiliary companies within your ward , and who else are able to arme themselves , their servants or others , and the same to return to the said sub-committee , with your severall names thereunto subscribed , that they may give an account thereof unto the committee for the militia , which is forthwith expected ; and you the constables of the ward , and each of you are to bee aiding and assisting in the premisses , as oft as occasion shall bee , hereof you are intreated not to faile as you tender the safety of the city , and what may depend thereupon . dated at salters hall in breadstreet this fourth day of aprill , anno dom. 1644 . edward peed clerk to the committee . by order of the said committee . to the aldermans deputy and the rest of the common councell men of the ward of and to the constables of the same ward and to each of them respectively ▪ joco-serio. strange news, of a discourse between two dead giants expressed in an epigram, to one inquisitive for news, and was composed by occasion of a scurrilous pamphlet, entituled, a dialogue between colbrant and brandamore, the two giants in guild-hall london. which pamphlet was not only intended to abuse this author, and some particular persons by name, but the said city also, in the late election of their parliamentary members. thereto is added an antidote against all ill news whatsoever, which proving effectual to many lately reputed phanaticks, may possibly be vertual to some other. jeers will be self-condemned, and stingless if contemned. g. w. wither, george, 1588-1667. 1661 approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66757 wing w3164 estc r222291 99833474 99833474 37951 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66757) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 37951) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2183:10) joco-serio. strange news, of a discourse between two dead giants expressed in an epigram, to one inquisitive for news, and was composed by occasion of a scurrilous pamphlet, entituled, a dialogue between colbrant and brandamore, the two giants in guild-hall london. which pamphlet was not only intended to abuse this author, and some particular persons by name, but the said city also, in the late election of their parliamentary members. thereto is added an antidote against all ill news whatsoever, which proving effectual to many lately reputed phanaticks, may possibly be vertual to some other. jeers will be self-condemned, and stingless if contemned. g. w. wither, george, 1588-1667. [2], 6 p. [s.n.], london : printed 1661. g. w. = george wither. in verse. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -parliament -poetry -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -poetry -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -poetry -early works to 1800. 2005-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion joco-serio . strange news , of a discourse between two dead giants , expressed in an epigram , to one inquisitive for news , and was composed by occasion of a scurrilous pamphlet , entituled , a dialogue between colbrant and brandamore , the two giants in guild-hall london . which pamphlet was not only intended to abuse this author , and some particular persons by name , but the said city also , in the late election of their parliamentary members . thereto is added an antidote against all ill news whatsoever , which proving effectual to many lately reputed phanaticks , may possibly be vertual to some other . jeers will be self-condemned , and sting less if contemned . g. w. london , printed 1661. joco-serio . strange news , of a discourse between two dead giants , expressed in an epigram to one inquisitive for news , and was composed by occasion of a scurrilous pamphlet , entituled , a dialogue between colbrant and brandamore , the two giants in guild-hall , london , &c. friend , there is now , no good news to be had , and , i intend to publish none that 's bad ; for , as affairs yet stand , it may be treason to speak the truth , if spoken out of season ; and , though in season spoken , he that speaks it , may suffer by his folly who mistakes it . yet ( now i think upon 't ) a little scrap i met withall this morning , by meer hap , which may be safely told : for nor to state or church , but to my self it doth relate ; and , it hath made me smile , with scorn , to see what heed , great men , begin to take of me . the lord mayor , & some aldermen have known me long time ; yea , men of all degrees do own me with good respect , for whose esteem i care ; and some , who of the best extraction are . but , that 's no news ; or , none , at least , compar'd to that which now shall be to thee declar'd : for , be it known , that , though obscurely born , i am now honor'd with a publick scorn ( divulg'd in print ) as if reputed one who hath deserved to be thought upon among those persons , who are in these times renowned for those vertues , or those crimes which in this age must punishment receive , or honour ; and next age their judgement have , when they , who are no parties in the cause , shall judge men , both by gods & natures laws . mean while , their censures must be undergone who neither know me , nor what i have done : for , they , who never heard of me ; who never did see me , nor shall hear of me for ever , take notice of me , to my wonderment , and , not a little to my good content ; since , peradventure , it may shortly bring my person to be known unto the king , who , if he truly know me would conceive that , usefully to serve him i might live , although traduc'd i am by some of them , who , in another mode , have served him . if thou hast read in legends heretofore of big-bon'd colbrant and great brandamore the giants in gvild-hal ; be pleas'd to know that , in a dialogue betwixt those two my name is mention'd , with as much applause as i could wish , from champions of that cause for which they stand ; and to as good effect as i can possibly from those expect , of whom i never yet much notice took , and , to whom , in my life , i never spoke . these two goliahs ( things , as big almost as he , who once defied israels host , ( and had his cockscomb crackt by little david , because himself so rudely he behaved ) these ascaparts forsooth , i know not how , pretend to be of my acquaintance now ; and , this is such a novelty to me that i have sent the same , as news to thee . for , news it is to me , and strange news too , that buggs with whom i never had to do , should shew themselves , in my affairs as witty as in the great concernments of their city , where they have had a place to them assign'd at publick meetings , now time out of minde . t is news to me , that , creatures of their frame , to any purpose , should repeat my name , since , probably , they do not know their own , but , are the greatest block-heads in the town , except it be those foolish pamphleters that , use to write such dialogues as theirs ; ( or , base invectives tending to th' increase of discord , by the breach of civil peace ) and , who , mens honest fames to overthrow , shoot poysoned arrows from an unseen bow , for , these are much more blockish ; and this nation will never thrive , whilst these have toleration . however , this perhaps forewarn me may , that some as mighty , and as wise as they will mention me ere long , to worse effect , and with a more malicious dis-respect , than these detractors hitherto have done , though me , they seem not , yet to think upon . but , be it , as it must be ; scorns and jeers , have hung so long , as jewels at mine ears , that , whether my reproach be less or greater , i shall my self esteem , nor worse , nor better for what , by others , is done , spoke , or thought , whilst i , think , speak , and do the things i ought . he , that takes heed , what to himself relates , needs not care what the world , without him , prates this , is my best news , at this present time ; that which it wants in reason , take in rime . farewel . a postscript . but , take this post script too ( which , whilsta taper one lights to seal it ) shall fill up this paper . know , this was not intended to retort or vindicate ; but , only , writ in sport . he that asperseth me , himself doth hide like those bandetti by the high-way side , who , cowardly do shoot unseen , and flay before they dare to seize upon their prey ; yet , though i knew him , i have lately got so tride a charm against all paper-shot , that , onely , smiling on him with disdain ( to let him know he shoots at me in vain ) i scarcely should , by way of complement spare him so many words , as marshal spent on his traducer , when , this verse he flung him , nos , ab hac scabie , tenemus unguem . whose sense is ( in the language of this isle ) to scratch this scab , my nail i 'le not defile . know also , that the cause i do not dread those fearful rumours which are lately spread , is not , for that , i think , or do fore-see such things , are things impossible to be , for , when i heed , that still the self-same path is trodden , which an evil tendance hath ; and , that , most men rush forward in that round wherein their predecessors ruine found ; when i perceive the vices heretofore , not onely to be still the same , but more ; that , nor gods judgements , nor his mercies , whether past , present , single , or joyn'd both together regarded seem ; nor wholsome counsels given by men , or timely warnings daign'd from heaven , but , that , still , wicked wishes , hellish prayers , revengeful projects , jealousies , despairs , and cursed speakings , daily aggravate that animosity and secret hate , which at the first begun our sad distractions ; and are fomented still in several factions , through that neglect of justice and compassion which might effect true reconciliation ; i fear , what may to other men befall , but , fear not in my own respect , at all , because , that , whereto things now feared tend , have brought my hopes already to an end , as they concern this world ; except , refin'de god shall restore them , when they are calcin'd . the rumors which i hear , to me seem toyes , like squibs and crackers which affrighten boyes , for , his protection i am sheltred under who speaks in love , ev'n when he speaks in thunder . his judgements are upon us , but the flame will burn them , who are kindling of the same ; for , by the paths which i see by them trod , i finde our foes , are not the friends of god ; and , that when all our dross , away is fum'd , they shall be purged too , or else consum'd . he that secures me , will secure all those who shall their confidence in him repose . no cause have any men to fear ill tidings , who underneath gods umbrage have abidings : for , whatsoe're succeeds , yea , come what will , it comes to them for good , and not for ill. that will new-make them , which their foes destroies , disgrace shall honor them , grief bring them joyes ; ev'n death it self , shall be true lifes possessing , and ev'ry curse be turn'd into a blessing . then , all we have to do , is , down to sit beneath this shade ; all things to god commit . pray to him for our selves , our friends and foes , and praise him heartily for all he does . if this be done , we shall be free from fears , although the world doth all it can , or dares . g. w. finis . to the right honourable, sir robert clayton, lord-mayor of the city of london the humble petition of the common-hall assembled. city of london (england). court of common council. 1680 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a62804 wing t1613a estc r228150 12364587 ocm 12364587 60368 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62804) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60368) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 900:19) to the right honourable, sir robert clayton, lord-mayor of the city of london the humble petition of the common-hall assembled. city of london (england). court of common council. clayton, robert, sir, 1629-1707. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1680] reproduction of original in huntington library. broadside. petition to remove sir george jefferies from position of recorder of the city of london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -officials and employees -dismissal of. broadsides 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the right honourable , sir robert clayton , lord-mayor of the city of london . the humble petition of the common-hall assembled . may it please your honour , we the commons of london , in common-hall assembled , being deeply sensible , that many of the mischiefs and grievances that we at present groan under , are occasioned by the misbehaviour , and irregular carriages of some of the principal officers of this city , particularly of sir george jefferies , knight , our present recorder , who , by very confident but false affirmations , hath endeavoured to mislead the common-council , in matters of highest moment : and also , contrary to the duty of his place , and the greatest trust reposed in him , hath , as we have just reason to believe , frequently made other false suggestions and misrepresentations to his majesty , of our most loyal and dutiful actions and demeanours . and finding that he hath maliciously contrived , to subvert one of the great foundations of our english liberties , by menacing and threatning juries , thereby to make them bring in verdicts , not according to their conscience , but his own will and pleasure ; and discharging others contrary to law , before they had compleated all the business for which they were sworn : as doth notoriously appear , by his late and terrible usage of the grand-inquest of this city , at the sessions of peace holden in guild-hall . and lastly ; that he doth frequently affront , and most scurrilously intreat witnesses , appearing to give their testimonies in the several judicatures , whereby they many times become affrighted and confounded : tending to the great oppression of his majesty's subjects , to the scandal and dishonour of the city , and to the disquieting of the peace and unity thereof ; to the perversion of justice , and dangerous prejudice of the publick-weal of this kingdom . by which ill carriages , and most insolent behaviour , he hath rendred himself most obnoxious , and insupportably burdensom in that office. we do therefore most humbly pray your lordship , to consider with your worshipful brethren the aldermen , of the most speedy and effectual way that can be taken , for the immediate removing of the said sir geo. jefferies , from the place of recorder of this city , as a person dangerous and destructive to the publick peace , vnity , and prosperity thereof : to the end that some other more fit and honest person , learned in the laws , of known loyalty , modesty , integrity , and undoubted zeal for the true protestant religion , may be elected into the same : which , we humbly conceived , may be the best and most expedient means , conducing to the remedy of these mischiefs , and preservation of the good government of this renowned city . and your petitioners shall ever pray , &c. to the supreme authority of this nation in parliament assembled. the humble petition of the lord major and court of aldermen of the citie of london. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a94698 of text r212069 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.15[70]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a94698 wing t1735ca thomason 669.f.15[70] estc r212069 99870721 99870721 163143 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94698) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163143) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f15[70]) to the supreme authority of this nation in parliament assembled. the humble petition of the lord major and court of aldermen of the citie of london. sadler, john, 1615-1674. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1650] the petition is signed: j. sadler. imprint from wing. includes: the parliaments answer declared by mr. speaker upon this petition. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng election law -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. a94698 r212069 (thomason 669.f.15[70]). civilwar no to the supreme authority of this nation in parliament assembled. the humble petition of the lord major and court of aldermen of the citie of sadler, john 1650 396 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-07 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the supreme authority of this nation in parliament assembled . the humble petition of the lord major and court of aldermen of the citie of london . humbly sheweth , that your petitioners acknowledge the wisdome and goodnesse of this parliament in the acts of the last year , for regulating elections of aldermen , common-counsell men , and other officers of this city ; and doe humbly conceive that severall of the same limitations may again conduce to the good of this city . but in that particular concerning the subscribers to the personall treaty , in which we know many faithfull men were surprised in that hour of temptation , who have constantly acted very really for the publicke good of this common-wealth . your petitioners therefore humbly pray , that if it may stand with the wisdome of this parliament , liberty may be granted in that particular ; which we humbly conceive will much tend to the greater peace , union , and happy government of this city , and be a more sure engagement of many persons very well affected to this common-wealth . and your petitioners shall ever pray &c. j. sadler . the parliaments answer declared by mr. speaker upon this petition . gentlemen , the parliament hath taken into consideration the petition presented by you , and hath commanded me to return you this answer , that the parliament doth take notice of the good affections of the petitioners ; and likewise having had in consideration yesterday the substance of that petition now presented , did then passe an act , and therefore the petition coming so late , they do not think fit to make any alteration therein : but shall in convenient time take the desires of the petitioners into consideration . and as to such persons as do constantly adhere to the parliament , and have alwayes adhered thereunto ( saving in that business of signing the petition for the personall treaty ) when the parliament shall be informed of such persons in particular , the parliament will take the same into consideration for such indulgence to such persons as have and still do manifest their fidelity and affection to the parliament , as shall be thought fit . hen scobel cler. parliament . london , printed by richard cotes 1650. a declaration of a small society of baptized believers, undergoing the name of free-willers, about the city of london adis, henry. 1660 approx. 42 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26409 wing a576 estc r211455 99835045 99835045 39698 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26409) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 39698) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2184:4) a declaration of a small society of baptized believers, undergoing the name of free-willers, about the city of london adis, henry. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for the author henry adis uphouldster, living in princes street, and published the 12. day of the 11. month, heathenishly called in houour [sic] to their god janus, january, london : 1659 [i.e. 1660] by henry adis, whose name appears in the imprint. publication date given according to lady day dating. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng society of friends -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 john latta sampled and proofread 2003-06 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of a small society of baptized believers , undergoing the name of free-wil●…s , about the city of london . we well knowing , that we are and have been mis-represented to the people of this and other nations , as well by particular letters from friend to friend , as by publick intelligence in pamphlets and news books , by which means we have been rendred odious in the eyes almost of all , and as it were made a by-word , and a hissing to all ; were notwithstanding willing according to the requirement of our saviour , luke 21.19 . in our patience to possess our souls , and silently to wait upon our god , for a clearing of our innocency , and the cleanness of our hands in his eye-sight , but lately having had a view of a declaration , dated the 12 of december last , made by some persons of the particular judgment , in which some others of another perswasion have joyned , to the which in several particulars we cannot in the least assent to ; we therefore thought it our bounden duty , for the vindication of that truth which we are in present profession and practice of , as also fearing lest they having declared to publick view , we by our silence should be looked upon , either to be of the same judgment with them in what they have declared , or else guilty of all or some of those five particulars they in that declaration say the baptists in general are charged withall ; have therefore set pen to paper , and shall first give a particular of the said five charges , and then as in the presence of god lay down our real judgments , and perswasions grounded upon scripture record , to those charges ; by which it will be apparent that we are not guilty of them at all , and that we differ from the said declarers in point of judgment ; and if we shall in any thing therein derogate from the mind of god , we shall desire in the spirit of love to be rectified by better judgments from the word of truth , and shall think our selves happy gainers in such a christan reproof . say they , we being mis-represented to the nation ; 1. as such as are opposite to magistracy . 2. that we would destroy the publick ministry of the nation , who differ from us in some things about religion . 3. that we do countenance the people called quakers , in their irregular practice . 4. that we do endeavour a tolleration of all miscarriages in things ecclesiastical and civil , under pre●ence of liberty of conscience . 5. that we desire to murder and destroy those that differ from us in matters of religion . to the first , we positively say , that we are so far from opposing magistracy , as that it would be to us matter of great rejoycing to know who were our magistrates . but far greater to see such set up who are men fearing god , and hating covetousness , that so justice might be duly executed without respect of persons , and iudgment run down like water , and righteousness like a mighty stream , that so there might be no more leading into captivity , and that complaining in our streets might have an end ; but for our parts to take a ca●nal weapon in our hands , or use the least violence either to support or pull down the worst , or to set up or maintain the best of men , we look not upon it to be our duty in the least ; much less to have a thought of endeavouring to set up our selves , either directly or indirectly ; for were we abillitated and furnished with such endowments as might render us capable of being rulers , yet could we not allow our selves to act as magistrates , because we are a people chosen out of the world , iohn 15.19 . and look upon our selves as pilgrims and strangers in the earth , heb. 11.13 . 1 pet. 2. ●1 . but this we know to be the mind of god , from rom. 13. the beginning , 1 pet. 2 : 13. t it 3.2 . that we are to be subject to , and not to resist the powers , because they be ordained of god ; and as god sets them up , so he requires his sons and daughters to render to them tribute , custome , fear and honour , rom. 13.7 . and we further declare , that it is our bounden duty in obedience to our god , to pray for kings , and all that are in authority , 1 tim. 2.2 so that we are so far from opposing them , as that we say it is our duty to obey them , in all civil things , that are agreeable to the mind of god , and if they shall require any thing from us that is contrary to his mind and will revealed in his holy scriptures of truth , we say we are not to resist them , but if in conscience we cannot obey them , then we are patiently to suffer under them , whatever they shall inflict upon us for our non obedience to their requirements : and to this , we yet further declare , that it is , our real judgment as to things spiritual , not to own them as our law-givers in the least , for there is one law-giver which is able to save and to destroy , iam. 4.12 . which is the lord , isa. 33.22 . and therefore if they shall at any time impose upon us , laws in point of worship , that is either to worship a false god , or the true god after a false manner , we by gods assistance shall tell them with shadrach , meshach , and abednego , dan. 3.16 . that we are not careful to answer them in that matter , yet shall not violently resist , but with them patiently suffer under them as aforesaid . to the second , that we would destroy the publick ministry of the nation , that differ from us in some things about religion ; we do declare , that if there be a destruction intended between us , we must leave it at their doors , and desire them to judge between the al-seeing god the searcher of all hearts and their own consciences , what they have intended by their so often pressing parliament men from time to time , for a suppression of all that are not of their judgment in matters of religion : and upon search made , if they find themselves guilty of a desire of any such destruction to us , we shall beg them in gods fear , to break off that evil by timely repentance , and make their pe●ce with god ; as for our parts , we are so far from desiring any revenge against them , or any other that shall desire or endeavour our ruin , as that in the presence of god , we shall rather pitty then envie them , and according to the requirement of our law-giver , mat. 5.44 . pray for them , and their conversion , not at all in the least desiring or endeavouring their confusion : that there are many things wherein the publick ministry of the nation and we differ , in matters of religion , both in doctrine and discipline , is very clear , and that we design or so much as desire the destruction of them , or any other persons whatsoever , for such differences , or any other matters concerning our selves , we hope in our further answer to this , and to the fourth and fifth particulars , we shall manifest to be as clear , and also therein discover our selves to be the peaceable lambs of christ , iohn 21.15 . the great shepheard and bishop of our souls , 1 pet. 2.25 . 1 pet. 5.4 . heb. 10.22 . who doth require us to learn of him , for he is lowly and meek , mat. 11.29 . yet notwithstanding , we do declare , when or wherever some of us shall conveniently meet with any of them , either in private or in publick , we shall resolve ( god assisting us ) to contend earnestly with them for the faith once delivered to the saints , according to that exhortation of the spirit of god , by his apostle , iude 3. and against them and all oppositions and opposers wha●soever , as good souldiers of iesus christ , 2 tim. 2.3 . fight the good fight of faith , 1 tim. 6.12 . in which combate we are confident , we neither shall hazard life , nor draw blood , for through mercy we can say , with our apostle , 2 cor. 10.3 , 4 that though we live in the flesh , yet we warr not after the flesh , for the weapons of our warfare are not carnal . to the third , that we countenance the people called quakers in their irregular practice ; to this we answer , and god is our witness we lie not , that we are so far from countenancing the quakers or our selves in any irregular practice , as that if we our selves be found in any such actings , we shall not violently oppose , but patiently subject to such penalties as the breach of such laws cals for ; it would have been well , if the assertors had declared wherein this irregular practice doth consist , that so we might have given a more particular answer , yet we hope by what hath and shall be declared , it will easily be judged , that we for our parts are not such people as the baptists generally are reported , and some shew themselves to be . to the fourth , that we endeavour a tolleration of all miscarriages in things ecclesiastical and civil under pretence of liberty of conscience . if by indeavouring a tolleration of all miscarriages in things ecclesiastical , the assertors intend amongst our selves in our own assemblies : we shall answer them as in the presence of god , the searcher of all hearts : that we are so far from any such toleration , as that we at this very day go under a reproach by that people we formerly walked withal , because in the reality of our souls , and the integrity of our hearts , we cannot allow of some things , that we judge to be of that nature amongst them , we well knowing , that the lord christ requires a perfect observation of , and a universal obedience to all things whatsoever he commanded ; mat. 28.20 . and that as well to what hath been laid down by his apostles , given in by the incomes of that spirit that was to lead them into all truth , and to shew them things to come , iohn 16.13 . which are also the commands of christ , 1 cor. 14.37 . as to those that were laid down by himself , iohn 18.12.15 . so that we positively say , that if we shall allow of any miscarriages either in doctrine or discipline amongst our selves , to thwart the mind of christ revealed in his scriptures of truth , we can expect no better answer from him , then a proclamation of our worship to be a vain worship , as once he declared against the jews , mat. 15.9 . and therefore if miscarriages rise amongst us , we are to bring such miscarriages to the touch-stone of gods word , and so weigh them in the ballance of the sanctuary , and finding them either too heavy or too light , that is , either adding or diminishing from or to the mind of christ , we are then to repair to those wholsome laws left us in scripture record , for the regulating of such miscarriages , according to the nature of them , as they are private or publick , or more or less in their several agravations ; and as they are committed by persons standing in such or such relations : we say the more of this , because most persons think , and many do not stick to say , that we live and act in things ecclesiastical as libertines , and without church government , because we withdraw our selves from the publick assemblies ; but did such persons rightly consider , what the discipline of the ministry of the nation is , in their parochial assemblies , who profess themselves to be the true spouse and church of christ , and compare it with the mind of christ revealed in the scriptures of truth , who gives laws to his church , which is that body of which he himself is the head , ephes. 4.15.21.22 . col. 1.18 . ● . 19 . they would then find themselves to be the libertines and not we ; and therefore we shall earnestly desire all that are unacquainted with the true discipline of the church of christ , well to weigh and seriously to consider these statute laws of christ , in that case provided , 2 tim. 3.16 . 2 tim. 4.1 , 2. ephes. 5.11 . mat. 18.15 . 1 tim. 5.12 , 19 , 20. 1 tim. 6.5 . 1 tim. 1.20 . tit. 3.10 . 2 thes. 2 15. 2 thes. 3 10. 1 cor. 5 4 , 9 , 11. the which as we will answer the contrary at the great day of account , we dare not in the least wilfully violate or neglect . but if by miscarriages in things ecclesiastical , they mean that we endeavour a tolleration of all miscarriages amongst them in their assemblies , we shall in the presence of god clear ourselves and say , we have nothing at all to do with them , in such matters , for we say , they are without as to us ; 1 cor. 5.12 , 13. and so we look upon our selves to be as to them : and if any one shall seem to be troubled at this term without , and object and say , that we are all the creation of god , and what need these expressions of , stand at a distance , i am more holy than you ; to such we shall answer in the spirit of love and meekness , and god is our witness without austentation , that it is true , all the sons and daughters of adam , are the sons and daughters of god by creation , but few by regeneration and adoption ; for many are called but few are chosen , mat. 20.16 . for not the hearers of the law , but the doers shall be justified , rom. 2 13. and not every one that saith , lord lord , shall enter into the kingdome of heaven , but he that doth the will of the father , mat. 7.21 . we well know , that many will say these are hard sayings , and cannot well bear them ; but to such we shall give a direction in our post-script , where from one of us they may expect , and we hope also find good satisfation as to the tearm without . that we own liberty of conscience we confess , but under that or any other pretence , to endeavour a toleration of any miscarriages either in things ecclesiastical or civil , we have given ( we hope ) full satisfaion , for seeing it is the will of our master to have the tares and the wheat grow together till the harvest , mat. 13.30 . and that our heavenly father doth exercise his long suffering to the whole bulk of man-kind , not willing that any●…d perish , but that all should come to repentance , 2 pet. 3.9 . we look upon it to be our duty to follow god as dear children , and ●… to walk in love , ephes. 5.1 , 2. and therefore are like minded , having the same love phil. 2.2 . and therefore do further declare , ●… we are as free , that all others should injoy their liberties as we our selves , of what judgment soever they be ; we well knowing , ●… some are called at the eleventh hour , as well as at the first and third , mat. 20.1 , 6 ; and had the apostle paul been plucked up w●…he was a tare , a persecutor , a blasphemer , 1 tim. 1.13 . and the chief of sinners , vers . ●5 . he had never been such choyce wheat , ●…atisfie , refresh , enable , inliven , inlighten , encourage , build up and instruct , corerct and reprove , the building of god ; ●… 1.3 9. the house of god , heb. 3.6 . the houshold of god , ephes. 2.19 . the sons and daughters of god , 2. cor. 6.18 . nor that b●…of which christ is the head , col. 1.18 , and therefore we cannot but say again , that we are as free that all others should injoy ●…r liberties in the things of god , as we our selves , we well knowing , that every one must give an account of himself to god , rom. ●… 12. for every one shall receive the things done in the body , according to what they have done , whether it be good or bad , 2 cor. 5. ●… mat. 25.34 , 41. but either to procure or maintain our own or others liberties by force of armes , or the least violence , we can ●… no warrant from the scriptures of truth in the least , which is that only and alone rule that we walk by , for all the remedy that we●…d there recorded is , that if they persecute us in one city , we may flee into another ; and this we see acted by our saviour himself , iohn ●… and by his patents , mat 2.14 . and the apostle peter , acts 12.17 . and saint paul , acts 9.25 , 26. 1 cor. 11.33 . and to fo●…w our master , and to tread in the foot-steps of the flock of god gone before us , we judge it very safe ; but to resist by force of ●…nes , or use the least violence , we judge unwarrantable . to the fift and last particular , that we woun●…urther and destroy those that differ from us in maters of religion . to this we cannot but answer , that so to●…e judge were not so much as common humanity , much less religion or christianity ; but our religion is , pure and undefi●… before god and our father , which is to visit the fatherless and widdowes , not to make fatherless and widdowes ; and to visit them in ●…eir afflictions , not to murther and destroy their relations , to bring them under afflictions : but to this we further answer , that t●… and the fourth particular we judge seem to contradict one another , for murthering and destroying for difference in matters of r●…igion , and liberty of conscience cannot stand together , nor in the eye of reason can they be charged against one and the same per●…ns , for murthering and destroying for difference in matters of religion , destroyes liberty of conscience , & liberty of conscience sw●…ows up & drowns murthering , & destroying for difference in matters of religion ; so that it argues , that the assertors of these things ●…re yet in babylon and confusion , with those our apostle writ of ; in 1 tim. 1.7 . not knowing well what they say , nor whereof they do af●…e ; yet notwithstanding , seeing we are there with charged , in order to the discharging our selves of this confused burthen , we ●…all in the singleness of our souls yet farther discover our real judgments , as to the main intent of the charge , which is murthering a●… distroying ; and add this further , that we read of a three fould sword in scriptures . 1. the sword of the spirit , which is the wor●… of god , ephes. 6.17 . 2. the sword of justce , which is the magis●…rates sword , rom. 13.4 . 3 : the sword of steele , usualy so called , whic●… is the sword of slaughter , isa. 1.20 . ezek. 9.1 , 2. the first of these we are required to take to us ●…nd put on , eph. 6.12 , 13 , 17 and thus to be strong in the lord , and in the power of his might , whose might was evidenced once , again an●… again , by using this sword skilfully mat 4 4 7 , 9 , for it is mighty through god , to the pulling down of strong holds , casting down immagina●…ions , and every high thing , that exalteth it self against the knowledge of god , and bringing into captivity , &c. and having in a readines to revenge all disobedience , 2 cor. 10.4 5 , 6. and is profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instruction in righteousness , tha●… the man of god may be perfect , thorowly furnished unto all good workes , 2 tim. 3.16 , 17. for we wrastle not with flesh and blood , bu●… against prinscipalities , powers , the rulers of the darkness of this world , ephes 6.12 . not for nor against the magistrates , parliaments , no●… armies of the world , the best of whose strength is flesh and not spirit , who shall be destroyed together , isa. 31.1.2 , 3. mat. 26.58 . as for the sword of justce , or the magistrates sword , we are to be subject to it as we have fully declared , and not to resist it , which sword takes revenge on no man before he be apprehended , charged , heard , and by good evidence convicted , and sentence according to the fact proved given , and then an immediate commission given to an executioner , according to the fact and sentence , for the putting this sword in execution . but the sword of slaughter without examination or due consideration , is many times put in execution to the slaying and destroying of friends as well as enemies , witness those slaughters , and 〈…〉 and for our acting in this sword , we can find no warrant from scriptures in the least , for that sword being 〈…〉 peter and another of the disciples , and that by an immediate commission from christ , the work being finished for which it was intended , we find an immediate and peremptory command for the sheathing it again ; and this reason rendred from the lip of truth it self , for all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword , mat. 26.52 . for whosoever will save his life , shall lose it , mat 16.25 . and we find no tolleration in holy writ to the people of god for the drawing it again in the least , neither by precept or example . but least this countermand , should not be looked upon to be a sufficient warrant for its continuance in its place by the people of god for the time to come , the lord christ amongst several other weighty things , sent to the seven churches in asia , and in them to us , by iohn the revelator , is not backward to remind them and us in them of it again , as a matter of no small concernment ; ( and as we judge ) least it should not be taken so much notice of by us in this our day , as he would have it , he bringeth it in , in the midst of a discourse , not long before the rise of the man of sin , when one of the heads of the beast is wounded , as it were to death , and that deadly wound was healed , rev. 13.3 . intimating thus much as we apprehend , that as kingly power hath had a wound in these nations , even as it were unto death , so we know that the design of god shall be brought about ; and the scriptures must be fulfilled , for that deadly wound shall be healed , rev. 13.3 . and we finding the spirits of the generality of the people of the three nations , very high in this juncture of time , in the behalf of kingly government , like israel of old , 1 sam. 8. so that by the face of things as they appear to us in this last change , we do discern as through a glasse darkly , that the deadly wound is now going to be healed , although we do really judge , that several that are in present eminent power , intend no such thing , no more then the jews in the crucifying of christ , intended the bringing the great design , and fore-appointment of god about , acts 2.23 . by all which we judge , that caution was intended cheifly to us , upon whom the ends of the world is come ; and least we should not be so mindfull of our duties as he would have us , he makes as it were a proclamation , to bespeake our better attention , to what he intendeth and saith , rev. 13.9.10 . he that hath an eare to hear let him hear , he that leadeth into captivity , shall go into captivity , he that killeth with the sword ; shall be killed with the sword ; here is the faith and patience of the saints , that whilst others are leading into coptivity and killing with the sword , to pull down or set up this or that power , man or government , to give a deadly wound to kingly power , or to heal that deadly wound again , that then the people of god should in their patience possess their souls , & in the midst of these revolutions , exercise their fai●h as once that prophet did , heb. 3.17 . and faithfully to depend upon god for his preservation and protection , keeping themselves pure and undefiled from leading into captivity , or killing with the sword , least they themselves be led into captivity , and be killed by the sword , thereby evidencing themselves to be the peacable flock of christ , chosen out of the world , iohn 15.19 . and following their master the lord and prince of peace , isa 9.6 . 2 thes. 3.16 . being regulated by his requirements in the gospel of peace , romans 10.15 . ephesians 6.15 . having received from the god of peace , rom. 15.33 . rom. 16.20 . 2 cor. 13.11 . that spirit , whose fruits is love , joy , peace , long suffering , gentleness , goodness , faith , meekness and temperance , against which there is no law , that as they are christs , so they should evidence that they have crucified the flesh with the affections and lusts , gal. 5.22 , 23 , 24. but lust being not crucified it breaks forth into wars and fightings , for when men lust and have not , then they kil and desire to have , iames 4.1 , 2. and when the people of god shall act thus , the spirit of god brands them wi●h those ignominious names of adulterers and adultresses , informing them , that what they are fighting for is enmity against god , and that if they obtain it they aret enemies to god , iames 4.4 . and we well knowing , that whilst we are friends to the world we are enemies to god , dare not in the least , have to do in the world , so as to set up our selves ; or to side with any either in setting up or pulling down , and how can a mans love to the world be evidenced more , then in ventering his life for it , according to that saying of our saviour , iohn 15.13 . and we further declare , that as we are to be a peaceable people upon the account of action , so we look upon it to be our duty , to keep our selves from oaths , ingagments , and covenants , either for or against this or that person government , or persons whatsoever , for because of swearing the land mourneth , ier. 22.10 . for the lord hath a controversie with the inhabitants of the land. because there is no truth , nor mercy , nor knowledge of god in the land , for by swearing , and lying , and killing , and stealing , and committing adultery , they break forth , and blood toucheth blood , saith the prophet , hos. 4.1 , 2 , 3. and saith the same prophet , hos. 10.3 , 4. they have spoken words , swearing falsly in making a covenant , thus judgement springeth up as hemlock in the furrows of the field ; and we not knowing what the cabbinet counsell of god is in this our day upon the account of goverment , dare not in the least , have so much as a thought to ingage in any such thing , least we be found fighters against god , according to the saying of gamaliel , though in another case , acts 5.39 . and therefore do declare our resolution herein , that we shall not ( god assisting us ) enter into any ingagement whatsoever upon any such account , yet shall this say again , that we shall not violently resist the imposers , of any such ingagements , but shall patiently suffer the penalty of our non-obedience as aforesaid . and we further declare as in the presence of god , who is the searcher of all hearts , that as it hath been some of our great trouble for a long time , to see some of those that are in the same faith and order with us , so acting ; so it is now become even an overwhelming burthen upon our souls , to see them generally runing such a precippitant course , by which actings of theirs , the mouths almost of all men are opened against them , and that truth they professe , most ignominiously branded and reproached . and therefore we further declare , that in the sight of god , angels and men , that we bear our testimony against them in their present actings , and cannot stand by them , nor have communion with them therein , nor with those that strengthen their hands in standing by them ; and must tell them in the words of our saviour , luke 9.55 . that they know not what spirit they are of ; for , the son of man ( their mr. ) came not to destroy mens lives but to save them ; the premises considered , we shall appeal to the judgements of all rational men , whether we are guilty of what we are charged withall or not , yet if they shall still go on notwithstanding , to use us reproachfully for the name of christ , we shall be so far from endeavouring or desiring a revenge , as that in the words of christ , we shall in our requests at the throne of grace , crie out and say , father forgive them they know not what they do . post-script . forasmuch , as the said declarers in their answer to the first perticular in their declaration , do call the independants and presbyterians their christian friends , the which however it is they so complement with them , yet in reallity ( we judge ) they cannot own them as such upon a scripture account ; as also because one mr. william alleyn , in a book lately by him published , intituled , a retractation to seperation . in which booke in the whole currant of it , all the scriptures that he brings , which were written by the immediate direction and incomes of the holy spirit of god , to the churches as they were in the faith and order of the gospel , he applieth to , and also for , and in the behalf of episcopals , independants , and presbyterians , who are opposite both to the doctrine and disipline of those churches , he intendng thereby to perswade us if possible , to a beliefe that they are the true and visible members of that body , of which christ is the head ; the which book , by gods assistance , is intended suddenly to be answered by one of our soceity , who resolveth to intitle it , the retractators work scaned or the conceptions and supposals of mr. william alleyn , regulated by scripture record ; in which , with other things , a gospel believer , or a true church of christ , upon a gospel account , is intended to be stated , the which is hoped will be so plain , that it may prove instrumental to the undeceiving of some that are under a deceipt by meanes of that and such deceiptful discourses as that is ; in which answer it is farther hoped , that those that are unsatisfied with our tearme without , in our answer in our declaration to the fourth particular may receive also good satisfaction , and in the mean time we desire all to take notice , that though we thus speake , yet we have good thoughts of those friends that go under those denominations , and do own them and all others of all other opinions whatsoever , in union , so far as they own god , christ and their truthes ; but to own the best of men to be members of that body of which christ is the head , and so to have communion with them , either to make them our mouth in prayer to god for us , or gods mouth in speaking forth his truths to us , or in breaking of bread at the table of the lord , we cannot own them in the least , our reasons we hope will be fully laid down in the answer to the said book . henry adis . richard pilgrim . william cox. in the behalf of themselves , and those that walk with them . and if any man shall question the reason why there are no more subscribers to this long declaration , we must answer them in the sorrow of our hearts , in the language of the prophet , micah 7.1 . woe is us , for we are as when they have gathered the summer fruits , as the grape gatherings in the vintage , there is no clusters to eat . vers . 2. the good man is perished out of the earth , and there is none upright amongst men , they all lie in wait for blood : they hunt every man his brother with a net . vers . 3. that they may do evil with both hands earnestly , the prince asketh , and the iudge asketh for a reward : and the great man he uttereth his mischievous desire : so they wrap it up . vers . 4. the best of them is as a brier , the most upright is sharper then a thorne hedge : the day of thy watchmen , and thy visitation cometh ; now shall be their perplexity . for thus saith the lord by his prophet , isa. 59.2 . your iniquities have separated between you and your god , and your sins have hid his face from you , that he will not hear . vers . 3. for your hands are defiled with blood , and your fingers with iniquity , your lips have spoken lies , your tongue have muttered perverseness . vers . 4. none calleth for justice , nor any pleadeth for truth : they trust in vanity , and speak lies ; they conceive mischief , and bring forth iniquity . vers . 5. they hatch cockatrice egs , and weave the spiders web : he that eateth of their eggs dieth , and that which is chrushed breaketh out into a viper . vers . 6. their webs shall not become garments , neither shall they cover themselves with their works : their works are works of iniquity , and the act of violence is in their hands . vers . 7. their feet run to evil , and they make hast to shed innocent blood , their thoughts are thoughts of iniquity , wasting and destruction is in their paths . vers . 8. the way of peace they know not , and there is no iudgment in their goings : they have made them crooked paths , whosoever goeth therein , shall not know peace . vers . 9. therefore is judgment far from us , we wait for light , but behold obscurlty : for brightness , but we walk in darkness . and so read on to the 18. vers . and vers . 18. according to their deeds , accordingly he will repay , fury to his adversaries , recompence to his enemies , to the islands he will repay recompence . but lest any man should think us to be what we are not , by what hath been inserted in our paper , after our subscriptions , we shall in fine declare , that in the presence of god we fight not against sinners but their sins , against sinful actions and not persons , as they stand in such or such relations in this land of our nativity ; and therefore shall earnestly beg all of all ranks and qualities , to set themselves upon the work of self examination , and to take that good advice from the lord by his prophet , isa. 1.16 . wash ye , make ye clean put away the evil of your doings from before mine eyes , cease to do evil , and learn to do well , seek judgment , relieve the oppressed , judge the fatherless , plead for the widdow ; ( to which ) if ye be willing and obedient , ye shall eat the good of the land , but if ye refuse and rebel , ye shall be destroyed by the sword , for the mouth of the lord hath spoken it , vers . 19 , 20. and to our dissenting brethren , we shall give that christian advice , that the apostle paul once gave to the corinthians , 2 cor. 7.1 . that they cleanse themselves from all filthiness of flesh and spirit , perfecting holiness in the fear of god. london , printed for the author henry adis uphouldster , living in princes street , and published the 13. day of the 11. month , heathenishly called in honour to their god ianus , ianuary , 1659. september 29. 1642. the persons to whom the militia of the citie of london is committed, for the safetie of the said citie, have thought fit, and hereby declare. city of london (england). committee for the militia of london. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a48975 of text r212512 in the english short title catalog (wing l2851h). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a48975 wing l2851h estc r212512 99835102 99835102 39756 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48975) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 39756) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1785:3) september 29. 1642. the persons to whom the militia of the citie of london is committed, for the safetie of the said citie, have thought fit, and hereby declare. city of london (england). committee for the militia of london. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] imprint suggested by wing. an order to the militia, directing what is to be done in the event of "any generall alarum by night or day.". identified at reel 1785:3 as wing p1668 (number cancelled). reproductions of the originals in the british library (thomason tracts) and the harvard university library (early englsh books). eng england and wales. -army -history -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a48975 r212512 (wing l2851h). civilwar no september 29. 1642. the persons to whom the militia of the citie of london is committed, for the safetie of the said citie, have thought fit committee for the militia of london 1642 607 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion september 29. 1642 . the persons to whom the militia of the citie of london is committed , for the safetie of the said citie , have thought fit , and hereby declare . that no souldier or any other person shall discharge any peece , great or small , betwixt the houres of nine of the clock in the night , and six in the morning , except in case of necessitie . that if any alarum be in the night time ; that then , all the inhabitants of the said citie and liberties , shall forthwith hang out lights , at the doores of their severall houses . that none of the officers belonging to the trained bands , doe lodge out of the citie ; dureing these times of imminent danger . that upon any generall alarum by night or day , the collonels , other field officers and captains , with the severall companies of the trained bands of the said citie , ( compleatly armed and well furnished with ammunition ) are forthwith to repaire to their severall alarum places , herein after mentioned , and there to attend , untill they shall receive further order . companies . allarum-places . collonell atkins . at the pump within algate . lievtenant collonell rawden . at billings-gate . serjant major manwaring . at london-stone . captain william tucker . at tower dock . captain william tomson . at the barrs without algate . captain edmund hooker . at crutched fryers . captain heriot washborne . at bridge end by magnis church . collonell pennington . at bevis marks . lievtenant collonell lingham . at bishops-gate within . serjant major davis . at grace-chu . by lumberstreet end . captain thomas chamberlin . at the north end of broad street . captain thomas player . at the cundit in leadenhall street . captain edmund harvie . at the royall exchange . captain christopher whichcot . at the spittle within the barres . collonell wollaston . at the west end of cheapside . lievtenant collonell venn. at newgate within . serjant major geere . at ludgate within . captain richard turner . at puddle-wharse . captain ralph harrison . at aldersgate-str . by long-lane end captain richard cutbert . at austins gate in pauls chuyard . captain robert tichburn . at aldersgate within . collonell adams . at the poultry . lievtenant col. edmund foster . at great alhallows church . serjant major carleton . at watlinstreet by bow lane end . captain francis west . at the southend of bred-street . captain iohn bla kwell . at queen hith . captain richard hacket . at whittington-colledge hill . captain william vnderwood . at the lower end of wal-brook . collonell warner . at alderman-bury . lievtenant col. matth. forster . at old-iury end by coleman-street . serjant major owen rowe . at mooregate within . captain matthew sheppard . at criplegate within . captain francis rowe . at the north end of great woodstr . captain robert manwaring . at the cundit without criplegate . collonel towse . at fleet cundit . lievtenant collonell wilson . at the north end of the old-baily . serjant major buxton . at smithfield . captain richard browne . at temple-barre , captain nathaniel camfield , at holburne cundit . captain thomas goaer . at the barres in holborne . and it is desired , that the captaines of middlesex and surry , who have companies lying in the suburbs , will upon all such alarums , draw their companies to the severall passages leading thereunto . an express from the knights and gentlemen now engaged with sir george booth to the city and citizens of london, and all other free-men of england. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84300 of text r211261 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.21[68]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84300 wing e3892 thomason 669.f.21[68] estc r211261 99869990 99869990 163563 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84300) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163563) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f21[68]) an express from the knights and gentlemen now engaged with sir george booth to the city and citizens of london, and all other free-men of england. delamer, george booth, baron, 1622-1684. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1659] imprint from wing. included at foot: "sir george booth to a friend of his in london" (dated manchester aug. 9. 1659). annotation on thomason copy: "august 12". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng delamer, george booth, -baron, 1622-1684 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a84300 r211261 (thomason 669.f.21[68]). civilwar no an express from the knights and gentlemen now engaged with sir george booth; to the city and citizens of london, and all other free-men of e delamer, george booth, baron 1659 2239 4 0 0 0 0 0 18 c the rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an express from the knights and gentlemen now engaged with sir george booth ; to the city and citizens of london , and all other free-men of england . worthy citizens , and all other our english free-men and brethren , as we are english-men we are all incorporated into one body , and though distinct and different families , fortunes , and qualities , yet fellow members and coheirs of one and the same birthright ; not onely by nature , as we are the sons of men , ( nature obliging all in one common and equal bond of freedom and unity , ) but by certain sacred laws and customes of peculiar and inherent right to this nation ; general , equal , and impartial to all , without respect of persons , rank , quality , or degree , derived through all successions of ages , by the blood justice and prudence of our fore-fathers to us their posterity , as ours , and the right of our children after us , not disinheritable : though this age were wholly made up of apostates and traytors to common justice and freedom , and should make sale of , and deliver up their children as slaves and vassails , yet english right abideth , to wit , our just lawes and liberties , and may justly be reinforced as opportunity may present ; sometimes they sleep but never dye , their total extinguishment is not to be imagined so long as any english-man , or english-blood abideth : and whoever undertaketh , ( though by arms , or otherwise , ) their recovery and redemption is justified in that very action by the laws of god , of nations , nature , reason , and by the laws of the land ; and within the bowels of our nation amongst our selves no war can be justified , but upon that score , the contrary is sedition , murder , treason , tyranny and what not , and the instruments thereof no other in the eye of english freedom and right , but as bears , wolves , and other beasts of prey . now right worthy and noble citizens , and all other our english brethren , let us consider and lay to heart the sad and deplorable condition of our native countrey : oppression , injustice , and tyranny raigneth ; division , discord , and dissimulation fomented and fostered ; trade and industery discouraged , our land rent into parties and factions , and the common band of unity cancell'd , our fundamental laws supplanted , high courts of justice introduced , the blood of war shed in times of peace ; arbitrary and illegal imprisonments , pattents , monopolies excise , and other payments brought upon us , and continued contrary to magna charta , and the petition of right ; no form or face of government of english constitution amongst us ; the name and authority of the people in parliament usurped and abused , and the stamp thereof put upon strange and prodigious actions , vexing and oppressing the people with dayly changes and alterations in government , as the interest of some few ambitious grandees alter and change , or get advantages one of another , and all under the name of a common-wealth , when as the nature is not practised or intended at all , it being utterly inconsistent with their very temper and interest ; they are wrapt up and compounded of nothing but guilt blood and tyranny ; and equal and common justice ( the essence of a common-wealth ) are utterly repugnant thereto ; and whatsoever they can doe must be planted and maintained by sword and violence against the very heart and sence of the nation ; and they know not where nor how to centre an oligarchy or something they would have to be masters of the people , and perpetuate their power and tyranny , and therefore would amaze and confound us with their new debates of a coordinate power , or senate for life , such as our english laws and liberties know not of , and of pernitious consequence to this nation ; so that from these men that thus handle the sterne at westminster , there is no expectation of any just settlement of peace , or freedom from oppression ; especially considering , the apostacy , hypocrisy , deceipt , and perjury of those men , their manifold sollemn engagements , oaths , vows , protestations , appeals unto heaven ; promises , remonstrances , declarations all by them broken again and again , never keeping faith , truce , or oath , being unbounded , unlimited , certain to nothing , not to be held either by the law of god , of man , of conscience , or reason ; and from such persons in government good lord deliver us , and all the good people of england ; and that all this is true of them , your own consciences noble citizens , and all other the free people of england can witness , there is no tongue , no pen is able to vindicate them in this point , it is known of all , owned by all , and can be denyed by none ; how then can any honest or just man shed any blood in their quarrel , or lend them assistance ? surely that blood will be required at their hands , and we doubt not but you will be careful what you do . and therefore from those considerations and just provocations we have taken up arms in pursuance of , and inquisition after our government , laws , and liberties , that every english-man may be protected and secured in his religion , liberty , and property ; and though it may be suggested , that we intend to introduce prosecution for conscience into the land again , we do hereby ( in the presence of almighty god ) protest and declare against all coercive power in matters of religion , and that to the utmost of our strength ( through gods assistance ) we will endevour to the hazzard of our blood and fortunes the freedome and protection of all virtuous and religious people , by what name soever differenced from us , equal with our selves : and that no forraign or other other authority save onely the civil be exercised in england : that the practise of the law be reformed ; all corrupt statutes repealed ; annual elections of all officers and magistrates , with the constant succession of parliaments restored ; our fundamental laws cleared and asserted , and whatever is contrary there to be abolished : that no tryals be admitted in england for life , limb , liberty or estate but by the good old way of juries , and that they be restored ▪ to their original power ▪ and purity : that all extrajudicial and illegal proceedings by high-courts of justice , or otherwise , with all illegal and arbitrary committees be strictly provided against : that the excise , and all other payments and taxes such as our ancestors never knew of , together with all monopolies and pattents destructive to trade and the common good of the nation be also abolished : and , that our parliaments and magistrates be secured from all force and violence ; and utterly cleared from all boundless prerogative , and unlimited priviledge : that the right of the poor in the commons of england , all donations for charitable uses , and all lands formerly belonging to the people be restor'd again : and that mercy and justice be truely established amongst us . and for these ends , and what else may be of publick good to the nation , we do desire , and indeed challenge as of english right , the speedy election of a new free parliament . and thus , most noble citizens , brethren and fellow free-men of england , we have dealt truely and plainly with you , and given you the real grounds and reasons of our taking up arms ; looking upon you as the most concern'd in the nation , and therefore hold our selves the more oblieged to give you this early advice of our candid and just intentions in this undertaking , that you may not be deluded or frighted ( though falsly ) into any strange opinion of us , either through your own mistake , or by the pollicy of those men who will leave no means unattempted to render us as publick enemies , rebels and traitors , plunderers , tyrants and persecuters , or whatever is odious and monstrous , to engage you in blood . beleeve us , right worthy citizens , and free-born english brethren , we have no designe of fire or sword , or of evil toward you or your city , or any part of the nation , or any person in it : we know there are thousands amongst you that are satisfied in us ; it may be indeed that many or most of the gathered sepeate churches may be fearful and jealous of us , and so may be induced to arms against us ; but we do again and again protest before almighty god , and the whole world , that we have no other purpose towards them , but that they with us , and we with them , may be bound up as friends and brethren in the common cause of our countrey , that every english-man may have english freedom and right ; and we do not desire to wrong either man , woman , or childe the worth of a shooe-latchet : therefore we hope you will first well advise before you proceed in a new war , lest you bring not only your own , but others blood on your heads ( for we are resolved to prosecute this to the last drop of our blood . ) the case of england is laid before you , our laws and liberties , they are yours as well as ours , and for which we have all engaged in the first war , and not to be so streightly vai●●d as to be set at stake against the private ends of some ambitious and corrupt persons : salus populi , suprema lex ; let the people live , and their enemies perish . therefore we beseech you , we conjure you as english men , to stand by your native countrey , and your countreys cause : our voyce is , and it is no other than the consent and voyce of the people , a new free parliament , a new free parliament ; it is the english mans main birthright , which we are resolved to put the people in possession of , or to perish with our swords in our hands . but if you will not joyn , but degenerate , we hope nothwithstanding ( by gods blessing ) to carry on this work : yet to that just and glorious work we may challenge your concurrence , it being your duty as well as ours to endevour the procurement thereof : and therefore to you make it our proposall , to your militia , to the army , and the whole people , for the prevention of a new war , and the effusion of english blood , that you would be instrumental with us for the speedy election of a new free parliament , for the ends aforesaid ; and in the interim all hostility to be forborn ▪ and that a day may be appointed , and the people suffered to go to their free elections , and we shall quietly submit unto their authority ; heartily desiring that all revenge , division , rancor , and animositie of spirit may be for ever buried in one general act of oblivion ; and that all parties , sects , and sorts ( now jarring , and making up interests one against another ) may reconcile , cement , and concenter in the common brotherhood of english freedome and right ; in and for which we are sir george booth to a friend of his in london . sir , my last to you of the second instant i understand you have committed to open view , the publication whereof was of general satisfaction to your friends here , and for which we all hold our selves obliged . i have sent you here inclosed an express from the knights and gentlemen engaged with me , and beg this further addition to your former many favours , that you would please to take the care upon you , to get the same printed and published , for the undeceiving of those amongst you , and all other that are yet doubtful or unsatisfied in us . this messenger will inform you of the present state and condition of affairs with us , to whom i refer you . in hast i rest , sir , your most affectionate friend and servant george booth . manchester aug. 9. 1659. die lunæ, 8. junii. 1646. it is this day ordered by the commons now assembled in parliament, that on the next lords day the respective ministers of the severall churches, and chappels within the cities of london and westminster, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83728 of text r212298 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[63]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83728 wing e2603e thomason 669.f.9[63] estc r212298 99870936 99870936 161161 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83728) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161161) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[63]) die lunæ, 8. junii. 1646. it is this day ordered by the commons now assembled in parliament, that on the next lords day the respective ministers of the severall churches, and chappels within the cities of london and westminster, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1646] title from heading and first lines of text. imprint from wing. signed: h. elsynge cler. parl. d. com. an order of the commons that the following sunday be appointed a thanksgiving day for various parliamentary successes. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng public worship -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. westminster (london, england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a83728 r212298 (thomason 669.f.9[63]). civilwar no die lunæ, 8. junii. 1646. it is this day ordered by the commons now assembled in parliament, that on the next lords day the respective minis england and wales. parliament. 1646 161 1 0 0 0 0 0 62 d the rate of 62 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die lunae , 8. junii . 1646. it is this day ordered by the commons now assembled in parliament , that on the next lords day the respective ministers of the severall churches , and chappels within the cities of london and westminster , and lines of communication and weekely bills of mortallity , doe take notice of the late severall mercies of almighty god to the forces of the parliament in the regaining and reducing of the severall garrisons of tudbury castle , dudley castle , hartlebury castle , ludlow towne and castle , and of bostoll house ; and to acknowledge and returne hearty thanks for the same . and that the lord major of the city of london be desired to take care that timely notice may be given hereof to the ministers . and mr. alderman atkin ▪ is to acquaint the lord major with this order . h. elsynge cler. parl. d. com. a true and faithful account of the several informations exhibited to the hounourable committee appointed by the parliament to inquire into the late dreadful burning of the city of london together with other informations touching the insolency of popish priests and jesuites ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. committee to enquire into the burning of london. 1667 approx. 79 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a63385 wing t2470 estc r23835 07915422 ocm 07915422 40386 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a63385) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40386) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1216:11) a true and faithful account of the several informations exhibited to the hounourable committee appointed by the parliament to inquire into the late dreadful burning of the city of london together with other informations touching the insolency of popish priests and jesuites ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. committee to enquire into the burning of london. 32 p. s.n.], [london? : printed in the year, 1667. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -great britain. catholic church -controversial literature. london (england) -fire, 1666 -sources. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-05 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true and faithful account of the several informations exhibited to the honourable committee appointed by the parliament to inquire into the late dreadful burning of the city of london . together with other informations touching the insolency of popish priests and jesuites ; and the increase of popery , brought to the honourable committee appointed by the parliament for that purpose . printed in the year 1667. londons consumption by fire . upon the second of september 1666. the fire began in london , at one farryners house , a baker in pudding-lane , between the hours of one and two in the morning , and continued burning until the sixth of september following ; consuming , as by the surveyors appears in print , three hundred seventy three acres within the walls of the city of london , and sixty three acres three roods without the walls . there remains seventy five acres three roods yet standing within the walls unburnt . eighty nine parish churches , besides chappels burnt . eleven parishes within the walls yet standing . houses burnt , thirteen thousand two hundred . per jonas moore , ralph gatrix . surveyors . upon the eighteenth of september 1666. the parliament came together : and upon the 25th of the same month , the house of commons appointed a committee to enquire into the causes of the late fire , before whom the following informations were given in ; and proved before the committee ; as by their report will more clearly appear , bearing date the two and twentieth of january 66. and upon the eighth of february following , the parliament was prorogued , before they came to give their judgement thereupon . die martis 25 septembris 1666. 18 car. 2. resolved , &c. that a committee be appointed to inquire into the causes of the late fire , and that it be referred to . sir charles harbord mr. sandys . col. birch . sir robert brook. sir tho. littleton . mr. prin mr. jones . sir solom . swale sir tho. tomlins . mr. seymour . mr. finch . lord herbert . sir john heath . mr. millward . sir richard ford. mr. rob. milward . sir william lowther . sir richard vatley . sir rowland beckley . sir tho. allen. mr. whorwood . mr. coventry . serj. maynard . sir jo. talbot . mr. morley . mr. garraway . sir fran. goodrick col. strangways . sir edward massey . sir ed●… . walpool . sir robert atkins . sir thomas gower . mr. trevor . sir thomas clifford . sir hen. caesar . sir john monson . sir john charlton . lord ancram . mr. pepis . sir richard everard . mr. crouch . mr. merrel . sir will. hickman . sir richard brown. mr. maynard . and they are to meet to morrow at two of the clock in the afternoon , in the speakers chamber ; and to send for persons , papers , and records . will. goldsbrough , cler. dom. com. october 9. 1666. ordered , that these members following be added to the committee appointed to enquire into the causes of the late fire , viz. sir john pelham , mr. hugh buseowen , mr. giles hungerford ▪ sir william lewis , sir gilbert gerrard , sir john brampstone ▪ mr. milward , mr. buscowen ; and all the members that serve for the city of london . will. goldesbrough , cler. dom. com. october 16. 1666. ordered , that mr. davies , sir thomas higgons , mr. st. john sir richard franklin , sir thomas tomkins , mr. devereux , mr. millard , mr. lewis , mr. dowdswell , sir james thyn , sir edm. pierse , mr. coleman , sir tho. allen , mr. giles hungerford , mr. churchill , be added to the committee appointed to enquire into the causes of the late fire . vvill. goldesbrough , cler. dom. com. the honourable committee , according to the fore-mentioned orders of the house , did meet in the speakers chamber , and having chosen sir robert brook for their chairman , proceded to receive many considerable informations from divers credible persons , about the matter wherewith they were intrusted , and thereupon did at last agree that sir robert brook should make the ensuing report to the honourable house of commons . the report of sir robert brook , chair-man to the committee that was appointed by the house of commons to enquire into the firing of the city of london ; made the two and twentieth of january , 1666. in a letter from alanson of the 23d of august ▪ 1666 , new stile , written from one dural to a gentleman lodging in the house of one of the ministers of the french church in london , called monsieur hera●●● ▪ there were these expressions : pray 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the truth of certain news which is common in this country ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a fire from heaven is fallen upon a city called belke , scituated on the side of the river of thames , where a world of people have been killed and burnt , and houses also consumed ▪ which seemed a word of cabal , cast out by some that were knowing , and others that might be ignorant of the signification of it . mris elizabeth styles informs , that in april last , in an eager discourse she had with a french servant of sir vere fan , he hastily replied , you english maids will like the frenchmen better , when there is not a house left between temple-bar and london-bridge . to which she answered , i hope your eyes will never see that . he replied , this will come to pass between june and october . william tisdale informs , that he being about the beginning of july at the greyhound in st. martins , with one fitz-harris an irish papist , heard him say , there would be a sad desolation in september , in november a worse , in december all would be united into one . whereupon he asked him , where this desolation would be ? he answered , in london . mr. light of ratcliff , having some discourse with mr. longhorn of the middle-temple , barrister , ( reputed a zealous papist ) about february 65 last , after some discourse in disputation about religion , he took him by the hand , and said to him , you expect great things in sixty six , and think that rome will be destroyed , but what if it be london ? mr. kitley of barkin in essex , in forms , that one mris. yazly , a papist , of ilford in the said county , came unto his house , august the 13th , and being in discourse with his mother , said , they say the next thursday will be the hottest day that ever was in england . she replied , i hope the hottest season of the year is now past . to which she answered , i know not whether it be the hottest for weather or for action . this mris. yazly coming to the same house the week after the fire , mr. kitly said to her with some trouble , i have often thought of your hot thursday : to which she replyed , it was not indeed upon the thursday , but it happened upon the sunday was sennight after . mris. yazly hearing this evidence produced against her , endeavoured to avoid the words , saying , that upon the 13th of august she did tell mris kitly , that they say the next thursday will be the darkest thursday that ever was in england , but not otherwise ; which she affirms to have received from one finchman , an old woman of ilford ; who being examined by a justice of ▪ peace to discover the truth thereof , denied that ever she said any such words to mris. yazly , or that she had discoursed with her about any such matter . and as to the subsequent words , she saith mris yazly denies ever to have spoken them : but mr. kitly ▪ offered in her presence ( if it should be demanded ) to bring his mother and wife to testifie the same . william ducket esq a member of the house , informs , that one henry baker of chippenham in the county of wilts , coming from market with one john woodman of kelloway in the same county , the thursday before the fire began in london , they had some discourse about the buying of a yoke of fat bullocks , wherein they differed , because vvoodman who was to sell them was desired to keep them a while in his hands ; but the said vvoodman denied so to do , for that as he alleadged , he could not stay in the country till that time which baker would have them delivered to him in , and being asked whither he was going , he refused to tell , asking what he had to do to make that question ; but riding a little further , the said woodman exprest these words , you are brave blades at chippenham , you made bonfires lately for beating the dutch ; but since you delight in bonfires , you shall have your bellies full of them ere it be long : adding , that if he lived one week longer , he should see london as sad a london as ever it was since the world began . and in some short time after , he should see as bloody a time as ever was , since england was england . this discourse was not much taken notice of at that time it was spoken , but when the city of london was burnt , the said henry baker gave this information to the said mr. ducket , and whereupon he issued out his warrant to apprehend woodman , but he was gone out of the country , and cannot be heard of since . robert hubert of roan in normandy , who acknowledged that he was one of those that fired the house of mr. farryner a baker in pudding-lane , from whence the fire had its beginning , confessed , that he came out of france with one stephen piedloe about four months before the fire , and went into sweden with him , where he also staid with him as his companion four months , and then they came together into england in a swedish ship called the skipper , where he staid on board with the said piedloe till that saturday night , in which the fire brake out . when peidloe taking him out of the ship , carried him into pudding-lane , and he being earnest to know whither he would carry him ? he would not satisfie him till he had brought him to the place , and then he told him , that he had brought three balls , and gave him one of them to throw into the house . and he would have been further satisfied in the design , as he said , before he would execute it : but peidloe was so impatient that he would not hear him , and then he did the fact , which was , that he put a fire-ball at the end of a long pole , and lighting it with a piece of match , he put it in at a window , and staid till he saw the house in a flame . he confessed that there were three and twenty complices , whereof peidloe was the chief . mr. graves a french merchant living in st. mary axe , informed this committee , that he had known hubert ever since he was four years old , and hath ever observed him to be a person of a mischievous inclination , and therefore fit for any villanous enterprize ; and because of his knowledge he had of him , he went to visit him in prison , where when he saw him , he could not but commiserate the condition whereinto he had brought himself . and for his better discovery of the fact , he told him the said hubert , that he did not believe he had done that of which he confessed himself guilty . to which hubert replyed , yes sir , i am guilty of it , and have been brought to it by the instigation of monsieur peidloe ; but not out of any malice to the english nation , but from a desire of reward which he promised me upon my return into france . it is observable , that this miserable creature who confessed himself to the committee to be a protestant , was a papist , and dyed so . and as for the aforesaid peidloe , the said mr. graves informed , that he had had a full knowledge of him , and knew him to be a very deboist person , and apt to any wicked design . moreover , for a clear conviction of the guilt of the aforesaid hubert , mr. lowman , the keeper of the vvhite-lion prison , was appointed to set him upon a horse , and to go with him , and see if he could find out the place where he threw the fire-ball . upon which , hubert with more readiness than those that were wel acquainted with the place , went to pudding-lane , unto the very place where the house that was first fired stood , saying , here stood the house . the jaylor endeavoured to draw him from that belief , and put him upon seeking for some other place : but he positively persisted in what he had first said ; and affirmed that to have been the said house . it being intimated to the committee , that notwithstanding the confession of the said hubert , it was confidently reported the fire in the forementioned farryners house began by accident . the committee therefore sent for him the said farryner before them , who being examined , said , that it was impossible any fire should happen in his house by accident ; for he had after twelve of the clock that night gone through every room thereof , and found no fire , but in one chimney , where the room was paved with bricks , which fire he diligently raked up in embers . he was then asked , whether no window or door might let in wind to disturb those coals ? he affirmed there was no possibility for any wind to disturb them : and that it was absolutely set on fire of purpose . dawes weymansel esq one of his majesties justices of the peace , informed , that he saw a man apprehended in the time of the fire , near the temple , with his pockets stuft with combustible matter , made of flax , tow , and such-like materials . doctor john packer informs , that he saw a person in the time of the fire , throw some combustible matter into a shop in the old bayley , which he thinks was the shop of an apothecary ; and that immediately thereupon he saw a great smoak , and smelt a smell of brimstone . the person that did this , immediately ran away ; but upon the out-cry of the people he was taken by the guards . mr. randal , mr. haslem , and mr. humphry bowyer , do all agree , that they saw a person flinging something into a house near st. antholines church ; and that thereupon the house was on fire , and the smoak thereof infested the adjacent houses . and when this was done , there was no fire near the place . mr. michael march , an officer in the trained bands in a company of sir richard browns , apprehended a walloon in the time of the fire , at the nags-head in leaden-hall-street , with an instrument like a dark lanthorn , made ( as is conceived ) to lay a train of powder , and it was filled with gun-powder . there were two more of the same nation in his company . they being asked to what use they employed the same instrument , would give no account thereof . newton killingworth esq informed , that he apprehended a person during the fire , about whom he found much combustible matter , and certain black things , of a long figure , which he could not indure to hold in his hand , by reason of their extream heat . this person was so surprized at first , that he would not answer to any question ; but being on his way to white-hall , he acted the part of a mad-man , and so continued while he was with him . sir john maynard , a member of this house , affirms , that he had some of that combustible matter in his hands ; and though it were in its natural substance , and unfired , yet the heat of it was scarcely to be endured by the touch . mr. freeman of southwark brewer , ( whose house was lately fired ) informs , that on the day his house was fired ▪ ( about a quarter of an hour before that happened ) a paper with a ball of wildfire , containing near a pound weight wrapped in it , was found in the nave of a wheel , in a wheelers-yard , where lay a great quantity of timber . how his house was fired he knoweth not ; but this he affirmed to the committee , that it could not be by accident , because there had not been any candle or fire in the house where the hay lay , that whole day ; and that the hay being laid in very dry , and before midsummer , could not possibly be set on fire within it self . moreover he said , that the hay-loft was on fire on the top of the house , and that the fire spread from the one end of the roof to another in an instant . mr. richard harwood informs , that being near the feathers tavern by st. pauls , upon the fourth of september , he saw something through a grate in a celler , like wild-fire , by the sparkling and spitting of it he could judge it to be no other ; whereupon he gave notice of it to some souldiers that were near the place , who caused it to be quenched . i had order from the committee to acquaint you , that we traced several persons apprehended upon strong suspition ( during the fire ) to the guards , but could not make further discovery of them . thus far was the report : what follows was given in to the committee , but not by them reported to the house at that time .. in obedience to an order directed to me , from the honourable committee of the house of commons , then sitting in the speakers chamber , of the second of october , 1666. i did carry robert hubert to st. katherines tower by water , to let me know the place where the swedish ship lay , that brought him and other frenchmen from stockholm , and he brought me to the dock over-against mr. corsellis his brew-house , and did then verifie to me , and mr. corsellis , that the ship lay there , until such time as he with mr. peidloe and others did go and set fire to a house . and this hubert did then further say , that mr. peidloe did fix two fire-balls to a long pole , and put them into a window ; and that he the said robert hubert did fire one in the same manner , and put it in at the same window . but with all the inquiry and dilligence that i could use , i could neither find nor hear of any such vessel . and from thence i carried the said robert hubert to tower-hill , and did then desire him to shew me the house that they did fire , and he said , that it was near the bridge . so we went along thames-street towards the bridge ; but before we came to the bridge , the said robert hubert said , that the house was up there ( pointing with his hand up pudding-lane : ) so i bid him go to the place , and he went along the bricks and rubbish , and made a stand . then did i ask one robert penny , a wine-porter , which was the bakers house ? and he told me , that was the house where the aforesaid robert hubert stood . so i went to robert hubert and stood by him , and turned my back towards the bakers house , and demanded of him , which house it was that he fired , ( directing to other houses contrary to that house ) but he turning himself about said , this was the house ( pointing to the bakers house ) that was first fired . then by reason of his lameness i set him on a horse , and carried him to several other places , but no other place he would acknowledge ; but rode back again to the bakers house , and said again , that that was the house ( pointing at the bakers house ) and this i do humbly certifie to this honourable committee . by me john lowman , keeper of his majesties county-goal for surry . sir , hearing that you are chairman to the committee for examining the firing of london , i thought good to acquaint you with this information that i have received . william champneys , a hatband-maker , now living upon horsly-down , was upon tuesday-morning , september the fourth 1666. in shoe-lane , and there met with a constable who had apprehended a frenchman whom he took firing a house there with fire-balls , and charged the said champneys to assist him , who carried the said frenchman to salisbury court , hoping there to have found a justice ; but finding that place burning down , returned into fleet-street , who was presently called upon by the commander of the life-guard , to know what the matter was : the constable told him , he had apprehended a frenchman firing a house in shoe-lane ; he examined the person and committed him to the guard , and told the constable he would secure him , and carried him along with him . the constable asked him whether he should go along with him to give in his evidence : he replied , that he had done enough , and might go home . but what became of the frenchman he knoweth not . your humble servant , s. g. in a letter from ipswich , directed , for the honourable sir robert brook , it is intimated , that about the 30th of august 1666 , one of the constables of cotton in hartsmer hundred , being about the survey of that town about hearth-money , was told by one mr. william thompsan , a roman catholick in that town , that though times were like to be sad , yet if he found any cause to change his religion , he would see he should not want : and further said to him , what will you say if you hear that london is burnt ? the affidavits touching a frenchman that said , there were three hundred of them engaged in firing the city . the informations of richard bound of st. giles in the fields , ironmonger ; william cotes , samuel page , francis cogny , edmond dakins , and richard pardoe , taken the 8th day of septemb ▪ 1666 by sir justinian lewen , knight , one of his majesties justices of the peace for the county of middlesex , upon oath , as followeth . richard bound saith , that upon tuesday night last about twelve or one of the clock there was a frenchman brought by the watch to this informants father's house , being at the sign of the vvhite-hart in king-street , taken as a suspicious person ; the said person being questioned by them , whether he was not one of those that fired the city , or had a hand therein , or any privity or knowledge of any that had designed the same ; or words to that effect : the said person answered a great while in a perverse manner , quite different from the question . but being further pressed to tell the truth ; and being told , that if he were guilty , it would be the only way to save his life : he did at first obstinately deny , that he knew any thing of any plot. whereupon a young man took the prisoner aside to the end of the room , and after some private discourse between them ; they both returned to this informant and the rest of the company , and the said young man spake openly to us , in the hearing of the prisoner , that the said frenchman and prisoner had confessed , there were three hundred frenchmen that were in a plot or conspiracy to fire the city . upon which this informant and others spake to the said frenchman in these words , or to the same effect : well monsieur , you have done very well to confess what you have done , and no doubt but you may have your pardon , if you will confess all you know of this plot : and thereupon further asked him , are there no more than three hundred persons in the said plot ? he answered , there are no more than three hundred persons . then we inquired who they were , and how he came to know they were three huudred ? to which he would give no direct answer , but put it off with other extravagant discourse . and being asked why he came to st. giles parish ( where he was apprehended ? ) he told a story , that he came from islington-fields , where his masters goods were ; but the goods were now removed , but he could not tell whither ; and that his master bid him go up and down the fields , but would not declare upon what occasion , or for what end he was so to do : and being asked whether there were three hundred persons engaged in this design or plot ? he replied , that there were three hundred engaged in it . an extract of a letter from heydleburgh , in the palatinate , september the 29th . 1666. sir , yours of the sixth current came on wednesday to me , and brought the ill tidings of the burning of london , constantly expected and discoursed of amongst the jesuites to my knowledge ▪ for these fi●teen years last past , as to happen this year . in which they do also promise to themselves and others the introduction of the publick exercise of the catholick religion . this letter was sent ▪ to mr. alton , who lives in new-gravel-lane ▪ in shadwel , who negotiates the business of the palatinate , and will produce the original if there be occasion . the information of john chishul schoolmaster in enfield . upon friday , aug. 31. mris. st. george , and her eldest daughter susanna st. george , both popish recusants , came to visit mris. rebecka eves widow , at her house in enfield ; where speaking concerning the session of parliament drawing nigh , mris st. george told her , that some would hereafter ▪ be called to an account for a plot. being asked for what ? she told her in her ear , for burning the city . mris eves afterwards hearing of the firing of london , ( and going to a place where she might behold it ) met with mris. susanna st george , and ( amongst other discourse ) told her how much her mothers words , which she spake the friday before , did run in her thoughts ; which she repeated to her daughter , who made this reply , that her mother was very apt to talk , and that she had been fain to keep her mother within doors during the fire , fearing lest she should talk . after this ( during the fire ) mris eves met with mris cook , another popish recusant , and of the same family , to whom she also related mris st george her words ; who made this return , that she was a worthy woman to keep counsel . also the lady st. george at enfield in the lord of lincolns house , declared to mris rebecca eves of the said town , that within a few dayes the city of london would be laid in ashes . this was spoken about two dayes before the fire happened . mris eves of enfield her examination before mr. jolliff and mr. marvel , decemb. 20. 1666. concerning mris st. george . mris rebecca eves of enfield , three or four days or within a week before the fire , receiving a visit in her own house from mris st george ( amongst other discourses ) mris st. george askt her what news the heard ? and , if she knew when the parliament sate ? mris eves replied , she thought shortly . the other asked , if she heard of any that were to be called in question before the parliament ? mris eves said , about what ? mris st. george said , about a plot. mris eves asked , what plot ? mris st. george answered , about firing the city . mris eves said , i hope god will preserve the city ; but people use not to be questioned before the fact be committed . so the discourse was waved for that time . at the time of the fire , mris eves went out to look towards the fire , and mentioning mris. st. george ; one in the company replyed behind her ( but she cannot certainly fix the person ) a prime woman to keep counsel ! after the fire , mris st george her daughter came to mris eves , who asked her if she remembred what her mother had said ? she said , my mother is such a woman she will speak what she thinks . afterwards she said , that she had much ado to keep her mother in at the time of the fire , lest she should speak some things she should be questioned for . at the first discourse mris eves , her daughter , and others of her family were present . mr. st. george , his wife and family have since left enfield . they are all great papists , and there are many more in the neighbourhood . a letter directed and sent by the post to mr. samuel thurlton in leicestershire , from a person unknown , as followeth , dated october 16. 1666. my friend , your presence is now more necessary at london , than where you are , that you may determine how to dispose of your estate in southwark ; for it is determined by humane counsel ( if not frustrated by divine power ) that the suburbs will shortly be destroyed . your capacity is large enough to understand . proceed as your genius shall instruct you . cave , cave . fuge . vale. saturday the first of september 1666 , the day before the fire in london , came one vrmstraw from ireland , with a letter from thence to one esq holcroft at east-ham in essex ( being related to that family by marriage ) where he supped . after which he askt the esquire , if he had heard any thing of the firing of london ? who answered , no. but urmstraw said , he would shortly , for it was , or would be so that night . the esquire answered , if it were , he hoped it might be quenched again , as it had been many a time . but urmstraw answered , no , it would not be quenched ; for it should be said of it , as of troy , repeating a latine verse , nunc seges est ubi troja fuit , that now corn grows where troy stood . this discourse was managed pleasantly by him , after which , they went to their beds . and in the morning this urmstraw inquires earnestly , whether they had heard of the firing of london that night ? they answered , no : but he prayed them to send one of the family out to enquire , and doubtless they would hear of it ; upon which a messenger was sent , who brought in word from a man that travelled upon the road , that it was on fire indeed . after dinner this urmstraw desires his horse to be sadled , that he might be gone . the esquire intreats him to stay till next morning ; but he answered , if i should stay , i should sleep no more this night than i did the last : therefore i would go see london before it 's quite burned , for i shall never see it more . sunday morning the fire being begun in london , a person coming from dep●ford , when he came to barnaby-street-end in southwark , hears a woman cry out against a frenchman for throwing fire-balls , he runs after him , and lays hold of him . he asked him what commission he had for so doing ? he answered , that his commission was in his chest . the people coming in , they search'd him , and found fireballs in his pockets . he was delivered to the guard in southwark , but heard of no more . a citizen being fired out of his house , had hired a lodging in queens street in covent-garden ; and going up holborn ( there being a crowd of people ) steps in amongst them , and hears a woman say , that she had a hand in firing the city . the people askt her , whether she were an anabaptist ? she said no : are you an independent ? she said no : are you a presbyterian ? she said no : are you a roman catholick ? to which she would give no answer . the citizen asked her , but mistris had you a hand in burning the city ? she answered , what would you have me to say ? i have confessed it already , and do deserve to dye for it : this she said with great trembling , and seemed to be much troubled . the citizen enquires for a constable , the people reply , there was one gone for , but a gallant comes , and takes her by the arm , and leads her away , saying he would have her examined , and forthwith another gallant closeth with him , and they both carryed her to the griffin tavern in holborn . the citizen follows them , to see the result of the business . but , they , with the master of the house , shut out the company ( all but the citizen , supposing him to be one of their own company ) but asking one the other concerning him , and finding him not of them , put him out again . whereupon he goes to the next company of souldiers , and inquires for their captain , who replyed , he was not there , but told him , yonder is my lord craven , unto whom the citizen repaired , and acquainted his lordship , that there was a woman apprehended ( and rescued by a couple of gallants ) that had confessed she had a hand in burning the city , and was at such a tavern . whereupon the lord craven called to a captain in the street , and ordered him to go with that man and apprehend the woman that he should direct him to ; whereupon he goes with the citizen , and takes her with the first gallant , who stood up highly in her defence , and carries them both to an alehouse on the other side of the way . the citizen perceiving that nothing would be done with her , leaves his name with the captain , and where he might be found , but was never called for to justifie the words spoken by her . a woman standing in white-chappel with a company about her , was askt what the matter was ? she said , that she met two young men in that place , and asked them how it was with the fire : they answered , it s now almost out , if it can be kept so , but the rogues renew it with their fireballs . ay saith another woman , young men , if you have a heart to it , you may be hyred to throw fire-balls too ; for i know where twenty were hired yesterday to throw them . it was askt her , what was become of the woman that spake thus ? she answered , that she had apprehended her and delivered her to the under beadle of white-cappel-parish . the woman falling under the accusation ( not being able to deny it ) there being many witnesses at that time that heard it : she was delivered to sir john robinson , but heard of no more . one from france writes to his correspondent in london , to know the truth of what was muttered in paris , vvhether london were laid in ashes or no. the letter being dated a week before the fire began . form surrey in or near darkin , a person in ordinary habit ( who was yet observed to take place of all the nobility and gentry among the papists , seeing the people of darkin mourn for the burning of the city , he spake slightingly of it , telling them , they should have something else to trouble themselves for , and that shortly darkin should be laid as low as london . vvhereupon the people made at him , and one mr. howard a great papist rescues him , and sends him away in his coach to london . this was desposed before sir adam brown , a justice of peace and a member of parliament . these following relations ( for substance ) were delivered to sir robert brooks , chairman of the committee , a little before the prorogation of the parliament . a true relation made by one of the grand jury , at hicks hall , at a general quarter-sessions , presently after the fire in london , who was upon tryal of some of those that fired the city . that near west-smithfield in cheek-lane , there was a man taken in the very act of firing a house , by the inhabitants and neighbours ; and carrying him away through smithfield , to have him before a justice for the fact committed , the kings life-guard perceiving it , made up unto them , and demanded their prisoner from them ; but they refused to let him go . the life-guard men told them , that he was one of the kings servants , and said , we will have him ; and thereupon they drew out their swords and pistols , and rescued him out of the peoples hands by force of arms. a bill of indictment was brought against him , and two or three witnesses did swear unto it , and the bill was found by the grand-jury , who did carry it to the old baily , and presented it to the lord chief justice ; but it came to no further tryal , nor was ever seen after at the old bailey , so far as this person upon his best enquiry could ever hear or learn. concerning a house-keeper at so-ho , who fired his own dwelling-house . first he secured all his goods in his garden , and then went in and fired his house ; which when he had done , he endeavoured to get away out at his fore-door . a neighbour demanded of him who had fired his house ? he answered , the devil . upon that , his neighbour bid him stand , or he would run his halbert into his guts . his answer was , if you do , there are enough left behind me to do the work. whereupon he was secured , and a bill of indictment brought against him , and about three witnesses did swear to it , and his son came-in as a witness against him , who was demanded by the foreman , what he could say as to the firing of his fathers house ? he said , that his father did fire it with a fire-ball . it was demanded of him , whether he did fire it above stairs , or below ? he answered , above stairs . the bill was likewise found ; but the petty-jury being too much influenced and over-awed by the l. c. j. k. did not find him guilty . a maid was taken in the street with two fire-balls in her lap ; some did demand of her , where she had them ? she said , one of the kings life-guard threw them into her lap : she was asked why she had not caused him to be apprehended ? she said , that she knew not what they were . she was indicted for this , and the bill found against her , and turned over to the old-bayly , but no prosecution upon it . in the time of the fire , a constable took a frenchman firing a house , seized on him , and going to a magistrate with him , met his royal highness the duke of york , who asked the reason of the tumult : one told him that a frenchman was taken firing a house ; his highness called for the man , who speak to him in french. the duke asked , who would attest it ? the constable said , i took him in the act , and i will attest it . the duke took him into his costody , and said , i will secure him . but he was heard of no more . on munday the third of september , there was a frenchman taken firing a house ; and upon searching of him , fire-balls were found about him . at which time four of the life-guard rescued the frenchman , and took him away from the people , after their usual manner in the whole time of the fire . one mr. belland a frenchman , living at maribone , who bought great store of pastboard for a considerable time before the fire in the city of london , to the quantity of twenty gross in one shop , and much more elsewhere , was asked by a citizen , what he did with all that pastboard ? he answered , that he made fire-works for the kings pleasure . the citizen asked him , what doth the king give you ? he replyed , nothing , onely i have respects at court : the citizen said , take heed , mr. belland , you do not expend your estate , and then lose your respects at court , for you are at a great charge . belland answered , sir , do you think this a great matter ? i use all this my self ; but if you did see all the great quantities i have made elsewhere , in three several places , three , four , and five miles off , you would say something . another time , the stationer with whom he dealt for the pastboard , being at his house in maribone , and wondring at the many thousands of fire-works that lay piled up of several sorts , he said , sir , do you wonder at this ? if you should see the quantity that i have made elswhere by other men , you would wonder indeed . the sunday before the fire began , this belland came to the shop where he was wont to buy his pastboard , but the stationer being not there , he desired a citizen ( the stationers neighbour ) to speak to him , and to let him know that he had much wronged him in disappointing him of the four gross of pastbord which he should have had of him , and said that he should not do his work by the time ; and that if he had it not by tuesday night , it would come too late , he should have no occasion for it after that ( which was the tuesday night before the fire ) mr. belland ( said the citizen ) what is the reason of your hast ? have you any shew suddenly before the king ? at which he blusht , and would give no answer . says the citizen , what kind of fireworks do you make , onely such as will crack and run ? belland answered , i make of all sorts ; some that will burn and make no crack at all , but will fly up in a pure body of flame , higher then the top of pauls , and waver in the ayre . says the citizen , mr. belland , when you make your shew , shall i see it ? yes , said belland , i promise you , and gave him his hand upon it . which citizen in the time of the fire , being upon the thames in a boat , saw , to his great amazement , sundry bodyes of fire , burning above the fire of the houses as high again as pauls , wavering in the ayre , directly according to bellands description . and after the burning of the city , the stationer and the other citizen agreed to go to maribone , to speak with this belland ; and by the way met with his two maids ▪ and his boy : and having some knowledge of them , asked for young mr. belland , who told them , he was not at home , neither knew they where he was . but the citisens observing that they carryed with them rabbets and capons ready drest , concluded , they were going to him , and told them so . whereat , they were surly and bad them go look him , for they would not tell them where he was . upon that , the citizens resolved to follow them , and did , till they came to whitehall . the servants went up stairs and down stairs , on purpose to have lost them , but could not , for they kept close to them . and at last , one of the maids went to a door and knock'd , crying out , they were dogg'd by two men , that they could not be rid of ; with that young mr. belland opened the door saying to one of the citizens , sir your servant , how do you do ? one of them answered , both i and many thousand families more are the worse for you ; for you under pretence of making fire-works for the king , have destroyed a famous city , and ruined a noble people . to which belland replyes , i make nothing but innocent things , that will do no harm ; for which i have a pattent from the king. but the citizen answered , if the king gave you a patent , it was but for your self : who answered , no. said the citizen , what made you then to imploy so many men , in so many places ? no , said belland , i set no man to work , neither know i any man that makes of them , but my self ; though he had often before said otherwise . while they were thus discoursing , old belland looks from under the hanging , sir , said he , i hear you charge my son with suspition of burning the city , i pray you speak lower ( casting his eyes about , fearing the ladies passing by might hear ) and said , my son doth nothing but what he hath a pattent from the king for , and shall have an order to sue any man , that shall accuse him . and he said , my son is no prisoner , but lodged here to prevent him from the rage of the common people . well , said the citizens , you must give an account for what you have done . and so they shut the door upon them . the citizens went and enquired whose lodgings they were ▪ and were told , they belonged to the lady killegrew . the information of thomas middleton chyrurgeon , late inhabitant of st. brides , london . i the said thomas middleton do hereby certifie , that upon the sunday in the afternoon ( the day wherein the dreadful fire brake out in pudding-lane which consumed the city ) hearing the general out-cry , that the city was fired by papists and french , i repaired to the top of a church steeple near the three cranes in the vintrey , where my self and several others observed the motion of the fire for two or three hours together , and we all took notice , that the fire did break forth out of several houses , when the houses which were then burning were at a good distance from them every way , and more particularly , i saw the fire break out from the inside of lawrence-pountney steeple , when there was no fire near it . these and such like observations begat in me a perswasion , that the fire was maintained by design . upon munday i repaired again into the city , and found as the day before , that the fire did break forth in fresh houses at a great distance one from another . and as i was returning home , passing through watling-street by a tobacco merchants house , i saw the master of the house come down staires , driving a young fellow before him , saying to him , you rogue , do you come to rob me ? what did you do in my garret ? or words to that purpose , and pushed him out of doors : all which i observed , and he seemed to be a frenchman : he was a short black fellow of about 22 years of age : and as soon as he was out of the house , he having a loose coat on , in a way of privacy , shuffles something under his coat , whereupon i laid hold of him , and said , sirrah , what have you there ? the fellow replyed , what is that to you , the master of the house knows me : upon that i asked the mr. of the house whether he knew the fellow , he answered , he knew him not . whereupon i searched the fellow , and found a horn of powder about him , and as soon as the powder was discovered , he fell a rubbing his hands , they being all black with powder : he had also about him , a book intituled , the jewish government . i charged him that he was a frenchman , because he spake broken english ; but he denyed it , and did much vaunt himself . there coming a constable by with his staffe , i required him to carry him to prison , and i would assist him ; so we conveyed him to old bridewel , and by the way , the people were ready to kill him , calling him french-rascal . i prayed them to forbear , for justice would give him his reward . i told the fellow he would be hanged ; he made slight of it , saying , if i dye my soul shall be saved , but yours shall be damned . and when he was put into bridewel , i desired that he might be secured and none suffered to speak with him , till he were examined before a magistrate , because the tobacco-merchants house was presently burned upon it . but so it happned on the next day that the fire came on , and consumed my house and goods , so that i was forced with my family to fly into the country , and what became of the fellow i know not , old bridewel being burnt also . and understanding that the parliament hath appointed a committee to enquire after the actors in , and fomenters of that terrible fire , i thought good to inform the honourable committee thereof , that they may send for the keeper of the said bridewel , to know what became of the fellow , that he might receive justice according to his demerit . thus much i thought my self obliged to do , as in duty bound to god and my country . all which i am ready to affirm upon oath , when i shall be thereunto called . tho. midleton . in the time of the fire , near bridewell , there was a man sadly bemoaning the great loss he was like to sustain ( the fire then being within five or six houses of him ) did beseech the people for gods sake , they having no goods of their own in danger , to come in and help him to throw out trunks , chests , beds , &c. out at a window , having procured two carts or waggons to carry them away . whereupon i ran into his house with several others , broke down his windows , threw out his goods , and loaded the carts ; and there being some interval of time before the return of the carts , and seeing a room wherein were many books and loose papers ( which seemed to be a library ) i went in and took down a book , which proved to be ovids metamorphosis , and while i was looking upon it , there came into the same room an old man of low stature , with a white frock , who looked also on the book as it was in my hand ; i took him in my mind to be some groom come out of a stable , and thought him to be presumptuously foolish , supposing such a mean-like old man ignorant of that language in which the book was written , it being latine , but i spoke not to him : in the mean time , there brake forth a fire amongst the papers which were behind us , there being none in the room but he and i ▪ whereupon the rest of the people coming in , cryed out , we had set the room on fire , and rushing in upon us , put out the fire with their feet : whereupon i took hold of the old man by the buttons under the throat , and said , how now father , it must either be you or i must fire these papers . there was a small thing of a black matter , which looked like a piece of a link , burning , which questionless set fire on the papers , but it was immediately trod out . a multitude of people thronged in ; and when i said , how now father , & took hold of him , he said , parce mihi domine : the people which did not understand it , cryed out , he is a frenchman , kill him , and with pulling of him , his perriwig fell off ; then appeared a bald skull , and under his frock he had black clothes , i think of bishops sattin , whereupon he seemed to be a grave ecclesiastick person . i had much ado to save him from the people , but at last brought him before the duke of york : we found in his pocket a bundle of papers closed up with wax like a packet , which was delivered to the duke of york . i know not what was written in them , neither do i know what country-man he was ; but methoughts he looked something jesuitical-like . this i am certain of , that when i went into the room there was no fire in it , and it was fired when there was none but he and i in it , yet i cannot say i saw him do it , though i cannot but suspect he did it , and the rather , because there were several houses untouched betwixt this house , and where the fire was coming on , when the papers in the library were thus on fire as i have related . what became of this fellow after we had delivered him to his royal highness the duke of york , i have not heard . john stewartt . thus for concerning the report and informations about the fire : now follow a true account of what was represented to another committee of parliament , touching the insolency of popish priests and jesuites , and the increase of popery , &c. at the committee appointed to certifie informations touching the insolency of popish priests and jesuites , and the increase of popery . ordered , that these several informations proceeded on , in pursuance of the said power of the committee , be reported to the house , in reference to the insolency of the popish priests and jesuites , and the increase of popery . as to the increase of popery , mr. hancock minister of chilmoth in wilts , informes , that meeting with one mr. thompson , about a month since , coming from mass out of somerset-house chappel , and discoursing to him about his religion , asked him if there were many lately turned to it ? thompson answered , thousands . and being demanded what encouragement there was to it ? replyed , there would be a change suddenly . report his carriage at the committee . mr. thompson being summoned before the committee , did behave himself very insolently : they have commanded me to report it . being asked , whether he had not a shop in somerset-house , where popish books and popish knacks were sold ? he said , he had ; and that his man sold such books and beads , and other things ▪ and said , there was one crucifix , no reliques , but wished he had some good ones . he said that he was a roman catholique , and thanks god for it . he said he was no priest , but wished he were in a capacity to be one . he said he had not taken the oath of allegiance and supremacy , nor would do it . he said he would take any oath that any christian prince should require , but not the oath of allegiance , intimating some mixture in it . he said he had taken the oath of allegiance to the king of spain , and was a subject to the king of spain . one mr. ash a minister , late of capel in surrey , informed , that being at caufield in lancashire this last summer , he saw great resort on sundays to caufield house , the house of a papist ; and asking some that were going thither , what the occasion was of their resort thither , they told him they were going to mass , and that one mr. robinson a priest did say mass . mr. ash did likewise inform , that he thought the number of those that went to mass to that house on sundays , was as great as the protestants that went to the parish church . one mr. welden deputy ordinary for middlesex , did inform , that in his accustomed attendance on the prisoners at newgate , about the times of execution , romish priests , and particularly one mr. harvy a jesuite , hath constantly used to resort to the prison at those times ; and doth perswade the prisoners to become papists ; and that divers have been altered in their religion by them , and turned to popery . mr. wooton informeth , that on the 16th of october , he went to newgate , and meeting with one howard an under-keeper at the door , desired to speak with mr. hubert the frenchman , who was then condemned . howard told him that he could not speak with him yet , for mr. harvy the queen-mothers confessor was in private with him , and said this harvy used frequently to come to the prison after condemnation ; and that where one prisoner dyed a protestant , many died papists . mr. wootton said , that after some stay he saw mr. harvy come out from mr. hubert , and then he was admitted to have speech with him . mr. cawdry , keeper of newgate , did inform , that mr. harvy the jesuite did frequent the prison at newgate about the times of execution , upon the pretence of the queens charity , and did spend much time with the prisoners in private , and particularly , did so before the last execution , night after night . mr. cawdry said likewise of the nine that suffered , eight died papists , whereof some he knew were protestants when they came into the prison . it appeared upon several informations , that mr. harvy and other priests , did not only resort to newgate at times of execution , but likewise to the white-lyon in southwark , and other places in the country , and used their endeavours to pervert dying prisoners . thomas barnet , late a papist , informed , that when he was a papist , and resorted to gentlemens houses in barkshire that were papists , there was almost in every gentlemans house a priest , and instanced in divers private gentlemen in that county . others did inform the like in surrey . mr. cotman did inform , that one mr. carpenter , late a preacher at colledge-hill , did in discourse tell cotman , that the judgements of god upon this kingdom , by the plague last year , and lately by the fire in london , were come upon this land and people for their forsaking the true roman catholique religion , and casting off obedience to the pope . and that if they would return to the church of rome , the pope would re-build this city at his own charge . carpenter said likewise to the said cotman , that if he would come and hear him preach the next sunday at his house in queen-street , he would give twenty reasons to prove , that the roman catholique was the true religion , and his false ; and that our bible had a thousand falsities in it , and that there was no true scripture but at rome and their church . carpenter at the committee confessed , that he had formerly taken orders from the church of rome , to be a priest , but said he had renounced that church and taken orders in england . the next thing is the information of their insolency , and i shall begin with their scorning and despising the bible . one thomas williams an officer in sir william bowyers regiment informed , that one ashley a papist , seeing a woman reading in a bible , asked her why she read in that damnable presbyterian bible , and said , a play book was as good . thomas barnet of bynfield in barkeshire informed , that being at one mr. youngs house in bynfield at batholomew tide last , mr. young said to the brother of this thomas , in his hearing , that within two years there should not be a protestant in england . thomas barnet informed further , that being at mr. doncasters house in bynfield , one mr. thural , son-in-law to mr. doncaster ( and both papists ) said to this informer ( who was then likewise a papist ) the people take me for a poor fellow , but i shall find a thousand or two thousand pounds , to raise a party of horse to make mr. hathorns and mr. bulcocks fat guts lye on the ground . for it is no more to kill an heretique , than to kill a grashopper : and that it was happy for him , that he was a catholique , for by that means , he shall be one that shall be mounted . mr. linwood a scrivener in white-chappel informed , that about the 20th of october last , meeting with one mr. binks a papist , and discoursing with him , binks told him , that there was amongst the papists as great a designe as ever was in england ; and he thought it would be executed speedily . being asked how many papists there might be about london , he answered , about seven thousand ; and in england , a hundred thousand were armed . mr. oakes a physitian , dwelling in shadwel , informed , that a little after the burning of london , one mr. carpenter a minister , came to his house on tower-wharf , and spake to him to this purpose : i will not say that i am a papist ; but this i will say , that i had rather dye the death of a papist , and that my soul should be raised with their resurrection , than either to be presbyterian , independent or anabaptist . and i tell you , the papists have hitherto been his majesties best fortification . for when presbyterian , independent , and anabaptists opposed him , then they stood by him and helped him . and he is now resolved to commit himself into their hands . and take it upon my word , in a short time , the papists will lay you as low as that house ; pointing to a house that was demolish'd ; for they are able to raise forty thousand men . and i believe the next work will be cutting of throats . this was sworn by mr. oaks before sir john frederick a member of the house . mirian pilkington being present when the words were spoken doth affirme them all , save only those , that the king is resolved to commit himself into the papists hands . those she doth not remember . henry young a distiller of hot-waters , informed , that about april , 1661. being in the jesuites colledge in anwerp , one powel , an english jesuite , perswaded him to turn roman catholique ; and said , if he intended to save his life and estate he had best to turn so , for within seven years he should see all england of that religion . young replyed , that the city of london would never endure it . powel answered , that within five or six years they would break the power and strength of london in pieces ; and that they had been contriving it these twenty years ; and that if young did live , he should see it done . the said young did likewise inform , that shortly after his coming into england , one thompson and copervel , both papists , did several times say to him , that within five or six years at the furthest , the roman catholick religion should be all over this kingdom . jasper goodwin of darkin in the county of surry , informed , that about a month since , one edward complyn , a papist , said to him , you must all be papists shortly ; and that now he was not ashamed to own himself a roman catholique , and to own his priests ; naming two that lived in darkin , in the houses of two papists . and likewise said , that in twenty four hours warning , the roman catholiques could raise thirty thousand men , as well armed as any men in christendom . william warner of darkin , informed , that the said edward complyn did tell him , that the romane catholiques in england could in twenty four houres raise thirty thousand horse and arms : and upon saying so , pull'd out his crucifix and beads ; and said , he was not ashamed of his religion . john granger of darkin , informed , that about a year since , being in his house reading the bible , one thomas collins , a papist , said to him , are you still a church-goer ? had you not better turn roman catholique ? if you stay till you are forced , none will abide you . he said further , that there was a man beyond-sea had prophesied , that in sixty six , if the king did not settle the romish religion in england , he would be banished out of the kingdom , and all his posterity . and collins further said , that he being lately turned a roman catholique , would not be a protestant again for all the world. he wished granger again , in the hearing of his wife ( which she affirmed to the committee ) to turn to his religion ; for all the said prophesie would come to pass in sixty six . robert holloway of darkin aforesaid , informed , that one stephen griffen a papist said to him , that all the blood that had been shed in the late civil wars , was nothing to that which would be shed this year in england . holloway demanding a reason for these words ( in regard the kingdom was in peace and no likelyhood of trouble ) and said , do you papists mean to rise and cut our throats when we are asleep ? griffin answered , that 's no matter , if you live , you shall see it . ferdinando de massido , a portugal , and some few years since a romish priest , but turning protestant , informed , that one father taffe a jesuite , did the last year tell him at paris , that if all england did not return to the church of rome , they should all be destroyed the next year . mr. samuel cotman of the middle-temple , barrister , informed , that about two years since , one mr. jeviston a popish priest , and called by the name of father garret , did perswade him to turn papist , and he should want neither profit nor preferment . mr. cotman objected , that he intended to practise the law , which he could not do , if he turned papist , because he must take the oath of supremacy at his being called to the bar : and if he were a papist , he must not take it . mr. jeviston replied , why not take the oath ? it is an unlawful oath , and void ipso facto ; and after some pause , said further , first take the oath , and then i will convert you . he said further , the king will not own himself to be head of the church . and said further , you of england that set up the dutch to destroy our religion , shall find that they shall be made use of to pull down yours , and consequently their own at last . man stanley , an officer to the duke of ormond in ireland , informed , that coming out of ireland with one oriell ( who owned himself of the order of the jesuites , and commissioned from the pope to be lord primate of ireland and arch-bishop of armaugh ) and falling into some discorse with him , he told him that there had been a difference betwixt him and some other of the jesuits in ireland , and that part of the occasion was , that one father welch and some other of the jesuites there , did dispence with the papists in ireland to take the oath of allegiance and supremacy , by vertue of a standing commission from the pope which he had to do it , during this kings life , and oriel thought they ought not to do it by vertue of the standing commission , but should take a new commission from the pope every year to do it . and likewise that he brought eight boyes out of ireland , whom he intended to carry for flanders , to breed up in some of the colledges there . and at his taking shipping to go for flanders , he shaked his foot towards england , terming it aegypt , and said , he would not return to england , till he came with fifty thousand men at his heels . a french merchant , being a papist , living in st. michaels-lane london , writes in a letter to his friend , that a great number of men and arms were ready here , if those he wrote to were ready there . he being , upon the intercepting of this letter , searched , fourty firelocks were found in his house , ready loaden ; which were carried to fishmongars-hall , a month or more before the fire , and he committed to prison , but since released . a poor woman retaining to one belsons house , a papist , about darkin in surry , was sollicited , that she and her husband would turn roman catholicks ; which if they did voluntarily now , they would be accepted of ; but if they staid a little longer , they would be forced whether they would or no ; and then they would not be esteemed . this was deposed before sir adam brown , a member of parliament . a complaint being made against a sugar-baker at fox-hall ; his house was searched by lieut. col. luntly , who found there several guns , with such locks , as no englishman ( who was at the taking of them ) could discharge ; together with brass-blunderbusses and fire-works , of a very furious and burning nature . tryal being made of a small part of them , the materials were discerned to be sulphur , aquavitae and gunpowder , whatever else . in a letter to sir john frederick and mr. nathaniel heron , from horsham in sussex , the 8th of september 1666. subscribed henry chowne . wherein is mentioned , that the said henry chowne had thoughts to come to london that week , but that they were in distraction there concerning the papists , fearing they would shew themselves all that day : and that he had been to search a papists house within six miles of that place . he with another justice of peace met the gentlemans brother ( who is a priest ) going to london , whom they searched ▪ and found a letter about him which he had received that morning from his sister twenty miles off from him , wherein is expressed , that a great business is in hand , not to be committed to paper , as the times be . your committee have thought fit to give no opinion upon these informations ; but leave the matter of fact to your judgments . i am commanded to tell you , that your committee have several other things of this nature under their inquiry . as a further instance of the audacious and insolent behaviour of these popish recusants , take the following copy of verses , made , and then scattered abroad by some of their party , in westminster-hall , and several other places about the city , and elsewhere in the kingdom . cover la feu , ye hugonots , i e 7 5 that have so branded us with plots , and henceforth no more bonfires make , till ye arrive the stygean lake . for down ye must ye hereticks , for all your hopes in sixty six . the hand against you is so steady , your bsbylon is faln already . and if you will avoid that happ , return into your mothers lap ; the devil a mercy is for those , that holy mother church oppose . let not your clergy you betray ; great eyes are ope , and see the way . return in time , if you will save your souls , your lives , or ought you have . and if you live till sixty seven , confess you had fair warning given . then see in time , or ay be blind , short time will shew you what 's behind . dated the 5th day of november , in the year 1666. and the first year of the restoration of the church of rome in england . not long after the burning of london , mr. brook bridges , a young gentleman of the temple , as he was going to attend divine service in the temple-church , in a pew there found this following paper , which immediately , either by himself or a relation of his , was delivered to sir william morrice , one of his majesties principal secretaries of state ; the contents of the paper are as follows . a warning to protestants . i ▪ who have been a papist from my infancy , till of late ; and in zeal for their horrid principles , had too great a share in the firing of the city ; and did intend to do further mischief to the protestants ( of which i am now , and ever shall be a member ) do upon abhorrency of that villany , and religion that hath moved me to it , declare to all protestants the approach of their sudden ruine , that it may be prevented , if it be not too late . when i , together with other papists , both french , irish and english , fired the city ; others were imployed to massacre the protestants , we thinking thereby to destroy the heads of your religion ; but the massacre was disappointed by the fear of him who was the chief agent in this villany . and the fire not having done all its work , they have often endeavoured to fire the remaining part . they intend likewise to land the french upon you : to whose assistance they all intend to come , and for that purpose are stored with arms : and have so far deceived the king , that they have the command of most part of the army and the sea-ports . the french intend to land at dover , that garison being most papists : and the papists in england have express command from rome , to hasten their business before the next parliament , and to dispatch . therefore as you love your lives and fortunes , prevent your ruine , by removing all the papists in england , especially colonel legg from the tower , and the lord douglass , and all his adherents and souldiers , from dover , and by disarming all papists . i have such an abhorrency , that i would willingly undergo any punishment for it , and declare my self openly , were i not assured that i could do you more good in concealing my name for the present . delay not from following these directions as you love your lives ; and be not deceived by any pretences whatsoever . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a63385-e60 the several informations of william cotes of cow-lane of london painter ; of samuel page of st. giles in the fields weaver , of edmund dakins of st. giles aforesaid , bookseller ; of francis cockney of st. andrews holborn ; of richard pardoe victualler , taken upon oath , &c. tend to the confirmation of the foregoing relation ▪ jovis decimo quinto die junij, 1699, annoque regni regis willielmi tertij ... whereas by the ancient laws and statutes of this realm, there ought to be but one weight and measure used throughout this kingdom ... city of london (england). 1699 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49044 wing l2865g estc r39645 18460247 ocm 18460247 107729 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49044) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107729) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:3) jovis decimo quinto die junij, 1699, annoque regni regis willielmi tertij ... whereas by the ancient laws and statutes of this realm, there ought to be but one weight and measure used throughout this kingdom ... city of london (england). 1 broadside. printed by samuel roycroft ..., [london] : 1699. at head of title: child mayor. second part of title taken from first two lines of text. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng weights and measures -law and legislation -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion child blazon or coat of arms mayor . jovis decimo quinto die junij , 1699. annoque regni regis willielmi tertij , angliae , &c. undecimo . whereas by the ancient laws and statutes of this realm , there ought to be but one weight and measure used throughout this kingdom , to be marked according to the standard of his majesties exchequer . and whereas , for the more effectual observation thereof , several subsequent laws and statutes have been made ( and amongst others ) it is provided by an act of parliament made 11 hen. 7. cap. 4. that no person or persons shall buy or sell by any weight or measure , except it be marked , and like and equal with the said standard , upon pain , that such defective weights shall be broken and burnt , and the offenders , for the first time , to forfeit six shillings eight pence , for the second offence , thirtee● shillings and four pence , and the third offence , the penalty of twenty shillings , and to be set upon the pillory for the ensample of others . and by another act of the 17 car. 1. cap. 19. it is further provided , that if any one shall sell by any other weight , measure or yard , than according to the standard of the exchequer , and being thereof convicted , shall forfeit five shillings . and by another act made in the second year of his present majesty king william , and the late queen mary , it is enacted , that if any person or persons shall sell or utter by retail , in or by any glass-bottle or bottles , or in or by any other retail measure , not made of pewter , and sealed according to law , any kind of wine , or other liquor exposed to sale for wine , or shall sell the same for a greater price than by the afore-mentioned act is directed and appointed , and being thereof convicted , shall forfeit for every such offence , the sum of fifty shillings . the said respective penalties and forfeitures to be recovered in such manner and form , as in and by the said acts are directed , and as may by the said several acts more at large appear . notwithstanding all which laws and provisions , the deceits and abuses designed to be redressed by the same , have ●aily increased ; and the grand jury of this city having at the last sessions of peace holden for the same , ●●esented the said offences to be very prejudicial to his majesties subjects inhabiting in , 〈◊〉 resor●●ng to this city , and that for want of incouragement of prosecution , the said several laws have been neglected . now this court taking the same into their consideration , and being truly sensible of so great a grievance in general , and more particularly of the hardships brought upon the poor of this city and liberties thereof , by such practices ( especially in this present scarcity and dearness of provisions and all sorts of commodities ) and being resolved ( as much as in them lies ) to prevent such abuses for the future , by causing the said several laws to be effectually put in execution , doth this day agree and order , that every person and persons who shall be instrumental in the discovery and prosecution of any of the said offences , shall not only be countenanced and vindicated by this court , but shall also receive due and fitting incouragement for their so doing . and that no person shall o● may pretend ignorance of the said statutes , and the penalties inflicted thereby , it is ordered , that this order be forthwith printed , published and set up in all the publick places of this city . goodfellow . printed by samuel roycroft , printer to the honourable city of london , 1699. by the mayor, to the alderman of the ward of [blank] whereas i have received a rule made yesterday by his majesties court of kings-bench, whereby (upon great complaint made to the said court, that squibs and crackers are frequently thrown into coaches passing the streets of this city ...) city of london (england). lord mayor. 1684 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49072 wing l2886h estc r41299 31354851 ocm 31354851 110275 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49072) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110275) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:18) by the mayor, to the alderman of the ward of [blank] whereas i have received a rule made yesterday by his majesties court of kings-bench, whereby (upon great complaint made to the said court, that squibs and crackers are frequently thrown into coaches passing the streets of this city ...) city of london (england). lord mayor. tulse, henry, sir, d. 1689. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by samuel roycroft, printer to this honourable city, [london] : 1684. form letter. "dated the 25th. day of october, 1684. wagstaffe." reproduction of original in guildhall library (london, england). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng offenses against public safety -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the mayor . to the alderman of the ward of _____ whereas i have received a rule , made yesterday by his majesties court of kings-bench , whereby ( upon great complaint made to the said court , that squibs and crackers are frequently thrown into coaches passing the streets of this city , and great mischief thereby done ; ) it was ordered , that warrants be from me and my brethren the aldermen , issued out to the several constables of this city , requiring them to be and attend in the streets ( in their respective precincts ) on the nine and twentieth of this instant october , and the fifth of november next , and the fifteenth of the said month of november , to hinder all persons from throwing squibs and crackers in the streets , and to seize and secure all such as shall presume to throw the same , and not to suffer any persons whatsoever , either on the days aforesaid , or at any other time or times hereafter , to throw any squibs and crackers into any coaches in the streets , but to take care that all persons may pass in coaches quietly and securely without harm or hindrance : and that all citizens of this city be aiding and assisting to the constables in the execution of their office herein . these are therefore in his majesties name streightly to charge and require you , immediately to call before you all the several constables within your ward , and give them in strict charge , that ( as they will answer the contrary at their perils ) they be very careful and diligent to observe and execute the said order : and that they ( in their own persons ) give their constant attendance in and about the streets , within their respective precincts , on the said nine and twentieth of this month , and the fifth and fifteenth of november next , and there prevent all throwing of squibs , and apprehend all persons that shall presume to do the same , and bring them before a justice of the peace within this city , to be punished according to their demerits . and that at all other times likewise , they be watchful to hinder the same ; and wherever they shall find any offending herein , that they fail not to do their duty in carrying them before a justice of the peace , as aforesaid . and all citizens and inhabitants of this city are to aid and assist the constables therein : and hereof i desire you not to fail . dated the 25 th day of october , 1684 . wagstaffe . printed by samvel roycroft , printer to this honourable city , 1684. charles r. his majesty in his princely compassion and very tender care taking into consideration the distressed condition of many his good subjects, whom the late dreadful and dismal fire hath made destitute ... england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1666 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32288 wing c3088 estc r22604 12124889 ocm 12124889 54549 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32288) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54549) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 760:21) charles r. his majesty in his princely compassion and very tender care taking into consideration the distressed condition of many his good subjects, whom the late dreadful and dismal fire hath made destitute ... england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john bill and christopher parker ..., london : [1666] broadside. title from opening lines of text. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -fire, 1666. broadsides -england -london -17th century 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion charles r. his maiesty in his princely compassion and very tender care , taking into consideration the distressed condition of many his good subjects , whom the late dreadful and dismal fire hath made destitute of habitations , and exposed to many exigencies and necessities ; for present remedy and redresse whereof , his maiesty , intending to give further testimony and evidences of his grace and favour towards them as occasion shall arise , hath thought fit to declare and publish his royal pleasure , that as great proportions of bread and all other provisions as can possibly be furnished , shall be daily and constantly brought , not onely to the markets formerly in use ; but also to such markets as by his majesties late order and declaration to the lord mayor and sherifs of london and middlesex have been appointed and orained , viz. clerkenwell , islington , finsbury-fields , mile-end-green , and ratclif : his majesty being sensible that this will be for the benefit also of the towns and places adjoyning ; as being the best expedient to prevent the resort of such persons thereunto as may pilfer and disturb them . and whereas also divers of the said distressed persons have saved and preserved their goods , which nevertheless they know not how to dispose of : it is his maiesties pleasure , that all churches , chappels , schools , and other like publick places , shall be free and open to receive the said goods , when they shall be brought to be there laid . and all iustices of the peace within the several counties of middlesex , essex , and surry , are to see the same to be done accordingly . and likewise that all cities and towns whatsoever shall without any contradiction receive the said distressed persons , and permit them the free exercise of their manual trades ; his maiesty resolving and promising , that when the present exigent shall be passed over , he will take such care and order , that the said persons shall be no burthen to their towns or parishes . and it is his maiesties pleasure , that this his declaration be forthwith published , not onely by the sherifs of london and middlesex , but also by all other sherifs , mayors ▪ and other chief officers in their respective precincts and limits , and by the constables in every parish . and of this his maiesties pleasure all persons concerned are to take notice , and thereunto to give due obedience to the utmost of their power , as they will answer the contrary at their peril . given at our court at whitehall , this fifth day of september , in the eighteenth year of our reign , one thousand six hundred sixty six . god save the king . london , printed by iohn fill and christopher farker , printers to the kings most excellent maiesty . by the mayor the right honourable the lord mayor, and his brethren the aldermen of the city of london, considering how the infection of the plague is dispersed in divers and sundry places neere about this city, doe ... command all manner of persons ... to take notice of, and obserue these seuerall articles ensuing ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1630 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06248 stc 16731 estc s3729 33150863 ocm 33150863 28788 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06248) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28788) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1881:11) by the mayor the right honourable the lord mayor, and his brethren the aldermen of the city of london, considering how the infection of the plague is dispersed in divers and sundry places neere about this city, doe ... command all manner of persons ... to take notice of, and obserue these seuerall articles ensuing ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by robert young, printer to the honourable citie of london, [london] : 1630. at head of sheet, royal arms, and shield. "guildhall london this xxii. of april. 1630." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -prevention. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the mayor . the right honourable the lord mayor , and his brethren the aldermen of the city of london , considering how the infection of the plague is dispersed in diuers and sundry places neere about this city , doe for the better preuention of the increase thereof within the said city , ( so far as it shall please god to blesse mans endeauours ) hereby streightly charge , and in his maiesties name command all manner of persons within the said city and liberties thereof , to take notice of , and obserue these seuerall articles ensuing , viz. first , that all the seuerall inhabitants within this city and liberties thereof , doe from hence forth daily cause their houses to be kept sweet , the streets and lanes before their doores to bee paued , and cleansed of all manner of soile , dung , and noisome things whatsoeuer , and the channels thereof to be kept cleane , and washt , by water to be poured down , or let running into the same . that no vagrants or beggars doe presume to come , or presse together in multitudes to any buriall , or lectures , or other publike meetings , whereby to seeke or gaine reliefe as hath beene lately vsed , but that they and euery of them vpon euery buriall , doe repaire to such places to receiue the almes , charity or reliefe , as they shall haue notice giuen them by the officers of the parish , wherein they doe reside . that no idle vagaband , and vagrant persons doe presume to come , wander or remaine in and about this citie and liberties thereof , either to begge reliefe or otherwise . and if any of them shall be found , or taken to offend therein , then they and euery of them to be apprehended by the constables and warders within this citie , and being punished , to be passed away according to the lawes and statutes of this realme , in that case made and prouided for . that the feasts and meetings at hals , tauernes , or other places within this citie or liberties , vsed to be made by the countrimen of any shire , or other place within this realme , wrastlings , and fencers prises , shewes , or the like , which hath been a cause of gathering multitudes together , be now forborne , and not attempted to be made by any person or persons whatsoeuer , vntill the city and the places adiacent shall bee cleare of the present infection ( which god of his mercy grant . ) that no fruiterer or other seller of fruite , cabbages , rootes or herbes , doe keepe or lay vp in any their houses , warehouses , or other place within this city of liberties thereof , any apples , herbes , roots , cabbages , or other fruite whatsoeuer , other than in the warehouses anciently vsed for such purpose , lying in or about thamestreet , or the places thereunto adioyning . and for the better and more due performance of all and euery the premisses , the said lord mayor and aldermen doe hereby straightly charge and command all constables , scauengers , beadles , and other officers within this citie and liberties thereof , whom these may any way concerne , to vse all possible care and diligence they may , for the due and carefull execution and performance of all and euery the said articles according to the true intent and meaning thereof , & to acquaint the lord mayor of this city , or some other his maiesties iustices of peace within the same of all & euery the parties as shall be found to offend therein , whereby they & euery of them may be punished , & dealt withall according to the qualitie of the offence as the law in such case shall require , as they and euery of them will answer to the contrary at their perils . guildhall london this xxii . of april . 1630. god saue the king. printed by robert young , printer to the honourable citie of london , 1630. an act for continuing two former acts touching elections in the city of london. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82377 of text r212067 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.15[69]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82377 wing e1027 thomason 669.f.15[69] estc r212067 99870719 99870719 163142 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82377) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163142) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f15[69]) an act for continuing two former acts touching elections in the city of london. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by edward husband and iohn field, printers to the parliament of england, london : 1650. order to print dated: die mercurii, 18 decembr. 1650. signed: hen: scobell, cleric. parliamenti. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng election law -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. a82377 r212067 (thomason 669.f.15[69]). civilwar no an act for continuing two former acts touching elections in the city of london. england and wales. parliament. 1650 208 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms an act for continuing two former acts touching elections in the city of london . be it enacted by this present parliament , and by the authority thereof , that one act , entituled , an act disabling the election of divers persons to any office or place of trust within the city of london , and the votes of such persons in such elections : and also one other act , entituled , an act concerning the election of questmen , constables , and all other subordinate officers whatsoever , within the city of london and liberties thereof , be , and hereby are revived and continued , and shall be , according to the true scope , intent and meaning of the said several acts , in all things observed , kept and executed , for the space of one whole year , from the eighteenth day of december , one thousand six hundred and fifty . die mercurii , 18 decembr . 1650. ordered by the parliament , that this act be forthwith printed and published . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . london , printed by edward husband and iohn field , printers to the parliament of england , 1650. to the general council of officers the representation of divers citizens of london, and others well-affected to the peace and tranquility of the common-wealth. fox, margaret askew fell, 1614-1702. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85196 of text r211362 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[17]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85196 wing f638b thomason 669.f.22[17] estc r211362 99870092 99870092 163600 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85196) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163600) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[17]) to the general council of officers the representation of divers citizens of london, and others well-affected to the peace and tranquility of the common-wealth. fox, margaret askew fell, 1614-1702. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john clowes, london : 1659. anonymous. by margaret askew fell fox. annotation on thomason copy: "xber [i.e. december]. 12.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a85196 r211362 (thomason 669.f.22[17]). civilwar no to the general council of officers. the representation of divers citizens of london, and others well-affected to the peace and tranquility o fox, margaret askew fell 1659 966 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the general covncil of officers . the representation of divers citizens of london , and others well-affected to the peace and tranquility of the common-wealth . as wee doubt not but the words of your friends will find acceptance , so our lives , liberties , and all that is dear and near to us , being imbarqued in the same bottom with yours , we cannot be so insensible , as not to take notice of the storm impending , nor so careless of our own concernments , as not to lay down our observations before you . when by the interrruption of government you reduced these nations unto that condition they are now in , though you could not be ignorant , that what you did , would be very grateful to the common enemy ; who alwaies had the parliament in an odious memory for the great things god hath done by them , and the little hopes they have of ever prevailing against their industry and prudence ; yet we cannot in the least suspect , that you could ( in that action ) have before your eys the contentment of your malitious and implacable enemies ; but rather a cordial and sincere intention of settling those things so long contended for , by a speedier hand then that of the parliament , ( of whose grave , slow , pace you were impatient ) exspecting thereby to give full satisfaction to all your friends and adherents , to the uniting of them the firmlier to you . other ends then these , we hope could not enter into the hearts of many of you ; and therefore , taking this to be the case , and knowing that experience is the best teacher , we desire leave to observe how little the successe hath hitherto answered your ends . it is visible to all that have any occasion to converse with your enemies , that they are exceedingly rejoyced at your late transactions , not doubting , but by the division of your friends , to have an opportunity to destroy both you and them . and it is also as visible , that your friends are dissatisfied , not being able to go along with you in your present undertakings ; and that , not only as they are without any warrantable call made out to them , but also , as they are against that acknowledged principle of all just powers , being ( under god ) originally in the people , and derived from them ; beyond which , we cannot be free to act , or own any thing for legal or unusurped ; knowing , that what is settled by a party , will alwaies be unstable , and subject to the wills , and alterations of that party ; especially , when it hath the sword , as the restauration of the parliament , though done with the greatest acknowledgment of duty imaginable , is now made use of by many ( though weakly ) for the justification of the late interruption . we cannot also , but in taking notice that you having already spent near half as much time upon the government alone , without bringing any thing to maturity , as the parliament did in that and all other affairs , hope you are ( to the vindication of them ) convinced of the greatness and difficulty of the work . and lastly , we may observe , that if by rooting up foundations you must necessarily give the common enemie a great advantage , you ought to be assured of a party able to oppose him ; and that if all your friends united , be a body small enough , for that end , you cannot rationally conceive that less then half will be sufficient to maintaine your quarrell , now your enemies are strengthened with the addition of france and spain , who without doubt are at this present vigorously at work . we might say much more upon this subject , but thinking it needless to persons who will be equally concerned with us in any common calamity , we shall not trouble you further then upon the whole to desire ( which we do with hearts full of sorrow and feare ) that since ( as we do assert ) the restless adversary is not likely to be idle ; that he cannot in all probability be opposed but by the union of your friends ; that there can be no union without restoring foundations ; that the interuption of government cannot be continued without weakening your hands to the strengthening those of your enemies ) that as the only way left us for our preservation you would speedily ( least otherwise it be too late ) withdraw the force from the parliament house door , leaving the members lately interrupted to return to the discharge of their trust in setleing the destracted affairs of this commonwealth , and making provision for future parliaments ; in doing which you willunite the hearts of your friends , oblige them to a cordiall conjunction with you in the opposition of the common enemy , and cause them once more to rejoyce in having the less reason to be afraid of what our adversaries can do unto us . this representation was delivered by divers citizens of london to the lord fleetwood the 6th , of this present december , 1659. to be by him communicated to the generall council of officers , as the only expedient to deliver this nation from ( otherwise ) inevitable ruin and destruction . london printed by john clowes , 1659. a petition of the major, aldermen, and common-councell of the citie of london, to his majestie together with his majesties gracious answer thereunto. city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a54552 of text r1073 in the english short title catalog (wing p1819). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a54552 wing p1819 estc r1073 12953011 ocm 12953011 96011 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54552) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96011) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 257:e181, no 39) a petition of the major, aldermen, and common-councell of the citie of london, to his majestie together with his majesties gracious answer thereunto. city of london (england). court of common council. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) [2], 14 p. printed by robert baker ..., and by the assignes of john bill, london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng england and wales. -sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. london (england) -history -17th century -sources. a54552 r1073 (wing p1819). civilwar no a petition of the major, aldermen, and common-councell of the citie of london, to his majestie. together with his majesties gracious answer corporation of london 1641 1436 1 0 0 0 0 0 7 b the rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a petition of the major , aldermen , and common-councell of the citie of london , to his majestie . together with his majesties gracious answer thereunto . london : printed by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . mdcxli . to the kings most excellent majestie . the humble petition of the maior , aldermen , and common-councell , of the citie of london . may it please your most excellent majestie ; the often expressions of your most gracious acceptance of the manifestation of the petitioners duty and loyalty , and the frequent declarations of your majesties great care of the good and welfare of this city , and of the true protestant religion , and of protecting and preserving the persons and priviledges of your great councell assembled in the high court of parliament : each encouraged the petitioners to represent the great dangers , fears , and distractions wherein the citie now is , by reason of the prevailing progresse of the bloody rebels in ireland , fomented , and acted by the papists and their adherents , and want of aid to suppresse them , and the severall intimations they have had both forraign and at home , of the driving on of their designes , tending to the utter ruine of the protestant religion , and of the lives and liberties of your majesties loyall subjects , the putting out of persons of honour and trust from being constable and lieutenant of the tower , especially in these times , and the preparations there lately made , the fortifying of vvhitehall with men and munition in an unusuall manner : some of which men with provoking language and violence , abused divers citizens passing by , and the drawing divers swords , and therewith wounding sundry other citizens in vvestminster-hall , that were unarmed : the late endeavours used to the innes of court , the calling in divers c●noniers , and other assistance into the tower , the late discovery of divers fire-works in the hands of a papist , and the misunderstanding betwixt your majestie and parliament , by reason of misinformation , as they humbly conceive . besides all which , the petitioners fears are exceedingly encreased by your majesties late going into the house of commons attended with a great multitude of armed men besides your ordinary guard , for the apprehending of divers members of that house , to the endangering of your sacred person , and of the persons and priviledges of that honourable assembly . the effects of all which fears tend , not only to the overthrow of the whole trade of this city and kingdom , which the petitioners already feel in a deep measure ; but also threatens the utter ruine of the protestant religion , and the lives and liberties of all your loyall subjects . the petitioners therefore most humbly pray your sacred majestie , that by the advice of your great councell in parliament , the protestants in ireland may be speedily relieved , the tower put into the hands of persons of trust : that by removeall of doubtfull and unknown persons from about vvhite-hall and vvestminster , a known and approved guard may be appointed for the safetie of your majestie and parliament , and that the lord mandevill and the five members of the house of commons , lately accused , may not be restrained of libertie , or proceeded against , otherwise then according to the priviledges of parliament . and the petitioners ( as in all duty bound ) shall pray for your majesties most long and happy reign , &c. his majesties answer to the petition of the maior , aldermen , and common councell of the citie of london . his majestie having fully considered the matter of this petition , is graciously pleased to declare , that being unalterably resolved to make good all his expressions and declarations of his care of this city ; of the true protestant religion , and of the priviledges of parliament ; his majestie takes in good part , the intimation given by the petitioners of the fears and distractions wherein the city now seems to be . and though hee conceives hee did on wednesday at the guild-hall satisfie most of those particulars , is pleased to adde this further answer . 1 that for the sad businesse of ireland , his majestie cannot possibly expresse a greater sence then he hath done , there being nothing left on his majesties part unoffered or undone . and he hoped by the speedy advice and assistance of his parliament , that great and necessary vvork would be put in a just forwardnesse , to which his majestie will contribute all his power : and how zealous hee is and hath been therein , will appear in a declaration speedily to be set forth by his majestie . 2 for the tower : his majestie wonders , that having removed a servant of good trust and reputation , from that charge , onely to satisfie the fears of the citie , and put in another of unquestionable reputation , and known abilitie , the petitioners should still entertain those fears ; and whatever preparation of strength is there made , is with as great an eye of safety and advantage to the citie , as to his majesties own person , and shall be equally imployed to both . 3 for the fortifying of white-hall with men and munition in an unusuall way : his majestie doubts not , but the petitioners have observed the strange provocation he hath received to entertain that guard : that by the disorderly , and tumultuous conflux of people at vvestminster and vvhite-hall , his majesties great councell was not onely disquieted , but his own royall person in danger , most seditious language being uttered even under his own windows , whilest the examination and punishing such tumults by the course of law were interrupted and stopped . and if any citizens were wounded or ill intreated , his majestie is confidently assured , that it hapned by their own evill and corrupt demeanours . 4 his majestie knowes no other endeavours to the innes of court , then a gracious intimation , that he received the tender of their loyall and dutifull affections with very good approbation and acceptance , and an incouragement given them to continue the same upon all occasions . neither doth his majestie know , what discovery hath been lately made of fire-works in the hands of any papist . 5 for his going to the house of commons ( when his attendants were no otherwise armed then as gentlemen with swords ) his majestie is verily perswaded , that if the petitioners knew the clear grounds upon which those persons stand accused of high treason , and what will be proved against them ( which in due time they shall be acquainted with ) and considered the gentle way his majestie took for their apprehension ( which he preferd before any course of violence , though that way had been very justifiable ; for his majestie is very well assured that it is notoriously known , that no priviledge of parliament can extend to treason , felonie , or breach of the peace ) the petitioners would beleeve his majesties going thither was an act of grace and favour to that house , and the most peaceable way of having that necessary service for the apprehension of those persons performed ; specially , if such orders have been made ( which his majestie is not willing to beleeve ) for the resistance of all lawfull authority , as are discoursed of . 6 and for the proceedings against those persons mentioned in the petition ; his majestie ever intended the same should be with all justice and favour according to the laws and statutes of the realme ; to the which all innocent men would cheerfully submit . and this extraordinary way of satisfying a petition of so unusuall a nature , his majesty is confidently perswaded , will be thought the greatest instance can be given of his majesties clear intention to his subjects , and of the singular estimation he hath of the good affections of this citie , which he beleeves in gratitude will never be wanting to his just commands and service . finis a just and solemn protestation and remonstrance of the lord mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, common-councell-men, and other citizens and freemen of london against two late ordinances of the lords and commons that now sit, for the choosing of common-councell-men and other officers within the city and liberties thereof ... which ordinances bear date the 18, and 20 of december, 1648. prynne, william, 1600-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91200 of text r42518 in the english short title catalog (wing p3989). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 17 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91200 wing p3989 estc r42518 36282213 ocm 36282213 150175 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91200) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 150175) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2234:26) a just and solemn protestation and remonstrance of the lord mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, common-councell-men, and other citizens and freemen of london against two late ordinances of the lords and commons that now sit, for the choosing of common-councell-men and other officers within the city and liberties thereof ... which ordinances bear date the 18, and 20 of december, 1648. prynne, william, 1600-1669. 8 p. [s.n.], imprinted at london : 1648. attributed to william prynne by wing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in lincoln's inn library (london, england). eng london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a91200 r42518 (wing p3989). civilwar no a just and solemn protestation and remonstrance of the lord mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, common-councell-men, and other citizens and freemen o prynne, william 1648 2622 7 0 0 0 0 0 27 c the rate of 27 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a just and solemn protestation and remonstrance of the lord mayor , aldermen , sheriffs , common-councell-men , and other citizens and freemen of london . against two late ordinances of the lords and commons that now sit ; for the choosing of common-councell-men and other officers within the city and liberties thereof for the year ensuing , in the generall ; and against some clauses in them in particular : which ordinances bear date the 18 , and 20 of december , 1648. imprinted at london , 1648. a just and solemn protestation and remonstrance of the lord major , aldermen , sheriffs , common-councel-men , and other citizens and freemen of london , against two late ordinances of the lords and commons that now sit . we the lord major , aldermen , sheriffs , common-councel-men , and other citizens and freemen of the city of london , who have exhausted our estates , adventured our lives , lost our blood , and for eight years space together day and night upon all occasions indefatigably contributed our utmost labors , treasures travails , counsels , prayers , & endevors to maintain the honor , freedom and safety of both houses of parliament ; & stood by them in their greatest straits , assisting them with our purses and forces , when few else would own or stand by them , and hazarded the loss of all that is dear and precious to us for their defence , who else had been swallowed up and destroyed by their prelaticall , popish , malignant enemies sundry times ere this , and brought to utter desolation ; for all which faithfull services , and real testimonies of our most cordiall affections towards them ( which they have frequently and gratefully acknowledged both in the houses and city upon sundry occasions , and remonstrated to the world in divers printed ordinances and delarations . ) we did at least expect a free and full enjoyment , if not a confirmation and enlargement of all our ancient hereditary freedoms , priviledges , rights , franchises and customs ever constantly enjoyed by us and our predecessors from before the conquest , till the last year , confirmed by magna charta it self , chap. 9. which enacts , that the city of london shall have all the old liberties and customs which it hath been u●ed to have ; and entayled to us and our successors for ever , by many successive charters and acts of parliament of most of the noble kings of england , as well before as since ; which neither one nor both houses of parliament , in their fullest and freest condition , have or can pretend to have any just or lawfull power to repeal or diminish in the least degree , without our own consents or desires , and the kings concurrence thereunto by an act of repeal ; much less whiles under the actuall force and power of disobedient mutinous army , who have forcibly imprisoned , excluded and driven away most of their members . but in stead thereof we finde ( to our deepest grief and astonishment ) a most ingratefull , and dishonorable requitall of all our former faithfulness , love , bounty and services , not by the generality of the members of both houses ( whose favors and sincere affections towards us , in studying to preserve and enlarge our priviledges , franchises and charters upon all occasions and treaties with his majesty , we shall ever gratefully acknowledg ) but only of a small inconsiderate party in the houses , wholly acted and swayed by a jesuitical and anabaptistical powerfull party in the army , who have a long time made it their principall study and master-piece , to rend and disengage the city and houses from , and dash them in pieces one against another , and divide them into factions and fractions among themselves , whereby to enslave and ruine them both , and by their slavery and ruines to make way for their own ambitious designs , and intended greatness and tyranny , far more intolerable and grievous then any we or our ancestors formerly sustained under the worst of all our kings ; which they have no hopes to accomplish , whiles the houses and city enjoy their ancient priviledges , freedoms , and continue cordially united : and therefore have at this present most perfidiously and trayterously endevored to captivate and enslave , not only the king , but both houses of parliament , and the city together ; and in them the whole kingdom and english nation . for which end and purpose , having brought up the whole army to london and westminster , contrary to the houses order ▪ and quartered many of them in and about the city , in the principall places of strength and advantage , beyond our expectation , and contrary to their own engagement to us ; seised upon our treasuries and halls ; imprisoned one of our sheriffs , though a member , and carried him caprive out of our liberties ; and by armed power and a horrid force upon both houses , most injuriously imprisoned , and forceably kept out , and driven away all or most of their faithfull members admiting none to sit , but only such who are confederate with them in these their treasonable designs , and that under their force and imposed guards to over-awe them ; they have on the 18 and 20 of december last , caused these their confederates ( who usurp and take upon them the name and authority of the two houses of parliament , when as in truth , they are and have been neither , and no houses at all ever since their being under such a visible force , and violent restraint and seclusion of the greatest number of their members from thence by the officers & armies armed power , contrary to the undoubted known rights , priviledges and freedom of parliament , which they , we , and the whole kingdom and army are engaged by covenant inviolably to preserve ) to make and publish two printed papers : the first whereof they style , an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament for the choosing of common councel-men , and other officers within the city of london , and liberties thereof for the year ensuing , the second , an ordinance of the lords & commons assembled in parliament : concerning the election of common councel-men , and other officers in the city of london . wherein among other things they do declare and ordaine ; that no person whatsoever that hath been imprisoned or that did subscribe or abet to the treasonable engagement ( as they tearm it ) in 1647 , or that did aid , assist , or abet the late tumult within the cities of london and westminster , or the counties of kent , essex , middelsex , or surrey shall be elected , chosen , or put into the office and place of lord major , alderman , aldermans deputy , common councel-men , or into any office or place of trust within the city for space of one whole year , or be capable to give his voyce for the chosing any person to any the offices aforesaid . and it is thereby further ordained by the authority aforesaid ( though null and void ) that if any person or persons comprehended under the aforesaid exceptions , being chosen , shall presume to sit in the court of aldermen , common-councell , &c. or to execute any of the aforesaid offices contrary to the true intent of this ordinance , shall forfeit the sum of two hundred pounds , the one halfe whereof shall be within twenty dayes paid unto him or them that shall make proof thereof , and the other moyety to be paid unto the treasurers appointed by parliament for the use and relief of the maimed souldiers ; and it is hereby declared ; that all such elections are null and void , and the lord major for the time being is hereby required from time to time to give order , that this ordinance be published at all elections , and that the same be strictly and punctuolly observed , as also by affording the liberty of pole , it being required by any of the electors present ; and for the better execution of this present ordinance be it further ordained , that the lord major of london , the sheriffs , and aldermen , and justices of peace within the said city of london , or any two of them shall , and are hereby authorized and required to commit to prison all such persons , as after due proof upon oath to be made unto them , or any two of them of any person that shall make any disturbance at any election , contrary to this ordinance , and to leavy the said fine of two hundred pounds by distresse , and sale of the goods of the person so offending contrary to this ordinancee . which pretended ordinances , being made and published by confedracy as aforesaid , whiles both houses remained under the unparalleld , force of the officers and army , who have levyed open war against them , and violently imprisoned , excluded and driven away most of the members , and end●avour to dissolve the parliament , and tending wholly to alienate our affections from , and engage us against the parliament , to deprive us of our undoubted hereditary liberties , freedoms , franchises and customes , confirmed and setled upon us by so many royall charters and acts of parliaments , and enjoyed alwayes by our predecessors under the worst of kings and tyrants ; to subvert the whole government , magistracy and freedom of the city , and to put us into present confusion and mutinies , that s● they might thereupon take advantage to enslave , plunder and destroy us at their pleasures : we do therefore in this our great extremity and perplexity , which so nearly concernes the present government , weal , safety , and very life and being both of city , parliament and kingdom , here seriously and unanimously protest before the almighty all-seeing god , angels and men , that these two pretended ordinances , being made by confederacy as aforesaid while both houses lay under so great a force , and most members were violently excluded and forced thence , ( there being at the passing of them not above 3 , or 4. lords , and 45. commons at most present , and they under the forced guards of the army ) are in themselves meer nul , void and u●obligatory to us and all others , to all intents and purposes , and were and are declared to be so , at the very time of their making . by the ordinance of both houses of the 20 of august 1647 made by those very members who passed these two pretended ordinances . and that all elections of any officers whatsoever within the said city and liberties , wherein any of us have been deprived of our voyces and freedom by colour of either of these two ordinances are meerly nul and void to all intents . and we further hereby in like maner declare and protest , that the fore mentioned clauses contained in these pretended ordinances ( though the houses had been never so repleat and free when passed ) which deprives us of the undoubted liberty and freedom of our voices in electing our officers ; disables any persons elected by us to bear any office when elected , and which doe declare the said elections void , imposing a forfeiture of two hundred pound upon such who shall in the least degree execute any trust or office to which we shall elect him , to be levyed by distresse and sale of his goods ; and giving authority to the lord mayor , aldermen , and justices of peace within the city , to imprison all such persons , ( who coming to give their voices , or claiming and maintaining their freedom and the cities ) shall make any disturbance at any election contrary to these pretended ordinances ; though never so faithfull to the parliament , and active in their service heretofore : are likewise void and null in themselves , and the highest and most tyranicall usurpations over our liberties , franchises , persons , estates and freedom in our elections , that the heads of our professed enemies could invent , and most contrary to all the houses former professions , remonstrances , declarations , promises , and engagements , and to their solemn league and covenant , to defend and protect our liberties , franchises , customs rightes and freedoms , yea contrary to the fundamentall lawes and statutes of the land ; the manifold charters and acts of parliament made from time to time , for the confirmation of our customs , liberties , and freedom in the elections of our officers ; and to the express statute of 3 edw. 1. c. 5. which enacts , that all elections ought to be free ; and that no great man , nor other by force of arms or menacing , shall disturb any to make free election ▪ ( much lesse by menacing ordinances , fines and imprisonments ; ) which sir edward cook in his commentary thereon ( printed by both houses speciall authority ) affirms and proves to be the common law of england , and the subjects birth-right . and contrary to the statutes of magna charta c. 29. 5. ed. 3. c. 9. 25. ed. 3. c. 4. 28. ed. 3. c. 3. 37. ed. 3. c. 18. 42. e. 3. c. 3. and the petition of right ; for defence whereof we have in our seven last yeers wars , expended so many millions of treasure , and lost such streams of gallant english blood . and finally , we do hereby unanimously further declare and protest ▪ that notwithstanding these pretended void ordinances , or any other of this nature , made in derogation of our just franchises , rights , liberties , customs and ancient government , we are resolved , according to our oaths as citizens and freemen of london , and according to our solemn league and covenant , as christians and freemen of england , through gods assistance , to the utmost of our powers and , abilities , with our lives and estates constantly and inviolably to maintain , defend , and preserve our just hereditary freedom and right of electing all our city officers , whatsoever , acording to our ancient and uninterrupted charters , customs , acts and vsages , with all other our undoubted franchises , liberties , priviledges , rights and customs left unto us by our ancestors , ( especially in these times of so much contesting for common liberty and freedom ; ) and will protect and defend the same against all invasion and encroachment of any usurped , arbitrary and tyrannicall ( parliamentary or other ) power whatsoever . in witnesse whereof we have thought meet to publish this our declaration and protestation to all the world . january 1. 1648. finis . by the king. his majesties declaration whereby to repeale and make voyd, all licenses, by himselfe granted for bringing any goods or commodities, from the cities of london and westminster and other places, in rebellion against his majesty, contrary to his late proclamation, prohibiting trade and commerce with the said citties and places. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78765 of text r212008 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[59]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78765 wing c2289 thomason 669.f.7[59] estc r212008 99870666 99870666 161040 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78765) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161040) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[59]) by the king. his majesties declaration whereby to repeale and make voyd, all licenses, by himselfe granted for bringing any goods or commodities, from the cities of london and westminster and other places, in rebellion against his majesty, contrary to his late proclamation, prohibiting trade and commerce with the said citties and places. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the vniversity, printed at oxford : 1643. dated at end: given at oxford under his maiesties signe manuall, the tenth day of december, in the nineteenth yeare of his reigne. 1643. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -commercial policy -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. westminster (london, england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a78765 r212008 (thomason 669.f.7[59]). civilwar no by the king. his majesties declaration whereby to repeale and make voyd, all licenses, by himselfe granted for bringing any goods or commodi england and wales. sovereign 1643 470 9 0 0 0 0 0 191 f the rate of 191 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . his majesties declaration whereby to repeale and make voyd , all licenses , by himselfe granted f●● bringing any goods or commodities , from the cities of london and westminster , and other pl●ces , in rebellion against his majesty , contrary to his late proclamation , prohibiting trade and commerce , with the said citties and places . whereas since his majesties late proclamation , prohibiting trade with the c●ties of london and westminster , at the earnest and humble suit of certaine h●● majesties faithfull subjects of this city of oxford , and other places , and fo●● reasons by them proposed , which appeared to be very pressing , some few licenses and dispensations have bin granted , under his royall signature , for bringin● some certaine quantities of sundry sorts of goods and commodities from the said cities of london and westminster . and whereas his majesty hath since found , that by colour of such licenses , there is a great trade of almost all commodities still continued with those cities , to the enerving and frustrating the scope and intent of his said proclamation , which in his royall wisedome he hath judged most necessary to prevent : his majesty hath therefore thought fit hereby to declare , that from henceforth , and from the date hereof , all such licenses by him granted as aforesaid , shall be void , and no more put in use , even although the same , or any of them may have bin obtained with intent onely to provide supplyes of such things , as might be needfull for his own royal person , or his dear consort the queens majesty or for the persons of the prince or duke of york , their highnesses , straightly charging & commanding all persons whosoever have obtained , or are possessed of any such licenses as aforesaid , and all other persons whatsoever , that they presume not to bring , or cause to be brought any goods or commodities , from the said cities of london and westminster , or any othe● towne or place in rebellion against his majesty , directly or indirectly , mediately or immediately , unto this his city of oxford , or any other place in obedience unto his majesty , upo● such paines as are expressed in his majesties said proclamation , and such farther punishment a● may justly be inflicted on them for contemning and infringing this his royall pleasure and command . given at oxford under his maiesties signe manuall , the tenth day of december , in the nineteenth yeare of his reigne . 1643. god save the king . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity . 1643. orders set downe by the court of lord mayor and aldermen of the city of london concerning the rates of carriages with carrs within this city and the liberties thereof to continue untill further order be taken in that behalf. city of london (england). this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a49034 of text r37985 in the english short title catalog (wing l2864c). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a49034 wing l2864c estc r37985 17158811 ocm 17158811 106011 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49034) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 106011) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1619:12) orders set downe by the court of lord mayor and aldermen of the city of london concerning the rates of carriages with carrs within this city and the liberties thereof to continue untill further order be taken in that behalf. city of london (england). 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1647] at head of title: may 11, 1647. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng freight and freightage -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. a49034 r37985 (wing l2864c). civilwar no orders set downe by the court of lord mayor and aldermen of the city of london concerning the rates of carriages with carrs within this city corporation of london 1647 600 10 0 0 0 0 0 167 f the rate of 167 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion may 11. 1647 . orders set dovvne by the court of lord major and aldermen of the city of london , concerning the rates of carriages vvith carrs vvithin this city and the liberties thereof , to continue untill further order be taken in that behalf . whereas there is , and hath been often complaint made by merchants and other citizens , of the excessive rates demanded and received by carrmen , farre exceeding such prices as have been set down for carriages within this city ; vpon due consideration had as well of former times , as of the times present , wherein the prices of things are risen and enhaunced beyond the rates afforded in times past : it is ordered by this court , that all carrmen trading with carrs within this city and liberties , shall not demand for every carriage or load of the commodities hereafter mentioned , but after the rates following . viz. i imprimis , from any the wharfes between the tower and london bridge , to towerstreet , gracechurchstreet , fanchurchstreet , bishopsgate-street within , cornhill , and places of like distance up the hill with — xviijc . weight , not exceeding xxiijc . weight . in which may be included , ii. punchions of prunes , ij . bales of macher , xx . barrels of figs , ij . fats of fustians , v. ordinary saeks of cotton woolls of smyrna , and iij . extraordinary ; as bags of cyprus wooll , butts of currans , great buts of oyles , iij . chests of sugars , viij . bags of allums , i. laste of flax , i. laste of hempe , and other goods of the like kind and weights , for every load — xvjd . and for seacoals the load — xd. ● item , from any the vvharfes aforesaid , to broadstreet , lothbury , old-jury , bassishaw , colemanstreet , iremongerlane , st. lawrence lane , milkstreet , aldermanbury , cheapside , woodstreet , fridaystreet , breadstreet , and places of the like distance , for the like weight of — xviijc . not exceeding — xxiijc . for the goods aforesaid , and others of the like kinde for every load — xviijd . 5 item , from any of the vvharfes aforesaid , to broadstreet , lothbury , old-jury , bassishaw , colemanstreet , iremongerlane , st. lawrence lane , milkstreet , aldermanbury , cheapside , woodstreet , fridaystreet , breadstreet , and places of the like distance , for any of the said goods of the same quantity and weight , for every load — xvjd . 6 item , from any of the vvharfes aforesaid , to towerstreet , gra●echurchstreet , fanchurch-street , bishopsgate●treet within , cornhill , and other places of like distanc● up the hill with — viijc . weight , not exceeding — xiiijc . weight ; in which may bee included all butts and pipes of wi●e , packs of canvas , ij . hogsheads , or iij . trees , a fat of fustians , and all other goods of ●ike bulke and weight , for every load — xijd . and from any the vvharfes aforesaid , to broadstreet , lot●bury , old-jury , bassishaw , colemanstreet , ir●mongerlane , st. lawrence lane , milkstreet , aldermanbury , cheapside , woodstreet , fri●aystreet , breadstreet , and other places of ke distance , for any other goods of l●ke load and weight for every load — xiiijd . the committee of the militia of london, and the liberties thereof, taking into their serious consideration the imminent danger that the parliament and city are in: ... city of london (england). committee for the militia. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80248 of text r210787 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.12[30]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80248 wing c5567 thomason 669.f.12[30] estc r210787 99869544 99869544 162823 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80248) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162823) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f12[30]) the committee of the militia of london, and the liberties thereof, taking into their serious consideration the imminent danger that the parliament and city are in: ... city of london (england). committee for the militia. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1648] title from opening lines of text. imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "may 22th 1648"; "ffarmindon within"; [on verso, most likely not by thomason] "to mr geo. thomason of ye ward". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a80248 r210787 (thomason 669.f.12[30]). civilwar no the committee of the militia of london, and the liberties thereof, taking into their serious consideration the imminent danger that the parl city of london 1648 181 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the committee of the militia of london , and the liberties thereof , taking into their serious consideration the imminent danger that the parliament and city are in : and that divers apprentices and other persons inhabiting within the limits aforesaid , who are able and fit in their own persons to bear arms in the auxiliary forces , are not listed accordingly ; by means whereof divers of the said persons are abused and misled by dis-affected and dangerous persons , to the endangering of the peace and safety of the parliament and city : therefore the said committee in discharge of the great trust committed to them by divers ordinances of parliament , doe pray and desire you ( calling the constables to your assistance ) forthwith to compleat your roll of auxiliaries , with such apprentices and other persons within your division , as are not already listed upon the trained bands ; and this shall be your warrant . dated at guildhall london may 22th 1648 to the deputy and common-councell-men in the ward of farrington wthin may 27. 1651. for as much as the inhabitants of pauls church yard are much disturbed by the souldiers and others, ... barkstead, john, d. 1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78156 of text r211273 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.16[5]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78156 wing b813 thomason 669.f.16[5] estc r211273 99870001 99870001 163162 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78156) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163162) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f16[5]) may 27. 1651. for as much as the inhabitants of pauls church yard are much disturbed by the souldiers and others, ... barkstead, john, d. 1662. blundell, benjamin. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1651] title from opening words of text. signed at end: iohn barkestead, benjamin blundell. imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng soldiers -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a78156 r211273 (thomason 669.f.16[5]). civilwar no may 27. 1651. for as much as the inhabitants of pauls churchyard are much disturbed by the souldiers and others, ... barkstead, john 1651 153 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion may 27. 1651. for as much as the inhabitants of pauls church yard are much disturbed by the souldiers and others , calling out to passingers , and examining them ( though they goe peaceably and civilly along ) and by playing at nine pinnes at unseasonable houres ; these are therefore to command all souldiers and others whom it may concerne , that hereafter there shall bee no examining and calling out to persons that go peaceably on their way , unlesse they doe approach their gaurds , and likewise to forbeare playing at nine pinnes and other sports , from the houre of nine of the clocke in the evening , till six in the morning , that so persons that are weake and indisposed to rest , may not be disturbed . given under our hands the day and yeare above written . iohn barkestead . benjamin blundell . a journey to london in the year 1698 after the ingenuous method of that made by dr. martin lyster to paris in the same year, &c. / written originally in french by monsieur sorbiere and newly translated into english. king, william, 1663-1712. 1698 approx. 48 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a60917 wing s4698 estc r10470 13780191 ocm 13780191 101781 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a60917) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101781) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 850:35) a journey to london in the year 1698 after the ingenuous method of that made by dr. martin lyster to paris in the same year, &c. / written originally in french by monsieur sorbiere and newly translated into english. king, william, 1663-1712. sorbière, samuel, 1615-1670. relation d'un voyage en angleterre. [8], 34, [2] p. printed and sold by a. baldwin ..., london : 1698. fictiously attributed to sorbière but written by william king. cf. dnb. satire on lister's work: journey to paris in the year 1698. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng lister, martin, 1638?-1712. -journey to paris in the year 1698. london (england) -humor. london (england) -description and travel -early works to 1800. 2004-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-09 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2004-09 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a journey to london , in the year , 1698. after the ingenuous method of that made by dr. martin lyster to paris , in the same year , &c. wittten originally in french , by monsieur sorbiere , and newly translated into english. london , printed , and sold by a. baldwin , in warwick-lane , 1698. a journey to london . monsieur sorbeir to the reader . i am resolved to make no apology for this short account of the magnificent , and noble city of london , where you will meet with nothing offensive , and i think i have observed every thing that is remarkable in it ; it would have been unpardonable in me , to have omitted any matters which the curious might be desirous to know , having an inimitable pattern from one of that country lately , who for the clearness of his expression , the elegancy of his descriptions , as well ingenuous choice of his subjects , deserves a particular salutation from all the admirers of the belles lettres in the universe . i might here take an opportunity to beg pardon of the english , for my misrepresentations thirty years ago , but 't is to be hoped this book will make my peace with that nation . the following pages will show you the considerable heads i design'd to treat off , and now i have paid my devoirs at the entrance , i will not importune you any longer . contents . asses page 21 auction 23 beggars 9 brick and stone houses 3 bureaus 4 boy in a little coach 5 boats 8 bartholomew fair 27 bread 29 curiosity 1 sir charles cotterel and john sharp compar'd 2 cellar windows 4 coaches 5 commendation of linnen shirts 13 calf with a top-knot 18 coins 20 chivey chase 20 chocolate 25 cabbage 30 chine of beef 33 dust 11 ducks 28 english no lovers of stinking meat 33 flannel shirts 13 grey pease hot ! 29 inns , the white horse , &c. 8 kennels 5 knightsbridge and istington 5 kitling in an air pump p. 16 lettice 31 menage 3 monks ( none ) 9 miller's thumb 16 mufflers 22 mushroom 31 naked statues commended 12 old women witches 14 owl , 18 port●ochers and remises 3 post chaises roullions not in england 6 publick cries 10 play things 21 pox ! 24 pick pockets 27 recreations and walk , 7 a rummer of two quarts 15 rosemary , &c. 26 squares , st. james's , bloomsbury , &c. 5 signs in the street , prodigious large ! 7 streets lighted , 10 — clean 11 statues 12 sticklebacks 16 small coal kettles to light a pipe 27 salt 29 soups 31 things wanting in england 5 tennis balls 22 turnips 30 a journey to london . in the year , 1698. after the ingenuous method of that made by dr. martin lyster to paris , in the same year , &c. this tract was written chiefly to satisfy my own curiosity , and being in a place where i had little to do , i though fit to write a book for such people as had idle time enough upon their hands to read it . the english nation value themselves upon a plain honesty , join'd with hospitality ; these make them courteous to strangers , but they are not very easy with their curiosity . for they do not build and dress mostly for figure , as the french , who are certainly the most polite nation in the world , and can praise and court with a better grace than the rest of mankind . i did not intend to put on the spectacles of the present state of england , written by dr. chamberlain , nor any survey of the same for trusting to my eyes , i had a mind to see without ' em . but to content you reader , i promise not to trouble you with ceremonies , either of state , or church , or politicks ; for though i met with an english gentleman who proffer'd to shew me the princes of the blood , the prime ministers of state , the lord mayor , and other officers belonging to a city of so immense a greatness as that of london , yet i refus'd the civility , and told him , that i took more pleasure to see honest john sharp of hackney , in his white frock , crying turneps ho ! four bunches a penny , than sir charles cottrel , making room for an embassadour , and i found my self better dispos'd , and more apt to learn the physiognomy of a hundred weeds , than of five or six princes . i arriv'd at london , after a tedious journey , in bad weather ; for i fell sick upon the road , and lay dangerously ill of the tooth-ach . i believe i did not see the tithe of what deserves to be seen ; because for many things i wanted a relish , particularly for painting and building , though i confess the grandure of a city chiefly consists in buildings ; and i verily believe london to be one of the most beautiful and magnificent in europe . it is also most certain , that the common people of london , live dispers'd in single houses , whereas in paris , there are from four to five , and to ten menages or distinct families in many houses , from whence i infer that as to the commonalty paris may be more populous than london , although perhaps their dwelling mayn't be so wholsome and cleanly . i found the houses some of hew'n stone entire , some of brick with free stone ; as the crown tavern upon ludgate-hill , and the corner house of birchin-lane , and several others . divers of the citizens houses , have port-cochezs to drive in a coach , or a cart either , and consequently have courts within , and mostly remises to set them up , such persons as have no portchochez , and consequently no courts or remises , set up their coaches at other places , and let their horses stand at livery . the cellar windows of most houses are grated with strong barrs of iron , to keep thieves out , and newgate is grated up to the top to keep them in . which must be of vast expence ! as the houses are magnificent without , so they furnish them within accordingly . but i could not find , that they had any bureaus of ivory . upon viewing the braziers and turners shops , i found it true , what my country man monsieur justell formerly told me , that according to his catalogue there were near threescore utensils , and conveniencies of life more in england than in france . but then the english , since the breach of their commerce with france , lie under great necessities of several commodities fiting for the ease and support of humane life , as counterfeit pearl necklaces , fans , tooth picks , and tooth pick cases , and especially prunes , the calamity of which has been so great for ten years last past , that they have not had enough to lay round their plum-porridge at christmas . i must to give a faithful account descend even to the kennels ; the gutters are deep , and lain with rough edges , which make the coaches not to glide easily over 'em , but occasion an imployment for an industrious sort of people call'd kennel-rakers . the squares in london are many and very beautiful , as st. james , sohoe , bloombury , red-lyon . devonshire , none of the largest , and hogsdon not yet finish'd . but that which makes the dwelling in this city very diverting , is the facility of going out into the fields , as to knightsbridge , where is an excellent spring-garden , to marribone , where is a very good bowling-green , islington as famous for cakes , as stepeny is for bunns . but to descend to a more particular review of this great city , i think it not amiss to speak first of the streets . there are coaches in the streets which are very numerous , but the fiacers are not hung with double springs , at the four corners , which springs would insensibly break all jolts . so that i fou●d the case alter'd in england ; and i to had rather ride in a fiacre at paris , than in the easiest chariot of a lord embassador ; to my great astonishment at london , found that in a hackney coach , there was not a jolt but what affected a man , from whence i drew these surprising conclusions . first that a hackney is a miserable , voiture , and next , that a man may be more tired in an hour in that , than in six hours riding in my lord ambassadors casiest chariot . i saw a boy that had harness'd two doggs , which drew a small voiture with a burden in it , and i saw a little master in a little vinegretté , drawn along by two boys ; much bigger then himself , and push'd behind by a maid . these i was willing to omit as thinking them at first sight scandalous , and a very jest , they being wretched businesses in so magnificent a city . finding that neither post chaises nor rouillions were in use in london , i told them of 'em , how both horses pull , but one only is in the thilles , how the coachman mounts the rouillion , but for the chaise he only mounts the side house , and that they might be introduced to good purpose . but i found the english curiosity so small that i did not see any rouillion made during my six months stay in london . as for their recreations and walks , st. james park is frequented by people of quality , who if they have a mind to have better and freer air , drive to hide park , where is a ring for the coaches to drive round , and hard by is mrs. price's , where are incomparable sillabubs , out of other parts of the town , they go to hamstead and cane wood , ( an admirable place for nuts , as mother huffs for bottle ale ) scarce any side amiss . i had almost forgot that in st. james's park are many seats , for the entertainment of all people , the lackqueys and mob excepted , but of this more hereafter . 't is pretty to observe how the magistrates indulge the inhabitants of this great city , by this small instanced , for whereas in paris the king has caused the citizens to take down their signs , and not to exceed a small measure of square . in london they may be of what measure they please , even to a monstrous bigness , as my great curiosity observ'd , in the sign of the ship tavern , and the castle tavern in fleet-street , which has almost obscur'd the sun ; and barbers hang out poles of a great huge length almost as long as a missen mast. there are a great may publick inns in london , where lodging are to be let , as the bull inn in bishopgate-street , the saracens head in friday-street , the white horse in fleet-street , and others . but besides these there are divers other places so called ; as cliffords inn , clements inn , lyons inn , &c. where several gentlemen practioners of the law reside . this seems as it were to denote that heretofore attorneys might lodge in publick inns as well as other strangers . in the river of thames , both above bridge and below , are a vast number of boats of wood , hay , charcool , corn , wine , and other commodities . when a frost comes there are not so many . but when a thaw comes , they are often in danger of being split and crush'd to piecss . and upon my word , there have been great losses to the owners of such boats and goods , upon such occasions . the reason why there are more boats below bridge than above , is because there is a custom house , which brings into the king of england , a revenue able to defend the sovereignty of the seas , against any enemy whatsoever ; and the reason why there lie so many hundred large vessels of all sorts and of all nation ; is because they cannot get through bridge heigh ! and there are a great many light boats loaden with brooms , gingerbread , tobacco , and a dram of the bottle ho! above bridge is a vast boat , with a house upon it , and a garden in the garret , and further up the river at chelsey , is a land ship very large built on purpose never to go to sea. there are beggars in london , and people whose necessities force them to ask relief from such as they think able to afford it . but there are no monks who declare against marriage . and a certain learned person told me that he did not like starved monks , but that he was for free marriage , and that the flesh-eaters will ever defend themselves if not beat the lenten men . therefore he was entirly for propagation , that men might be like the stars in the firmament , or the shells and sand upon the sea shore ; and so notwithstanding any circumstances of life age or fortune , should marry , and that it was as prudent in an old man of threescore and ten , as in a youth of one and twenty . there is a great deal of noise in this city , of publick cries of things to be sold , and great disturbance from pamphlets and hawkers . the gazetts come out twice a week , and a great many buy ' em . when a thing is lost , they do not as in paris , put a printed paper on the wall , but if it be of small value , the bell-man cries it , and if it be a thing of greater moment as for example , a lapdog , &c. then they put it in the advertisements . the streets are lighted all the winter , but there is an impertinent usage of the people at london , not to light 'em , when the moon shines . they ridiculously defend themselves by saying , they can see by moonshine , and have no more reason to hold a candle to the moon than to the sun. there were three young gentlemen of good families in a frolick , went a scouring , broke the lights , and were sent to the counter , and could not be releas'd thence without diligent application of friends , and paying garnish to their fellow prisoners . the avenues to the city , and all the streets are paved with pebbles , and flints and rag stones , and there is great care to keep them clean . in winter for example , upon melting of the ice , you shall see all the prentices and porters up in arms , with brooms and paring shovels ; so that in a few hours time all parts of the town are to admiration clean , and neat again to walk on . i could heartily wish , i had been at london in summer , to have seen whether they have more dust at london , than in paris . i have notwithstanding in my curious enquiries after dust , found that there are several dust carts about the town , and there are several women that take delight , and as i have heard pay money to ride in em . a fine lady about the town , was taken thence , and upon her change of clean linning took upon herself the title of clinderaxa . there are several statues , both at charing-cross , in the city , and at the exchange , but my relish being not for art but nature , as i have before declared , i think fit to meddle with 'em , as little as i can . i happen'd to go with a lady to hide park corner , where in an open area , we saw several naked statues , at which she out of a fond humour , or hoc sit of devotion , took some offence . i told her , cicero somewhere says , that some of the ancient wise men thought there was nothing naturally obscene , but that every thing might be call'd by its own name ; she told me i was making an apology for talking obscencely . i reply'd no , but added , why should nudity be so offensive since a very great part of the world yet defies cloaths , and ever did so ; and the parts they do most affect to cover , are from a certain necessity only : at which she blush'd , and i for the sake of further discourse begun a long story about roman cloths , and told her , a roman was as soon undress'd as i can put of my gloves and shooes . for he had nothing to do but to loose the girdle of the tunica , and to draw up both his arms from under the tunica , and he was in bed immediately , whereas i had a hundred fatigues to undergo , as unbuttoning by collar , untying my knee-strings ; and several other things that would make a man impatient to think of . i told her likewise it was after the first ages of the commonwealth , that they found out the invention of putting a shirt next the skin ; that as for ruffles and steenkirks , they were never added in the very splendor and luxury of the empire . i continued my discourse , that i , much admire i could never meet with a statue in london , but what was cloathed with a toga pura and no representation of a bullated one . i told her , that the romans indeed wore flannel shirts , but in my mind a fair linnen shirt every day , is as great a preservative to neatness and cleanness of the skin , as going to the bagnio , was to the romans . the lady smil'd and told me , sir , i am glad you have cloth'd the poor creatures , that we found naked . this seeming to be spoke in a ridiculous way , something provoked me , but spying a little state of mother shipton , whose face was deep within the quoifure ; says i , madam , this woman looks as if she were ashamed of her cheat : it was the fancy of king henry the 8th's time to make old women prophetesses , but i think to make them sagae and veneficae , ( that is in plain english sorceresses and poisoners ) is reasonable enough , for age makes all people spiteful , but more the weaker sex. so we parted in chagrin , for i believe the lady modestly speaking , was upwards of fifty . i heard of several persons that had great collections of rarities , pictures , and statues . but i was resolved to visit but a few , and those the most curious ; and when i made any observations , that they should be to the purpose . so i visited mr. doncaster , he entertained me very civilly ; he has a very fine octogon room , with a dome . he has very fine pictures , though i must confess as before , i have no relish for painting . he show'd me some pictures of rubens , in which the allegoric assistants in the tableaux are very airy and fancifully set out . he show'd me , likewise , one of vandyke , but being painted in dishabile , it had a foppish night-gown and old quoifure . which lead me into this reflection , that the modern painters have hereby an opportunity to be idle . he has several other curiosities ; among the rest was a roman glass , whose very bottom was smooth and very little umbilicate . he show'd me , likewise , a great rummer of two quarts , very proper for rhenish wine , and limon and sugar in the midst of summer ; i found that the foot of the latter was more umbilicated than the former . he then diverted me with a copy of the writing said to be the devil 's writing , kept in queen's colledge in oxford . upon which i began the discourse of these matters ; i told him , that the chinese were very much embarass'd in their writing , as this writing seem'd to be . but i was rather inclin'd , to think this the boustrophedon way mention'd by suidas like the racers about the meta in the cirque . but i could not find that he had any apprehension of the matter . in this collection , i saw a millers thumb , which he told me was taken by a miller with his thumb and fore finger . it is very like a hippocumpus as to the thick belly and breast of it . with this i was extreamly pleased , and am infinitely oblig'd to this mr. doncaster , for he show'd me several sort of tadpoles and sticklebacks , which only for bigness are not much unlike a pope , or ruff , and presented me with one of 'em , which i design to give a draught of . i was to visit mr. muddifond , i was sorry to hear that he had some thoughts concerning the hearts of a hedghog , which had made a very great breach betwixt mr. goodenough and himself . i could have wish'd , i might have reconcil'd the animosity . but it is to be hoped there may come good from an honest emulation . i had several discourses with mr. muddifond , about an old cat and a young kitling in an air pump , and how the cat died after 16 pumps , but the kitling surviv'd 500 pumps . upon which we fell into a learned dicourse , of the lives of cats ; and at last agreed upon this distinction , that it ought not to be said that cats , but that kitlings have nine lives . and after the dispute ended , he very obligingly procured me a human heart . but i must confess the generosity of the english in this , for not many days after mr. baddington , procured me another , which was extreamly grateful . i was recommended by a friend to mr. brownsworth , a person that belongs to the tower of london . he is a civil gentleman , but his genius lead him more to politicks than curiosity . he proffer'd to shew me the new armory , in which are arms , as he told me , for above a hundred thousand men , all dispos'd in a manner , most surprizing and magnificent ; as likewise another armory , where are arms for twenty thousand men more . he would likewise have shew'd me the horse armory , a royal train of artillery , and several cannon taken out of the trident prize . he would likewise have carryed me to see the crown imperial , and other jewels belonging to it . i humbly thank'd him , and told him , that my curiosity led me otherwise , and that my observations inclin'd rather to nature than dominion . upon which smiling he said , he hoped he should gratifie me , and immediately led me to a place where we saw lyons , tygers , and two very remarkable catamountains . i took more particular notice of two owls , of an immense greatness , but by their being without horns , i take 'em not to be a distinct species from the european . but that with which i was most delighted , was a calf skin stuft , 't was admirable to behold , a certain tumor or excrescence it had upon its forehead , in all points resembling the commodes or top-knots now in fashion . upon this i exprest my thanks to mr. brownsworth in the most obliging terms i could . he then told me , the royal mint was not far off , upon which i said , i was a great admirer of coins , and desired him to give me an account of what coins there were in england he began to tell me , that about three years ago the current coin of the kingdom consisted of old money , coin'd by several kings ; that those coins were clipt and debased to a very great degree , but that the king with the advice of his parliament , in the very heighth of the war with france , had establish'd a paper credit ( or if you please to call it coin ) of bills , issued out of the exchequer and notes from the royal bank of england , amounting to prodigious sums ; that at present all our silver is in mild mony , either of the two last kings , or his present majesty , of which there is so great a quantity , that posterity will be apt to think , that there were scarce any prince that ever coin'd before him . this money , and credit , have circulated so far , and are in so great a plenty , that in a late subscription to a new east india company , two millions sterling were subscrib'd in less than two days time , and as much more excluded ▪ i believe the man would have run on till evening , if i had not thus interrupted him : sir , said i , i beg you to consider , that i am a virtuoso , and that your present discourse is quite out of my element : sir , you would oblige me much more , if you could find me any coin from palmira , more particularly of zenobia , odenatus , or vabalathus , and that i prefer'd a vabalathus ucrimpr , or a vabalathus aug . before twenty of the best pieces of gold coin'd in the tower. the gentleman very civilly reply'd , that he would endeavour to satisfie my curiosity ; that he had at home two rusty copper pieces , with which he intended to present me , ( which he accordingly did the next day ) that he had been told by a person of the belles lettres , that they were dug out of the isle of scilly , and that one was of catathumpton a saxon prince , the other of goclenia his daughter and successor ; they have both very odd characters , ( if any ) about ' em . i design to give the reader a cut of them . the evening coming on , and my thanks returned to him , we parted . i was to see mr. shuttleworth , whose friendship i greatly value ; he has many stones from scotland ; there is one the most curious of all , concerning which he is ready to publish a dissertation . 't is a catalogue in three columns , of the names of the most principal persons that were kill'd at chivey chase. widdrington closes the column , and after his name there is a noble pindarick in which he is recorded , upon the cuting off his legs , to have fought upon his stumps . of the antiquity of this stone , besides the known history and names which justify the time of those men , the figure of the letters and the blackness of 'em , particularly of the word stumps , are undoubted arguments . he show'd me a thousand other rarities as the skin of a cap-ass , many very excellent land snails , a freshwater mussel from chatham ; a thin oyster , a very large wood frog , with the extremity of the toes webbed . he show'd me some papers of swammerdam , in which were some small treatises , or rather some figures only of the tadpole . again figures relating to the natural history of a certain day butterfly , and of some considerable number of snails , as well naked as fluviatile . he show'd me a vast number of great cases in which were play-things , or puppets , all of them brought from france , except one sistrum , or aegyptian rattle , with three loose , or running wires cross it . i proffer'd him my assistance to complete so useful a collection as that of play-things and rattles . i was infinitely pleased with this gentlemans company , especially when he shew'd me a dissertation he had written out fair for the press , about a certain antient intaglia of madaces of ptolomaeus auletes , or the player upon the flute : in this he said the thin muffler was the most remarkable . upon this i told him , that i had a dissertation concerning the remarkable thickness and thinness of mufflers , with which i would present him . one toy i took notice of , which was a collection of tennis balls ; for three hundred years or more , some of them were sent by a french king , to king henry v. and there are patterns of all that the english have sent back , from the bigness of the smallest bor'd musket , to the shells of the largest mortars . i went to see an old woman ( that shall be nameless ) she was 91 years of age. i was surprized to find her body in ruins . it was a perfect mortification to see the sad decays of nature . to hear her talk with her lips hanging about a toothless mouth , end her words flying abroad at random ; this put me in mind of the sybils uttering oracles , and how other old women , call'd witches , have been since employed on this errand , and have at very unreasonable times of night been forced to bestride their broom-staff on such like occasions . i would have seen a very famous library , near st. james's park , but i was told , that the learned library keeper was so busy in answering a book which had been lately wrote against him , concerning phalaris , that it would be rudeness any ways to interrupt him ; though i had heard of his singular humanity , both in france , and other places . i was at an auction of books , at tom's coffee-house , near ludgate , where were above fifty people . books were sold with a great deal of trifling and delay as with us , but very cheap , those excellent authors mounsieur maimbourg , mounsieur varillas , and mounsieur le grand , tho' they were all guilt on the back , and would have made a very considerable figure in a gentlemans study , yet after much tediousness , were sold for such trifling sums , that i am asham'd to name ' em . the pox here is the great business of the town . this secret service has introduced little contemptible animals of all sorts into business ; and quacks here , as with us , do thrive vastly into great riches . it was very pleasant diversion to me to read upon the walls , every where about the town , the quacks bills in great uncial letters . as aqua tetrachymagogon . another , read , try , judge , and speak as you find . another , the unborn doctor , that cures all diseases . he is to be spoke with at a boiling cooks , in old bedlam , from ten till two , and afterwards at his stage in moorfields . another , at the golden ball , and lillies head , john case lives , though saffold's dead . by these bills it is evident , there is yet a certain modesty and decorum left in concealing this disease , and people , though they may have failings in private , don't care to expose themselves to the publick . there are women , that are seventh daughters , that do admirable cures , and there are people that can pick pockets , and afterwards by consulting the stars , tell you who it was that did it . i met with a gentleman , that told me a secret , that the old romans in their luxury took their tea , and chocolate , after a full meal , and every man was his own cook in that case . particularly caesar that most admirable and most accomplish'd prince , being resolv'd to eat and drink to excess before he lay down to table , emeticen agebat , prepared for himself his chocolate , and tea . he presented me with a roman tea dish , and a chocolate pot , which i take to be about augustus's time , because it is very rusty ; my maid very ignorantly was going to scour it , and had done me an immense damage i saw several gardens at k●ngsland ; the gardiner was an artist , and had some plants in cases in good order , not to be seen elsewhere , as marum syriacum , rosemary-bushes , &c. i was at chelsey , where i took particular notice of these plants in the green house at that time ; as , urtica male olens japoniae , the stinking nettle of japan . goosberia sterilis armeniae , the armenian goosberry bush , that bears no fruit , this had been potted thirty years . cordis quies persia , which the english call heartsease , or love , and idleness , a very curious plant. brambelia fructificans laplandiae , or the blooming bramble of lapland . with a hundred other curious plants , as a particular collection of briars and thorns , which were some part of the curse of the creation . the winter was very rude and fierce . multitudes had little tin kettle in their houses , with small-coal kindled , to light their pipes withal ; though in some places they use candles , in others salamanders . i was at bartholomew fair. it consists of most toyshops ; also fiance and pictures , ribbon-shops , no books ; many shops of confectioners , where any woman may commodiously be treated : knavery is here in perfection , dextrous cut-purses , and pick pockets : i went to see the dancing on the ropes , which was admirable . coming out i met a man that would have took off my hat , but i secur'd it , and was going to draw my sword , crying out , begar ! damn'd rogue ! morblew , &c. when on a sudden i had a hundred people about me , crying here , monsieur , see jephtha's rash vow , here , monsieur , see the tall dutch woman ; see the tyger , says another ; see the horse and no horse , whose tayl , stands where his head should do ; see the german artist , monsieur ; see the siege of namur , monsieur : so that betwixt rudeness and civility , i was forc'd to get into a fiacre , and with an air of hast , and a full trot , got home to my lodgings . i was at st. james's park ; there were no pavillions , nor decoration of treilliage , and flowers ; but i saw there a vast number of ducks ; these were a most surprising sight , i could not forbear to say , to mr. johnson , who was pleased to accompany me in this walk , that sure all the ponds in england had contributed to this profusion of ducks ; which he took so well , that he ran immediately to an old gentleman , that sate in a chair , and was feeding of 'em , he rose up very obligingly , embraced me , and saluted me with a kiss , and invited me to dinner ; telling me , he was infinitely oblig'd to me for flattering the king's ducks . of the food of the londoners . the diet of the londoners consists chiefly of bread and meat , which they use instead of herbs . bread is there as in paris , finer and courser , according as they take out the bran. this i observ'd , that whereas we have a great deal of cabbage , and but a little bit of meat , they will have monstrous pieces of beef ; i think they call 'em rumps , and buttocks , with a few carrets , that stand at a distance as if they were fright'd ; nay i have seen a thing they call a sir-loin , without any herbs at all , so immense , that a french footman could scarce set it upon the table . they use very white salt , notwithstanding , i told 'em , the gray salt of france is incomparably better , and more wholesome . the common people feed much upon grey pease , of which there are great provisions made , and to be had ready boiled . i believe they delight in 'em most for supper ; for every night there goes by a woman crying , hot grey pease , and bacon . though i take pease to be too windy for supper meat , and am inclinable to believe , that hot ox cheek , and bak'd wardens , cried at the same time may be wholesomer . their roots differ much from ours , there are no long turneps , but round ones , hackney near london it famous for this most excellent root , they are most excellent with boil'd and stew'd mutton , and sometimes with stew'd beef . i sound more cabbage in london than i expected , and i saw a great many reserves of old stalks in their publick gardens . i ask'd the reason . i was told the english were fantastick , as to herbs , and pulse ; that one trade , or society of men , fancied them and cowcumbers , and that a whole country were as much admirers of beans and bacon ; and this they thought might be the reason of it . lettice is the great and universal sallet ; but i did not find much roman lettice , because about ten years ago , a gentleman sending his footman to market , he mistook , and ask'd for papist lettice and the ill name has hindred the vent of it ever since . there are several others in the herb market , as mints , sorel , parsley , very much us'd with chickens , white beets , red beets , and asparagus ; these they ty up in bundles , and impose so far , as not to sell under a hundred at a time . this city is well serv'd with carp , herrings , cod , sprats , lobsters , and maccarel ; of which there are such incredible quantities , that there is a publick allowance for maccarel , as well as milk , to be cried on sundays . being desirous to see the markets , i had a friend that one morning , carried me to leaden hall . i desired to know what mushrooms they had in the market . i found but few at which i was surpris'd , for i have all my life been very curious and inquisitive about this kind of plant , but i was absolutely astonish'd to find , as that for champignons , and moriglio's , they were as great strangers to 'em as if they had been bred in japan . he promis'd to carry me to the flesh market , and there to make me amends , but when i came there alas , there was a thousand times too much of it , to be good , the sight of such a quantity was enough to surfeit one . i verily believe in my conscience there were more oxen , than cabbages , and more leggs of mutton , than heads of garlick in the market . what barbarous soupes then must these poor people eat ! their veal , has not that beautiful redness , which belongs to ours , and indeed their mutton seems more like it only it is fatter , and their beef is large and fat , to that degree , that it is almost impossible to roast it dry enough for to make it fit for any christian ( that has the least of our country indisposition about him ) to eat it with any safety . there were several mountains of this beef , which they call'd barons and chines , which they told me were for one of the sheriffs . i 'll undertake with one of these chines , together with cabbage , turneps , and other roots , herbs , and onions proportionable , to make soup enough for the parliament of paris . the english people , by custom , covet the freshest meat , and cannot endure the least tendency to putrefaction , which gives it a higher and salter tast ; for as meat rots , it becomes more urinous and salt , which is all in all in the matter of soups . i saw but one fowl in the market that was fit to be eaten , its smell was delicious , and its colour of a beautiful green ; i desired my friend to ask the price , but the poulterer told him it was sold to a french merchant . i have several other things that i might discourse of , as kentish pippins , pears , kidney-beans , and lentils . preaching , gaming , coaching , carting , walking , sitting , standing , &c. i would likewise have given the reader the cuts of the nidus trochili anglicani , or weens nest , a stickleback , two snails , two grashoppers , and those admirable coins of catathumpton , and goclenia ; but that my bookseller said the graver was out of the way . what may be wanting in this , some other journeys , that i design to , the two universities , norwich , bristol , exeter , canterbury , and other trading places , i hope will supply . finis . upon reviewing my notes , i find the following remarkable things omitted in my treatise ; which that the publick may not want , i have thrown into a postscript . the wines follow , and waters to drink . hare-court , has excellent water , some people use new-river , others thames water ; i told them , that we had several liquors in france , as vin de bonne , volne , mulso , chabre , condrieu , and d' arbris , ratafia , otherwise called cherry-brandy , vattee , fenoulliet de l'isle de ree . he answer'd me , that he had a thousand such sort of liquors , as humtie dumtie , three threads , four threads , old pharoah , knockdown , hugmateè , shouldreè , clamber-crown , hot-pots at newgate-market , fox-comb , blind pinneaux , stiffle , &c. i must not omit a famous sight in drury lane , a place remarkable for modesty , and piety , there is a sign of six doggs , that plough'd an acre of ground , which i believe , may for want of horses , be introduced into france , with good effect . they have very good mastiffs that may serve for dragoons , but they will scarce fall upon protestants . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a60917-e1030 page 1. curiosity p. 5. p. 4. p. 2. p. 2. john sharp and sir charles cotterel compar'd . p. 3. p. 4. p. 5. menages . p. 5. brick and stone houses . p. 8. port-cochezs and remises . p. 8. cellar windows . p. 9. bureaus . p. 9. things wanting in england for want of commerce with france . p. 142. p. 10 , kennells . p. 10. squares . james ' s bloombury . p. 10. p. 11. knights-bridge and islington . p. 11. coaches p. 13. p. 13. boy in a little coach. post chaises rouillions not in england . p. 14. receations and walks . p. 14. p. 16. signs in the streets . p. 16. inns the white horse in fleetstreet , &c. p. 17. boats. p. 20. beggar . no monks p. 21. publick cries . p. 22. streets lighted . p. 23. p. 24. streets clean . dust. p. 25. statues . naked statues commended at hide-park corner . p. 29. p. 30. p. 30. p. 30. p. 31. p. 31. flannel shirts found out at rome . p. 31. 32. no steenkirks at rome . p. 33. commendation of linnen shirts . old women witches . p. 34. mr. doncaster . p. 36. p. 39. 40. p. 38. rummer of two quarts . p. 48. p. 5●● miller's thumb . p. 58. sticklebacks . mr. muddifond . p. 66. 67. kitling in an air pump . p. 2. p. 71. mr. browns . worth . p. 2. owls . p. 73. p. 2. p. 73. calf with a top-knot . p. 97. coins of vabalathus . p. 115. coins of catathumpton and goclenia . p. 121. p. 46. moniment of chivey-chase . asses , snails , &c. p. 60. ibid. ibid. p. 61. p. 73. p. 103. p. 43. play things , puppets , rattles . p. 111. a differtation of mufflers . p. 93. tennis balls . p. 95. an old woman . auction . pox. p. 236. p. 239. p. 238. chocolate and tea : p. 169. p. 187. rosemary and marum syricum . p. 183. p. 229. small-coal kettles . p. 176. bartholomew's fair. pick pockets . p. 10. ducks . p. 207. bread. p. 146. salt. p. 147. grey pease . p. 148. turneps . p. 149. cabbage p. 150. lettice . p. 151. p. 152. ibid. p. 151. p. 152. p. 152. mushrooms . p. 154. p. 153. soupes . p. 157. chine of beef . p. 158. english no lovers of stinking meat . p : 159. p. 148. p. 174. ibid. p. 178. p. 180. notes for div a60917-e7830 p. 160. water . p. 161. p. 164. humtie dumtie , &c. london's lamentation: or, godly sorrow and submission. by george elliott, author of god's warning-piece to london. london's lamentation. eliot, george, 17th cent. 1665 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a39247 wing e547 estc r214795 99826864 99826864 31273 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39247) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 31273) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1776:11) london's lamentation: or, godly sorrow and submission. by george elliott, author of god's warning-piece to london. london's lamentation. eliot, george, 17th cent. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1665?] verse "oh whither shall i flee? where must i go?". imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion londons lamentation : or , godly sorrow and submission . by george elliott , author of god's warning-piece to london . oh whither shall i flee ? where must i go ? i am undone , my sins pursue me so : if i should wander all the world about , they will me follow , and will find me out my bones do tremble , and my heart doth ake , god's dreadful arrows make me fear and quake i know not what to do , i dare not stay , and 't is in vain i 'me sure to run away . i will not stir afoot , i will not shrink , this bitter cup god gives me , i will drink , and take it kindly at his sacred hand , i 'le not refuse it ; i will notwithstand his will and pleasure : shall be my direction , under his wings i hope to find protection . if he do scourge , and whip me never so , i will not flee , i will not from him go : but humbly at his footstool i will lie , and if i live , i live ; if dye , i dye . my sins are numberless , i must confess ; but if compar'd they be to god's goodness , they are as nothing : then appear they will , like a small molehill to a mighty hill. my friends forsake me , they are fled away , but god i hope will be my staffe and stay : he will not fail me , will not me forsake , nor of a city me a desart make . i hope the world shall see that god above , doth not me hate , but dearly doth me love ; and that the time will come , i trust e're long , when god will put into my mouth a song of thanks and praise , then shall i see and know , my scarlet sins are wash'd as white as snow . i do confess , o lord , i do confess , my sins are altogether numberless : but to thy only mercy i appeal , for i am sure that hand that smites , can heal . thy grace and mercy is my only stay , for mercies sake i do thee humbly pray , pardon my sins , with hyssop make me clean , for christ his sake restore me once again to thy blest favour , and i then will give my self unto thee , and will ever live unto thy glory , and will spend my dayes , in killing sin , and to my makers praise . thy plagues are on me , and thy heavy hand so sore doth crush me , that i cannot stand ; my enemies me daily do revile , my forreign foes that hate me , laugh and smile , because thou dost chastise me with thy rod ; are these the people that did trust in god ? where is he now , say they , hee 'll not them own ? both they and all their works are fully known . my heart would break in pieces , i should be like one that 's dead , but that i trust to see thy love , thy mercy , and thy gracious smile , although i suffer punishment awhile ; i willingly submit my self to god , and with humility will kiss the rod he whips me with : i will not take it ill , but will be subject to his sacred will ; although his hand lie on me very sore , and death himself stands vaunting at the door , and gyant like doth domineer and brave , and with his fist doth fell into the grave , above five hundred in a single day , and will have more before he go away ; yet on my god i wholly do depend , who in his time i know will comfort send : if that the hills into the sea was hurl'd ? or that a fire did overspread the world ? i would not fear , i would not be dismaid , god is my rock , why should i be afraid ? he is my only trust , my staffe and stay , so that i may ( i hope ) with safety say , the lord is my salvation , and my light , my god , my guide , my strength , and eke my might ; in this same punishment , methinks i see his tender mercy , and his love to me . his strokes and lashes do me plainly tell , he whips me now to keep me out of hell. i do commit my self to gods good grace , and will sincerely seek his gracious face : for whom have i in heaven but him alone ? and upon earth there is not any one , that in comparison of him i love , my only trust is in my god above . his strength and goodnesse nothing doth abate ; for whom he once loves , he doth never hate : he doth but frown upon me now awhile , that afterwards he may more fully smile . i 'me not forsaken , though i be cast down , my god will but awhile upon me frown ; i shall again be had in reputation , and be the glory of the english nation ! although my friends are fled , and run away , and will not with me in my troubles stay ; but swallow-like away they fast do flie , in my distress they will not me come nigh : though friends do fail , yet god i trust will never , because his mercies do endure for ever ! ease me good lord , take off thy heavy hand , these plagues i am not able to withstand : consume me not , o do not me destroy , instead of grief , i pray thee send me joy. come , come , good god , make haste , do not delay , to do me good , i do thee humbly pray . finis . poor city , how thou dost thy self bemoan , how sadly dost thou sigh , lament and groan ; if thou with patience wilt a little stay , vpon my word i 'le wipe thy tears away . london looke backe at that yeare of yeares 1625 and looke forvvard, vpon this yeare 1630 / written not to terrifie, but to comfort. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1630 approx. 33 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06271 stc 16755 estc s2796 24646668 ocm 24646668 27850 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06271) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27850) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1856:19) london looke backe at that yeare of yeares 1625 and looke forvvard, vpon this yeare 1630 / written not to terrifie, but to comfort. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [18] p. printed by a.m. and are to bee sold by ed. blackmoore at the angell in paules church-yard, london : 1630. attributed to thomas dekker--cf. stc (2nd ed.). signatures: a-b⁴ c² (last leaf blank). imperfect: cropped and faded, with loss of print. reproduction of original in the guildhall library (london, england). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. london (england) -history -17th century. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-02 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion london looke backe , at that yeare of yeares 1625. and looke forvvard , vpon this yeare , 1630. written , not to terrifie , but to comfort . london printed by a. m. and are to bee sold by ed. blackmoore at the angell in paules church-yard , 1630. london looke backe . to looke backe at ills , begets a thankefuln●●●e t● haue esc●p●d them : so the children of israel hauing d●y foot passed through the red sea ▪ looked backe , with a double ioy ; to see themselues on shore , & their enemies drovvn'd to looke backe , at our sinnes , begets a repentance : r●pentance is the mother of amendment : and amendment leades vs by the hand to heauen : so that if vvee looke not backe , ther 's no going forward in that iourney to ierusalem . to looke backe at an enemie , from whom wee flye ; calls vp hope , and feare ; hope to out-runne him , feare to be ou●r-taken : hope to fight with him agen , feare neuer to fight more . to looke backe , strengthens wisedome , to looke forward , armes prouidence : and lendes eyes to pr●uention . what marriner hauing gotten safely by a rocke , but with a liu●l● spirit lookes backe , and pra●s●th heauen , for s●yl●ng by such a danger ? what generall , but at the end of a battaile , lookes backe , on his slaughtered souldiers with sorrow : and on his liuing regiments , with gladnes ; what a glory is it , to repeat the story of the fight ? how such a captaine cut a braue way to victory with his sword ? how another brake through the battalia's , like the god of warre . looke backe therefore ( ó london ) at time , and bid him turne ore his chronicles , and shew thee , that yeare of yeares 1625 for , if euer there was in england , a yeare , great with childe of wonder , that very yeare was then deliuered of that prodigious birth . it was a yeare fatall to all our kingdomes ; for ▪ the courts of our kings , were forced to fly from place to place for safety ▪ and yet the pursuing enemie , d●ath , tracde thē and ouertooke thē by the pri●ts of th●ir feet . it was ●atall ( o thou empresse of cittiees , fa●re troynouant ) to t●ce ; for ( bloud shedde excepted ) thou with ierusalem , didst feele as g●ue● us a desolation : eating vp , with mariam , thine owne chil●r●n , vvith samaria thou wert beseiged , 〈◊〉 go not ( like samaria ) with benha●ad king of the aramites , and ●2 . kings more with him : but with a farre more cruell enemy , ( the pestilence , ) and an infinite army of sinnes , which to this very day , fight against thee . a more terrible tyrant , then benhadad ( and that is death ) sayd then to thee , as h●e di● to samaria ; thy gold and thy siluer are mine , thy women 〈◊〉 and thy faire children are mine . o how much of the one vvas then buried in earth , and what excellent pieces of the other lay then defloured in graves ▪ with ierico , the wades of thy glory ( o london ) were broken down ▪ for thy princes tooke from th●e the honour of their chariots t●e diuin●● the harmony of their eloquence ; thy magi●t●ates , the splend●r ●f their authority ; thy merchants the renowne of commerce : thy physi●ians gaue thee ouer ; thy soldiers 〈◊〉 cowards left t●ee in the open field : thy ol● m●n went away , and thy young-men fled before thee in the 〈◊〉 of their marrow . reader , to feast thee with more v●riety , cast 〈◊〉 eye on these following verses , in which is set downe a 〈◊〉 full , and more liuely description of that lamentable time. this was that yeere of wonder , when this land , was ploughed vp into graues , and graues did stand from morne , till next morne , gaping still for more . the bells ( like our lowde sinnes ) ne're giuing ore . then , life look't pale , and sicklier then the moone , whole households , well ●'th morne , lying dead at noone . then sicknesse was of her owne face affrayle , and frighting all yet was her selfe dismayde : london was great with childe , and with a fright shee fell in labour — but o pitious sight ! all in her child-bed roome did nought but mourne , for , thos who were deliuer●d were still-borne . the citty fled the 〈◊〉 , for those bells which calld the church man , rung his neighbors knells : the citty fled the citty , a●d in feare , that enemy shu●●'d who me● her euery where . the citty so much of her bo●y lost , th●● she ap●e●r'd 〈…〉 ghost : paules or●ans ( th●n ) 〈…〉 , to call this day a qui 〈…〉 who yesterday sate 〈…〉 me to morning 〈◊〉 , yet ●re they got home , had to●ens 〈◊〉 th●m 〈◊〉 they should no more heare a●th●●s there they we●e to goe before him , to whose 〈…〉 anthems were all sung , to instruments , which wereby angels strung . by this little picture you may guesse , if that yeare of 1625. was not one of the worlds cli●a●tericall yeares : if it bee not ( to this day ) more remarkeable , than any ot●er yeare in the memory of man , looke backe but on such calenders , as your obseruations may set dovvne , and then be your owne iudges . fi●st , 〈◊〉 ( in your looking backe ) remember those faynt and pu●gatiue fl●xes , which then vvere the v●nt-currers , making vvay for other diseases which immediately brake in vpon vs : how many families f●ll by that consumption ! how many househol 〈…〉 carry avvay ? 〈◊〉 one 〈◊〉 in a thousand 〈◊〉 it ? or if happily they get out of his fingers , did not a spotte●● feauer then presently print her nayles vpon their flesh ? how many bo●yes were by this purueyor of death , mark'd for funeralls ! our doctors giue that young sicknesse then as they doe this , now reigning a fine gentleman like name , the sp●tted feauer , as if it had beene er●●nd , the s●o●t●d feauer , as if it h●d beene a beautifull faire ski●d sickenesse , and those spotes , the fr●ckels in the face of it . but how many did this spotted leopard set vpon , and teare in peces ! the physitians were modest , and gaue it a pretty harmelesse name , ( the spotted feauer ) but wofull experience made vs confesse , it was the direct plague ▪ or couz●n-germane to it : the spotted feauer serued but as a by-name : the spots were the signes that hung at the doores , but the pestilence dwelt within . agen l●oke backe vpon that moone , and that officious starre , waiting so close vpon her , and reade in both th●ir faces , w●at followed after . agen looke bac●e , at the sudden , and vnexp●cted death of k iames : he lead the way , and millio●s of subiects followed after him ; hee dyed of a burning feauer but that burning went cold to a great ●any hearts in christendome , and it ●●uck cold to vs in england . 〈◊〉 bre●th of 〈…〉 glittering of bonfire● , and 〈…〉 people hea●ed vs agen , with the happy n●w●s of a glorious sunne ris●n and that sunne was the great charlema●ne , our now present soueraigne . agen looke backe vpon 〈◊〉 ●aths of our n●bility : dukes , earles , and lords , bei●g at that time snatch't from vs. agen looke backe , on the heapes of english , th●n swallowed in the sea , & eaten vp in the low-countries . rekcon our losses of men abroad , and at that time , the ruine of men , women , and children at home . al this remembrances being thus added vp together , poynt if you can ( through all the reignes of our kings ) to any one yeare so full of wonderful mutati●n● ! such shifting of the windes from faire to foule , and frō foule to faire weather . such eclipses , and such affrighting changes ▪ and then my penne shall be silenc'd , but of al the changes happening that yeare , the greatest is not yet mention'd : when our sinnes were in a full sea , god call'd in the waters of our punishment , and on a sudden our miseries ebb'd : whē the p●stilence struck 5000. and odde in a weeke into the graue ; an angell came , and held the sword from striking : so that the waues or death fell in a short time , as fast as before they swelld vp , to our confusion : mercy stood at the church doores , and suffered but a few coffins to come in : and this was the most wonderfull change of all the rest . this was a change , worthy to bee set ouer euery doore in letters of gold , as before red ▪ painted crosses stood there , turning cittizens to runn-awayes . but a white ●lagge was held out in signe of truce ; a pardon was promis'd , and it came to the great comfort of all our nation . when more than threescore thousand were ●owen downe by the ●yeth of time : deaths haruest towards the end of that yeare was all most all in . looke backe ( o london ) at these , and on thy knees , sing hymnes to heauen to thy th●n d●liuerance . t is strange to obserue , that if a bell be heard to ring out , and that t is voyc'd in such a parish within the walls of london , a many is dead of the 〈◊〉 , o what talke it breedes ▪ if the next 〈…〉 two , then the report stickes cold to the 〈…〉 cit●● . but if ( as now ) it rises to 〈…〉 the head , and thousands fearefully suspect , they 〈◊〉 bee vndone . and is there not great ●eaven for ●t is , thinke you ? yes there is . for all other infirmities , and maladies of the bo●y , goe simply in their owne habit , and liue wheresoeuer , they are 〈…〉 , vnder their proper and knowne names 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 pass●th onely by the name of the 〈…〉 an ague , the pox fistula , &c. 〈…〉 so 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 that they 〈◊〉 and king out , sometimes ▪ night and d●y , ) that sudden destroyer of mankind : that nimble executioner of the diuine iustice : ( the plague or pestilence ) hath for the singularity of the terrors waiting vpon it , 〈◊〉 title ; the sicknesse . it hath a preheminence about all others : and none being able to match it , for violence , strength , incertainty , su●tlety , catching , vniuersality , and desolation , it is called the sicknesse . as if it were , the onely sicknesse ▪ or the sicknesse of sicknesses , as it is indeede . but , for all this tyrants raging and rauing vp and downe this citty ; after punishment : mercy as you heard b●fore , came downe : when the deluge was p●st , a raine-bow was seene : martyrdome went before , and glory with a crowne of starres immediately followed . to dye is held fearefull : and the graue hath many formidable shapes . a prisoner being drag'd to a iayle , out of vvhich hee can neuer be deliuered , may truely call his chamber , his liuing graue , where his owne sorrowes and the cruelty of creditors , bury him . they , who with fearefull labour , maintaine life by digging vnder-ground , goe daily to their graue ; so doe all traytors that lay traynes to blow vp their k. and countre● : so doe all those whose blacke consciences pr●ck them on to dige pitts for others , into which they fall then solues . but to open a graue as it is indeede , the graue is our last inne , and a poore wooden coffin our fairest lodging roome . no : the graue is not our inne , ( where we may lie to night and be gon to morrow ) but it is our standing house , it is a perpetuity , our inheritance for euer : a peece of ground ( with a litle garden in it , fiue or sixe foot long , full of flowres and herbes , purchas'd for v● and our posterity , at the deerest income in the world the losse of life . the world is our common inne , in which wee haue no certaine abyding : it stands in the road-way for all pass●ngers ; and wither we be vpon speed , or goe slowly on foot , sure we are that all our iourneyes are to the land of death , and that 's the graue . a sicke-mans bed is the gate or first yard to this inne , where death at our first arriuall stands like the chamberlaine to bid you welcome , and is so bold , as to aske if you will alight , and he will shew you a lodging . in this great yeare of contagion , ( i meane 1625. ) whē the bell man of the citty ( sicknesse ) beate at euery dore , there was one who whilst he lay in his graue ( his death-bed as he accounted it : ) yet afterwards he recouered , reported to his friends he beheld strange apparitions . he saw a purchas'd sessions ; the iudge was terrible : in his hand , lightning in his voyce , thunder : after thousands were cast , and condemn'd to dye , ( sayd this sicke man ) i saw my selfe a prisoner , and cal'd to the barre : the iudge looking sternly vpon mee , was angry : my offences ( being read to me ) were heauy , my accusers many ; what could i doe but pleade guilty ! and falling on my knees , with hands held vp , cry for mercy . teares , sighes , and anguishes of soule , speaking hard for me , the iudge melted in compassion , signed a repriue , sau'd me from death , and set me free . o in what a pittifull state had i beene else ! for my conscience araigned me , my owne tongue accus'd mee , my owne guilt condemn'd mee : yet the mercy of the iudge sau'd mee . in this graue i lay , my memory being dead , my sences buried , my spirits couered with earthly weaknesses , and all the faculties of my soule , cold as the clay into which i was to be turned . yet loe ! i was called out of this graue ; i quickned and reuiued : seeing then that albeit death was about to thrust mee downe with one hand , yet life gentley pluckt me vp by the other , what did i but looke back● at the horror which had beset me round ! i did not onely looke backe but i looked forward at the happinesse comming toward mee , which with spred armes i embraced : neither did i onely looke forward , but i looked vpward to heauen . had i not reason to pay my heauenly ph●sitian with an humble & hearty thankes-giuing ! i did so . haue i not reason to put al others , ( that either t● is yeare or in any yeare to come , shall be call'd to the same iudgment-seat ) in minde of their deliuerance ! wee , being ( at least we ought to be ) christs followers , vse as he did to giue thankes before we breake our bread : and when we are satisfied , he is not satisfied , vnlesse wee pay him , thankes agen , thankes ! that 's all : poore is that good turne which is not worth goda●ercy : that benefit withers , which is not warm'd by the breath of the receiuer . here , leaue we our ●icke-man , well recouered , and singing holy ditties for his restoring : let vs now agen looke backe , and stedf●stly fix our eyes , vpon the ●errible face of that former wond●rfull yeare . how many in that swallowing sea of contagion , were strucke with dreadfull calentures , and madnes of the braines ! rauing , raging and rayling : yea cursing god to his face ! and who had greater cause to register vp his mercy , in fetching them out of such a hell , then they ? how many did then , with iob ( through the anguish of their soar●s ) wish that the day might perish in vvhich they were borne ! yet some at the same time being recouered did not onely not send vp prayers and prailes for their safety , but hauing tasted of the f●ll cup of gods mercy , they agen did te●pt , his iustice. if drunkards before their sickenesse , they were ten times worse , after they were well . they were not good , for ioy they grevv vnto strength , but being perfectly hea●thfull , vvere madd in their heartes that their purses were too weake to maintain thē in their old riots . what would not such haue ventur'd vpon , but that poue●ty gaue them lame hands . these people had a minde to cheate god by thinking they owed him nothing : but god stop't them in their carrecre ; for seeing no amendment in them , after they had beene smitten downe once or twice , at the third blow he struck them into earth . to close vp this sad feast , to which none but wormes were invited : let vs looke onely once more backe , at this , all-conquerin● yeare , 1625. and remember that preaching in many churches , was in the heate of the battails , forced to fly : law , was at a non-plus . traficke cast ouer-board , trading in the citty lay bed-ridde , and in the countrey ●orely shaken vvith an ague . remember o you cittizens , that our schooles then lock'd out learning , ( a wound to your children ; ) that your seruants got little ( a bruze to your family ! ) that your selues spent much , and many of your stockes vvere almost vvasted to nothing : ( a mayme to the citty ) but then aftervvards on the sudden , to see all this dis●oynted buildings , put orderly into frame agen ! vvas there not great reason to reioyce ? when that mighty number of 5000. and odde , in london , and round about vvere carryed on mens shoulders to their last home , what glory is due to the diuine mercy ! that wee ( vvho now vvalke vp and downe the streets , ) liue ! nay , not onely liue in health but liue ! hauing been layd in deaths lappe , full of sores , of feauers , of frenzes , yet are now healed in body and cured ●n minde . had euery man , and woman , as many voices as birdes haue notes : all of them ought to be singing from morne to night , praises , hymnes , and honours to this almightie iohouah . are you not wearied , thus long with looking backe , turne your heades therefore round , and now looke forward ▪ looke not ( as all this while you haue done ) through perspectiue-glasses , to make obiects afarre off , appeare as if they vvere neere you , but looke vvith full eyes , at those presentations , vvhich are directly now before you . looke forvvard as the men of genazaret did , who bringing all the sicke in the countrey to christ , besought him , that they might touch the hemme of his garment onely . looke forvvard , as the cananitish woman did who cryed alovvd to christ , saying : haue mercy on mee o lord , thou sonne of dauid ; my daughter is miserably vexed vvith a deuill . christ sayd nothing at first : hee put her by once or twice , but see hovv the key of importunity , can open the very gates of heauen ! her incessant intreaties , won●e him at length to say , ● woman , great is thy faith , bee it to thee as thou desirest , and her daughter was made whole at that houre . looke forward as the fiue wise virgins did , to fill your lampes with oyle , and expect the comming of the bridegroome . when open warre is denounced against a nation , they ( albeit before they slept in security , and lay drown'd in sensuall streames ) yet then awaken , they start vp , and looke forward for their armour , lest the enemy should come vpon them vnprouided . to looke forward is to see where the fire is giuen to the cannon , and so that weake part , which lyes subiect to battry , is fortified for resistance . looke forward therefore now ; for now the drumme of death is beating vp : the cannon of the pestilence does not yet discharge , but the small shot playes night and day , vpon the suburbes : and hath sent seauē bullets singing into the citty . the arrowes fly ouer our heades and hit so●e , though they as yet misse vs ; but none knowes how soone the strong archer , may draw his bow , and clea●e our very heartes ▪ looke forward howsoeuer , and looke vp with open eyes , vnder your sheildes to receiue them as they come flying , lest they peirce you quit through , & nayle you to destructiō . this world is a schoole , wee are gods schollers ; our schoole-master has taken vp ( this yeare ) as yet , but the twigge of a rodde , in comparison of that bundle of roddes hee vsed in that yeare 1625. he shakes the twigg at vs , and a few ( of the lower formes in the schoole ) feele the smart , but the head schollers that sit in the higher formes , doe not as yet so much as tremble . many are preparing to breake vp schoole and steale into the countrey : but take heed , and looke forward on the booke , which your schoole-master sets you to reade : for if hee findes you not perfect in your lessons ; hee is binding the rodde in his hand , harder and harder , and bee sure ( when hee strikes ) to bee payd soundly . the bell tolles in a few places , but heartes ake in many . is sicknesse come to thy doore ! hath it knock't there ? and is it entred ? there are many good bookes set forth , to driue backe infection , or if it cannot be driuen away , instructions are giuen how to welcome it . make much of thy physitian : let not an emperick or mounti-bancking quacksaluer peepe in at thy window , but set thy gates wide open to entertaine thy learned physitian : honour him , make much of him such a physitian is gods second , and in a duell or single fight ( of this nature ) will stand brauely to thee . a good physitian , comes to thee in the shape of an angell , and therefo●e let him boldly take thee by the hand , for he has been in gods garden , gathering herbes : and soueraine rootes to cure thee ; a good physitian deales in simples , and will be simply honest with thee in thy preseruatiō . i neuer sat with aesculapius at the table ; i scarce know what a salu●tory-box meanes : yet● without asking leaue of the learned colledge , to hang out my bill or begging licence at surgeons hall , to seale aprobasum est vpon my vnguents and plaisters . i will aduenture to minister physicke , and salues to any one , that in this time , is troubl'd with the sicknesse : and my patien●s in the end , shall confesse : that gallen hyppocrates , paracelsus , nor all t●e great maisters , of those artes , did neuer lay downe sounder prescriptions . and heere come my medicines martching in . art thou ( in this visitation stricken with carbu●cles , blaynes , and blisters , is thy body spotte● all ouer ? art thou sure death bids : hee come away , by some tokens which he hath sent thee ? be ru●de by me , and take this receipt ; trust to it , for it cui'd a king of israel . cry out with dauid , o lord ! chast●ze me not in thy wrath ▪ for thine arrowes haue lighted vpon mee : there is nothing sound in my flesh because of thine anger : neither is there rest in my bones because of my sinnes . my woundes are putrified ; my reynes full of burning : i am weakned and sore broken . my heart panteth : my strength fayleth me : and the light of mine eyes ( euen they ) are not mine owne : my louers and my friends stand aside from my plague , and my kinsemen stand afarre off : yet continue thou vvith the holy singer , and conclude thus , o lord , hast to helpe mee . hovv like you , this medicine ? is it of such vertue , that albeit , thou art sicke to thy death : it vvill by degrees take away all thy torments . this second is a lulep to sweeten the mouth of thy stomacke , after the bitternesse of thy sickenesse : ●or , when by an armipotent hand , thou art lifted out of thy death-bed ; when the bell hath ceast rolling for thee , and thy womer-sle●pers leaue gaping for thy linnen , thy goodes , and thy money : and are madde they are not likely to rifle thy house : vvhen thou hast an appetite to eate , and that thy feete are able to walke vpon that earth , which was hungry to d●noure thy whole bdoy ; then fall thou vpon that earth , and magnifie god. then say , though thy sinnes in thy sickenesse made thy conscience shev a face to thee as blacke as hell , yet seake thou to it , and tell it , that this recouery vvith new repentance ( continued ) sh●ll make it like the vvinges of a doue , couered with siluer : and vvhose feathers are like the yellovv gold ; say to thy soule , it shal bee as white as the snow in zumon , and co●s●sse that gods mercy is like the mountaine of bashan : say to thy health , that the chariots vvhich god sent to guard it vvere tvventy thousand angels , amongst whom , the lord was as in the sanctuary of sinay . nay , albeit death should lay his mouth to thine eare , and bid thee put thy house in order : for , thou shall dye ; yet , an isaiah ( some good mans prayer● ) or thine ovvne , may bee heard , and god may ad●e to thy dayes fifteene yeares more , as he did to hezekiah , vpon his repentance . repentance is a siluer bell , and soundes sweetly in the eare of heauen . it is a dyamond shyning and sparkling in the darke , to inlighten all our miseries . it is a 〈◊〉 for euery vvound : it is a golden ladder by whose st●pp●s wee climbe to immortality . it is a chayne of orient pearle , tying vp gods handes that hee shall not strike vs : repentance smelleth sweeter then the oyntment vvhich the woman annoynted christs feete ▪ when shee wip●d them vvith her hayre . repentance winnes the king of heauen , to smile vpon vs as if wee were his ●auorites : and to say thus . if thou still art ascending , and getting vp this hill of repentance , blessed shalt thou bee in the citty , and bless●d in the field ; blessed bee the fruit of thy body , and the fruit of thy ground , and the fruit of thy ca●tle , the increase of thy king , and the 〈◊〉 of thy sheepe : blessed shall be the basket , and thy dough : blessed shalt thou bee when thou comest in , and blessed also when thou goest out . thy land-soldiers ( o england ! ) shall not stand in feare ●or thy royall nauy , for thine enemies that rise against thee , shall fall before thy face : they shall come out against thee one way , and fly before thee seauen wayes . his word ( that speakes this ) may bee taken better then any kings in the world : and therefore , hold out both thy hands vnder , this tree of blessings . and catch the golden apples when so freely they are taken downe into thy lappe . but , if thou trample these gifts vnder thy feete , and spur●est at gods fauour bestowed vpon thee , in thy health , in the midst of a hot sicknesse . if the tolling of bells cannot awaken you , nor the opening of graues affright you ▪ if bill-men standing at other mens dores , cannot put you in minde , that the same guard , may locke vp yours , and the same red crosses bee stucke in your banners , : if to bee shut vp close for a moneth , seeme but a short saeue in a tragedy , and not car'd for , when t is acted ; then heare ( o england and thou her eldest daughter , so admired amonst nations for thy beauty . ) heare what new quiners of punishments will bee opened ; for , these are the arrowes which god himselfe sayes hee will draw out at rebellious kingdomes : a pestilence cleauing fast , consumptions , feauers , burning agues ; the sword , blasting new-dewes , heauen shall bee turned to brasle , and earth to iron : or houses to haue others dwell in them , our vineyardes , to haue others ●ast them , our ox●n to bee slaine , yet wee not eate them , our sheepe to bee slaughtered , and to feede our enemies . these , and hideons squ●ldrons besides are threatened to bee sent out against disobedient people : what physitians , doctors , surgeons , or apothecaries , haue wee to defend vs in so dreadfull a warre ? none , not any . if therefore with naaman , thou wouldst bee cleansed from leprosy , thou must obey elisha , and wash thy selfe seauen times in iordan : wee●e seauen times a day ▪ nay , seauen times an houre for thy sinnes . whosoeuer with ahaziah , ( the king of samaria ) falleth sicke , and sendeth for recouery of baal-zebub , ( the god of ekron ) and not to the true god indeede , hee shall not come from his bed , but dye the death . for , wee sincke to the bottome of the watters , as the carpenters axe did : but , though neuer so iron-hearted , the voyce of an elisha , ( the feruency of prayer and praysing god ) can fetch vs from the bottome of hell : and by contrition make vs swimme on the toppe of the waters of life . now , albeit at the first crying to god , nay , the second , third , fourth , or twentith time , hee will not heare thee ; but that thy sighes are neglected : thy teares vnpittyed : thy sores nor repented : thy hunger not satisfied ; thy pouerty not relieued . yet giue thou not ouer : stand at the gate of gods mercy still ; begge still : knock still , and knock hard ▪ for , 〈◊〉 was barren , yet being an importunate suiter , her petition was heard , and signed . shee was fruitfull , and had three sonnes , and two daughters . so , albeit wee bee barren in repentance , in thanksgiuing , in charity , in patience , in goodnes : yet if vnfeignedly wee pray to heauen , wee shall bee fruitfull : and these fiue shall bee our sonnes and daughters . by this meanes our ma●● shall change her name agen to naomi , and our bitternes , bee turned into sweetnes . art thou sicke ! thy best and onely doctor dwells aboue : hast thou beene sicke ! art thou amended ! fill heauen and earth , full of songes to thy eternall physition , who takes nothing of thee , for any eloctu●ri●s hee giues thee , his pilles are bitter , but whol●some , and of wonderous operation : and so much the better , because what he giues , comes gratis ? art thou recouered ? hast thou pluck't thy foot out of the graue , when it was stepping in ? then with the sonne of syrach , acknowledge , that a beggar in health is better then a diseased monarch , health and strength , are fairer then gold , and a sound body is an infinite treasure . so that , if thou doest not open thy lippes , to magnifie him , that hath snatched thee out of the lawes of destruction , his blessings are to thee , as messes of meate set vpon the graue . i must yet once more wish thee ( o troy nouans ) to cast thine eyes about thee : looke forward on thy sad neighbour ( distressed cambriage , ) sickenesse shakes her , her glorious buildings are emptied , her colledges shut vp , her lourned sonnes forsake her , her tradesmen cry out for succour . want walkes vp and downe her streetes , a few rich , a many poore ; but the hands of the one cannot feede , not fill the mouthes of the other . to thee therefore ( o thou nourishing mother of all the citties in england ) to thee ( albeit thou art in some sorrow thy selfe ) does this afflicted nource of schollers come ; what tree hath branches broad enough to shelter her from stormes but thine ? where is a sunne to warme her frozen limbes if it moues not in thy zodiack ? thou ( o queene of citties ) art royall in thy gifts ; charity sits in thy gates , and compassion waites vpon thee in thy chamber ; so that with dido , thou often sayeth . non ignara mali , miseris succurrere disco . my miseries to my selfe being knowne , makes me count others wants , mine owne . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a06271-e100 the yeare ●625 . fatall to our kingdome . to the citty . ● kings . 20 ● . 1 kings 20 5. ioh. 6.20 . london ▪ generall misery . the spotted feauer . a kin man to the plague . the moon and her wa●ting-ma●de .. the death of k. i. the death 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 graue . the great change. crosses 〈…〉 . a 〈◊〉 ●para 〈…〉 enemie . the 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 . men alive in graue . a graue opened . the world a fair inne , but il lodging in it . a chamberline for all trauelers . a man i● his graue ●ees strange sights . a sickmans sessions . the best , iudge in england . when men is weakest , god is strongest . a due de●t must be payd . iob. 3.3 old s●r●s ill cured , breake out agen . many men dea● , few amended . the ●um●er that dyed in 1625. luk. 7.30 . math. 25.4 . a wicked ●c●o le , but the best schollers . to trewants . loue thy physi●ian . king dauids p●ysi●ke . a iulep . dauids song set to our tune . read 67. 2 kings 20.1 . good men sicke luke 7 38. great 〈…〉 . deut. 25 bad seruice ▪ bad wages . 2 kings . 5.14 . 2 kings 7. ● 2 kings ● . 5 . god lou●● an earned sui●e● . 1 sam. 1. ●● ruth . ● . 2● ▪ syrack . 30● . 14 . a letter of advice to the londoners to forewarn them of their neere approaching miseries and to rouze them (if it be possible) out of their senslesse security. p. a., zealous well-willer of the whole kingdome and parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a75224 of text r15547 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.6[113]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a75224 wing a25 thomason 669.f.6[113] estc r15547 99859882 99859882 160974 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a75224) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160974) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f6[113]) a letter of advice to the londoners to forewarn them of their neere approaching miseries and to rouze them (if it be possible) out of their senslesse security. p. a., zealous well-willer of the whole kingdome and parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1643] signed: your friend and remembrancer, p.a. imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "feb: 21 1642". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a75224 r15547 (thomason 669.f.6[113]). civilwar no a letter of advice to the londoners to forewarn them of their neere approaching miseries, and to rouze them (if it be possible) out of their p. a., zealous well-willer of the whole kingdome and parliament 1643 1707 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ a letter of advice to the londoners to forewarn them of their neere approching miseries , and to rouze them ( if it be possible ) out of their senslesle security . a man would wonder ( o yee londoners ) to see how amidst your greatest dangers you are least circumspect and active in prevention thereof : you thinke you haue done well enough , and plaid the parts of good common-wealths men , if you can hinder the kings forces from doing execution upon you ; and never think upon them with any respect to your selves , till they advance within few miles of your walls , that in the meane time while they are absent from you , they are plotting and contriving all wayes that possible can be to endamage you , and worke you into such a condition , that when they come next at you , they may the easier make themselves masters of your citie . when they have gained to their party all the westerne and northerne counties , and disarmed or cut off all those your friends that stand out against them ( as you perceive they resolve to doe , and are like enough to effect unlesse you interpose ) they will by that meanes not onely subdue halfe part of england , but thereby likewise halfe conquer london it selfe : for as the countries are not like to hold out , if the kings forces possesse themselves of london ; so neither can london hold out if provisions be cut off from comming thither . to me you seeme to beare your selves as if you had no warre in your land , or as if you thought the cavahers and desperate roysters intended no evill towards you , or that the designe of making you slaves were therefore laid downe , because 't is found so easie a matter to compasse , and you are so easie to admit it . what doe you think of the condition you now are in ? or , doe you not thinke of it at all ? verily , a man might sweare you did not , you are so secure and quiet ; so busie about your trading , you see it is otherwise with the king and his friends , you see how active they are , that they set themselves wholly to this worke , you see that every weeke produces some notable exploit they have enterpriz'd to their reall advantage , besides what private succours and supplies each houre affords , insomuch that they have made themselves in a short time , by their policie and laborious industry of a weake and contemptible party , a strong power and overawing army of traitors : when in the meane time you by your slacknesse and drowzy managing of your affaires are much wasted , have lost much of your strength , and are like to lose more , unlesse you looke better about you then you have done heretofore : your eyes are altogether upon the parliament , and you doe well ; but can the parliament sight for you ? they are your counsell and directors ; but 't is you the people that are the strength and power of the kingdome : neither is it to be hoped that the kings forces shall ever be vanquished by words and writings ; it must be your swords and valiant prowesse that must subdue them . why , what would you have us doe you will say ? or , what can you doe more then you have done ? you have contributed freely out of your estates ; and you have likewise sent away your servants to the wartes ; i applaud you for it : but let me withall tell you , that if you doe no more as the case stands , you have done as much as nothing , for all this will not availe you ; for you see that the nature of the country is such that the king can avoid your souldiers , and choose whether ever he will sight , but when he is sure to conquer , where his enemies are weake and unprovided , or that our souldiers come on upon many disadvantages ; so that unlesse your courage and resolution be the greater , and yee set your selves more closely to your businesse , yee shall be sure to have this warre last long enongh , since his interest depends upon the prolongation thereof , whereby he finds his party to be increased , and you impoverished and thereby unable to ssue out supplies to oppose your enemies : and so wearied with the charge , many of you will be willing to make peace ; which ( the king being strong ) must be expected to be upon such conditions as shall leave the way easie to make you perfect slaves , and himselfe absolute . well , you will say , what then must be done ? verily , i think 't is to no purpose to tell you ; for you are so heavy a people , that you make nothing of good counsell ; you are onely well-aflected ; but you want abilities to deale with your cunning adversaries , and all because you cannot find in your hearts to set about it : there is little difference in men besides custome and exercise in businesses , which principally makes one excell another : you doe not set your selves to contrive waies to circumvent them in their policies , and to meet them halfe way ; you are behind hand still , as your army is with the kings : you spend your time about telling and asking of newes ; and o how you are taken with some forged report of sir ralph hoptons overthrow , or the lord of newcastles being driven into york ? of so much money taken in one place , so much armcur , and so many horses in another ? and your enemies , since they find so small matters will content you , busie your heads , and keepe you from rising as one man , they will be sure to furnish you . you are meere news-mongers , and when you have any , oh how you flutter about to tell it , because you would be thought to know somewhat , as if the warres were in sweth-land or the low-countries , and not in your owne countrey , and ready to destroy you , as it hath done many of your friends already . and when you have a little victory , how you amplifie it ! then your bells must ting , and bonefires be made , when perhaps the losse was equall , and the victory doubtfull , and you are little neerer a conclusion of your warres then you were before : you are most unmanly in your behaviours ; when if the king overthrowes you or your friends , as at cisseter , the businesse is concealed ; your friends conceale it , because by declaring it they thinke you would be dejected , and your enemies conceale it , lest by hearing thereof you be justly enraged and provoked to revenge : they are glad to keep your anger downe , and iull your courages asleep , least by awakening thereof it devoure them : you are so farre from casting about to succour and relieve your friends abroad ; that you neglect your selves , and are not yet masters of your owne citie , that place design'd for a recompence to the cavaliers hard services and dangerous hazards they now run ; the hopes of pillaging thereof makes their labours and wounds pleasant to them , and sweetens all difficulties and dangers they now undergoe in the kings service . doe you looke for advice ? it will be good that you make it appeare that you haue first shook off that lethargie that ha's possest you , for till then you are not capable of advice : if i thought you were a wake i would advise you to doe what ? to stop your eares against the syren inchantments of such as you may be sure ( by your former sufferings , and sorcing you to these present shifts and 02 extremities ) wish you not well ; and to open your eares to such your brethren who hazard themselves and their fortunes in your behalfe , who have liv'd amongst you , and of whose faith and sound affection you have had so much experience : follow their advice , i am a stranger to you , and thinke not much if they shall put you upon what for the present shall be irksome to you , your sicknesse is so desperate that 't will be well if rough and chargeable meanes can cure you . onely let me tell you thus much , that 't is not your fasting and repenting that god requires at your hands , so much as doing justice upon the wicked brood in the land , whose prosession in former times hath beene to oppresse you , and is now to destroy you . god is not wanting to you ; neither can you make him more willing to assist you , then he hath already beene ; he hath given you understanding to discerne your afflictions and afflictors , and power likewise to free your selves from both : but 't is you that are wanting to your selves , you want courage and endeavours ; you have strength to help your selves given you by god , and yet you lie still and cry god help us . well according as i heare you beare your selves hereafter , and either amend , continue in the same sleepy state , or grow worse ; you shall receive further from me : for this time farewell . your friend and remembrancer . p. a. composed by a zealous well-willer of the whole kingdome and parliament . the liberties, usages, and customes of the city of london confirmed by especiall acts of parliament, with the time of their confirmation : also divers ample, and most beneficiall charters, granted by king henry the 6, king edward the 4, and king henrie the 7th, not confirmed by parliament as the other charters were, and where to find every particular grant and confirmation at large / collected by sir henry colthrop, knight, ... calthrop, henry, sir, 1586-1637. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a69725 of text r14680 in the english short title catalog (wing c308). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 50 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a69725 wing c308 estc r14680 12005097 ocm 12005097 52293 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69725) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52293) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 85:15 or 251:e141, no 24) the liberties, usages, and customes of the city of london confirmed by especiall acts of parliament, with the time of their confirmation : also divers ample, and most beneficiall charters, granted by king henry the 6, king edward the 4, and king henrie the 7th, not confirmed by parliament as the other charters were, and where to find every particular grant and confirmation at large / collected by sir henry colthrop, knight, ... calthrop, henry, sir, 1586-1637. carpenter, john, 1370?-1441? [2], 25 p. printed by b. alsop for nicholas vavasour, and are to be sold at his shop ..., london : 1642. an epitome, arranged alphabetically under subject headings, of the liber albus, a collection of laws and customs relating to london, compiled by john carpenter in 1419. reproduction of original in huntington library and thomason collection, british library. eng customary law -england -london -early works to 1800. law reports, digests, etc. -england -london. london (england) -charters, grants, privileges. a69725 r14680 (wing c308). civilwar no the liberties usages, and customes of the city of london; confirmed by especiall acts of parliament, with the time of their confirmation. al calthrop, henry, sir 1642 8232 6 0 0 0 0 0 7 b the rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-06 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms the liberties usages , and customes of the city of london ; confirmed by especiall acts of parliament , with the time of their confirmation . also , divers ample , and most beneficiall charters , granted by king henry the 6. king edward the 4. and king henrie the 7th . not confirmed by parliament as the other charters were , and where to find every particular grant and confirmation at large . collected by sir henry colthrop , knight , sometime recorder of london , for his private use . and now published for the good and benefit of this honourable city . london : printed by b. alsop for nicholas vavasour , and are to be sold at his shop in the inner-temple , mdcxlii . the liberties , usages , and customes , of the city of london . all the liberties , usages , and custome hereafter following , are confined by an especiall act of parliament at westminster , anno septimo regni regis r. 2. albo libro , 43. a. abrokers . that the abrokers of any merchandize in this city , shall not be , except the same be chosen by marchants of the mistery ; in which the same ab-brokers , shal have there exercise of their office , and the same abrokers also to be sworn before the lord major of the city of london , libro albo , 38. a. 12. h. 3. abrokecators , or brokers . abrokecators or brokers . brokers are to be chosen by merchants of their own misteries , and they shall take their oath before the major of london , lib , albo fol , 570. b. 3. e. 3. per charter & parliament . acquittances of murder . the citizens are acquitted as well for any murder committed within the city , as within the portsoken . viz they shall not be amerced as they have bin in old time if the murderer did escape , fol. 35. albo lib. 11. h. 3. so that the statutes of english shere , anno 14. e. 3. cap 4. acquittances . that the citizens of london shall be for ever acquitted of pavage , portage , and murrage , through all the kings dominions , lib. alb. fol. 36. b , c. anno 12. h. 3. aldermen and their election . upon the feast day of s. gregorie , yearly shall every alderman be removed from their place , and new in their place shall be chosen , lib , alb . fol. 42. a. b. 50 , e. 3. note that this is changed since by act of parliament . aldermens goods . that aldermens goods shall be taxed in aids , tallages , or other contributions amongst other mens goods , lib. alb. f. 36 , b. allowance of liberties . it shall suffice that one writ in one kings time shall serve in the kings exchequer , and in all other places for the allowance of the liberties , lib. alb. f , 4. b , 1. e , 1. learn for what cause at every change the city is put to so great charges , as to procure a new confirmation . i think it be only for the profit of chancery men . amerciaments . the sheriffe shall not be amerced for any offence above 20. l. lib. alb. f. 34. anno 11. h. 3. that the sheriffes of london shall not be charged or amerced for escape of any fellon , but as other sheriffes have used on this side trent , lib , alb . f. 39. b. 1. e. 1. none shall be otherwise amerced , but according to law used in the time of h. 1. lib. alb. f. 35. 11. h. 3. aids and contributions . that the citizens of london in all aids , grants , and contributions to the kings use , shall be taxed and contribute with the commonalty of england , as men of the counties , and not as men of cities and burrowes , and that they shall be free from all other tallages , and thereof cleerly acquitted , lib , al. f. 40. 1. e. 1. bakers and millers . there is a statute in french granted by the king for the punishment of bakers and millers , and tryed by weight , whether the millers do deceive the owners of the corn , and that ob . to be yeelded for every quarter of corn that is ground , lib. al. f. 42 , b , c , 1. e. 1. battaile . a citizen shall not be enforced to wage battaile , nor shall in the pleas of crown be tryed by any other order , but only according to the ancient custome of the city lib. al fol. 35 , anno 11 , h. 3. bean-pleader . none shall be amerced for mispleading , the which the book calleth misk●nning , li . al. f. 35 , 11 , h. 3. bridgemasters . the bridgmasters shall be chosen by the commons , ther must be but two , and they must be approved sufficient men of the city , being no aldermen , lib , al. fol. 38. 12 , hen. 3. buttlerage . and of the wines of the citizens , no prizes or takings shall bee had or made by any of the kings ministers of their heirs , or of any other against their will , that is to wit , of one run before the mast , and of any other tun behind the mast , nor in any other manner , but they shall be therof acquitted for ever , br . alb. fol. 40. lib. 1. e. 3. ceritorary or writ of priviledge . note , that the king chargeth his treasurer , and the barons of the exchequer , and other his ministers of the same court , that from hence forth the kings writ shall not be granted to remove the body of any imprisoned in the goal of newgate , or else-where within the liberties , of the city of london , for debts or damages in any action adjudged to any citizen to answer to the king , or other in the said court of exchequer ; for the kings debt , or for the debt of any of the ministers of the said exchequer , except the said barons do first find the said action to be feigned or untrue , lib. alb. fol. 44. anno 1. r. 2. chamberlain , town-clerk , and common sergeant . that these three offices are eligible and removable by the commons , and at the will of the commons , lib. albo fol. 38. b. 12. hen. 3. colouring of strangers goods . that citizen which coloureth strangers goods , shall lose his freedome , lib alb . fol. 37. b. c. 12. hen. 3. confirmation . all the aforesaid liberties are confirmed by act of parliament , and by charter , lib. alb. fol. 36. anno. 5. e. 3. corporation of london . in the 11. year of king hen. 3. he granted unto the citizens of london , the counties of london and middlesex in fee farm . note , that the grant was made unto the citizens only , and not to the major and citizens and commonalty of london , as the usage is at this day , but this maketh no doubt , because the charter is confirmed by parliament the 21. of november in the 5. year of the king , n. 2. lib. alb. 34. a. b. & fol. 45. a. custome paid . if any sell his ware before the custome paid , it shal be forfeited lib. alb. fol. 36. b. 50. hen. 3. customes expounded , and new laws made . that it shall be lawfull for the major , and aldermen with the assent of the commons to expound obscure customes , and when need requireth to make new laws , the which shall be consonant to reason , lib. alb. fol. 39. 15. e. 2. debts . all manner of debts lent in london shall be sued for in london , lib. alb. fol. 35. b. 11. hen. 3. elections . that the major of london , and the sheriffes shall be chosen and elected in such sort , as they were appointed by the ancient charter , and in no otherwise . escheator . that no escheator or other minister of the king , shall exercise their offices within the city , but that the major for the time being , shall be escheator and he shal yeeld unto the king his oath , that he shall duly exercise and make a true accompt for the same office , lib. alb. fol. 4. a. 1. e. 1. expostion . if any difficulty or ambiguity do arise upon any article , within any of the kings charters granted unto this city , so that the same article may be taken to divers meanings : the king granteth that he by the advisement of his counsell , may make therof such interpretation as shall be best with equity and reason , lib. alb. 44. ab . 10. r. 2. fellons goods . that the citizens shall have infangtheff , and outfangtheff , and the goods of all fellons that shall be adjudged before them within their liberties there , lib. alb. fol. 39. b. 1. e , 2. fee farme . where the counties of london and middlesex were let to farm for 300. l. and yet notwithstanding the office of the exchequer by incrochment , compelled them to pay 400. l. now it is granted by parliament , that the city shall pay no more but 300. l. according to their former charters , lib. albo fol. 39. b. 1. e. 1. fee farm apportioned . if the king do grant to any other , any thing that belongeth to the fee farm , then shall the fee farm for so much yearly be apportioned and abated at the exchequer , fol , 34. lib. albo 11. hen. 3. fee farm of london and middlesex . the fee farm of london and middlesex , that is to say , for 300. l. by the year , is granted to the citizens of london , by 11. hen. 3. and confirmed by parliament in the 7. r. 2. lib. albo fol. 34. a. b. and fol. 45. a lib. 4. farm bought , and farm sold . the statute of anno 9. e , 3. cap. 1. rastall tile merchants , no . 2. is for asmuch as concerneth london expounded and repealed and the liberties of magna charta , as touching london are revived , and the intent of the law-makers expounded was not to touch london , nor yet infringe the liberties of the great charter , lib. alb. 41. a. b. the aforesaid statute anno 9. e. 3. hath bin very often objected against the city of london in parliaments , by such as are ignorant of our charters and statutes , vide alib , lib : alb. flo . 43. a. b. a notable grant by parliament for the same matter . foren bought , and foren sold . no stranger shall foren buy , and foren sell within this city any statute , to the contrary notwithstanding , lib. alb. fol. 57. b. and per parliament . foren bought , and foren sold . both by charter and parliament it is granted , that from henceforth no merchant being a stranger to the liberties of this city , shall buy or sell any merchandize within the liberties of this city , to any like stranger merchant , upon the pain of forfeitures of such merchandizes so bought or sold , lib. alb. f. 43. a , b. 1. r. 2. forest of middlesex dissaforested . king henry 3. anno 11. regni sui , did by his charter dissaforest the warren of stanes , and the forrest of middlesex , the which was a singular benefit both to the country , and also for the city . note also in the same place , a man may gather some notable points touching the forest law , lib. alb. fol. 35. b , c. forfeiture or seisure of the liberties of the city . that the liberty of the city shall not be seized in the kings hands , for any personall trespasse , or judgment personall of any minister of the city , or for any such cause , any warden called custos shall be by the king deputed to rule the city ; but every minister shall answer for his own fault , and shall according to the quantity and quality of the same fault , receive condigne punishment , lib. albo fol. 40. b 1. e. 3. form of iustice . that the citisens of london in the eyres before the justices of the tower shall be measured , guided , and go●erned by the laws and customes ; by the which , they were guided in the eires , holden there in the times of king iohn and king henry the 3. lib. alb. f. 40. b. 1. e. 3. fore-stallers . fore-stallers and fore-stalments made by the merchants , for or concerning merchandize or victuals , either by land , or by water , shall be punished by forfeiture , or imprisonment , lib. albo 36. b 50. h. 3. free-men and making free-men . no stranger born shall be made free of this city but in the court of hustings , lib. albo fol. 37. b 12. h. 3. how free denizens and englishmen that never were apprenties shall be made free , and how every one ought to put in for himself sufficient sureties , to be true to the conservation of the city , but this order is not used at this day ; therfore i omit to speak any more of it in this place , and yet is this form of making free-men by redemption , appointed by parliament , lib. al. fol. 37 , b , 12 henry 3. hunting . the citizens of london may have their sugations , viz. their hunting in all such places , as they had the same in the time of king henrie 1. lib. alb. fol. 35 , b , 11. henrie 3. hustings . that aswell forreiners as others , being either plaintiffs or defendants , may make their attorneys in the hustings in london , lib. al , f , 36 , b. 60 , henrie 3. the hustings shall be holden but once in a week , lib. al , 35 , 11. henrie 3. inquisitions . all inquisitions to be taken before the kings ministers by men of this city , shall bee taken at s. martins le-grand , and not else-where , except the inquisitions of the eires of the tower and goal-delivery of new-gate , lib. al 41 , a. 1. e. 3. all inquisitions of the customable payments , customes , impositions , and purprestutes , within the city shall be inquired of the citisens , and not by others ; see the words of record more at large , lib. al. 45 , b , c. 7. r. 2. see the statute of 28. e. 3. cap. 10. iurisdiction of pleas . no citizen shall be impleaded out of the walles of the city of london ; but for pleas of the land , being without the city , alwayes excepted the moniers , and the kings ministers , lib , al. f. 35. a , 11. h. 3. inquisitions of the goal of new-gate . that the major of london for the time being shall in every commission for the goale delivery of new-gate be named one of the justices , lib. al. f. 39 , b. 1. e , 1. iustices in london . the king is restrained by his charter , confirmed by parliament , to assign any justices in london ▪ except the justices of eire at the tower of london , and justices of goal delivery of new-gate , and for errors at s. martins to be corrected : except any things do chance within the same city , that do touch the king or his heirs , lib. al 37 , a. 12. henry 3. kiddles , viz. wares . it is granted that all the wears of the thames , and medway shall be put down . and he that setteth up any hereafter , shall forfeit x. l. libro al folio 35 , a. that the citizens shall remove and take away all keddels stops and wears in the waters of thames , and medway : and that they shall have all such punishments in that behalf to the king , li . al. fol. 39 , b. 1. e. 1. liberties and free customes . free liberties and free customes used in the time of king henry 1. are by charter , and after by parliament ratified and granted to the city , lib. al. folio 35 b , c. 11. hen. the third , and 37. henry 3. liberties and pranchises . the king granteth , and doth allow that the citisens of london , their heirs and successors , shall have their liberties , and free customes , and may use and enjoy the same , as they have done in ancient time . and also that they may record the same before the kings justices , and ministers , as they have bin wont to do any statutes or judgments to the contrary notwithstanding , lib. al. 40 , a. b , 1. e. 1. liberties confirmed . all manner of liberties granted by king henry 3. are confirmed by e. 1. anno 12. lib. albo fol. 31. a. liberties confirmed . first , wheras in the great charter of the liberties of england , amongst other things it was ordained , that the city of london should have all their ancient liberties and customes , and that the same citizens at the time of the making of the same charter , and in the time of saint edmond the king and confessor , and william the conqueror , and of other the progenirors of king e. 3. had and used divers liberties and customes , as well by charters as without charters of ancient custome . of which liberties in divers eyres , and in other courts of the kings of the realm , the same citizens have bin impeached and sundry of them fore-judged , king e. 1. by charter , confirmat anno regni sui primo , hath granted that the citisens shall have their liberties according to the form of the great charter , and that all impediments and usurpations to them , in that behalf made , shall be revoked and disanulled , lib. albo fol. 39 , a , b. aano primo e. 1. major to be presented . the lord major being chosen must be presented unto the court of exchequer , and after to the king himself , lib. albo f. 36. a , 37 henry 3. major . that the major of london during his majoralty shall have no more offices belonging to the city , but only the office of the majoralty , nor hold any plea vicouncell within the chamber of the city , nor any other , but such as by the ancient custome of the city he as major ought to hold plea of , fleetwood recorder doth expound these words , vicounty pleas , to be such pleas as the sheriffes by the common lawes of this realm , may hold pleas of in his hundred , the which be actions of debt under 40. l. and of such like causes , lib. alb. fol. 37. b , 12. h. 3. marishall . the marshall shall not within the city , nor the portsoken by force , nor otherwise , take up any mans house , lib. alb. f. 35 , a. 11 , henry 3. markets . no market from henceforth shall be granted by the king , to be kept within 7. miles of this city , lib. alb. f. 41 , a. 1. e. 3. marshalsee and clerk of the houshold . the steward of the marshalsee , and the clerk of the market of the kings house , shall nor sit nor execute their office within the liberties of this city , nor shall draw into plea any citizen out of the city , for any cause arising , or growing within the liberties of the same city , lib. albo folio 40 , a. 1. e. 1. marchants strangers free hosts . it is commanded by charter , and parliament , that all merchants strangers comming into england , shall make sale of their merchandizes within 40 dayes after their arrivall ; and that they shall abide and be at the table of free hosts , of this city of london , and of all other cities and towns of england , without keeping houses of societies by themselves , lib. albo fol. 39 , b , c. 1. e. 1. mortmain . that the city and their heirs , and successors , may devise their lands as well in mortmain , as otherwise , as of ancient time they were accustomed , lib. albo folio 30 , b. 1. e. 1. non-user . although before this time , any of the ancient liberties have not bin put in ure ; yet from hence forth it shal● be lawfull to put them in execution , lib. albo fol. 39 , a. 15. e. 3. officers of the city . all lands or tenements without the freedom of the city , wherof any citizen is , or shall be owner , now or hereafter , which are , or shall be ministers of the city , shal be obliged to the conversation or saving harmlesse , the same city against the king and his heirs , for matters concerning their offices in like manner , as their tenements within the same city were wont to be , lib , al , folio 40 , b , c. 1. e. 1. note by this article , that all the ministers of this city , ought to be freemen . oasts . no stranger shall be an oast , or keep oasterie for strangers , lib. al. fol. 57 , a , b per charter , 38. e. 3. and per parliament . oasts and free oasts . that all that keep common oastery in the city , or the suburds , although they be not free , yet shall they be at all manner of charges for the maintenance of the city , as ample , as any other that be free oasts , lib. al. folio 38 , a. b. 12. henry 3. oath . the major of london shall not be compelled to take any other oath at the exchequer , then hath bin used in the time of king edward the third , any law , statute , or ordinance notwithstanding , lib. al. folio 44. b , c. 7. r. 2. parliament . all the aforesaid articles , charters , grants , and ordinances , are to this place confirmed by act of parliament , in manner and form as they be before expressed , anno 7. r. 2. pleas in fairs and markets . because the citizens of london in all good and great fairs of england were wont to have wardens of themselves to hold pleas , concerning such citizens as shall have conference to the said fairs : it is granted by charter , that the same citizens shall have their wardens of their citizens , for the holding of such pleas as of ancient times they have had , excepting pleas of the land , and of the crown , lib. al. 40. 1. e. 1. precepts to the citizens . by parliament that is allowed to the citizens of london , not to be subject to the precepts or commandements of the constable of eng and , steward , marshall , admirall , clerk of the market , or of any other officer or minister of the king , but only to the kings commandements or precepts , which shall be made in the kings name still , and under the kings seals , and liberty , is allowed by act of parliament , soit use come ad estre devant tempes , lib. albo f. 43 , b. 1. r. 2. presenting of the sheriffes . such sheriffes as the citizens shall make choise of , shall be presented to the king justices . and the said sheriffe shall answer to the king , or to his justices , or his exchequer , of such things as to his sheriffedome do appertain , lib. al. fol. 34. a , b. 11 henry 3. processe and serving of processe . that no sommons , attachment , or execution , by any of the kings ministers , by writ or without writ , within the libertie of the city aforesaid , shall be made but by the only ministers of the city , lib. albo . 40 , b. 1. e. 1. protections . the king granteth that all the protections of him and his heires , given to and for the service of the king , either to go forth , or to abide in any places of the kings service from henceforth , shall take no place in any plea of debt for any victuals taken or bought for the voyage or service ; wherof any mention is made in any such protection , nor any such protection shall be allowed for any pleas of trespasses , or contracts , made or done after the date of such protection , in such case as the plaintiffe is , or shall be a freeman of this city , lib. albo f. 44. anno primo r. 2. purveyors . that no purveyor-taker , officers , or other ministers , shall make , or take any prise or takings in the city of london , or without , of the goods of any citizen of the same city , against their wills ; except immediatly their indelayed payment be made , or else that respect of payment be therfore taken with the good will of the party , lib allbo 40 b. 1. e. 3. purveyors or officers of the king . it is prohibited that no officer or purveyor of the king shall merchandize by himself , or by other within the said city or without , of any thing touching , or concerning his office , lib. albo fol. 40 , b. 1. e. 3. remember how the purveyours of poultry do keep shops in london , and nothing is said against them . restitution . there is a free restitution granted , aswell by chartèr as by parliament unto the citizens of london , of all and singular their liberties and franchises , as ever any of their predecessors enjoyed the same , any non-user , or abuser , or statute-judgment , or charter to the contrary notwithstanding . and that the same citizens may enjoy the same without impeachment of the king his justices or ministers whatsoever , lib. albo 40. 7. r. 2. right . that equall might be done both for lands , and leases , that be within the city , viz. infraurbem , according to the ancient custome of the city , lib. albo 35 , 1 henry 3. right owner . every rightfull owner of lands , leases , gages , pledges , and debts , shall enjoy the same lawfully , lib. albo 35 , a. 11. h. 3. sanctuaries . that the citisens shall not be otherwise charged , then they have bin accustomed , touching the scapes of such as have taken sanctuary in the church , or church-yards , lib. alb. f. 39. b. st. pauls . there is 8. l. parcell of the fee-farme abated to the city , for the liberty of st. pauls in london , lib. albo f. 36. a 37 , h. 3. scot and lot . that freemen within the city , as such as dwell without the city , and occupie merchandize within the city , shall be subject to scot and lot with the commons of the same city , for and touching , &c , lib. alb. fol. 38 , a. 11. henrie the third . seals of the king . there doth appear 11. hen. 3. that in a charter made for the putting down of kiddles or ware s. that the king did set his hand to the charter , and also his seal , the which i did never hear nor reade of in any book before this time , the words are these . quod ut firmum & stabile perseveret imperpuum putis pagine inscriptio . commun. . &c. lib. albo fol. 35 , a 11. h. 3. seal of the city . the common seal of this city shall remain in the custody of two aldermen , and two commoners , and the same seal shal not be denyed neither to the poor nor to the rich commoner , when need shall require ; provided , that such request shall be upon reasonable causes , and that nothing shall be taken for the setting of the same seal thereto , lib. alb. f. 38 , a. 12. h. 3. sergeants at the chamber . that no sergeant of the chamber of guild-hall , shall have any fee of the commonalty of the city , nor shall make any execution but only by the commons of the city for that purpose to be chosen , lib. alb. fol. b. 12. h. 7. sergeants at the mase . for the augmentation of the name and honour of t●● city , it is granted that our sergeants shall and may bear , and carry maces of gold , of silver , or guilded of silver , with the kings arms upon the same , within the city and middlesex , and all other places belonging to the same city ; and also when they be sent to the king his mother or children , lib. alb. fol. 42. a. 28. e. 3. sheriffes . the sheriffes of london shall not be distreined to make an oath at the exchequer , but only upon the yeelding up their accompt , lib. alb. fol. 40 , a. 1. e. 1. that none of the sheriffes shall have but 7. clerks , and two sergeants , by reason of his office . sheriffes and their elections . it is granted to the citizens of london to make elections of their sheriffes , and after to remove them at their pleasures , anno 11. hen. 3. lib. al. fol. 34. a. b. sherffe . that the sheriffe of london shall be amerced in the kings court , according to the quantity of their offence , like as all other sheriffs of england have bin , lib. alb. fol. 31. a , lib. 1. 12. edw. 3. sheriffe . that the sheriffe for the time being shall commit the collection of tolls and customes belonging to the fee farm , and all publique offices to them belonging , and by them to be exercised unto sufficient persons , for whom they will answer , and that such officers as they shall appoint shall be removed upon their misbehavior , lib. alb. fol. 30. anno 12. hen. 3. sheriffes . that the sheriffes of this city for the time being shall have towards the farm of the same city , the full forfeiture of victuals , and other things . and also of merchandizes after the tenor of the charters to the citizens granted and made . and that from henceforth the sheriffes shall not be hindred or molested for the same against the tenor of the same charters , lib. alb. fol. 40. b. 1. e. 1. southwarke . the town of southwarck is granted for a fee farme unto the city , to the intent , to conserve the peace of the same town , and to suppresse fellons in that place . and this is by act of parliament and charter , lib. alb. 41. a. 1. e. 3. subsidies , tallages , or aids . that those that be assessed according to the custome of the city by men of their wards appointed to bee sessors by the major and aldermen , or by others to pay any tallage or aid to the king , shall not be set higher , but by the major and commons , lib. alb. fol. 37. b. 12. hen. 3. successors in london . the habend of the fee farm of london and middlesex , is to the citisens and their heirs . and yet it is taken , that these words heirs , do signifie their successours , lib. alb. fol. 34 , a , b : 11. hen. 3. sureties for the sheriffes . the whole citizens of london must answer to the king , and satisfie both the fee fatm , and also all the amerciaments , if the sheriffs do make default , lib. al. f. 34. a , b. 11. henry 3. suites against citizens . none of the liberty of this city shall be impleaded or occasioned at the king exchequer , nor else-where by bill , xcept it be for matter , which belongs to the king or his heirs . fol. 41. anno 1. e. 3. at this day all our citisens do implead one another out of the city , the which is directly against our liberties , being coufirmed by parliament . taxes and tallages . that taxes and tallages for the necessity of the city by common consent or common-counsell , may be assessed and levied aswell upon rents , as other things , and aswell upon misteries , as by any other means , lib. alb. folio 38. b. 12. h. 3. toll . the citizens of london are discharged of toll and lastage , and of all other customes as well by land , as by seas , within the kings dominions , lib. alb. fol. 35. a , 37. hen. 3. tower of london . that the costable of the tower for the time being shall not either by land or water take or make any prisages of any victuals , or other things whatsoever , of the people of the same city ; nor of any others comming or going towards or from the said city , nor by any manner of means , shall arrest or cause to be arrested any ships , vessels , or boats bringing to the said city any victuals or any other such goods , lib. alb. fol. 40. a. 1. e. 1. the constable of the tower of london shall not take any thing for the suffering of wares in the thames or medway , lib , albo fol. 35. 11. h. 3. the constable of the tower of london , in the default of the barons of the exchequer , being absent from westminster , and also of the king at such time as the major ought to be polluted , must take the oaths of the major and of the sheriffes without the tower gates , lib. albo fol. 36 , b. anno 12. h. 3. warres . that the citizens from henceforth shall not be compelled to go or send to the warres out of the city , lib. alb. f. 40 , a. 1. e. 1. weights and measures . that the weights and ballances amongst merchants , by the which any profit doth grow , and the correction of the same doth belong to the commonalty of this city . and that they shall be in the custody of approved and sufficient men , expert in the same office , being chosen by the commons . witherman . if any toll or other custome be taken from any citizen of the kings dominions the sheriffs of london shall at london take pledge or witherman , lib. alb. f. 35 , b. 11. henry the third . wines sold by retaile . that no merchant that is not free of this city shall sell any wines by retail within the same city , lib. alb. fol. 38. a , 12. henry the third . wines and victuals . by charter and by parliament , is granted that the lord major and aldermen for the time being , shall have the rule and government of the vintners , viz. of all manner of wines which shall be sold within the same city , and of all manner or victuals , as well sellers of fish , as of all other , dwelling within the same city , and to the same bringing any victuals there to be sold , lib. alb fol. 44 , b. 7. r. 2. note , how that the vintners of this city did exhibit a bill to the counsell at greenwich , termino pasche . an. 18 , eliz. regni , affirming , that they were not under the government of the major and aldermen ; the which i learn to be drawn by one land , an attorney of the guild-hall . hereafter do ensue divers ample and most beneficiall charters , granted by king hen. 6. e. 4. and king hen. 7. but these charters are not confirmed by parliament , as the other charters were . note , that the charter of hen. 6 and e. 4. are all one , with little alteration . beer-brewers . the correction of the beer-brewers , and of the measurages likewise is granted to the city , lib. albo f. 50 b , e. 23. hen 6. note , at this time there was beer-brewers in england . certioraries for recognisances . it is granted , that when a certiorary is sent for any indictment of fellony , trespasse , extortion or any other offence , or for any recognisance for the peace broken , that we shall not send the record it self , but only the tenors of the same , and that shall suffice , lib. albo , 49. b. 23. henry 6. commission of the peace , the commission of the peace is at large set down , with all the articles that are to be inquired , lib. albo . 47. 23. h. 6. confirmation . king henry 7 , anno 20. did grant unto the city of lond●● most large and ample ratification of all and singular their liberties , franchises , and customes , and all such like things expressed in any of their charters whatsoever they were , lib. albo 58. a. confirmation . king h 5. by act of parliament , and a special charter , dated the 7 , ber. anno 7. hath also confirmed the liberties aforesaid , lib albo folio 47 , a. confirmation all and singular . all and singular the aforesaid liberties are most amply confirmed by a great charter , made by king h , 4. in the first year of his reign ; but they are not by him confirmed by parliament , but by charter . and this is the charter that the commons of this city do use to call the great charter of london , lib. alb. fol. 46 , a , b. 1. primo h. 4. elections of officers . that the cirisens shall have the choice of all under-sheriffes , clerks , bayliffes of sheriffes , for whom they will answer for aswell in the county of middlesex , as within the city of london : in which grant , there is a saving or proviso for the sheriffes of london , for the right , &c. lib. alb. 49 , b , c , 23. h. 6. exemption for the aldermen . it is granted , that the aldermen of this city shall not be put in assizes , juries , attaints , recognitions , or inquisitions , although the king himself be party ; nor they shall be without the liberties of the city , collectors , or assessors of tenths and fifteens , lib. alb. f. 54 , a , b. fines and amerciaments . all fines , amerciaments , issues forfeited , redemptions , forfeitures , penalties of all offences inquirable by the commissions of the peace , are granted to the citizens of london lib. alb. f. 49 , a , 23. h. 6. and in the same place the premises are also granted , if they bee forfeited before the justices in the pleas of the crown , or before any other justices , or minister whatsoever , ibid. foren bought , and foren sold . that the forfeiture of foren bought , and foren sold , shall belong to the major and commons of this city , without any accompt to be therfore yeelded , lib. alb. fol. 59 , b , c. this article is most largely and beneficially set forth in the book . gates and posterns . all the gates and posterns of this city , and the custody of the same are granted unto the city , lib. alb. f. 46. fol. 8. 1. h. 4. ganger . the office of the ganger-ship is granted to the city of london , with all the fees , profits , and enrolements to the same belonging , lib. alb. f. 60. b. 20. h. 7. iustices of peace . that the major for the time being may nominate to the chancellor of england , the names of two aldermen , the one to be a justice of peace in surrey , and the other in middlesex , lib , al. fol. 60 , b. 20. h. 7. iustices of the peace . that the major and the recorder , and all the aldermen that have bin majors shall be justices of peace in london , and that the major and the recorder shall bee two of the quorum , lib. al. 47 , b , c. henry 6. mortmain . the king granteth license to the commonalty to purchase lands and tenements , to the value of 200. marks by the year , the statute of martmain , or any other thing to the contrary notwithstanding , lib. albo fol. 56 , a , b , c. 18. e. 4. non-user and abuser . non-user and abuser of the liberties are by the king pardoned , lib. alb. 50. anno 25. h. 6. notunda . all the aforesaid matters expressed in the aforesaid charter , 23. h 6. lib. alb. 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 , and 52 , are by like charter granted again by 2. e. 4. lib. albo fol. 52 , 53 , 54 , 55. packer . the offices and guift of the same , viz. of the packer and survey or , ships of all measures , weights , and of merchandizes , and of the garblers office , and wine-drawers , and the collection of all manner of victuals , and all such like offices do belong to the lord major and his disposing , lib. alb. folio 50 , a. b. 23. h. 6. recordator . that the recorder shall or may ore-tenus , that is to say , by open speech , record and certifie the customs , being traversed . and his certificate shall be as strong in the law as the verdict of 22 men , lib. albo fol. 49 , a. 23. h. 6. recognizances . the forfeiture of recognizances for the breach of peace or good abearing , is also granted to the city , lib. alb. f. 49. 23. h. 6. seisure of the liberties . i find that king r. 2. anno 16. regni sui , did by verture of a statute , 28. e. 3. cap. 10 , the which statute in king r. days , was by a bye-word , flagellum comit london , that is , the whip and scourge of the city of london , the statute shall be hereafter set down at large . i say by this statute the king very easily found a quarrell against the city , and did by commission ceize the liberties of the said city . the fault was for that the major and aldermen of the city did not correct nor punish , and this was all . but after in anno 16. and 20. the same king restored the liberties again to the said city , lib , albo f. 45 , a , b , c. search . the generall search of survey government , correction and permission of all people , within this city aswel , denizens and strangers in their sellings cuttings , workings , measurings , weighings , and in all and singular their other doings , done not only by custome , but also by charter , belong to the major of london for the time being , lib. al fol. 58 , a , b , c , d. 20. h. 7. this matter especially is most excellently well set down in the said book . and king h. 7. hath granted for him his heirs and successors that neither the kings of this realm , nor any other person shall interrupt the major of london in the due execution and exercising of the premises : if this charter were well looked unto , then enquire of what force all and singular these charters are of , to whom the king hath granted to be searcher , not only over their own companies , but also over others . as the girdlers do attempt to search the habberdashers , and clothworkers , the black-smiths do attempt to search the iron-mongers , and such like others . southwarke . a large charter is granted for the liberties of southwark , and for correction of offences there , and a view of franck-pledge with arrests , and to bring the offendors to new-gate . and to have as ample liberties in southwark , as the king had , lib. albo fol. 41 , b , c , d , e , 23 h. 6. toll . the offices of the gathering of the toll , and of the custome in cheap , billings-gate , and smithfield , is granted to the city , lib. alb. 46 , b. 1. h. 4. treasure trove . treasure-trove , wait and fellons , goods , and for stallers of victuals , and regrators , both in london and upon the thames , are granted to the city , lib. alb. f. 49. a , 23. h. 6. tronage . tronage , that is to say , the weighing of lead , waxe , pepper , allom , madder , and of such like merchandize , are granted to the city , lib. albo f. 46 , b. waste-grounds . all the waste ground , or common grounds pur-prestures , and approvements , and the rents reserved of the same are granted to the city , aswell in the land , as in the thames , lib. alb. fol. 49 , 23. h. 6. wools , leaden-hall . the tronage or weighing of wools shall be at leaden hall , which was wont to be at westminster , lib. alb. fol. 55. 3. e. 4. finis . to the right honourable sir patience ward knight, lord mayor of the city of london. the humble petition of the commons of the city of london, in common-hall assembled, june 27. 1681 1681 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a62803 wing t1613 estc r213533 99825893 99825893 30284 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62803) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30284) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2219:10) to the right honourable sir patience ward knight, lord mayor of the city of london. the humble petition of the commons of the city of london, in common-hall assembled, june 27. 1681 ward, patience, sir, 1629-1696. bethel, slingsby, 1617-1697. cornish, henry, d. 1685. 1 sheet (2 p.) printed for r. baldwyn, in the old-baily, london : 1681. the verso contains a petition from the citizens to the sheriffs of the city of london and middlesex, slingsby bethel and henry cornish. reproduction of the original in the guildhall library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sheriffs -england -london -early works to 1800. popish plot, 1678 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-09 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the right honourable sir patience ward knight , lord mayor of the city of london . the humble petition of the commons of the city of london , in common-hall assembled , june 27. 1681. sheweth , that we do with all thankfulness acknowledg the great and wonderful mercy of almighty god , in that notwithstanding the daily plots and wicked contrivances of the papists and their accomplices , we do still enjoy our ancient and undoubted right and freedom of assembling our selves together for the choice of some principal officers of this city for the year ensuing . and whilst we attend upon this duty , we cannot but with all gratitude remember the great care , and faithful endeavours of your lordship , the aldermen , and commons in common-council lately assembled in ordering an humble address to be presented to his majesty ; wherein was expressed your lordships and their due sense of the continued danger of his majesty's life , ( which god long preserve ) and of the protestant religion , and of all our lives , liberties , and estates , by the designs and conspiracies , so long projected and prosecuted by the councils of rome and its adherents ; in the pursuit whereof , they are chiefly animated by the continuing hopes of a popish successour . and also your and their just apprehensions that no effectual means can be provided against the impending evils therein mentioned , but by the wisdom and advice of his majesty's great council the parliament . and whereas it hath come to our knowledge , that reports , by mistake or prejudice , have been raised , that the said address did contein onely the sense and desires of a few persons , and not of the generality of this great city . we do therefore most humbly pray your lordship , that you will in such manner ( as shall seem best to your lordships discretion ) humbly represent to his majesty , that the subject-matter of the said address is also the true sense , and doth contain the humble desires and resolutions of his true and loyal subjects the citizens of his city of london , in this their common-hall now assembled . and that his majesty would be graciously pleased to esteem it as such . and we having likewise taken notice that the same common council did at the time of their voting the said address , render their thanks to our late worthy members of the last parliament , for their faithful endeavours to serve this city , according to the desires and instructions to them given and made by us at the time of their election . we do think it our duty at this time to testifie our full concurrence therein , and do return unto them our hearty thanks for the same . and your petitioners shall ever pray , &c. this petition was delivered to the right honourable the lord mayor immediately after the declaring thomas pilkington esq alderman , and samuel shute esq to be sheriffs of london for the year ensuing ; and being read by the command of the lord mayor to the common-hall , had their general consent and approbation of the same , which consisted of some thousands of citizens . to the honoured slingsby bethel and henry cornish esquires , sheriffs of this city of london and middlesex . we the citizens of the said city in common-hall assembled , being sensible of , and greatly satisfied with your faithful endeavours to discharge those offices of trust which we ( not long since ) called you to ; and considering your wise and prudent conduct and management of our affairs within this city , especially in maintaining and asserting of our undoubted rights and priviledges as citizens , and continual provision of faithful and able juries ; especially in such a time as this , when innocency it self is not inrouded from the imputation of the blackest crimes ; and the best and most loyal protestants are exposed to the utmost hazards by the perjuries , subornations , and villanies of the popish party and their adherents . and we cannot at this time omit the mentioning your fair proceedings in our present election of sheriffs for the year ensuing , and dispatch of an unnecessary poll , without putting us off by adjournments to a troublesome and weary attendance . do offer and return to you our most hearty thanks , as the onely compensation we can at present make you ; being confidently assured that you will stedfastly persist in those your most faithful endeavours , as long as you shall continue officers in this honourable city . this address was presented to the sheriffs at the same time ; and being read to the common-hall , had the like approbation . london : printed for r. baldwyn , in the old-baily . 1681. the humble petition of the worshipful thomas adams, john langham, and james bunce, aldermen of london, presented to the lords at their bar on tuesday april 25. 1648. wherein is declared their firm resolution to stand for the defence of the established laws of the land. also their protestation against the lords jurisdiction over them or any other commoners in criminal cases. with their appeal from the lords to their proper and competent judges (a jury of their equals) and judges sworn to proceed according to the known law of england. together with a salva libertate by them sent to the lieutenant of the tower, april 23. 1648. adams, thomas, sir, 1586-1668. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a75869 of text r206259 in the english short title catalog (thomason e435_31). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a75869 wing a496 thomason e435_31 estc r206259 99865432 99865432 117672 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a75869) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 117672) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 68:e435[31]) the humble petition of the worshipful thomas adams, john langham, and james bunce, aldermen of london, presented to the lords at their bar on tuesday april 25. 1648. wherein is declared their firm resolution to stand for the defence of the established laws of the land. also their protestation against the lords jurisdiction over them or any other commoners in criminal cases. with their appeal from the lords to their proper and competent judges (a jury of their equals) and judges sworn to proceed according to the known law of england. together with a salva libertate by them sent to the lieutenant of the tower, april 23. 1648. adams, thomas, sir, 1586-1668. langham, john, sir, 1584-1671. bunce, james, sir, d. 1670. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a75869 of text r206259 in the english short title catalog (thomason e435_31). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread 7, [1] p. printed for j. norris, london : april 25. 1648. a salva libertate is dated and signed on p.4: from our chambers in the tower of london, april 23. 1648. thomas adams, john langham, james bunce. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament. -house of lords -early works to 1800. fair trial -england -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a75869 r206259 (thomason e435_31). civilwar no the humble petition of the worshipful thomas adams, john langham, and james bunce, aldermen of london,: presented to the lords at their bar adams, thomas, sir 1648 1767 1 0 0 0 0 0 6 b the rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-04 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the humble petition of the worshipful thomas adams , john langham , and james bunce , aldermen of london . presented to the lords at their bar on tuesday april 25. 1648. wherein is declared their firm resolution to stand for the defence of the established laws of the land . also their protestation against the lords jurisdiction over them or any other commoners in criminal cases . with their appeal from the lords to their proper and competent judges ( a jury of their equals ) and judges sworn to proceed according to the known law of england . together with a salva libertate by them sent to the lieutenant of the tower , april 23. 1648. the second edition corrected . unto which is annexed a desire to have them read in all the parish churches of england and wales . london , printed for j. norris , april 25. 1648. a salva libertate sent to colonel tichburn lieutenant of the tower , on sunday , april 23. by thomas adams , john langham , james bunce , aldermen of london , now prisoners in the tower . being occasioned by the receipt of a paper sent unto them by the said lieutenant wherin the said lieut was seemingly authorized to carry them before the lords on tuesday next , being the 25 of april . to our honored friend col. tichburn lieutenant of the tower . sir , we received a paper from you , seeming to authorize you to carry our persons before the lords , to answer to a charge : we are constrained to inform you here by , that our persons ought not to be hurried to & fro , or disturbed at the pleasure of any man , neither can we yeeld obedience to the commands of any , which are not legal ; and therefore in case you intend to disturb us on teusday next , we expect to see a legal warrant from some person or court , which have a jurisdiction over us in case of a real or supposed crime : and we must acquaint you , that the lords have no legal power to summon us to answer to any crime whereof we are accused or suspected : and therefore you must expect to answer for whatsoever injury you offer to our persons , and know hereby , that we shall not voluntarily go from hence to westminster by vertue of the paper received , but shal suffer you to carry us , if you shall send force which we cannot resist . from our chambers in the tower of london , april 23. 1648. your friends and servants , thomas adams , john langham , james bunce . to the right honorable the lords assembled in parliament . the humble petition of thomas adams , john langham , james bunce aldermen of london , &c. sheweth , that if your petitioners shall submit to your lordships jurisdiction over commoners in those criminal cases or novalisms in law , intituled articles of impeachment of high treason and other misdemeanors ; they shall not only be phe-loes de-ses , but also shall murther the persons , and ruine the estates of all the free born people of england ; and that which is more , they shall betray the common law , which is the supream authority ( under god ) of the nation , and the inheritance of every free-mans posterity : and that which is worst of all , they shal be instrumental to pul down al the judicatories of the kingdom , and reedifie an arbitrary government many stories higher then ever the star chamber , high commission or councel table were ; and by the same rule that your lordships have fined several commoners 500l . a man for not kneeling or submitting to your lordships jurisdiction in criminal cases , for which there is no law , nay , which is absolutely and apparently against the fundamental laws of the land , and the ordinary rule of your own court of judicature , usually referring those causes which appertain to the common law , to the other courrs of justice , especially if the people desite it , so you may fine their fellow citizens , and commoners of england as many millions , and take away the lives and estates , of all as well as some , to the perpetual destroying and inslaving the whole kingdom . for by the 29 chapter of the great charter , all commoners are to be tryed by their equals ; and there are 30 sessions of parliament which confirm the great charter , being a statute declaratory of the common law , especially those eminent laws , wherein your lordships had your shares in making of them , viz. the petition of right in the 30 caroli , and the act for abolishing the star-chamber , and regulating the counsel table , in the 17. caroli , in which many statutes are enumerated , that commoners ought to be tryed by their equals , by bill of indictment or writ original , and by those of their neighbourhood ; and all decrees and judgments made contrary thereunto , are declared thereby to be null and void in law , which bars all presidents : and by severall declarations and ordinances your lordships have declared , that ordinances are no laws , but temporary , during the wars ; and the cause of necessity being taken away , your lordships have promised the free people of england , that they shall be governed according to the known laws of the land , as it appears in the ordinance dated the 15 of january , 1647. and it is against the law of god , nature and nations , that any person or persons should be judg and parties , examiners & accusers in their own cause , or to be tryed any otherwise then by a known law , for where there is no law there is no transgression . it is declared by sir edward cook , that the parliament cannot make a law against the law of nature , which is custom according to right and necessary reason . that presidents are nothing in comparison of the common and statute laws , being known maximes in law , a facto ad jus non valet argumentum ; gubernandum est legibus non exemplis : articles are nothing in law but meer innovations and prerogative extrajudicials , especially when ordinary persons are in question . the old maxime in law is , non recurrendum est ad extraordinaria quando fieri potest per ordinaria . and your lordships are not only sworn , but have imposed several oaths , as the protestation , and solemn league and covenant , upon the free commoners of england ; to defend the fundamental laws of the land . and they are confident your lordships will be very tender of the preservation of the great charter , in which is wrapped up our lives , liberties and estates ; your noble predecessors being so glorious and famous instruments in assisting the people , in purchasing the same . concerning the point of presidents , which is all can be said for your lordships , we shall give you this answer . 1. it is observable , that most commoners , which have submitted to your lorships jurisdiction , were in the time of the civil wars , flagrante bello , not by compulsion , but by voluntary petitions of the commons in a summary way , to the king in person . 2. one president against your lordships jurisdiction is of more consequence then a thousand for it ; the reason is plain , because all courts of judicature are bottomed upon the law of the land , and it cannot be supposed that any court can be miscognizant of its own jurisdiction . your lordships have confessed in sir simon de berisfords case , that it is against the law for peers to try commoners , and your predecessors have promised upon record , that they wil never do the like again , though that occasion were superlative . 3. the corporation of cambridg was accused before the king and lords for complying with the rebels of essex , kent and hartford , their councel pleaded against the jurisdiction of the lords house , in the point of treason , and the king and lords allowed of the plea , as appears rot. parl. 5. rich. 2. numb. 45. 4. as there are many presidents more may be alledged , that commoners have denyed your lordships jurisdiction , and that your lordship have transmitted such cases to the common law , if desired by the free people ; so there can no president be shewn that commoners , which have refused to be tryed by your house , have been over-ruled by them in point of jurisdiction . 5. there was never president , since there were parliaments in england , that the same session of parliament hath imprisoned , fined , or any otherwise diss●i●ed or destroyed any man for obeying or executing the laws , ordinances , or orders of the same parliament . and there are many ordinances in force , which indempnifie all those which have acted by the authority of parliament , viz. may 26. 1642. 1. part book decl. p. 281. june 14. 1642. p. 377. the premises considered ; your petitioners being free commoners of england , according to the known laws of the land ( de jure claim their birth right , which is to be tried by god & their country , in his majesties court of justice , by the sworn judges of the law , and a iury of their equals of their own neighbourhood , where the pretended fact was done , the courts of iustice being open . and your petitioners shall pray , &c. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a75869e-200 all honest ministers and true hearted englishmen , that love the laws and liberties of their native country , are earnestly desired in all the parish churches and market towns in the kingdom of england and dominion of wales to read the fore-going petition publikely and openly , that so the people thereby may be instructed in their laws and liberties . iests to make you merie with the coniuring vp of cock vvatt, (the walking spirit of newgate) to tell tales. vnto which is added, the miserie of a prison, and a prisoner. and a paradox in praise of serieants. written by t.d. and george wilkins. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1607 approx. 119 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20101 stc 6541 estc s105305 99841034 99841034 5591 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20101) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5591) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 831:05) iests to make you merie with the coniuring vp of cock vvatt, (the walking spirit of newgate) to tell tales. vnto which is added, the miserie of a prison, and a prisoner. and a paradox in praise of serieants. written by t.d. and george wilkins. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. wilkins, george, fl. 1607. aut [4], 63, [1] p. by n[icholas] o[kes] for nathaniell butter, dwelling neere to st. austins gate, at the signe of the pide bull, imprinted at london : 1607. t.d. = thomas dekker. printer's name from stc. signatures: a-h⁴ i² . reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have 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transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng english wit and humor. london (england) -social life and customs -early works to 1800. 2002-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion iests to make you merie : with the coniuring vp of cock watt , ( the walking spirit of newgate ) to tell tales . vnto which is added , the miserie of a prison , and a prisoner . and a paradox in praise of serieants . written by t. d. and george wilkins . imprinted at london by n. o. for nathaniell butter , dwelling neere to st. austins gate , at the signe of the pide bull. 1607. to the reader . bookes are a strange commoditie , the estimation of them riseth and falleth faster then the exchange of money in the low countries , which alters more often then the english man doth the fashion of his apparell . men that write to feede fantastike humors , are no better then apes , that shew their trickes to others , the doing of which is painefull to themselues , and at going away are but laught at , and so nice are our paules churchyard-walkers in beholding these pictures , that to day they cry excellent at the drawing of that , vpon which to morrow they will cast a mewing countenance , ther 's no one stationer stall can fit all customers with bookes to their dyet , nor can all men that write ( if all that can but speake should write ) fit some stationers . go to one and offer a coppy , if it be merrie , the man likes no light stuffe , if sad , it will not sell. another meddles with nothing but what fits the time , i wold haue his shop stuft with nothing but proclamations , because he lyes i' th winde only for the change of weather . since therefore that neither hot nor colde can please , neither straight nor crooked , can serue as a measure , to some mouthes ; what a miserable and endlesse labour does he vndertake that in a few scribled sheetes hopes to wrap vp the loues of all men . better it were for him in my iudgement to turne his leaues into such paper-kites as boyes runne after , whilest they flye in the ayre , then to publish his wits in follio , and yet be counted but a foole for his labour . 〈◊〉 notwithstanding , with such a tickling itch is this printed ambition troubled , that some are neuer at better ease then when they are scratching vpon paper , and finde no sweetnesse but in drawing blood . of those sharp-toothed dogs you shall finde me none , i hould no whip in my hande , but a soft fether , and there drops rather water th●n gall out of my quill , if you taste it and finde it pleasing . i am glad , if not , i cannot be much sorry , because the cooke knew not your dyet , so that his error was his ignorance , and ignorance is a veniall sinne to be pardoned . nam veniam pro laude pete : laudate●● abundè non fastiditus fi tibi ( lector ) er● . t. d. and g. w. iests to make you merrie . vvhat a iest is . a iest is the bubling vp of wit. it is a baum which beeing well kindled maintaines for a short time the heate of laughter . it is a weapon wherewith a 〈◊〉 does oftentimes fight , and a wise man def●nds himselfe by . it is the 〈◊〉 of good companie . if it bee seasoned with iudgement : but if with too much tar●ness● , it is hardly disgested but turne to quarrel . a 〈◊〉 i● tried as powder is , the most sudden is the best . it is a merrie ●●●deman and hath a brother so like him , that many take them for twins : for the one is a iest spoken ▪ the other is a iest done . stay but the reading of this book● some halfe an houre , and you shall bee brought acquainted with both . the 1. iest. a fellow that ( to be a foole in print ) had spent the stocke of his wits vpon inke and paper ▪ and made it into a booke , offred it to sell a● diuerse stationers 〈◊〉 , but none would buy it : at the length 〈◊〉 came to one of the company , and swore to him he should not 〈◊〉 to feare to venture money vpon it , 〈◊〉 it would be to him an euerlasting booke . oh sayes the other then i will not meddle with it ; euerlasting bookes are ill commodities in our trade , bring me a booke that will go away , and i am for you . the 2. iest. a iustice of peace found his man laying his mistresse on the lippes , at which the iustice in a rage , and wrapping out a great oath , cald him rascall , and asked him what he did , why sayes the fellow ( and swore as déepe as he ) i was kissing your wife . the iustice told him if he tooke him kissing there againe , he would make him kisse in another place . truth sir ( sayes the seruingman ) had not you come in , i had kis● in another place indéed . the 3. iest. a citizen méeting by chance a kinseman of his , about the strand , that was come to the tearme , askt him where he had béene , who told him he had beene at westminster : and what newes ( quoth he ) at westminster ; mary sayes the other lawyers get the diuell and all : what an asse , replied the citizen is the diuell ? if i were as he i would get some of them . the 4. iest. in the quéenes time a couple of merchants walking on the change , amōgst other newes , the one told y ● other , he thought the peace betwéene england and spaine would be broken : god help the poore iustices then ( answered the other ) for if the peace b● broken , sure y ● iustices of the peace cannot be sound . the 5. iest. a mad countrey parson inuiting certaine of his friends to the eating of a tyth pigge and some other good chéere , one of the guests brought along with him a precisian , ( which se● the person neuer could abide ) and hauing carn'd once or twic● to the rest . at length he cald aloud in latin to the precisian ( for he tooke him to be a scholler , because he went all in blacke ) heus domine , vis tu comedere turdum , vis ●u comedere ●artum , vis tu comedere pistum fartum . at which the other blessing himselfe , to thinke that a churchman should vtter such filthy words ( as he construed them ) rose from the board and d●parted reprouing the parson for a beastly and vnmannerly christian , whereas by turdum he meant a blacke bird , that stood on the board , by fartum a pudding , and by pistum fartum , a pan-pudding that 's bak'd . the 6. iest. doe you see ponder bawd , saies one to his cōpanion ( ●tting in a play-house together ) she should haue bin burnt once in paris for a martir● : a martir quoth the other ? why she has suffered for the truth heere in london , for she was carted but last weeks . the 7. iest. sirra ( saies a iustice to a bailie●●e , that had brought a cutpurse before him ) keepe that knaue till i call for him anon when i am more at leasure : yes quoth the bailieffe , i will keepe the knaue for your worship . the 8. iest. a woman seeing a tumult in the open stréete , about a man and a woman , askt one of the standers by , what the matter was : sa●es he ▪ thou art a whore ; thou art an arrant knaue ( saies the woman ) to call me whore , why about this ( quoth the party that was askt the question ) did those two fall out . the 9. iest. one called a captaine coward , and said he had no heart , it s no matter , quoth the captaine , i haue legs . the 10. iest. vvhat is the reason saies , a gentleman to his friend , that chesse-play ( being so witty a game ) is not vsed so much now as it had wont to be : diuerse reasons , saies the others one is because rookes stand too neere the bishops : another is because knights had wont to be better then pawnes , but now a good pawne is better th●● a knight . the 11. iest. a taylor in this towne maintaind a whore besides his wise , who afterwards came to the knowledge of it : where vpon , on● wondring how it should be discouered , because the taylor was a close fellow , askt one of his neighbors , how the diuell his wife could smell out his wench : oh ; easily replyed the other , for he kept her vnder his wifes nose . the 12. iest. an auncient gentlewoman making her brag● , that she was descend●d from iohn of gaunt : one that stood by , sayd he thought she was rather descended from william the conqueror , because her face was so old . the 13. iest. one demanded of his friend what was the reason that when a man 〈◊〉 a light wench , the ●●st word he speaks to her is , gentlewoman will you goe to the tauerne ? o saies the other , ● leman is neuer good without wine . the 14. iest. a couple of seruingmen , hauing drunke hard in southwarke , came to take water about ten or eleauen of the clock at night , at s. mary-oueries sta●res : but the m●●ne ●●ning , and a puddle of water lying before them , which th●y could not perfectly discerne ( without better ●ies ) by reason that their shadowes bid it , one of them ●●umbled and fel● in , labouring with his hands & feete as if he had bin a swimming , his fellow● stood ( so well as a man in his case could stand looking vpō him & sayd : art thou gon ? art thou gon● iesus recea●● thy soule , yet if thou canst but get the temple staires , theirs some hope thou shalt doe well enough : tush saies the other ( that was downe , ) i looke not to g●t , so i may saue my selfe , i care for no more . the 15. iest. a silly fellow being for some misdemeanor brought befor● the old recorder , after some short ●xamination , was ( by him ) demāded whom he seru●d ; i serue ( quoth the fellow ) a poore kinsman of your good worship . a poore kinsman of mine thou varlet , who is that ? looke you saies he , and drew from vnder his cloake a flute . the 16. iest. a player riding with his fellowes ( in a yeare of peregrination ) vp and downe the countries , resolued to be merry , th● they ●ot little money , and being to passe through a towne , h●e gets a good way before the rest , crying ( wi●h his drawne rapier in his hand ) which is the constables house where is the constable ; the dogs of the parrith at the no●se , fell to barking , the threshers came running out with their ●●●iles the clounes with rakes & pitch-forks , asking without what the matter was , cried still , and you be men bring me to the co●●●able . at last , the wise gentleman appeared in his 〈◊〉 : are you the constable saies the player , yes that i am for fault of a better , quoth he , why then blurt maister constable saies the other , and clapping spurres to his horse , gallopd away amaine , some of the companions laughing , others rayling , the constable swearing , and the rest of the players that came behind , post through the thickest of them , and laughing the whole towne to scorne , as if it had bin the foole in a comedie , which made y ● hob-nailewearers stampe tenne times worse then they did before . the 17. iest. a company of merry gallants , comming in a winter night late from a tauerne , to increase that mirth in the streetes ( as they went along ) which the wine had begotten in them before , fell to taking downe of lāthornes that their hung out . and one of them being nibling to vntie the cord at which a sconc● hung : a seruant of the house by chance suddenly opened the doore , and tooke him at his worke , roughly asking him what he meant to doe there , nothing sir , saies the other , but to s●uff your candle . the 18. iest. a young man passing to his lodging somewhat late , was by the dreadfull voyce of browne-bilmen , cald to come before the constable ; he did so , but perceiuing him that sat there in the examiners office to be no constable , but knew him to be a bare deputie , and had for wages serued ( for other men ) some sixe or seauen yeares together , y ● fellow gaue him scuruy words , for which the uice-regent of the ward , grew so into choller y ● he swore , the great turke should not ransome him from lying by the héeles : nay more , he would execute iustice in his owne proper naturall person , and leade him himselfe ; he did so , and the other 〈◊〉 before , but in the middle of cheapeside bee kneeled downe , crying out aloud : o thou euerlasting constable , what meanest thou to doe with me ? the 19 iest. a seruingman bringing a capon and white-broth to the t●ble , stumbled & let all fal to the ground , for which his maister reuilde him , and sayd , i could haue done so much my selfe , i thinke so , quoth the fellow ; any foole may doe it , now t is done before him . the 20. iest. vpon a time when there was a great muster made by the citty , of souldiers , a countrie fellow séeing them march thr●ugh the stréetes , inquired of one that stood likewise by as a beholder , to what end these souldiers kept this marching ? mary to mile-end saies the other : yea but to what end , are those lighters and boates , and ships , prouiding on the riuer ? quoth the country mā why to theames-end , answered the other , nay but then saies he againe , to what end should they make such adoe both by land and water ? faith replyed the other , to no end. the 21. iest. i thinke ( saie some to his friend ) i am the 〈◊〉 coxcom● liuing : truth , so thinke i , saies the other : why should you thinke so ( replyed the first , and grew halfe angry ) mary sayd the second , because you say so , & i hope none should know that ●●tthen your selfe . the 22. iest. a paire of players growing into an emulous contention of one anothers worth , re●ulde to put themselues to a day of hearing ( as any players would haue done ) but stood onely vpon their good parts . why saies the one , since thou wouldst same be taken for so rare a peece report before all these ( for they had a small audience about them you must note ) what excellent parts thou hast discharged ? mary saies the other , i haue so naturally playd th● puritane , that many tooke me to be one . true saies the first agen thou playdst the puritane so naturally , that thou couldst neuer play the honest man afterwards : but i ( quoth he ) haue playd the sophy : the sophy , replyed the second : what a murren was he ? what was he saies the other : why he was a turke : right , quoth his aduersarie get to play as many turkes parts as thou canst , for ●●e bee hangd if euer thou playst a good christian . the 23. iest. a gentlewoman comming to one that stood at a window reading a booke , sir ( sayd she ) i would i were your booke , ( because she lou●d the gentlemā , ) so would i quoth he , i wish you were . but what booke would you haue me to bee ( sayd the other ) if i were to be so ? mary , an almanacke ( quoth the gentleman ) because i would change euery yeare . the 24. iest. two brothers méeting together , sayd the welthier of them , to the other : and how goes the world brother ? what , you rub out , make shift to liue yes faith replyed the second , i thank god , and liue without shifting too . the 25. iest. a cittizen ●●tting with his wife at doore , cald his child to him ( that was playing before them , ) to giue him an apple , and bid him say , thanke you father ▪ the mother likewise was busie to teach him that lesson but a gentleman passing by , iust at the instant , ( who belike had taken vp of the wife , some of her husbands commodities ) stept to her , and whispring in her eare , asked if she were not asham'd to teach her child to lie being yong : the husband séeing a stranger so sau●ie with his wife , grew halfe angry , and askt her what customer that was , & what he spake in her eare : nothing sir ( sayd she ) but séeing me eate apples , hee askt if i would haue any chéese to my fruit . the 26. iest. vvhat reason ( saies one so his friend ) has your lord to keepe a foole ? he hath no reason at all , answered the other . the 27. iest. thou art an arrant begger , saies a merchant to a scholler : true sir , ( answered the scholler ) for i am an hone●● man : but you can be no begger , for all the city knowes you play the merchant . the 28. iest. a woman finding her husband reeling in the stre●tes , till hée was vnable to stand , rayld vpon him , and sayd : art not thou ashamd to lie like a drunken beast , thus in the open streetes ? thou liest like a sober whore as thou art , quoth hee , if i were a beast , i would not lie drunke . the 29. iest. one that had bin knighted but lately , ryding through poules churchyard , his wife , his chamber-maide , the nurse , and two young children , sitting in the coach with him , his sonne and heire , leading the way before : the creatures in blew , trotting too and too behind : oh saies a prentice that ●●ood in his shop , to his fellow : by ioue me thinkes , it s a braue thing to be a knight : a braue thing , quoth 〈◊〉 fellow : what an asse art thou : a man may haue any thing for money . the 30 iest an old man talking with his sonne , and comparing this age , with that which he liued in , when he was a boy : said , that now the world was cleane found vpside downe : nay that 's not true father , ( replyed the other ) for i● it were so , women should goe with their heeles vpwards . the 31. iest. a lady that by sitting to sée a play at court , came home late , cald for victuals , and swore she was as hungry as a dogge : it may be as a bitch madam ( sayd her page , standing by ) else the comparison will not hol● . the 32. iest. a fishmonger hauing lost all his money at dice , to another gamster , sauing three or foure shillings , clapt it all downe on the boord together : what doe you set ( sayd the other ? this dosser quoth the fishmonger ) and then i haue done . the 33. iest. one that had neuer bin seene to handle weapon , being met with a great basket-hilt sword by his side was demanded , why he caried so much iron about him . mary sayd he , for foure causes , to kill dogs , and to kéepe off sergeants , to huff bawdes , and to guard my whore . the 34. iest. a yong man , being taken by a watch in the day time , for an idle fellow , was by a constable brought before one of the sheriffes of london , and being examined what he was , and whom he had serued , it was found that hee had bin in diuerse seruices , but had shifted his maisters , almost euery yeere wherupon the sheriffe sayd , hee should goe to bridewell , and there grind chalke . i am contented to doe so , answered the fellow ▪ but doe me iustice good maister sheriffe , let all your officers h●● sent to grind chalke too , for i am sure they shift their maisters , euery yeere aswell as i. the 35. iest. a barber standing very sadly at his shop doore , one of his customers came to him , and asked him why he lookt so scuruily : oh sayd the barber , my maide has had a sore mischance , my man has playd the knaue with her , and got her with child : call you that a mischance quath the other ? of all chances in the dice , i warrant your maide likes that best : your man has done no more then what he is bound to by indenture , which is to follow his trade , and that 's to trimme folkes . the 36. iest. a country gentleman , comming downe westward by water to london , vpon the day when my lord maiors galley ●●ist was in all her holliday attire , and séeing such triumphing on the theames , but not knowing the cause , demanded of his watermen , why there was such drumming , and piping , and trumpeting , and wherefore all those barges ( like so many water-pageants ) were caryed vp and downs so gaylie with flags , and streamers ? it was told him , the lord mayor went that day to be sworne , to westminister . what neede your lord mayor ( quoth he ) goe so farre to be sworne : i haue heard ther● is as good swearing in london , as in any place in england : but goe all these ( in blacke gownes ) to be sworne there too ? no ( sir ) sayd his waterman , these sweare fast enough in the cittie . the 37. iest. a company of gallants hauing supped in a tauerne , and being ( as the fashion is ) extreamely ouer-reckend in their bill of items , yet paying all , departed in as extrea me a chafe ; swearing , neuer to hold vp their hands agen , at that vnmercifull barre : one of the rest ▪ as he went along , demanded in mockerie , what was to pay : nothing , sayd one of the pewter-potclinkers : all is payd sir ; i le take my oath vpon a booke : all is payd answered the other , for we payd you well , and you haue payd vs soundly . the 38. iest. a scrinener meeting an atturnie in fleete-streete , ( after some talke had passed betwéene them ) asked him how they should doe 〈◊〉 , so much of the 〈◊〉 was cut off : truth saies the atturnie , for my part 〈◊〉 shuffle for one : michaelmas tearme you know is like a great houshold loa●e , you may cut out a good many shi●es , and yet feeds vpon it well too , i care not , so i may come but to haue a cut , at the last cantle . but how ( quoth the scrinener ) if it bee cut all cleane away : say it bee ( replyed the lawyer , ) it s but like a barbers cutting off a mans haire , within a little time after it will grow againe , and he 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 againe . the 39. iest. vvhen the horse 〈◊〉 on the top of poules , a seruingman came sweating to his maister , that was walking in the 〈◊〉 i le ▪ and told him the wonder he had séene , and what multitudes of people were in the streetes staring to behold it , the fellow most vehemently intreating his maister , to goe and make one . away thou fool● ( sayd hee ) what neede i goe so farre to sée a horse on the top , when i can looke vpon so many asses at the bottome : o yes sir , replyed the seruingman ▪ you may sée asses heere euery day , but peraduenture you shall neuer see a horse there againe though there were a thousand beasts in the citti● . the 40. iest. a clarke of y ● guyide hall , being requested by his client ( at the end of a triall ) to draw him out a bill of charges : yes sayd the clarke , i will draw it out presently , and did so , the client running it ouer , knew to himselfe , that he was at more cost with him , then was needfull , yet sayd nothing , because hee was to vse his helpe in other matters , but payd it all : and then requested my young lawyer , to goe drinke a cup of muscadine with him at the tauerne , which he did : the client at the end of the shot , paying all too . nay them ( quoth the clarke ) by the lord , i haue done you wrong , to put you to so much charges . in good troth answered the cliēt , so i thought before , though i sayd nothing , but since you sweare it , now i dare verily belieue it . the 41. iest. two cittizens ouer-taking one another , as they came from westminister , ( the one of them being excéeding pen●●ue , ) it was askt by the other , why he went so heauily : o quoth hee , i haue reason to goe heauily , for i had an action tryed to day at westminister , of 200. ● . and it is gone against me . who was your counsell sayd the other : mary such a one , replyed the second . what strange qualities , ( quoth the first ) haue these men of law , the selfe same man that makes you so heauy , has made me excéeding light . the 42. iest. a prisoner that stood vpon his comming forth ▪ was put backs till he had payd , such fees as the keepers demanded of him , which he thought were vnreasonable , and against both l●we and conscience , whereupon he raild at them , cald them bloud-hounds , bloud-suckers , hel-hounds , and such other vngodly names : but one standing by , counsaild him to hold his tongue , and not to spit his venome against men that are in place , for sayd hee , keepers of prisons are as good men as the best , where they take . the 43. iest. a young wanton wench that had maryed an old man , being a forrester , whō she had so transford , that comming amongst the heard of deere : he went for a stag , fell suddenly sicke , for the loue of a gallāt , that had a good while together gone a hunting with her , but vpon some dislike of his game , gaue it ouer : the kind old fellow her husband , that suspected nothing , brought her a doctor , but the cause of her disease being loue , she proud him a d●nce ; he could neither by her water , nor by feeling her pulse , find what sicknes bred within her : whereupon the old ranger her husband , perswaded her , to shew all how it came first vpon her , for sayd he , we must hide nothing from our phisitian . why then ( quoth she ) good husband shew your forhead to him , which me thinkes is all broken out : alas sayd he , that 's onely the weaknes of thy sight . nay husband , ( sayd the sicke louer ) if your browes grieue not you , they shall neuer hurt me . the 44. iest. a country h●bbin●ll , h●●ing seene she mad-folkes in bedlam , fell so in ●oue with their trickes , that he swore he could ●nd in his heart , to liue in the sommer-time amongst them , and demanded ( of him that caryed him thether to see them ) how he might soonest be made to runne mad , if one had such a mind● , easily sayd the other , for doe but mary with a whore , or else haue to doe with players , and thou shalt quickly runne madde . the 45. iest. a wench hauing a good face , a good body , and good clothes on , but of bad conditions , sitting one day in the two-penny roome of a play-house , & number of yong gentlemen about her , against all whom she maintaind talke . one that sat ouer the stage sayd to his friend : doe you not thinke that yonder flesh will stincke anon , hauing so many flyes blowing vpon it . oh ( quoth his friend ) i thinke it stinckes already , for i neuer saw so many crowes together , but there was some carion not far off . the 46. iest. looke ( sayd one ) is it not strange ? yonder is a fellow that the last day went for a lieftenant , and now he is a pandor : alas sayd one that stood next him , souldiers you know if they cannot get it by faire meanes , they will haue it out of the flesh . the 47. iest. a couple of gentlemen talking of a common punck , one of them sayd she was a recusant : nay before god , quoth the other , that 's a lie , shee le take any thing . the 48. iest. a uniuersity man , cald one of the constables of london , onyon , at which the constable , ( as if he had bin slyced into peeces ) kept a coyle , and wondered , why he should call him an onyon , that was rather one of the best dishes , that stood vpon the table of iustice ; mary sayd the scholler , i tell thée againe thou art an onyon , because thou hast a great head , but no wit in it . the 49. iest. two tradesmen falling out , and vpbrayding one another with house-keeping , & miserable feeding of their seruants : saies the one , i spend more mustard and vineger , in a yeare in my house , then thou dost béefe in thine . nay quoth the other i believe thée , for i alwaies tooke thee for a very saucie knaue . the 50. iest. a notable scolding queane , ralling hand to hand , with thrée men that were her neighbours , and beating them all three at it , because it was her owne weapon ; her husband standing by ● taking part with neither . at last shee began to reuile him , and told those that fl●ckt about her , how her husband thought to haue euery rascall a top on her : and reason good , quoth one that ●ood by , what 〈◊〉 iades for , but to be made hackneis ? the 51. iest. a gentleman made all the friends he could , to the captaine of the french kings guard , that hee might bee one of them , but the captaine told him , he was so hardly prest vpon by sun●ry noble men for their seruants , and fellowes , that he could not by any meanes doe him the pl●●sure : oh sir ( quoth the gentleman ) sure you mistake ▪ you are not ( as i am told ) so prest vpon by so many noble men , but rather with so many nobles . the 52. iest. a water-bearer complaynd before a iustice , of his wifes misusing , and ouer-maistring him : t is strange quoth the iustice , that you two should iarre , for i am told , that you ( sirra ) are neuer seene to goe into an alehouse , but your wife is seene there too ; you are neuer drunke , but she is drunke too : you neuer quarrell with your neighbours , but she quarrels too ; i wonder that hauing quallities so alike , you should no better agree . so doe i and it please your worship ( sayd the water-bearer ) for my owne part , i could agree with her , if shee were worse , so she would be but better ; i pray therefore let me haue her bound , either to her good behauiour , or else to the peace . seeke but out a scriueuer ( quoth the iustice ) that can make such a ●ond , and thou shalt haue my furtherance . the 53. iest. a farmer of the country going to law , for certaine acres , about which he would neuer haue ve●tured his money but that his councell whetted him on , by telling him the matter was cleare on his side , and that all the law in england could not take it from him ; came iocundly vp to the tearme and yet after much heauing & shouing was ouerthrowne horse and foote , so that he had scarce money le●t to carry him home , wherevpon meeting an acquaintance of his , and wondring ( as hee said ) that men of learning should so much ouershoot themselues , in that wherein they are so perfect : oh ( replied the other ) the sun showes men their shadowes , but not their faces . the 54● iest. an apothecary that had a gallant creature to his wi●e , was wondred at , that shee ( especially ) and himselfe could be so rich in apparell , and so expensiue in dyet , hauing no customers resorting to their shop for any phisicall stuffe , but onely a few gentlemen that came to take pipes of the diuine smoake : whereupon some of his neighbors giuing vp their credit , that this geere could not last long , oh ( said one of them ) you are all deceiued in that man , it is not possible he should sinke , hee is so well held vp by the heade . the 55● iest. a yong bryde ( that had married a stale ou●d bachiler ) sate at the wedding dinner with a very sad and discontented looke , to thinke what a ba● market she had bin at● but an ancient merry gentlewoman ●●tting next to her , cheerd her vp , in her eare thus , daughter quoth the neuer repent the bargaine thou ha●● this day made , for an ou●d horse will hould out a ●●long iorney , as well as a nagge of foure yeere ould : it may be so , ( quoth the bride , ) but as little skill as i haue in riding . i doubt whether he can hould out in some hye waye● that i could name . the 56● iest. an impudent fellow meeting a ciuill gentlewoman vpon a narrow cawsie , that she could not passe him without striuing ( in courtesie ) to giue wayrudely brake out into this question gentlewoman are not you a whore ? she being nothing dan●ed at his blunt beha●iour , but hauing more witte about her then he had ciuilitie , answered him thus , trust me sir i am none now , nor euer was i any but once , and that was when your father being no better then a chimny-sweeper , lay with me all night , whilest she whom you now cal mother kept y ● dore . the 57. iest. a company of ●heeues , brake 〈◊〉 night into a cou●trie schoole-maisters house , but hee hearing them , neuer stired out of his bed for the matter , but cryed out aloude you mistake your marke my maisters , goe to the next house , that 's a rich farmers , i wonder you will loose time to seeke any thing heere by night , when i my selfe can finde nothing by day . the 58. iest. three waiting gentlew●men sitting vp late one euening began to shriue one another , and to know what manner of louers each other had : saies the first i loue o●e of our seruingmen , and i ( quoth the second ) loue the tutor , nay ( sayes the third ) then i like my choice best , for i loue my ladyes gentleman usher : out vpon him , cryed one of the other , i had rather ten other men should lye with me night by night , then one gentleman vsher . the 59● iest. two friends hauing drunke much tobacco as they safe togeither in a chamber , ( one of which was in loue with one of the ●●p●ny 〈◊〉 sinnets that lay in y ● spittle in shoredich , and they both hauing spet much vpon the ground , one of them suddenly started vp , and with the end of a wand stood rakeing vp and downe in the spettle that lay before them , the other wondring at it , askt what he meant by doing so ? mary quot● his friend , i am trying if i can finde what ●illanie thy 〈◊〉 punc● ( whom thou dotest vpon ) is committing in the spittl●● . the 60. iest. a pipe of kindled tobacco being offered to 〈◊〉 y ● was not●● to be a greedy taker of it , was by him refused , and being demanded , why he that loued it so well , should now leaue it ? he answered , for three bad properties that he found in it , for sa●●● hee , tobacco makes any man a thee●e ( and vpon that hangs danger ) a good fellow , ( and that requires cost , ) & a niggard ( the name of which is hatefull : ) it makes him a theefe for he will steale it from his father , a good fellow , for he will giue the smoake to a begger : a niggard , for he will not part with his ●or to an emperour . 〈…〉 the discoueries made by cock wat , the walking spirit of newgate . cock watt , as i am priua●ly knowne , & commonly cald by knaues , theeues and con●catchers but more properly named c●ck w●r● who giues warning to court , citie and country . haue amongst you then , for the forefront of my name cock , know i am so titled & discouered by it , in y ● place where i keep my twinkling 〈◊〉 , as distinctly as your likely horse by his white star in y ● forehead , your wāton wench , by her black patch worne on the side of her browe your house of iniquitis , by little cakes and lesse cans , and your perfect tuddlecap by his red nose and not vnproperly n●ither , 〈◊〉 called cock , for about that time when the last 〈◊〉 takes his farewell of the ensuing day and that earely bird , the morning● herauld giues his wakefull sum●ōs to the darke clouds ( vnder whose canopie , théeues , baud●s , and strumpets doe their hatefu●l actiuities ) to disport themselues from the desired day by whose cheerefulnes , the honest laborer reioycingly , eates his bread got by the sweate of his browes , doe i like a cand●e at his halfe going out , in that stilnesse of ho●res , making my soueraignty amongst the monstrous thée●es and murtherers , and my pa●lac● a prison● creeping vp the wall , from side to side , and roofe to roofe , appeare . so much for the character of my name cock , now for my name , and nature of my name watt , or wary , thus : know y ● i am neuer seene to make my visitation and nigh●● progr●sse , to the terrifying of some , and comfort of other : that either in my iourney see me● or the next morning heare of me : but about thr●● dayes before the sessions or 〈◊〉 when comming into the prison . i finde for seuerall offences , plenty of offenders , some lying on hard 〈◊〉 beds , but the most 〈◊〉 on harder bordes ▪ some with course 〈◊〉 and thinne couerings , the rest in 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉 barle● , or other couer●ure , heauy irons , some 〈◊〉 lawyers , some for walking on the padd , some hor●est●a●●rs , ●ome mi●s , some foy●●● , some stals , some i●glers , some 〈◊〉 , some morts some li●●s , some d●coy●s , all cunning 〈◊〉 and cosoning quea●s , and of all these , wh●● they are , and their seuerall course of 〈◊〉 , in their due places . where bone●● reader thou shalt perceiue , how easily thou 〈◊〉 be deceiued , bow the goods 〈◊〉 , be ready to accuse , nay euen to i●dite thy guiltlesse ser●ants , be suspitious of thy children , and onely by the di●elish sleights of many , who 〈◊〉 with a fairer glosse of brauery , honest show of behauiour , or priuat 〈◊〉 : feede like drones vpon thy labours , and 〈◊〉 like vipers in the common wealth . but for my power and benefit of arriuall in your prison ; know i most comm●nly appeare on the side of a wall , and from thence cary my selfe about in as swift a motion , as water glides from a spring , from bed to bed , and b●●rde to boorde , onely at the head of euery pris●ner , i make a seuerall stay : and as it 〈◊〉 giuen mee by diuine power ▪ i draw from each particular ▪ the certaine continuance of his life to succeede , and whether at the following sessions or assises , they shall bee c●●demned to suffer their deserued and shamefull death or not . at first i make my seate vppon the ●eade , where resting a whi●e , i suddenly start from thence vp to the roofe , and downe againe vppon the face , in as quick motion as lightning , when as if i had then receiued , by certaine intelligence , whether the party i haue ●oothed on , shall bee executed or not , i thus to the iudgement of any who are then waking make it euident . for vppon my returns , the prisoner i haue made tryall of , shall shortly 〈◊〉 , about his head and face , like a lampe neare 〈…〉 i make a 〈◊〉 twinkling and goe out . but it hath pleased god , his present imprisonment hath beene layed vppon him , as a 〈◊〉 and mercifull correction , for his future amendment and to instruct him , that as this certaine to vnhonest pleasure , is begot a compa●●on repentance , so to vnlawf●ll actions , doth become this succ●ssion , a shamefull death on 〈◊〉 or the rest , that for that time are preserued , my light saileth not , but 〈◊〉 and descends from one to another : ( whome i finde lying , as they haue liued , like sw●e ) but decayeth not one any but such onely whome shortly the lawe shall condemne , and the speedy execution thereof , cut off . while thus then , i continue my visitation , know that to th●●● to whome for that moment i am visible , the horror of thunder , mixt with the ●lashes of affrighting lightning , dreadfull to beasts , terrible to man , putting him in minde , that in such a minut , and by such m●●●ngers , the worlde shall determine and euery sinner shall bee cald to a strict account , wherein the best shall be found short of their reckoning , as i say , the remembrance of that hower , begets not a more earthquake in the bosomes of the wretched , then doth my light ( beeing no more in show , then a starre by vs ) increase in my beholder : for in what ra●cke of the seauen deadly ●inn●s so euer his conscienc● doth witnesse against him , that his prisoned life hath marcht in , seeing my light , for the same foot●●●ps , extinct vppon another , hee expects the like due rewards is desc●nd vppon him selfe . and in this terror of his , the plagues here is euery seuerall sinne , are as visible in the eyes of his soule , ●s they were then thrusted in hell , for the corruption of his bodie . if hee haue beene as proud as a player that feedes on the fruite of diuine poetry , ( as swine one 〈◊〉 ) that 〈◊〉 from the noble o●● of their ●●ndes , and in the least win●er of prosperitie , will not stick to make their ●●ye , in that bo●ome which of late 〈◊〉 them , in an hower 〈…〉 like this , they shall with trembling remember ( what in the height of their vaineglory they presumptuously forgot ) that though they are in their fulst of rankor , fatted vp like a bore in his trunck that eates vp all is brought vnto him , yet are they stil but swines flesh , that the damnedst shew , will not eate a bit one , nay the diuels themselues thought them the fittest r●●●es , vnder which to keepe their court in , semper excipimus , and that a minuit will come perhaps in this moment , when they shall be like tantalus in hell , to gape after their old fodder , but get none of it or in such an howre as this , when either i or death shall visit them they shall euidently perceiue it was their pride which is the peruerter of all vertue , taught them to thinke , themselues wise , but prou'd fooles , instructed them to despise learning , scorne pouerty , mew at desert , yea and that merit , which from starke asses , which they naturally were , made their fit momusses worthy to be laught at , yet remembers them withall in their best prosperity , they are but like the flower sparagus , that growes out of euery mans dunge , and contemned of euery man. if hee haue beene as enuious as a serpent , enemie to all mankinde , and hath giuen as many pricks , to the destruction of a mans life , & reputation , as a taylor , stitches in his clothes ; for this long tongue and tooth'd maleuole , ( that lookes as desperately on the prosperity of any , as your vsurer on a yong heire , greedy to deuoure him ) hath not the feathers of his birdboults glewed on onely with backbitings , calumnies , and slanderous reproaches which onely contummate the credyt , but he hath as many shapes besides , as proteus , and like signior don spaniardo , who in fight , aymeth all at the hart , or your northerne fencer , in playing his prise , who sticks your marke fairer vpon his own brest yet sends his stoccado cleanly into your bosome , so will hée vpon any occasion of reuengement shift himselfe into seuerall suites of apparell , into a mans dish , his drinke his nosegay , his any thing he has an excellent wardrop too , change of garmēts , and not beholding either to his mercer , marchant or taylors booke ( as i hope most of our gallants are ) for a penny . o enuy thou forerunner of murther ( as a great mans sumpter-horse who makes shew before that his maisters comming after ) ●●sit thy 〈◊〉 , wash thine e●es that lookes flaming like the ceaselesse fire of the glashouse , doe not vse to grate thy iawes , nor haue the continuall hartburning at other mens happinesse , but by y ● misery which these feele , by beholding of me repent thy life , and reforme thy condition , for know it seemes to them in the instāt , they are tórne by diuels in the shapes of dogs , in that bl●●● & read kingdome , for béeing so dogged to mankinde , twixt whom and them there was a christian affinity here vpon earth . if he haue béene as letherous as a mountaine goate , and to kéepe his effeminacy in repaire , and make his desires perpetuall , hath beene at cost to maintaine his monethly bathes , somentations , electuaries , and to cherish his loy●es in high 〈◊〉 , hath had his culle●●es of dissolued pearle , and bruis● amber , 〈◊〉 , cocksparrows , braines of larks , lambst●●● all the earths chiefest vyan●s , to r●●lenish his pleasures , and p●mper vp his rancknesse in this minut , by me his ●essenger , hee is remembred , all is vanity : and begins to reckon with him selfe , how miserable man is , whose body is preserued from the plenty and cheefest of the land , and by the delicatest store of the sea , yet thus nourisht and nusled vp , not as all other creatures or for man y ● nobler person , but for wormes the very dregs and ●●●all of the earth ▪ and as he hath liued licentiously like a g●ate , so his skin bathed , rubd , sterket nay perhaps painted for that purpose , shall then like a goate be tand not to make spruce spanish leather , fit for wanton ladies shooes , but to make gloues for friends , ( like salamanders skins ) able to resist the heate of the low country : for though they are farre from the sunne , they alwaies liue in the fire , and the best ●ffice their hides can be put to ● is to make pumps for proserpin , gra●●d pluto king of lecyfrs concubine . and as of these● so insues to all the rest , such as by drunkennesse , haue made their bodies like dry fats , and their fac●● like a shriefes post of seuerall colours or swearers , whose oaths fly out at their mouths , like smoake out of a chimney , that de●●les all the way it passes , or lyers , and such commōly are theeues : for lying and stealing , or as inseperable companions , in sinfull society , as a théef● and a receiuer , and indeede all sinners of what condition so euer , are at the sight of me , struck with a suddaine and violent remorce , reckon vp their liues , and make themselues iudges of themselues in these offences , wherein their conscince giues ●estimonie against them , that they are guilty , and in 〈◊〉 present horror , they s●eme in minde to ta●e the vpright iustice and punishment which they know , long before this they haue deserued . well , hauing brought these that behold me into this ague , you walking spirit will 〈◊〉 them in their 〈◊〉 , and returne to the rest , whom wée left 〈◊〉 ●●ely by the way , i could wish that i had that su●●erance in the citie , that i progresse once a moneth , about the goale , i then durst vndertake , you should soone heare of more charity , and fewer cuckolds , find-lesse houses ▪ & more hospitality , not so many promises , but more payment , not so many foles rich , and so many wise beggers , nothing should be amisse , all should b●● amended , or your cock wach would walke the sinfull round like a sentin●ll , and the sinners should swet ●ort . but to them whom i left sléeping , not like the rest of good men , wherein they find comfortable recreation after their carefull labours , but like the sléeps of ●illayns : for somnia bonoru● meliora quam malorum . so i finde these not in sound sléepes , but distressed flūbers , troubled dreams , visited with stairings , grones and passions , and afflicted in minde , as they are persecuted in bodie , one that went drunke to bed ouer night , hee réeles in his sléepe , and sweares to begin at the last halfe pot , where he left in the morning , others that haue béene ●* soysts , all or the most part of their time , and thriued well in the profession , and now lately drawne into some other action , as they call it , as to breake a house , or to lift a cup from a uinteuers red barre , to be 〈◊〉 for it at the black barre in the old bayly , he curses his education , complaines of the destynies , malignes his starres , and concludes thus , what a villon was i , to leaue my old trade , meaning picking of pockets , to vsurpe and ●eale into an othermans mysterie , namely house-breaking , or what other waies ; i heretofore haue liued well by mine owne , and that which i was brought vp in , drawne forty or fifty pound for mee and my punck , in one tearme , out of a rum coues ●ung , ( so called in their canting vse of spéech ) ( and as much as to say in ours , a rich chuffes purse ) and now after in my many escapes , common bale , the helpe to many a venterous thée●e , a plague of all ill lucks , i must ride crowee as much as to say , beha●ged for a trifle , & in the bitternesse of his passion , breakes out thus , may all they take another mans trade vpon them , neuer spéede better . here you must vnderstand euery man kéepes his own trade , among théeues as orderly , as they of the twelue companies , as he that is a vintner , is a vintener and no more , so he that is a pick-pocket , is a pickpocket and no more : and so of the rest , yet in the end , closes vp his elegie , beeing sung 〈◊〉 his dreame , with this resolution , well i haue seene the worst , t is but halfe a● howres hanging , t will saue mee halfe a yé●res drinking , twoo turnes , the knot vnder the eare , and a wry mouth will doe it ▪ let me sweete hart , ( speaking by his mort ) haue a white sh●●te tyed about mee , and my black wrought cap on my head , my nosegay in my hand , t is but the way , which many a good fellow has gone before , and welcome death , when she perhaps , then present with him , as if their soules did ●●mpathise in one , answeres dialogue wise to him , making vp her protestations with ●thes enowe , no doubt of it , his will see will s●● performed , nay for his sake , she will neuer loue none of his 〈◊〉 more neuer come vp newgate staires , nay for euer will be a stranger to the i le of man , in remembrance of him . well , suppose the sessions past , our dreamer awake , and caried in a cart to haue a corner of docter stories cap , whē she once s●ing him gone , makes no doubt but he has borne a noose w t him , will hold him fast enough from comming back , & straight she forgets her promises , neuer to haue more friends , nay ten to one , neuer takes care to see him buried , y ● hath brought himselfe to the gallows for her , but rather studies , where and how , she may get money to bee drunke with a new loue , and in fresh fild cups , make vp a new combination between thē , thus like water men , that shift their fares , from one landing place to waite for another , so doe these morts euery sessions shift their sutors , they dispatch o●e at newgate stares , & a noble to a groate , they take vp another betwixt that and tiburne . yet shall it not be impertinent , that i cock watt , your new discouerer , make euident , what vse these kinde of people draw from these she creatures , both abroad and in prison , first know , that your thée●es trauelling mort , is partly a setter of rob beries , partly a théefe her 〈◊〉 , but alwaies a receiuer of whats● euer is ●●lne and brought vnto her : for which fellonies , if him whom she cals her hus●and , chance to be apprehended , she tross in his businesse , labours his aduersarie to be good to him , & suffer him to be bayld ●ut , you shall want no teares , no knéelings , no intercessions , no perswasions , that it is the first fact that euer the poore man her bedfellow fell into , and will you s●ke his bloud , that he was neuer in prison before , and will you bee his ●●doing , when if you but search the record at newgate , you sh●ll 〈◊〉 him to haue payd his garnish twentie times at least , but if it proue that at her importunity you are mooued , and in pitty of her , spare her mates life . take this from me , it shall happen to you , as to an honest iuror of this city not long since , who séeing a comely proper yong man stand i●dighted for a purse , and by his verdit giuen against him , ●as to be hanged , in pity of his present youth , and hope of better grace to come , béeing at that time foreman of the iury , so laboured with his a●●●tants , that for that fact hee was acquitted , who in recompēce presently vpon his discharge , paying his fées , came to the place where this iuror was , and pickt his pocket , then i● poore cock may not preuaile wt●ou t● spare none of them , learne this of horras . quo semel est imbuta re●ens seruabit odorem testa d●●● a 〈◊〉 vessell will neuer bee made swéete , and our english prouerbe is as true as old , saue a theefe from the gallowes , & hee le hang you if hee can , and though these parties themselues will in person no more steale from you , yet imboul●●cd by your pitty they will be instruments , to intice others to worke you hurt , otherwise if shee findes you not moued at her crocadiles teares , but according as iustice in y ● case has prouided will prosecute against him , then fals she to rayling against you , abuses your 〈◊〉 ●annes your children curs●s your procéedings , and if she haue a childe her selfe , brings it and sayes at your doore shee will leaue it , for you or the parish to bring vp , if by your meanes her hus●●nd perisheth , thinking thus to ouercome you with impudence , if shee could not doe by perswasion , they that haue had any trading know this to be true , then poore cock leau● & euery man to his ow●e discretion , and will now tell how these shee b●asts behaue themselues abroade . in the day time two of them neuer lesse , often more , w●lke vp and downe streets together with their handbaskets in their hands , so neate and decent in atire , that suspition it selfe cannot cease on them for other , then people of honest conuersatiō when vigilantly as thy passe along , they cast their eyes about , to obserue where , they can finde a shop furnished , but with one to giue attendance on customers , be it ma●●●●●r , mistresse , or man , so but one they respect not , which taken note of , into that shop of what trade soeuer they wil enter , for these wil play small game before they will sit out , mary their chiefs venture is eyther with mercers , gouldsmiths , linnen drayers , ha●●da●hers and such like ( now a simple man would thinke these should bee credible people that thus loue to deale with the best● ) at first they demand for this , or that sort of wares , as rings , taffety , cambricks ▪ hats , gloues , garters , or what soeuer the shoppe keepes 〈◊〉 of , much they desire to see but are contented with none , yet still requesteth you to turne about and reach h●r this thing or th●● thing , all which trouble is to no more purpose , but that 〈◊〉 your face is away from them , they may ●●ke aduantage to 〈◊〉 somwhat away from you , which at that instanc● she that is ●ext you failes not 〈◊〉 ●ffect , and closely conuayes it to her that stands of fit purpose a prety way off , thus hauing the pray they fish for , she modestly dis●ikes your wares , sayes she is sory shee has troubled you , she will now make bold to see further , and if she cannot speed her selfe better , she will returne to you againe , a●d whilest she is vsing this complement , sh●e withall opens her basket , shakes and begins to gather vp her cloth●● , and you seeing no occasion of mistrust , the one , laying all meanes to free suspition opens to you , and the other standing aloofe and not comming neere your wares , kindly bids them welcome & so part , you to the making vp of your wares againe ( and ten to one for that instant misse nothing ) and they to make away that purchase , and by the like to prouide for more . thus is many an honest cityzen robd , ten , nay perhaps , twentie times , vy the vildnes of this condition , and of long time mistrust nothing , but comming to cast vp his shop , findes his goods gone , and no acount to be made of them , he suspects his wife , distrusts his children , accuses his seruants , when these make pray of your endeuours , and consume your substance in as vild or vilder manner then they get it . another instruction learne , to auoyd these dangers by , at the coming in of two in this fashion , into your shop , though by your vigilance both in laying out & making vp of your wares , you are certaine there is nothing lost , yet of her that stands aloofe haue this foresight , that nothing lye within her reach , for while shee perceiues your eye to be diligent on her you are seruing , her eye is not idle to obserue what lyes at randome abroad , for thothey haue beene hole ●olts of hollād , peeces of taffety , or sattane probatum est , that many an honest man hauing had a care of y ● o●e , haue beene by the other whom they mistrusted not in the meane time deceiued , for sometimes , they will not come in as of one aquaintance , but when she perceiues you busied with the other , and cals hard for such wares which she knowes you , haue , whē you as loth to loose a customer , intreat her but to slay a litle & you will attēd her straight , she ●aies she will y ● other whō you are seuing there prolonges the time , and shee walking about about till shee has plaid her prise , in fit opportunity takes h●● leaue and saies shee will come againe when you are 〈◊〉 more leysure , and so at one time giues you the list and the slip , straight retires home to her copesmates , who neuer go● abroade vnles sometimes to be drunke but liue like ●wl●s , wh● in the day are wondred at and seldome seene but by night , when your goods are deuided , and you the honour for your neglect iested at . but if , as it is seldome they misse of their purpose , yet come they not home , without meanes to set some other pr●ie●● a foote , as by noting your dores sellors , windowes , casements , whether your seruants lye in your shop , and how they finde all things easily for entrance , or defensiue● against a burglary , y ● next night , when , with two or thrée men and a boy , the purposed act , as shall be after reuealed in what manner is vndertooke . these that thus steale , for there be of them , both men and women , are among them selues called running lifts , of which , there are that steale in another maner , and thus it is . if they perceiu● a nobleman or gentlemans dore opē , they will straight without asking presse in , and so far vp , euen to the fairest lodgings where if by chance they are met by any , and resisted with this question , who would you speake withall , they haue either of these two answeres , for their reply , pray you is not this such a ge●tlemans house , who dwelleth within a ●●re or two of , or is not such a gentleman within , whose lodging they know it is , & they themselues haue watcht his going out , but if as it often happeneth , they bee intercepted by none , what plate , apparell any thing of worth happens in their way ▪ it is 〈◊〉 to their net : for in things that are trifles , these will not venter , as i will now tell you of a trick that happened to a gentleman of worth , nere holborne , by one of this profession , and the shee théefe yet liuing , the more is the pitie . this gentlewomans maide being vp earely in y ● morning it was her chaunce to come out at the street doore , to go into y ● sellor to fetch coles or some other necessaries , she had presently to vse , w t this , she lift perceiuing , slept in & in an instant vp toward the chambers ( hauing prouided at for the purpose , on her feet , a paire of cloth 〈◊〉 with pump soles , so far was she climde ●til shee was at the chamber doore where the gentleman & his wife lay , as she suspected a sleep , for it was in the morning early , the maid● by this time was come out of the sellor , & going forwarde with her busines in the citchen misdoubted nothing : while she list●●ng at the chamber doore if she could heare all quiet , in the end went in , but it was the gentlemans chaunce at this time to be awake , and perceiuing betweene two curtens the glance of a woman to passe by , closed his eyes of purpose & lay breathing as if he had slept soundly to note the euent , when shee thinking all safe opened a presse doore that stood in the roome , & in which was the whole encrease of the gentlemans plate , and began to ●ather it out as charily , and with as much regard for bruising as it had bin her owne , first she filled this pocket , then y ● , t●entother , took vp this vpper cote then a second , then a third , euen to her very smoke , which the gentlman perceiuing he thought like bankes his horse , or the baboones , or captaine pold w●th his motion , shee would haue showne him some strange & monstrous ●ight for his siluer & guilt before she had left him , at last hauing fild some eight or ten deep pockets , too many for an honest body to beare , made the gentlman thinke she had made them a purpose to carry his plate in , downe went all her co●es as the seuerall couers of them , and hauing now left no more in the c●bbord ● but one faire bason and ewer out came that too , & being as charitably minded towards that as the rest , because it should not lie abroade and take cold , she g●ue it houseroome in her apron , which he that ought it percie●ing , said smilingly to himselfe , i see now that theeues haue no conscience , well she began to trusse vp her selfe , hoping for a boone voyage , & like a theefe as she came vp , to steale out of the chamber , mary better ballast by three or foure hundred pound then at her comming to that rode , when the gentleman stepping out of his bed● caught her by the arme , and cried halfe share in faith , for in this commody i haue playd a part and deserued it well , thankes bee to the diuill , shee had scarce so much yet as to blush at it , but in bréefe , he cald for his neighbors , vpon whose comming , his goods béeing sound about her , she was caried before a iustice , and from thence to prison , but whether of the gentlemans mercy , or what composition , i know not , ( but money can do much ) in three or foure daies , she outrun the kéepers , and was quit of her trouble , which makes poore cock watt to complaine , that such ●●ld théeues should haue better luck then honester men , and for that i know , let them haue neuer somuch mercie shewed them , they are still like dogs , redire ad vomitum , what though one broker , who had his beginning from an inch of this profession , is now become an honest man , because he is rich , and a fréeholder , he yet must be no president for the rest , for might i haue beene her iudge , shee should haue had her due , and ●anst derriks ●ance in a hempen halter . i my selfe haue liued in the same state , when i was a creature on earth , wherein they remaine , and i know , their custome so vilde , and life so abhorred , that i had rather chuse with those , whom circes transformed , to liue in the nature of bruit beasts , then to reassume my antient habite , and liue like them . another sort of these shee morts , or monsters . i must anatomise vnto you , who though their nature of stealing be alike , their maner of attēpting is different , yet their purpose one , & they are led glimerers . your glimerer , shée s vp in the morning betweene 5 or 6 of the clock , drest in her night attire her bodies and cotes scarce laced togither , her apron defusedly put on , & with a black brād in her hād , of the colour of her owne soule , which she caries vnder her apron , as if to kindle that , were her purposd busines , about stréete she goes , taking the like opportunity with the former , to goe into any house where she finds the doore open nay presumes further : if it be in the darkest winter mornings , to knock for admittance , if she but perceiue a light● when the mayd or man seruant , but most commonly y ● mayd , comming to know her arrand , she desires to haue leaue to kindle her stick , which vsuall curtes●e bé●ing granted , in she goes into the kitchen● and while her stick lies in the fire , as if she were a seruant : newly come to some gentleman or citizen thereabouts ( whome shee 〈◊〉 perfect to nominate ) she begins with that goships chat , which is familiar and in vse amongst ●atling houswiues , which is to discouer the humor , and manners of their maisters & mistresses , their forme of gouernment in their house , how they agrée , or disagrée , one with another , & in what order they must rub their roomes , wash , dresse meate , reckoning vp all the forme of her huswiferie , to kéepe her mistres 〈◊〉 quiet , ( when as she seldome meets it otherwise ) finding the other as ready to enquire and listen after nouelties , as she to offer , she begins to commend her cleanlines , and de●ence in keeping that house in so good order , praises the pillors of the building , the necessary contriuing of it , and offers her selfe to walke further into the next parlor , to haue more caus● to speake more in her commendation , when this mistru●●les soule , proud to heare her selfe praisde , & suspectlesse that she com●● for any other end but to kindle her sticke , keeps waitfull eye ouer her , but giues way to her presumption , which leaue giuen she has dispatcht that she came for in a twinckling , and neuer comes back empty handed , takes vp her sticke , giues some kinde farewell at parting , as i hope we shall meet at the backehouse , or market & be merry , or if you receiue on palme sunday next , i would be glad to haue your company , & so with her new purchase departs , the maide she followes her busines , and not long after , riseth her maister and mistres , when shortly whatsoeuer the vulture had before made gripe of , is mist , the maide accused for it , and the maister and mistres angring against her , they saw themselues their goods but late last night when they went to bed , and of her they must know what is become of them , y ● accused wretch she weepes , protests she knowes not , & vowes to her knowledge , nay she is certaine there came none in but such a gentlewomans maide , rehearsing her name , whose seruant she had named her selfe to be to kindle a brande , then whiles the maister ●rets and is suspitious that his maide is a thee●e , the seruant is a ielous y ● the maister or mistres haue béene théeues to themselues , & conuaide away their goods , with intent to defraud her of her wages , in y ● end the gentlewomans house before named is enquired alter , and the seruant examined , and not found to haue beene in the others house , as the accused● had inferd , the suspition growes more strong : for the maister knowes his goods to be lost , findes his seruant whom he suspects to faile in her answere , & doubting no such ●raudulent practise , as these drones haue inuented , imprisons his maide , ●ay somtimes as in case of a fellon , proceeds in ordinary tryall against her , that were not our graue bench of senators , preleous , & patrons of this comon wealth , carefull to distinguish betwixt partie and partie , the lambe might oftentimes perish for the wolues rauenings . so this i hope then shall be sufficient for maisters to giue admonishment to their seruants to be warie ouer them that come to kindle sparkes . by your leaue yet , and let your new discoueror wade a little further , and giue warning to merchants wiues and women of the best sort , to learne how to preuent this fresh practise inuented to deceiue them . there is a new company arising , though not yet halfe so many in maner , as y ● fellowship of the porters , & thus call themselues reachers , they walke togeither male and female , and keepe house together like man and wife , they will haue you a house to dwell at about endfield , brainford , or any place within 6. 7. or 8. miles of london , but withall kéepe a priuat lodging for them selues to retire vnto , at one brokers house or another in the suburbes , vpō the market daies these two come to towne ▪ she attired like a comely country woman , in cleanly white linn● with a muster on her face , and in russet clothes outward signes of the countries honest simplicity , & in her mawnd or basket which she beares on her arme , lapt in a pure white cloth , some fine tidy pig , fat goose , yong kid , orh aunch of venison , indéed any prouision but of the daintiest , which eyther she can buy for her money , or more probably her mate may steale from any , in this neat maner lapt vp , the ware it selfe of the delicatest , able to entice any eye to haue a desire to buy of her , comes she to make her markets , when lingring in the towne , at on place of receist or other , as they want no shelter t●●l toward y ● breaking vp of the market , which is much about y ● houre when exchange time is held for the m●ting of our merchants , when thus cōiecturing , as very profitable it is , that at that time our worthiest citizens are from home , they goe into milk-street , bread-street , lime-street , s. mary axe , or the most priuiest places where they kept their residence to make their ●enture , when she knocks at the doore , and demands of the seruant that comes whether her worshipfull good mistresse bee within , and whether it will be her pleasure , to buy of her , her goose , pig , kid , or whatsoeuer , when shewing it to the seruant , ( and she can do no other but commend it , ) she prayes her to expresse the purely of it to her mistres , that she may bargaine for it : for in truth sister , quoth she , we poore country folkes , dare not proffer any thing so dainty as this to the open view of the market , lest any one of spight , informe either the king , or my lord mayors officers thereof , and so our goods shall be taken from vs , we hauing not halfe the vallue returnd vs for recompence . with this reasonable and honest seeming preuention , the maide knowing her mistres to be of the minde of all our citizens gallant wiues , loth to let any dainties , or good thing go by from their owne tasts , which they either haue desire vnto , or may haue for money , though they pay neuer so deere & their husbands prooue bankerupts for it , wils her to come stand within the doore , which she indeede requests , left any catch-pole or busy knaue should se her , and so her commodity be forfeited , being as it is held vnlawfull , the sale to be offered not at the market , well the maide goes vp to informe her mistres , ( and withal takes the dainties along with her . whom she finds in her chamber , perhaps scarce redy , for t is growne a fashion amongst them to eate their breakfasts in their beds and not to be ready till halfe an houre after noone , about which time , their husbands are to returne from the bursse and they make it their dinner time , now while the mayde is aboue , flattering her mistres ( as flattery is a part of their worke , for why they haue their wages , with the delicasie of the offer and the cleanlines of the country woman , which brought it to be sold , the fox beneath 〈…〉 what pray she can espy , to carry home to her den , whē 〈◊〉 hole piles of broad clothes , cearses , or such like commodities , too burthensome for any one to suspect a lone woman could defra●d you of she straight beckens ouer her companion , who stands ready at an inch , & being a quicke good sturdey knaue , with a hand shifts a way one of them . this is no surmise , there is merchants in this towne , by the losse of commodities 20 ● thicke can witnesse it well , by this time the gentlewoman has lik● that which was brought her , cals for , and commends the country womans cleanlinesse , bargaines with her at her owne rate , and requests shee may see her chap-woman on the like occasion , by this also has my porter , though without the badge of the porters hall , brought his burthē to the brokers house ▪ where béeing once put in : t is an abisse too bottomlesse for any search to reach out againe . o your cloth is good ware , it may be cut out into seuerall garments , by this also my marchants come home , where soone taking note of his losse , it makes his wiues markets eate not half so sauery as they would haue done , yet in the end ●ends for a cup of sack , and comforts himselfe with this , that i in his behalfe , would admonish theword , foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum . and this much for my order of lists , which i hope shall be a caueat sufficient for courtiers , to haue a care of their chambers , gentlemen their lodgings , citzens their sho●s , chapmen to haue an eye at their faire , and by diligence , defend that hereafter which by these meanes heretofore hath béene their hinderance . now to our foysts , alias , pickpocket , alias cutpurse , he has as many alias as a good gentleman of wales ▪ and indéede is as good a benefactor to the alehouse hee consists of an army of three strong ▪ namely , foystes and snaps , his common wealth to liue in , or ground to encamp in , is the antient great grand father powles , & all other little churches his children , besides parish garden , or rather ( places of more benefit ) publick , & by your leaue priuat play houses westminster hall is his good soyle , the dark entry going to the six clarcks office , in chancary lau● his in the tearme time his deere and speciall good friend , london bridge his bountifull benefactor , all markets are his pur●eiors , and carefully prouide for him all faires his diligent factors , that bring him in his prouision in abundance , all pockets his exchequor , that are neuer shut against him , progr●sses his true paymaisters , though they pay seldome-in y ● court or cock-pit , though the king himselfe be there , he dare incounter , he pri●e●●●ges no person , nor no place exempt with him , only the exchange excepted , for saies he , where merchants méete , is no méeting for vs , if they once take vs , we are sure tog● to the old turn , for they are men deale all with great store of money , & very little mercy , the times when his skirmishes are hottest , is y ● time when they run attilt , is the day the lord mayor takes his oath , a new play , or whē some great cause is hard at the star chamber , now for the person himselfe that dus pick the pocket , and his ministers about him that giue furtherance to the action . know at a new play , he is alwaies about the playhouse do●e , watches out of which side you draw your purse , & then gessing whether the lyning be worth the ventring , for that serues his turne , if hee see you buying of ware at any stall or shop , hee obserues when you pay for t , on which side you put your purse , and that serues him likewise , if in a throng he thus comes to knowledge whether your pocket be worth the sacking or no , if you be a man that once appeare likely to him , hee gathers iust behind , or on the side of you , and there clapping his hand easily on the place where the bottome of your pockets are , poyses them with all , and by the waight getteth how well they are ballast , if he bée a countryman that comes from far to the tearme , or one that dwels not farre from london , or seruingman , such either to bestow money , if he walke without a cloake , as for the most part they will , two of them méete him at a corner ▪ and only with streaking of their hands on his hose , gesse whether this bayle be worth the nibling at , nay perhaps at the first encounter , gaue it the draught , but this happens not alwaies the generall . then thus . when they haue once agréed , which is the coue they will ●asten on , if it be in a throng or gasing after any obiect to delight you , the stall he gets before you , and there he rings himselfe too & fro , while the foyst dooing as much behind , they both disquiet you , & the one picke your pocket . if they follow you in the stréet , and once know where the bung and the bit is , as much as to say , your purse and the money , out goes your stall before likewise , when comming at a corner , by which you must passe , being direct before you , stoopes of the sudden , as if to take vp somwhat , when the other as néere behinde you , as if hee were to passe by in hast , ius●es you vppon to ther , and withall drawes your purse : thus rather then fayle , will he follow you , and offer vpon you twice or thrice , if he misse at the first of his purpos● al this while , now you shall sée like a scout , he come after a loofe , watching , if any stranger were suspitious of you in the iusle , or the man himselfe , which if he finds and you before haue sped then comes he apace after you , and ere the man in that space , has time to miss● his purse , and come after you , he glides by the foyst , with these words , kinchen the coue toures , which is as much as , fellow the man smokes or suspects you , when the foyst slips the purse either to him or the stall , & feares not to be searcht , nay vpon the challenge will so out-face the party : and stand vpon his credyt , beeing sure there is nothing to be found about him , and the rest gone : that the honest man is rather ready to aske him mercy then accuse him : and now i will tell you a prety tale of a foyst , whose unpudent euent happened at charing crosse , not long since . their liued a foyst in this towne , whose gettings by the trade was so good , that he kept his punck , though he called her his wife : in none worse ware , then taffeties and ueluet of the best , and himselfe more like a rich knight , then a kua●ish cutpurse : and indéed the comlinesse of his feature and faire behauiour , was so answerable to the brauery of his apparels , that it procurde him accesse into the worthiest places , nay oftentimes made him estéemed as a companion with the best , this fellow seing a good lusty seruingman , & one hopefull to haue some purchase in his pocket would serue his turne , if he could get it , stept to him , and as he wisht gaue him a little iustle : and withall , twicht 3 ● out of his pocket , the seruingman , who but new before had ●ought a peny worth of pares , and ●pon this thrust , ●lapping his r●and to his side and ●ist his purse , stept after the loy● , and rouded him , what do you here gentleman ? ( for by his apparell he apear●d no lesse ) though i put vp your iustle , i wold bee loath ●o haue you put vp my purse , there is thrée pound in it , come let me hat it againe and no more words out , the pickpurse vpon this challenge began to reuile the honest fellow , calling him rogue , ●laue , knaue , and i know not what , to charge a gentleman , of my fashion with thy purse , as they were at these words , being spoke against a great faire house , where some great personage dwelt , comes me a coatch whirring on the suddaine , and there made a stand , to discharge his burthen at that lodging , when as the lady dismounted , the foyst béeing exceeding gallant , tooke occasion by the hand , stept to her , caught her by the arme , and lead her in , leauing the f●llow in a muse , whether he were awake , and might assertaine himselfe , he had lost his money or no. the foyst by this time had brought in the lady , where after some curtes●e discharged , stept to her , kist her and departed , leauing the gentlewoman in as strange wonder who it should bée had done her that present seruice , and blaming her memory y ● she should forget in what place was begun their acquaintance . ( when indéede her eies and his did neuer parle together before ) yet gessing by his habite , he could be a man worthy of no lesse then that kindnesse , a kisse which she had receiued , she past it ouer . by this time the foyst was come back to the seruingman , & roūdly began to tell him , that now he had brought in his honourable aunt , he should know he had done him wrong , to charge him with his purse , he would fight with him , y●●ellow séeing him selfe thus outfaste out of himselfe , and holding it his best to proceede no further , replyed , it he had done him wrong , ● r he was sory for t , but howsoeuer hee was sure thrée pound he had when 〈◊〉 ius●ed him , and hee was as sure t was hee ius●ed him , and withall answered the foyst , i am as sure thou presumptuously didst challenge me for it , and i am sure i will fight with thee . the fellow halfe angred for the losse of his money , entertaind this offer : and into tuttle fields they went where they had not changed past halfe a dussen thrusts , but the foyst had hurt him in the arme , and so they gaue ouer , but ere they parted , the foist puts his hand into his pocket , told out twenty shillings of his money , and speaking to the fellow , sayd that hee should see hee would proue himselfe a gentleman , since he had but him , there was so much for him , & so sent him to the chirurgio●s , the seruingman praysing his resolution and minde of a gentleman , they so parted , the seruingman with thanks , and the foyst with this impudent bost . if this were not a trick to shift a foole . a more knaue learne mee , and i le go to schoole . but now to the manner of the foysting of a pocket , the sharing of the money , and how honest men may auoide them . first know your pocket is drawne vp , that he may the easier come by your purse with two fingers , onely the fore-finger and the middle , and with that forke , he cetches hold not of the lining , nor on the side next your skin , but the other : for if hee should faste● on that ne●t your thigh , he were in danger you would feele him sooner then on the other . when hauing drawne your pocket vp , till he can reach your purse , it is then gon with the least twitch nay by this meanes of drawing , if your money be loose , they will turne you the case cleane out , and the bit , into their hands , now for the sharing of this bit , as they call it , your stall is equall part with your foyst , if the foyst his none , which is shift some aside , ere they come to sharing , but your snap has his wages at their discretion . for the manner to auoide them , though their cunning bee great , it is very easie , which is , if euer you take any , to hang them , and let not this composition preuaile with you , for that meane of compounding with the aduersarie , hath béene like an vsher to ●enstole in this mysterie of cutting of purses , embol●ned many schollers , and increast their number , and also to bee gog●uernd by these instructions , if béeing in a crowd you perceiue a busy knaue , or cunnin● whore , ( for wee haue shee foysts as well as hée ) labouring and thrusting about you , how gallant so euer they bée in apparrell ) and the male haue alwaies one side of his cloke cast ouer his shoulder , for that 's the perfect badge to know a pick-pocket in a throng by , séeme either not at all to regarde him , till you take him in the trap , or else looke once or twise eagerly vpon him , then l●●ke away , and then léere at him , kéeping your hands downe on the ●ide of your pockets , when presently he will perceiue himselfe to be smoked , or at least , in his guilty conscience suspect himselfe , and so shew from you , from whence you may take note of him for one o● the trade , and for that time are rid of a knaues company . if going through the stréete , or standing at some corner , your purse be attempted with a iustell , vpon the touch , haue this in remembrance straight to search , if you misse nothing , when , if you finde your purse wanting , spare not to apprehend him that iu●led you , and him that stood next before you , when though they will appeare to you to haue no acquaintance , you shall finde them a kinne in conuersation , when they come to newgate . now if he haue mist his hold , and the snap that stood c●ntinell or comes after , perceiues you vppon the shoue together , to your pocket to féele for your money , then hastens he after you with his old lesson , kinchen the coue towres you , which is so ●ufficient a warning he will not angle with you after . among the profession of theeuing , this kinde is held the ba●est , as your lawyer , whole course is so sufficiently knowne i shall neede to speake of , is held the worthiest , yet among them selues they reckon if the best , bosting thus of it , wee are not troubles in our venter , with luggage , as your millure quasi breakehouse , and others are , which is dangerous to put away : but wee as soone as wee haue done our worke , we haue our money . thus hoping that this instruction will in citie and country , fayers , and méetings , to kéepe honest mens money in their purses , and pickpockets , poore cock vvatt will onely discouer a word or two of the mill , quasi breakhouse , and so go to bed , you mill or breakhouse , to whome your broker is your onely vpholder , and merchant to transport his commodities , whereas all other théeues worke in the day , hee onely sleepes in the day and toyles in the night , there is of these as of foysts and lifts , both men and weomen , whose instruments are either little iron hookes , which are called picklocks , and they that vse thē termed iunglers or a strong iron barre made sharpe at one end , and they which trade with that , are called mils , withall a boy to créepe in at a crushard or small hole , which they make or finde . the time that they go forth , is about one or two a clock in the morning , at which houre commonly the watches are discharged . they lightly set forth foure in number , of which the boy is one , when if they haue in the day taken note of any casement , without a speere going vp in the middle , if there be either signe-post , or pent-house about , thither doe they vpp●n their hands and shoulders lift vp the boy , who beeing brought vp for the purpose , presently créepes in , then two of them beneath go to stand centinell at each end of the stréete , and the third waites to receiue whatsoeuer the boy shall throw out . if they breake a sellor or a shop window , they doe the like , but it alwaies followes not , that these burglaries haue a boy : for somtimes they are all men , but then are they associated with an excelling iugler , a fellow that will pick you open a lock , as soone as a man will blow his nose , he has the power of gun-pouder , he will blow them open , but not with halfe so much noyse . this fellow opens the dore , if not bolted on the inside , & makes easie entrance , who where euer they finde to the fullest burthen , they take away , the distribution whereof , this is some parte to the punck , and the rest to the broker . now if this robbery shall extend to forty , fifty , or a hundred pound , if none of it be money , but apparrell or commodities she is so imbusied away in the suddaine , so altered , so transported from one to another , that if the looser take not his theeues , within two or thrée daies , he shall find his goods bought & sold , metamorphosd into so manie seuerall shapes , and sold for so litle at the first , this little but their liues will bee his recompence , a plague of these brokers , priuat buyers , priuie receiuers , saies cock watt , they haue giuen me c●use in time past to curse them my selfe , & my hart will not let me be sory for them . they make me theirs in england , then your owers , and schullers dus land men vpon the thames , your iuglers exercise besides , this is picking open the locks as partakers and chesse them , but those that kéepe innes , & haue their riches in one ro●me haue a cut of them ▪ for your other sort of mils i haue set downe the characterie o●t , aduise all men whose shops & houses are not together , to let a seruant lie there : for they stand dangerous , such as haue low windowes , as though a story high without a spare , in the midst to all them , & if there be a paint-house vnder any window , to leaue nothing they respect there ouer-night , least they say they had it in the morning . and thus wishing the happinesse of honest men , and the end of théeues . cock watt bid● you . god ●ight . the miserie of a prison , and a prisoner . this ghost ( that haunts no places but houses of calamitie ) béeing weary of beholding so much villany though not weary in discouering it was about to go to rest , & to walk no more aboue earth , but to retire to this discomfortable and gloomy shades ( vnder-ground whither all such troubled spirits ( after the second cock crowing ) hasting to be assembled . but glyding by a darke and dolefull lo●ging ( for it was about midnight ) it suddenly stopt at the sound of a voice which sorrow ( who seldome layes her eies together ) sat vp heauily playing vpon so late , & filling the vast roome with nothing but lamentations . cock watch darted a sudden glaunce in at a cranny to obserue what it was , and beeing delighted with the obiect , stept back behind certaine curtaines of cobweb lawne , which spiders had hung there most richly , and there hid himselfe , appearing ( not by the thousand part of the least fraction ) halfe so big as the glymering of a sextons candle , standing ouer a country church yard in a black and silent night , when the twinckling of it is scarce discernd the distance of some mile or two off . the thing that complained , was a man : that for age , would haue séemed reuerend , but that care ( who sat at the be●s head turning his haires into whitenesse with too ill handling of it , made his countenance appeare miserable , and discontentedly was hée throwne vpon a poore and vnhansome pallat : in his face were the ruines of youth , in his garments , of time : in both , the triumphs of pouer●y , his armes were seuentimes folded together , like a withered garland of willow , worne carelesly by a forsaken louer : sometimes did he vnwinde them , but then did his handes cla●pe each other so harde , that betwéene them they embraced many witnesses , for now his eyes stood ( like floating islands compassed rownde with waters : his chéekes like bankes to riuers , eaten hollow by cruell torrents . had aduers●ty ( with whom hee fought long ) not giuen him any one of these scarres to be knowne by , it might easily be iudged hee was a wretch , for he was a prisoner . and albeit the rest of that wretched and forlorne houshold , where hee lay , knowing what happinesse they were to loose in the world , by want of their liberty , gladly suffered themselues , ( like these whose limmes are to be cut of by chirurgions , ) to be cast into drepe and lethaean slumbers , and so to take away all sense of their paine , yet hee hauing his heart ( like corat whilest it is vnder water ) continually , soft by the teares , that inwardly dropt vpon it , was more tender ouer his affliction , and because he had sometimes beene a scholer , though hee could reade comfort to himselfe out of his owne librarye , ( which was his memorie ) yet woundes are gri●uous when they receiue them , euen to those that can cure them , discord seemes most harsh to the musition , and calamity most irkesome to the gentle nature , such was his , it should seeme , and therfore such was his condolement . oh most miserable spectacle of creatures that i am , the wide and vniuersall world was made ( as a goodly orchard ) for thee to walke in , yet art thou denied to treate vpon three times so much grounde as must one day couer thee . thou we●t borne free but art likly to dye a slaue , yee and to dye in the worser state of slauery , and whereas that but in a prison● better had it beene for thee to haue beene the sonne of a common begger , for it then thou hadst beene smitten by the lawe , the houres of thy punishment would quickly haue runne out : but these are like shelues of sande growing in riuers neuer to be taken away , so long hast thou worne the fetters of miserable thraldome , that thou canst scarce remember that there is such a thing as libert●e . thy dayes haue gone ouer thee like the dreames of a foole , thy nights like the watchings of a mad man , numberlesse are thy haires , numberlesse therefore must needes be thy sorrowes : for at euery haires end doth hang a sorrow . oh sacred libertie ! with how little deuotion doe m●n come into thy temples , when they cannot bestowe vpon thee too much honour ? thy embracements are more delicate then those of a yong bride with her louer , and to be deuorced from thee is halfe to be damned ? for what else is a prison but the very next doore to hell : it is a mans graue , wherein he walkes aliue : it is a sea wherein he is alwaies shipwrackt , it is a lodging built out of the world , it is a wildernes where all that wander vp and downe grow wilde , and all that come into it are deuoured , it is an vnsa●●able gulfe , a feadomelesse wherlepit , an euerlasting scaffold on which men go dayly to execution , it is the caue where horror dwels , it is a bed of terror , no , no , it stands not next doore to hell , but it is hell it selfe : for soules lye languishing and cannot dye . the keepers of i● are churlish , and so are diuills , the officers of it tormentors , and what are torments ? goeth not a man therefore toward hell when hee is leade to a prison ? for alacke what are the comforts hee meetes , there his wife and children grieue him , when hee beholdes them , his kinsefolkes grow blinde and cannot see him , his friendes are stricken deafe and cannot heare his mones , they vpon whose company hee spent his coyne and credit , will not come neere the sight of that cold harbor where he lies , whliest others that fed him with wholesome councell do now laugh at his folly for refusing that good dye● . what musicke hath he to cheer● vp his spirites in this sadnes none but this , he heares wretches ( equally miserable ●reaking their heart-strings , euery night with grones , ●uery da● with sighes , euery houre with cares : the meate heates doth ●ake him pine , his drinke is vnto him as a poyson , if he haue money he shall there soone consume it , if he want it , be must be sure to consume himselfe , how cruell therefore is death in striking the rich man amongst his heapes of gold , in drowning the voluptuons man in his drye cups of wine , in damning the letcher in the fires of his l●st but how much more cruell is he to the poore prisoner only in sparing him . when kne●s ring out ( abroade ) for ioy that soules haue made a voyage to heaue● , what sorrow is amongst them that were by at the leaue taking , what shrikes are heard from the wiues , because they are become widdowes ? what sobbings frō the children , because they are become orphanes , what complaints from seruants , because they are left comfortlesse , what 〈…〉 flow from friends , because societie is broken : yet euen then when the warning peeces of men so newly departed from the shores of life , go● off , the languishing prisoner lying on his melancholy bed , abruptly shakes off al other cogitations , and as one wrapt with ioy for his friends good fortune , suddenly cryes out to himselfe , oh happy man art thou , that by the hands of death art thus set at libertie ; but most vnfortunate am i that coue●ing him day and night , i can no wayes get into his fauour . a prison shure is so dreadfull a place that death feares 〈…〉 it , the grates are so strong and so narrow , & the lockes so full of wardes and so many , the roomes so wide , and so vnwholsome , the beds so pestered with guests , and yet so old , the dyet so costly and yet so sparing , the family so great and yet so vnruly , that death would thinke it more then double death to himselfe to abide in so strange a lodging , or else men that are compelled to lye there are such forlorne and miserable wretches , that death scornes to be seene in their company , yes , yes , it is so . dulce noui miseris ●ed mors optata re●ug it , these latin bullets , were shot so heauily out of the olde mans mouth , ( like the songs of fidlers when they bée ouer-watcht ) that sleepe hearing him so wrongd by his brother ( death ) and taking pittie on his greefes , layd charmes vppon the lids of his eies , and bound them fast vp in slumbers . at which our nymble ignis fatuus , that all this while stood centinell in a darke corner , vanisht out of that place and like a péece of fire-worke running on a line , was , ( in the turning of an 〈◊〉 , ) at another , ( whether if you please ) let vs follow him . a paradox in praise of sergiants , and of a prison . our newgate-bird ( whose notes you haue heard before ) spreading his dragon-like wings , ( which with a horred & a fainting sound , brake open the ayre before him ) rested himselfe in his flight , on he tops of many other pollutes houses , and looking downe ( sometimes through chimneys , and sometimes in at dormer windows that stood gaping wide open to swallow vp the ayre , ) he beheld a thousand synnes , that in the shapes of bats , skréech-owles , and such other ominous mid night-walkers , wasted the bawdy night in shameles and godlesse reuilings , but in the day-time , like snailes they lye couer'd , hiding in causes their vgly and deformed heads . of all which hee taking notes , with purpose to sing their liues openly to the world , when he is perfect in their tunes , hee spent all the next day in a theeuish thicket , not far from the citie , to practise the straynes by himselfe , but the sun going to bed , being his houre to rise , forth flutters he amaine , close by the edge of darknesse houering vnder the e●ues of the suburbs , till hee heard watchmen cald to their browne bils , & till vintners were rea●y to adiourne their sessions , and to araigne no more at their fearefull barres till the next morning : iust at that time ( being much about the houre when spirits begin their round ) did he enter the citie , and passing by a tauerne doore , he might behold a tumultuous crew , ( like drunken waues ) reeling from one side to the other ; the whirlewinde that raiz'd this tempest , beeing nothing else then the clapping of one on the shoulders that was watcht for when he came out of his cup , you would haue thought the allarum had beene giuen , and that the citie had béene in an vprore , for you might heare the clashing of swords , the hacking of bils , and such a confuses noise , as if all the diuels in hell had fallen together by y e eares . some cald for more lights , others to put out , some cryed clubs , others to strike him downe , those then had the greater part swore , all shewed as if they had bin mad , yet on they went , holding a kinde of orderly procéeding in this disorder . cock-watch followed them aloofe by the noyse , till he came to one of the counpter gates , which presently flew open mor● suddenly , then if they had béene blowne vp with powder , and as suddenly were ●ard vp againe : at which the thunder-bolt brake , that kept before such a rumbling , rash phaeton , that set a●● on fire , was throwne headlong into a lodging , the fury of the multitude was quencht , and euery one went to his pillow . onely the good daemon , whose nature it was to sit out she very last sceine , of such tragi-comedies , followed the cheife actor ( that played this ) euen vp into his bed-chamber , where he was fast enough lockt all night , to rehearse his parts by himselfe . the waking cock had softly clymbd vp to such another roost , as he sat vpon the night before , for the inne was all one , but the guests were not alike . this was not an old souldier , that had bene beaten to the wars of calamity , ( as the former was ) & béeing wounded in thē● lay now sick and groaning on his bed for cures : but this was a first man in the schoole of the world ; a gallant that had spent much , and learnt little , one whose outside onely shewd he was a gentleman , ( for within the sumptuous tombe of him , was nothing but carcas ) it was one vnto whome vsurers , and citizens would offer vs golden and silken robes ( as once the heathen did to the images of their gods ) because they knew he was borne to actes , and now to make him wise , and to take héede what pasture he breakes into next , haue they put him ( like a iade into a pownd ) into a prison . where , ( because this was the first time that hee euer came to the ten-penny ordinarie ) he went cu●s●ng vp and downe to thinke himselfe so base to leaue that by paules-wharfe , to come in to this : he bid the crosses of the plaine in all merters bookes , wisht he had neuer beene brought vp like a gentleman , to this writing and reading , damnd scriueners & bond-makers to the déepest pit of hell . stampt , stared , tore his haire , called for faggots and wine . misusde the kéepers , and cryed to euery one of them , doe you heare goodman rogue , yet swore to make them drunke , but they making many lyes in mockery to his good worship , counsaild him to take his naps , and so were ready to turne the key vpon him , and their tailes both at one time , but he stroaking vp a handfull of his ha●re in diuerse parts of his heace , as if he had some great matter there to fetch out , & thumping the table with his f●st : as if he had beene coniuring vp a diuill , cald for pen and inke , and vowde that might not to lye in the streetes of captiuitie . the instruments of learning being set before him , and the roome cleared after fiue or six paire of oathes were spet forth ( like wild-fire ) to thinke how hee was taken like a woodcocke ( beeing in the company of the onely gallants ) and how he was drayde along , and how scuruily he was vsde in words : hée sharply began to rayle against sergiants , because they knew not their gamoth , neither had any mus●ck in them , & yet durst presume to teach him , ( that was a gentleman ) one of the chiefest notes in musick viz. counter tenor , he swore he would haue the statute of garbling sued vpon them for offering mace to men that was able to poysen them , as for marshals men , the blacke booke did neuer so tickle them as he would . the next heard whose heades like mad aiax he uowed to cut off , were bailifes , he calde them poore snakes that lye in euery corner at the townes endes , to sting passengers to death , if they slumble but vpon them , and comparde them to hornets & great humming flies , that are bred out of cowshards , yet held them the basest go●lins that walked vp and downe the suburbs , because they were buttery-bugs , that lay scouting only in bawdy and beggerly 〈◊〉 houses . the linstock that gaue fire to these canon threats of our yong colonell of cockneyes , against thrée such mighty commanders , was kindled partly out of his feare , and partly out of an intelligence that both citie and country were layd for him , and that pur●ies and liberties had mousetraps set to catch him ; but looking , well vpon the smoaky wals , and the singed roofe of his lodging and remembring that he was but in one of the counters , he resolued to put on the cloake of mercie , and to spare the two last for a time , but to drawe out the sworde and dagger of his iustice , and to stab home the first for arresting him , and cooping him vp , ( like poultry ware , ) and they were the sergeants . against them would he write inuectiues satyres , lybals , rimes , yea causeth such iambicks as archilocus made against lycambes , or such stuffe as hipponap , the painter of ephasus : this very inke should be squ●azed out of the guts of toades : his pens should be cut out of indian canes after the heads of them were poysoned , and his paper made of the filthy lin●en rags that had beene wrapt about the infected and vlcerous bodyes of beggers , that had dyed in a ditch of the pestil●nce . but behold , nocte pluit tota , redeunt spectacula mané . it thundered and lightened all night , yet was it a faire day the very next morning for furious tamberlaine , who as you heard , was cutting out 3 sorts of banners for his 3 sworne enem●es , he had ●●arce taken a nap ouer his i●ck pot that stood iust vnder his nose , whilest he leaned on his elbow writing out crabbed faces as he studied for bitter words to begin his execrations . but into his chamber came these ; who the night before , as he thought made him to suffer persecution : they gaue him the kinde good morrow , told him where his cloake and rapier were , protested they were sorry for him or any gentleman whose vnrulines inforces them to vse them hardly , and that for his arrest they could not preuent it , nor refuse it , because the creditors were at their elbowes , yet would they ride or runne , and do any office of friendship to worke his deliuery , and to shew how much they deserued to comfort him , they askt him what he would drinke next his heart , but he that not an houre before had nothing but daggers in his mouth , leaps about their neeks , cals them mad greekes , tru● troians , commands a gallon of sacke & suger to vs burnt for the sergiants , and musc●dell , and ●gges to bruise for the yeamen , empties his pockets of tobacco to both , drinkes a health to them all , & sweares he will ouer into the low countries , and for loue or money get a captains place , ( though he neuer be a souldier ) only to make them sergiants of his company : and whereas before their comming into his roome , he had a foolish humor to pistoll them with paper-bullets shot out of pen & i●ke-hornes , he proteseth ( with his eyes lifted vp to heauen , higher then his heade ) that now he will waite palinodes recantations , and retractions , yea he will presently eats his owne words , though he were sure like earle goodwines dri●ke they should choake him , and therefore because he felt the diuine sury créeping into his braine , he requested them ●o play off the sacke and begon , for he would instantly powre out a parodox to their praises , which should do them more honour when they were deade , then twentie epitaphes , they thankt him for his paines , and in requitall promist to deale with his philistines . ( his creditors ) that are now come vpon him , to see if they could take them off , and so departed , their backes being turnde , thus he beginnes . what a ranke pagon am i to wish distruction to this temple of peace . what in●idels are all you ( for by this 〈◊〉 all that lay on the maisters side were swarming about him , ) what in●idels are all you , that cannot be brought into a beleefe , that there is no place of safety but a prison ? looke vpon your lodgings , looke vpon your walkes , looke vpon your b●llwarkes , looke vpon any thing that is worth the looking vpon , and you may safely sweare no lord liues such a life as a prisoner , for note by what staires he climbes vp to his state . at his first entrance is hee led through the stréetes in pompe , and the more coyle he kéepes , ( i speake it by experience , my braue garnish dri●kers , vpon rest●rnights worke ) the more gallantly comes he in triumph , for then clubbes are cryed , hath hee his g●arde of ha●berders , then doe an hundred of uoluntaries follow at his heeles , when before he could scarce keepe one man , beeing entred , the gates are strongly shut , and there stands his porters and double porters , all whom he keepes in fée : his cookes are ready to prouide his diet , if his purse haue a stomach ; his clarkes likewise are attendant in their offices , and all these do liue by him , when he goes to bed , so carefull are they ouer his life , and his foorth comming againe , that he cannot lye downe but he is watcht . how worthy therefore are they to lye by the heeles , that dare not come neere a prison , and are ashamed to enter it , because t is giuen out that none shall lye there but swaggerers and banckerupts , that it is a place of ill husbandrie , a receptable for theeues , a drinking house for beggers , and that though a man commit all the uillanies that are set downe in the chronicles , yet there he shall be sure to ly● safe . but oh you that thus goe about to slander such ancient house , ( which you cannot doe , how much do you ouershoot your selues ? is not a prison the only best schoole , ( foundded by our fore-fathers ) wherein is learnt experience ? experience bréeds wisedome , vvisedome is mother to honour , honour to riches , riches to hearts●ease , so then on the tree of thraldome , you see you may gather the fruits of cont●utation . i speake this to the comfort of all captaines , and l●i●tenants , whome a little swelling of warre , makes proude , and the lazinesse of a peace , makes arrant beggers , and where can they appoint a better rander-vous , than in a prison ? i speake it for the good of all yong quats , who ( béeing sent vp by the honest farmers ( their fathers ) to bee turned into gentlemen by finding the law , study onely how to moote , that is , how to cast all their feathers , and to what nest can they fly , to lye warme in , and to hide their nakednesse , but into this goodly bird-cages ? o you that are the poets of these sinfull times , ( ouer whome the players haue now got the vpper hand , by making fooles of the poore country people , in driuing them like flocks of géese to ●●t cackling in an old barne : and to swallow downe those playes , for new , which here euery punck and her squire ( like the interpreter and his poppet ) can rand out by heart , they are so stale , and therefore so stincking ▪ i know the lady pecunia and you come very hardly together , & therefore trouble not you vpon this ancient theater , you present , your tragicall sceines , for here you shall be sure to be clapt , nay your mercenary soldiers , or you that are the switzers to players ( i meane the hired men ) by all the prognostications that i haue sêene this yeare , you make but a hard and a hungry liuing of it , by strowting vp and downe after the waggon ; lea●e therefore o leaue the company of such as lick the fat from your heards ( if you haue any ) and come hether , for here i know you will bée sharers . lastly o you citizens , & you whose craft lies in your hands , it may go warmer to your harts than sack , or aqua vitae , whē you shall know that ( by kéeping in your shops , plaugy vacations and lame termes , that haue their lymbs cut off . ) you your selues are scarce able to stand , yet that ( here ) you may imploy your stocks ; for in a prison men of all trades , of all professions , may set vp , by the customes of the citie . but admit these castles of no comfort ( as the ignorant vulger termes them ) had no such appropriations , charters , nor priuiledges belonging to them , and that they had not such ordinance in them , nor were so well mand , as they are : yet the very martiall discipline , by which they are held vp , is sufficient ●alone● to ●iue them superlatiue commendations . for what place of gouernment ( in any cōmon-wealth ) doth more resemble a campe than a prison ? the keepers of it , and the vnder-keepers , and the colonels and captains , and they cōmand all : then haue sergiants , and they double the fyles : them haue you clarcks of bonds , and they be attorneys : then haue you serieants , and they double the fyles : then haue you clarks of the bonds , and they be attorneys , clarcks , who fly out and in , and discouer to the besieged prisoner how the enemies hart ( his creditor ) lyes misconcde in hardnesse , or with what powre of councellors , witnesse , petty or grand iury men , hee comes marching downe to giue him battaile , then haue you pioners , and they be the ●ame messengers ( of the house ) who with paper instruments ( cald tickets ) hobble from place to place , to vndermine friends abroad , to try what they will doe , and these may properly as i saide before , be called pioners , for these help to dig out the prisoner . nay a prison does yet come nearer to a campe , by many degrées , & can shew farre more noble markes of it than the former : for prisoners lye as hard as soldiers , drinck as hard as soldiers , sweare as hard as souldiers , goe as tattered as soldiers , are as louzy as soldiers , as discontent as soldiers , go cursing vp and downe as brauely as soldiers , and to conclude , are as little regarded as soldiers . how much then are we beholden to them that kéepe vs here in pay ? nay what thancks are they worthy of , that put vs vnto so strong a garrison , and who be those but serieants ? serieants are the cunning pilots that in all stormes bring men safely to these hauens of peace and contemplation : the compasse they saile by , is the law , which is toucht by the loadstone of reason ; the poynts of that compasse , are the customs of the cittye , vppon which whosoeuer kéepes not directly , he runs himselfe on the sands , and so sincks , or vpon rocks , and so splits . serieants are those nymble-footed cenii , that walke at mens elbowes ( on either side , one ) to kéepe them vpright . they are neither russians nor turkes ( though some count them ) that beat ill debterson the shinnes , or on the soles of their féete ( like e●ecutioners ) to make them confesse the debt , but ( knowing how coldly an ill word from their mouth goes to a mans hart , ( when any by chance fall into their company , they presently play the phisitions , and counsell him to step into a zauerne , & to drinck wine to comfort his poore hart , or if wine doe no good , then to send for his friends aboute him , to try if the sight of them can make him any better , and this is an act pitious and charitable . so that to a man that is meatefyed in flesh , and whose state ( in this world ) is desperate , a sergiant may serue instead of a deaths head , to put him in minde of his last day , and what hee is to come to . they are called in latine ( and so set downe vppon records seruientes ad clauum : and most properly haue they that title bestowed vpon them : for clauus hath many fields quartred out in herauldry , and all are the ensignes of a sergiants armes , some times clauus signifies a nayle , and fitly may they challenge a dignity by that word , for they are naylers of mē to their words , promises , contracts , bills , bonds , & reckonings , they ioyne them to the grounds of the law and iustice , from whence ( like vnseasoned boards that warpe and fly out ) they would ( but for them ) start and reuolt● sometimes clauus is taken for a key , and thereby likewise haue they an atcheiuement of honor : for what are sergiants but strong keyes ( that can hardly bee broken ) to open mens harts and make them looke into their estates and by looking to know themselues , which the philosopher saith is the onely wisedome in the world , and the hardest to learne , clauus is also a club , the double propertie of which is in euery officer , for his duety is ( & so is his oath ) to beate downe wrong and to guard the right ; he must as soone strike the rich , as the poore , and be as ready to take the poore mans part , as the rich , he is like death to spare no man. all which attributes , necessarily depend vpon his function , and because no one word could simply in it selfe expresse them all , they were made vp into one lūp or masse together , and of them all ( beeing so compounded ) is made the serieants mace , which is nothing else but the badge of his place , and figure of his authority . what should i say more of sergiants , though i cannot speake too much of them ? they are the painfullest members of the common wealth : they are the lawes factors , the citisens men of warre , that bring in bad dettors , who like pir●tes haue seizd vpon others goods , as lawful prize : they are the scriueners good lords and maisters , they are relieuers of prisons , good benefactors , to vintners hall : they are kéepers of yong gentlemen , from whorehouse , and driuers of poore handy-crafts men , from bowling allies , in one word they are the only bringers-home of y ● prodigall child , to feede vpon veale after he hath liued vpon acorns . the officers that by reason of the burnt sack went forth with hye cullors before , are now in smoaking clowdes of sweate returned back againe , as if it had béene iust their qu. to enter at the fag end of their commendations : the newes that they brought ( vno ore ) and which they vttred with a hye and full mouth together , was , that he must presently goe along with them and meete all his creditors ( in a more dangerous place than the field ) in a tauerne ; for ioy of which , he bestowed his vltimum in wine vpon his fellow-commoners , who were all busie in prouiding pen ynck and paper , to register ( in aeternam rei memoriam ) his learned encomium of them , their colledge , and their officers , whilst hee descended in more state of attendants , then he came vp in , for the most part of his money ( which flew out as easily as smoake out of a tobacco pipe ) was cut out ( like loynes of mutton at the innes ) in fées , and a generall volley of farewels from all the grates béeing shot off at his departure , the key was turnd , and he vno graditur comitatus achate . hath no more but one onely serieant wayting vpon him , ( to auoide wonder ) whilst the rest of the infantery , that tooke him prisoner , came marching softly behinde , to share in his ransome cock-watch had no great desire to follow , but stealing out , ( as he came in ) like an owle from an iuy to● , he made hast to his old rendez because sessions was at hand , where what is done the cryer will proclaime it . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20101-e2220 〈…〉 〈…〉 . of li●●● of 〈◊〉 of f●ys●s . 〈…〉 notes for div a20101-e3660 〈…〉 his cōplaint the description of a prison . 〈…〉 by the committee of safety of the common-wealth of england, scotland, and ireland. a proclamation touching the summoning of a parliament england and wales. committee of safety. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84453 of text r211385 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[24]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84453 wing e748 thomason 669.f.22[24] estc r211385 99897143 99897143 135080 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84453) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 135080) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2484:1) by the committee of safety of the common-wealth of england, scotland, and ireland. a proclamation touching the summoning of a parliament england and wales. committee of safety. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by henry hills, and john field, printers to the committee of safety, london : [1659] dated at end: whitehall this 14. day of december. 1659. annotation on thomason copy: "xber [i.e. december] 15. 1659.". steele notation: condition ment hope; arms 51a. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library. eng england and wales. -parliament -rules and practice -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england a84453 r211385 (thomason 669.f.22[24]). civilwar no by the committee of safety of the common-wealth of england, scotland, and ireland. a proclamation touching the summoning of a parliament. england and wales. committee of safety 1659 490 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the committee of safety of the common-wealth of england , scotland , and ireland . a proclamation touching the summoning of a parliament . the council of officers of the army , upon consideration of the present condition of affairs in this commonwealth , and the great distractions now fomented by the enemies thereof ; and being satisfied that the most probable means under god for the appeasing of all discontents , quieting the peoples minds , and preserving of their spiritual and civil rights and liberties , will be , that a parliament , without a single person as chief magistrate , kingship or house of peers , may speedily be called , who , through the gracious assistance of our god , may proceed to such a settlement of the government of this commonwealth , as may be for the security of the cause wherein the good people of these nations have been , and still are engaged ; and that their intentions of setting up the civil authority , and being subservient thereunto may be brought to effect , they have held it their duty by all good means within their power to be instrumental in procuring the same , and in order thereunto , have made known to the committee of safety their desires herein ; and that the committee would take speedy order that the same may be put in execution for the ends before mentioned . whereupon this committee being ready to contribute their utmost endeavours in so good a work , and so much tending to the satisfaction of all good men , and to the preservation of the peace , liberties and rights of this commonwealth , have thought fit , and do hereby publish and declare , that writs under the great seal of england , shall forthwith be issued for the summoning of a parliament , as aforesaid , to be held in the usual place at westminster , upon the four and twentieth day of january next ensuing ; and this committee do hereby exhort and require all persons of what condition soever , that in the mean time they do not act or promote any thing to the disturbance of the publique peace , but that they do demean themselves peaceably according to the law , expecting and resolving to submit unto what the parliament shall in their wisedom think fit to order concerning the great affairs of these distracted nations , wherein they humbly pray and hope that the lord will be pleased to vouchsafe his gracious presence and assistance . given at whitehall this 14. day of december . 1659. ordered by the committee of safety , that this proclamation be forthwith printed and published . will. robinson , clerk of the committee of safety . london , printed by henry hills , and john field , printers to the committee of safety . reverend and beloved, it hath pleased the right honorable the lord major of the city of london, once and again to write unto the ministers thereof respectively, in a very pious and pathetical manner. ... seaman, lazarus, d. 1675. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a92777 of text r211395 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.16[28]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a92777 wing s2176a thomason 669.f.16[28] estc r211395 99870124 99870124 163184 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92777) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163184) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f16[28]) reverend and beloved, it hath pleased the right honorable the lord major of the city of london, once and again to write unto the ministers thereof respectively, in a very pious and pathetical manner. ... seaman, lazarus, d. 1675. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1651] title from opening words of text. signed at end: la. seaman. place of publication from wing. imprint date from thomason's ms. note. annotation on thomason copy: "october 13. 1651". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng westminster assembly (1643-1652) -early works to 1800. religious tolerance -england -early works to 1800. freedom of religion -england -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a92777 r211395 (thomason 669.f.16[28]). civilwar no reverend and beloved, it hath pleased the right honorable the lord major of the city of london, once and again to write unto the ministers t seaman, lazarus 1651 1043 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reverend and beloved , it hath pleased the right honorable the lord major of the city of london , once and again to write unto the ministers thereof respectively , in a very pious and pathetical manner . not only to bewail the prophanation of the lords day , the christian sabbath , and to signifie what he hath done by way of precept ; but also to promise what ever the power of his place may do for the strengthening of their hands ; and likewise to desire all and every particular minister in the city , as they tender the honour of christ , and the good of peoples souls , and welfare of the city , yea and earnestly in the name of god to intreat ( as in the said letters appeareth more fully , ) that they the ministers of christ jesus , press the duty of sanctifying that holy day , shew the danger of prophaning of it , and perswade not only to publike worship , but also to retire in private families to such holy duties as the lord requireth . we who are some of those to whom the foresaid letters were directed , have therefore accordingly indeavoured something heretofore in order to the desired end , but of late more seriously in our provincial assembly ( where through gods mercy we have opportunity to confer about matters of religion ) we have weighed those foresaid letters , and laboured mutually to have our hearts affected ( as in the sight of god ) with the contents thereof . and as we bless god unfainedly for stirring up the magistrate to minde the sabbath , and quicken us in our duty about it , ( the rather because in these times many are of gallio's temper careless of such matters . ) so we the ministers there assembled , with the assistance of the elders , have consulted among our selves , wherein , and how we might be most serviceable to our lord jesus christ the great shepherd of the sheep , in decrying sabbath-breaking , and in furthering the true sanctification of that holy rest , both in publike and private , throughout all the congregations and families within the said city , the liberties thereof , and the bounds of the province . and because the delegates there assembling are but few of many ministers within the city , we judged it necessary by writing to stir up our selves and the rest of our brethren and fellow-labourers in the work of the lord , that as one man with one shoulder we may apply our selves to procure in the first place the sanctifying of the sabbath , as the fountaine and foundation of a more perfect reformation in all other things appertaining to religion . to that end we make it our request unto all our dear brethren & to your self in particular , that upon and after as you see occasion , you choose some pertinent scripture to open and apply for instruction of your hearers about the sabbath , that all duties belonging to it may be inforced , and all errors in judgment , and sinful practises whereby it is polluted , may be discovered , confuted and reproved . and because there are divers acts and ordinances of parliament in force for the better sanctification of that day , we desire also that every officer may be stirred up to act conscientiously and vigorously according to the duty of his place , as is in them prescribed . and what , though we be poor and despised , yet we may not forget gods law . we fear a great part of our trouble arises from hence , that we are not sufficiently zealous for that rest . if we can vindicate the lords day , his holy ordinances will soon regain their credit . the calling of the ministers will not die , if conscience of the sabbath do revive . but if that fall , which of us , or what ordinance of god shall be able to stand ? it should be no small incouragement unto us that god hath prepared the magistrates heart to accompany us in our desires and indeavours this way . and that we have so solemn an ingagement as his promise in writing to every one of us particularly , that he will use all the power of his place to presse and carry on this work , untill it come unto perfection . we want not many other , yea stronger and more sacred grounds and reasons , to inforce these duties upon our consciences , yet his incouragements , zeale and forwardness should provoke us , as the like in jehosaphat and nehemia did among the priests and levites . god threatens sabbaths of desolation , the land ( saith he ) shall enjoy her rest , because it rested not in the dayes and yeers which he had set apart ; this in some proportion hath been verified in mos● of those churches which bear the name of reformed . to england we may say , considering the state of other places , be not high-minded , but fear . repent and do thy first works . yea let thy last be better then thy first , lest god remove thy candlestick . we speak not this as if we needed to put words into our brethrens mouths , but to stir up their pure minds and to testifie how sincerely we desire to sympathize with all those who minde the things of god , and of his son jesus christ our lord . which we desire so much the more to love , and look after , as they are hated or neglected by others we forbear to press arguments from the duty of your calling , because of your selfe , we hope you are sufficiently sensible thereof . the good lord prosper all your labour in the lord , to whose blessing we commend you . signed in the name and by the appointment of the provincial assembly by the present moderator la. seaman . an act of common councell, for the prohibiting of all persons vvhatsoever, from crying or putting to sale about the streets within this city, and liberties, any pamphlets, books, or papers whatsoever, by way of hawking, to be sold and for the punishment of the offenders therein, according to the custome and law of this city. city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88442 of text r211991 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[49]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88442 wing l2851p thomason 669.f.7[49] estc r211991 99870652 99870652 161030 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88442) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161030) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[49]) an act of common councell, for the prohibiting of all persons vvhatsoever, from crying or putting to sale about the streets within this city, and liberties, any pamphlets, books, or papers whatsoever, by way of hawking, to be sold and for the punishment of the offenders therein, according to the custome and law of this city. city of london (england). court of common council. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : [1643] wing dates this item 9 october 1643. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a88442 r211991 (thomason 669.f.7[49]). civilwar no an act of common councell, for the prohibiting of all persons vvhatsoever, from crying or putting to sale about the streets within this city city of london 1643 596 2 0 0 0 0 0 34 c the rate of 34 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms of the city of london an act of common councell , for the prohibiting of all persons vvhatsoever , from crying or putting to sale about the streets within this city , and liberties , any pamphlets , books , or papers whatsoever , by way of hawking , to be sold , and for the punishment of the offenders therein , according to the custome and law of this city . commune concilium tentum in camera guild-hall civitatis london , nono die octobris , 1643. annoque regni domini nostri caroli , nunc regis angliae , &c. decimo nono , coram isaac pennington majore ( secundo tempore ) civitatis london , johan . wollaston milite , & aldermanno , majore civitatis londini electo , johan . glyn , armiger . ejusdem civitatis recordatore , thoma atkin , johan . warner , johan . langham , willi . gibbs , will . barkley , ejusdem civitatis aldermannis , & johan . fowke & jacobo bunce , aldermannis & vicecomit ' ejusdem civitatis , necnon majore parte communariorum de communi concilio ejusdem civitatis tunc & ibidem assemblat ' . this common councell taking into their serious consideration , a complaint made by the master , wardens , assistants , and commonalty of the stationers , london , against a multitude of vagrant persons , men , women and children , which after the manner of hawkers , doe openly cry about the streetes , pamphlets , and other bookes , and under colour thereof are found to disperse all sorts of dangerous libels , to the intolerable dishonour of the kings maiesty , and of the high court of parliament , and the whole government of this realme , and this city in particular . and conceiving it very necessary by all due meanes to suppresse the evils growing by such unlawfull selling of such pamphlets and libels , have thought fit , and doe ordaine , that from henceforth the lawes and custome of this city , which make a forfeiture of the goods , that are carryed about the streetes , by way of hawking to be sold ; and also the statutes made against rogues , and vagabonds , shall be strictly put in execution against such vagrant persons , selling as aforesaid , being petty chapmen within the said statutes : and for the more sure execution of the said custom● and lawes , it is by this court further ordered , that the officers of the chamber , for the offences against the custome and law of hawking , and marshals of the city , and the constables of every precinct within this city , are hereby streightly charged to doe their utmost duties in their severall places and offices , in apprehending and bringing before some of his maiesties iustices of the peace within this city , all and every such person or persons which shal offend in crying , offering , or putting to sale by way of hawking , any pamphlets , bookes , or papers whatsoever as aforesaid ; whereby they may receive such punishments , as by the custome and lawes aforesaid ought to be inflicted upon them . and that for neglect of the said officers , constables , and marshals in their duties and places as aforesaid , informations or indictments , as the case shall require , shall be preferred against them , that they may be punished for their neglect therein according to the law . printed by richard cotes , printer to the honourable ci●● 〈◊〉 london the common councell of the city of london (having taken knowledge that many persons within the said city and liberties (out of a pious zeale and good affection to the publique cause) have of late freely and voluntarily subscribed divers summes of money towards the maintaining of forces to bee sent forth by the committee of the militia ... city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a48980 of text r37950 in the english short title catalog (wing l2851r). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a48980 wing l2851r estc r37950 17154834 ocm 17154834 105975 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48980) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105975) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1619:8) the common councell of the city of london (having taken knowledge that many persons within the said city and liberties (out of a pious zeale and good affection to the publique cause) have of late freely and voluntarily subscribed divers summes of money towards the maintaining of forces to bee sent forth by the committee of the militia ... city of london (england). court of common council. 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1644] at head of sheet: may 11, 1644. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng city of london (england). -court of common council. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. london (england) -history -17th century. a48980 r37950 (wing l2851r). civilwar no the common councell of the city of london (having taken knowledge that many persons within the said city and liberties (out of a pious zeale corporation of london 1644 451 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion commune concilium tent . vicesimo septimo die iulii , 1648. forasmuch as this court did apprehend the great danger the parliament and city is in , in regard of the many commotions in this kingdom , and the distractions thereof ; and that a convenient number of horse to joyn with the other forces of this city , would be very usefull and serviceable for the safety and preservation both of parliament and city : therefore this court doth now declare , that it shall be taken as an acceptable service in any that will voluntarily list any horses , or contribute any money thereunto , and declare themselves therein unto the committee of the militia of london ; and to be under such commanders , and observe such directions ( tending to the welfare and safety of the parliament and city ) as the said committee of the militia shall appoint . and the said committee are to appoint treasurers to receive such moneys , horse , and armes as shall bee voluntarily advanced towards that work , and to take subscriptions to that purpose , and to be by them employed accordingly : and they are from time to time to acquaint this court of their progresse and proceedings therein ; and to receive their further directions concerning the same , as occasion shall require . michel . in pursuance of which act of common-councell , there are severall members of the committee of the militia appointed to sit daily in guildhall in the irish-court , to take the said subscriptions above-mentioned ; and are to sit from nine till twelve of the clock in the forenoon , and from three till six of the clock in the afternoon . mr. glyd . and mr. blackwall are desired and appointed to be treasurers . you are desired by the committee of the militia of london to use your utmost endevour in your precinct for the furthering of this work , so much conducing to the publick peace of the city , and suppressing of tumults therein ; and for the better inabling of the said militia to discharge their trust for the preservation of the parliament and city . and you are likewise desired forthwith to make return of your doings herein to the committee : aforesaid . dated at guildhall london , the first of august , 1648 . to mr. common-councell-man in the ward of _____ signed in the name and by the warrant of the committee of the militia london , by adam banckes , clerk to the said committee . printed by richard cotes printer to the honorable city of london , 1648. by the major. whereas it is made known to my self, the aldermen, and commons in common-councell assembled, by a letter received from his excellency the lord fairfax, that his lordship for the preventing of the quartering of his army in the city, doth require, that a present supply of money may be paid for the use of the army, ... city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88477 of text r211081 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[50]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88477 wing l2882j thomason 669.f.13[50] estc r211081 99869819 99869819 162946 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88477) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162946) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[50]) by the major. whereas it is made known to my self, the aldermen, and commons in common-councell assembled, by a letter received from his excellency the lord fairfax, that his lordship for the preventing of the quartering of his army in the city, doth require, that a present supply of money may be paid for the use of the army, ... city of london (england). lord mayor. reynardson, abraham, sir, 1590-1661. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : [1648] place of publication conjectured from printer's reported city of operation. imprint from wing. dated at end of document: at the guild-hall london, this second day of december, 1648. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -militia -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88477 r211081 (thomason 669.f.13[50]). civilwar no by the major. whereas it is made known to my self, the aldermen, and commons in common-councell assembled, by a letter received from his exc city of london 1648 266 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 jason colman sampled and proofread 2007-08 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms by the major . whereas it is made known to my self , the aldermen , and commons in common-councell assembled , by a letter received from his excellency the lord fairfax , that his lordship for the preventing of the quartering of his army in the city , doth require , that a present supply of money may be paid for the use of the army , to enable them to pay their quarters , out of the arrears owing upon the severall assessements made for the maintenance of the said army : in pursuance therefore of an act of common-councell this day made ; these are to give notice to all collectors and other persons in arrear upon any of the assessements aforesaid , that if they do not on monday next pay all such sums of money as are owing by them in arrear , or is remaining in their hands , that then the names of every person and persons so failing therein , shall bee forthwith returned , together with the severall sums of money by them owing or remaining in their hands : and the minister of every parish within this city and liberties thereof , is desired both forenoon and afternoon to publish this in their severall parish churches , that so every person concerned therein may take notice thereof , thereby to avoid the danger that may follow thereupon . dated at the guild-hall london , this second day of december , 1648. michel . printed by richard cotes , printer to the honorable city of london . a true account of the irregular proceedings at gvild-hall, about the swearing the two pretended sheriffs mr. north and mr. rich, september 28, 1682 1682 approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a63326 wing t2377 estc r6034 11965015 ocm 11965015 51679 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a63326) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51679) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 519:29) a true account of the irregular proceedings at gvild-hall, about the swearing the two pretended sheriffs mr. north and mr. rich, september 28, 1682 papillon, thomas, 1623-1702. dubois, john. 4 p. printed for john johnson, [london : 1682] caption title. "to the right honourable, the lord mayor and court of aldermen: the humble declaration of thomas papillon, mercer, and john dubois, weaver ...": p. 3. reproduction of original in university of pennsylvania library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng north, dudley, -sir, 1641-1691. rich, peter, -sir, 1630-1692. london (england) -history -17th century. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true account of the irregular proceedings at gvild-hall , about the swearing the two pretended sheriffs mr. north and mr. rich. september 28. 1682 the last night my lord mayor issued out tickets to the aldermen in these words : sir ; your worship is desired to be at a court of aldermen at guild-hall on thursday next at nine of the clock in the forenoon , in your violet gown and cloak , being the twenty eighth of september . accordingly several aldermen appeared at guild-hall , and it being the day appointed for the swearing of sheriffs , they attended thomas papillon and john dubois esquires into the guild-hall at the hour appointed by the lord mayor , which they found guarded by foot-companies of the trained-bands ( a thing expresly contrary to the english constitutions , which hath been jealous of nothing more than the preserving elections free from force or terrour ; ) some whereof were posted at the doors and presented their muskets : but yet there was no refusal of entrance , but rather an opening of the files , and some respect shewn . so all the aforesaid aldermen passed into the council-chamber , where having staid a little while , and supposing my lord mayor might go up to the hustings directly , they went down into the hall towards the hustings-door , and there abode some time , attending his lordships coming , the souldiers with respect giving way . but lieutenant collonel quiney who was absent at their entry , came up to them very much concerned , and made several turns without speaking to them , but commanded the souldiers several times to stand to their arms , and so withdrew . but after a quarter of an hour he came back again and commanded the souldiers to face about ( and so alter'd their figure ) and to advance so as to encompass or imprison the aldermen , for there was not six foot square left them to stand upon . whereupon quiney said to the aldermen , i have a command from the lieutenancy to keep the hall clear , and suffer none to be here till my lord mayor comes . upon this , several aldermen demanded to see the order , being ready to obey all ▪ legal commands ; and asked him , whether he did not know that they were magistrates of the city ; and could believe it reached them ? to which he answered , i have none , but it is with the major of the regiment , and i do know you , and you must remove . further , the aldermen declared , they were summoned to wait on my lord mayor at the guild-hall , and there attended in all peaceableness . whereupon he withdrew again for some time , but returning , said , gentlemen you must withdraw , i have a command to require it . but being again demanded to shew his warrant or order , he answered in a great heat , that he would shew none , nor to none such as they . then laying hands first on sir p. w's . shoulder who stood next to him , he said , sir you must remove ; and called on his souldiers to advance close to the bar , so as to thrust them away ; sir p. w. only replied to him , we are in a lawful place , and on our duty , desiring the other aldermen that were present , and the souldiers , to take notice of the violence offered . and surely it was such as is scarcely to be parallell'd , especially in a well-governed city ; that their civil magistrates should be so affronted in their own room . but quiney answered , he cared not for witness , he would justifie what he did , having orders from the lieutenancy so to do . then he took hold on sir j. l. who was leaning on the bar , and with very great and repeated violence pulled him from off the step , and had like to have thrown him down ; who demanded still by what order he did it ? and that he would shew the same . but he replied again , he would shew none : then he took hold of sir j. s. and sir t. g. and ald. c. who likewise demanding to see his orders , were answered to the same purpose as aforesaid . hereupon all the aldermen desiring the souldiers who were present to take notice of the assaults and misdemeanours of the said quiney , they withdrew into the west part of the hall , where divers persons were walking , viz. withers , wiseman , nicols , steventon , &c. some of them being of the lieutenancy , and others not . to whom it was said , did not you see the misdem●anours of quiney ? but they instead of resenting the indignities offered to those worthy aldermen , who had served the city to so great a degree that the mouth of malice it self may be stopt , answered , he followed but the orders of the lieutenancy . then it was asked them ( being acquaintance ) how they came by that freedom in the hall , when the aldermen were so ill treated there ? whereunto they answered , they were of the lieutenancy , and attended the coming of my lord mayor : the which the aldermen told them they also did , but had not the same civil treatment . not long after came my lord mayor , to whom these aldermen joined themselves , and went up out of the great hall into the council-chamber , and mr. papillon and mr. dubois with them : where being entred , the first words my lord mayor said , were these , viz : gentlemen , here are fine doings , to go and swear sheriffs , and i not present ! whereunto sir j. l. answer'd , whoever told your lordship so , misinform'd your lordship ; we came very peaceably to the hall to perform our duty , and know well what it is to administer an oath , and had not the least intention of such a thing , but to lay our claim by presenting sheriffs . sir r. c. also told his lordship , he ought to be angry with those that had given him false information , rather than with those he was misinformed of ; and that nothing was intended or designed contrary to his lordships frequent and publick declaration , which was , that the matter should be determin'd by law ; and it was advised that could not be done , unless mr. papillon and mr. dubois did present themselves to be sworn . whereupon his lordship seemed to rest satisfied ; and immediately the rest of the aldermen with the other sheriffs coming in , mr. papillon and mr. dubois presented themselves to his lordship , and mr. papillon read a paper the contents whereof were as followes . to the right honourable , the lord mayor and court of aldermen : the humble declaration of thomas papillon mercer , and john dubois weaver , citizens of london . ovr absence in the countrey on midsummer-day last , and for some time before and since , and our being personally strangers to , and no way appearing or concerning our selves with any of the transactions or proceedings then , or since vsed in the choice of sheriffs for this honourable city and county of middlesex for the ensuing year , would have excused our attendance upon your lordship and this honourable court at this time , and upon this occasion , had we not been informed by divers , that by the suffrages of the majority of the citizens in common-hall , we were , and stand duly elected sheriffs for this city and the county of middlesex for the ensuing year . now though our personal vnacquaintance with the proceedings used in that affair hath been such , and that we have not received any intimation or command concerning the same from your lordship or this honourable court , whereby we might have had an opportunity of declaring our selves either ready to accept , or desirous to be excused from that office , as hath been usual in former cases of the like nature ; yet in regard of the aforesaid information , and that the time for such declaration , as well as for any further election , is now elapsed , and not knowing of what consequence it may be to us , nor what inconveniencies or hazard we might be obnoxious , or exposed unto , if we should continue silent or passive in that affair : therefore for the avoiding all prejudices and inconveniencies , we have thought it a duty incumbent on us , to appear at this time before your lordship and this honourable court , not to debate or question any the proceedings or transactions in this matter , nor officiously to court an office so chargeable in it self , and so inconvenient to vs ; but as being citizens of london , and so under obligation to serve the king and countrey , when duely called thereto ; and desirous to excuse our selves from all imputation of crime or neglect of duty that might be charged upon vs ; we do with all submission hereby declare unto your lordship and this honourable court , that we are ready , and do now tender our selves to take upon us the office of sheriffs for the city of london and county of middlesex for the ensuing year , and to be sworn and admitted into that office according to our election ; and in order thereunto , to attend your lordship and the aldermen to the hustings or elsewhere , and either there , or in any other proper place and manner to take the oaths of the said office , and such other oaths as the law requires , and further to do and perform whatsoever the law , or the rights and customs of this city require of vs concerning the said office , and we humbly beg your lordships and the courts answer therein . guild-hall , 28 septemb. 1682. thomas papillon , john dubois . the which having read , mr. papillon presented it to my lord mayor , but he refusing to take it , mr. papillon gave it to a member of the court , who accepted it , to prove the tender of themselves . and his lordship being pressed to take the matter into debate , for that the aldermen had been summoned to a court , he answered , there was no business : to which it was replyed , we have much to say , for the citizens seem to be thrown out of possession of the sheriffwick , which they have enjoyed so many azes by free election : we desire fairly to tender our sheriffs , in order to have the business more fairly determin'd at law , according to your lordships promise , and answer to the many addresses made , that the law should determine it ; and it is the only way left us , though troublesome and chargeable . and we also desire the matter may be debated , that an answer may be given to the sheriffs who have tender'd themselves . sir p. w. then moved that the aforesaid paper , and his lordship● ▪ refusal of it might be recorded ; then sir r. c. whisper'd to his lordship , and told him , that if he took a vote of the court , he would engage them in it , and their averseness to it , ought to alarm him not to take it upon himself , upon which he did hesitate some time , but yet at length was prevailed with to go to the hustings without further adoe , taking mr. north , and calling mr. rich to go with him ; mr. papillon and mr. dubois went along with him also , and did prepare themselves to have spoken to his lordship and the court on the hustings , and so did several of the aldermen , the lord mayor and several aldermen having declared in the council-chamber , that they might say what they had to say when they came on the hustings ; but his lordship would not hear them when they came thither . but the military guards after admitting a few persons , closed again , so that the liveries attending could not come near ; and then his lordship called mr. north and mr. rich to the book to be sworn ; mr. papillon being on the h●sting● , pressed the lord mayor that he might be heard ; but my lord refusing to hear him , mr. papillon presented a paper signed by himself and mr. dubois as follows , the substance of which he designed to have spoke . to the right honourable the lord mayor and aldermen at the court of hustings , in the guild-hall , london , assembled for the admission and swearing the sheriffs for the city of london and county of middlesex for the ensuing year , this 28 th of septemb. 1682. we do here present our selves , and are ready to take upon us the office of sheriffs of this honourable city of london and county of middlesex , for the ensuing year , to which , as we are informed , we are chosen by the majority of the citizens , at the common-hall of this city ; and we are here ready , and do tender our selves to be admitted thereunto , and to take the oath of office , and such other oaths as the law requires , and to do and perform whatsoever the law , or the rights and customs of this city require of us , relating to that office. but this paper being rejected by his lordship with great heat , it was delivered to sir john lawrence as an evidence of their tender ; upon which mr. papillon and mr. dubois went to the book with mr. north and rich , and mr. papillon laid his hand on the book , and continued it there for some time , until the lord mayor and some of the aldermen commanded them to forbear , and to keep the peace , and be gone ; which they complied with , and retired : having before earnestly pressed to be heard , for that they had something of importance to say ; and some of the aldermen said , my lord , when we came out of the council-chamber , you said , what we had to say on this subject , we might speak on the hustings , and therefore we claim it of right to be heard : but he refused all , and order'd to proceed in administring the oath to north and rich , whereupon the duely elected sheriffs and six aldermen withdrew , protesting against all the irregular and illegal proceedings . printed for john johnson an exact account of all who are the present members of the king's college of physicians in london, and others authorized by them to practice in the said city, and within seven miles compass thereof, whereby ignorant and illegal pretenders to the exercise of the said faculty, may be discovered, who dayly impose on unwary people, and claim immunities and priviledges, appertaining only to that corporation. lists. 1676. royal college of physicians of london. 1676 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a38845 wing e3561 estc r213655 99825985 99825985 30377 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38845) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30377) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1758:45) an exact account of all who are the present members of the king's college of physicians in london, and others authorized by them to practice in the said city, and within seven miles compass thereof, whereby ignorant and illegal pretenders to the exercise of the said faculty, may be discovered, who dayly impose on unwary people, and claim immunities and priviledges, appertaining only to that corporation. lists. 1676. royal college of physicians of london. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], london : printed in the year 1676. caption title. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng physicians -england -london -directories. london (england) -history -17th century. 2008-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2009-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon of king's college of physicians an exact account of all who are the present members of the king's college of physicians in london , and others authorized by them to practice in the said city , and within seven miles compass thereof , whereby ignorant and illegal pretenders to the exercise of the said faculty , may be discovered , who dayly impose on unwary people , and claim immunities and priviledges , appertaining only to that corporation . fellows . sir george ent knight , president . the right honourable henry lord marquess of dorchester . dr. baldwin hamey . dr. francis glisson . dr. william stanes . sir alexander fraiser knight , med. reg. primarius . dr. john micklethwait , treasurer . dr. nathan . paget . dr. john king. dr. thomas cox , censor . dr. daniel whistler , censor and register . sir charles scarburgh , knight , med. reg. dr. christopher merret . dr. samuel collins , senior . dr. luke rugely . sir william petty , knight . sir john baber . sir edward greaves . dr. thomas wolf. dr. martin lluellin . sir john finch . sir thomas banes. dr. robert waller . dr. thomas burwell , senior . dr. george rogers . dr. walter mills . dr. zurishaddi lang. dr. john betts . dr. john twisden . dr. thomas waldron , med. reg. dr. peter barwick . dr. arthur dacres . dr. samuel collins , junior . dr. jaspar nedham . dr. henry clark. dr. john packer . dr. thomas allen. dr. nathanael hodges . dr. thomas millington . dr. john smith . dr. john lawson . dr. elisha coysh . dr. humphrey brooks , censor . dr. john atfield . dr. john downes . dr. william croone . dr. edward brown. dr. thomas burwell . dr. thomas short. dr. josias clark. dr. richard lower . dr. thomas franckland , censor . dr. richard torless . candidates . dr. john wybert . dr. thomas bear. dr. theophilus garenciers . dr. robert strachey . dr. henry yerbury . dr. william parker . dr. george smith . sir thomas bathurst . dr. richard trevor . dr. william marshall . dr. peter gerrard . dr. samuel morrice . dr. thomas alvey . dr. james rufine . dr. william vaughan . dr. francis eedes . dr. edward hulst . honorary fellows . dr. william denton . sir richard napier . sir john hinton , med. reg. dr. walter charleton . dr. theodore deodate . dr. william fogart . dr. william hawes . dr. john skinner . dr. thomas timme . dr. edward warner . dr. richard harris . dr. samuel argal. dr. thomas arris . sir william langham . dr. owen meverell . dr. robert fielding . sir theodore de vaux . dr. thomas witherley . dr. henry tichborn . dr. thomas king of alisbury . dr. william bright . dr. thomas more . dr. james cursellis . dr. william waldgrave . dr. john clark. dr. nicholas stanly . dr. edward duke . dr. john fisher . dr. lancelot harrison . dr. nicholas barbone . dr. richard griffith . dr. walter nedham . dr. thomas trapham . dr. john-christopher moeseler . dr. nicholas carter . sir thomas brown. dr. henry glisson . dr. thomas laurence . dr. henry payman . dr. robert bidgood . dr. edmund dickinson . dr. john yardley . dr. robert grey . dr. frederick sagitary . dr. _____ white . dr. _____ waterhouse . licentiates . mr. trist . dr. barrough . dr. broome . mr. welman . mr. sydenham . dr. wrench . london , printed in the year , 1676. to the honorable assembly of the commons house of parliament, and to the committees for grieuances of the same house: the answere of the master, wardens and fellowship of woodmongers, london, to the complaint of some few wharfingers and others, whereof, some are forraine, and some free of the same citie company of woodmongers (london, england) 1621 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a72823 stc 16787.12 estc s125119 99898805 99898805 151075 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a72823) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 151075) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1997:47) to the honorable assembly of the commons house of parliament, and to the committees for grieuances of the same house: the answere of the master, wardens and fellowship of woodmongers, london, to the complaint of some few wharfingers and others, whereof, some are forraine, and some free of the same citie company of woodmongers (london, england) 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1621] a responce to a petition of the london wharfingers (stc 16787.10) against abuses by the woodmongers in regulating use of carts--stc. imprint from stc. reproduction of original in the guildhall library, london, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng company of woodmongers (london, england) -england -london -early works to 1800. carriages and carts -early works to 1800. wharves -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2008-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-11 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the honorable assembly of the commons house of parliament , and to the committees for grieuances of the same hovse : the answere of the master , wardens and fellowship of woodmongers , london , to the complaint of some few wharfingers and others , whereof , some are forraine , and some free of the same citie . the gouernment of carres and carremen within the cittie of london was ancientlie time out of mind in the maior and aldermen of the cittie of london . at a court holden before the said maior and aldermen xj . octobris anno 22. eliz. it was ordered that the gouernment of the said carres and carremen should from that time be in the master and vvardens of the companie of vvood-mongers of the citie of london . after , his maiestie by his letters patents dated the xxix . of august and in the third yeare of his raigne did incorporate the said woodmongers and carremen by the name of the master , wardens and fellowship of woodmongers of london . after the xxi . of october in the said third yeare of his maiesties raigne the gouernement of all carres and carremen , within the said cittie was by act of common councell confirmed vnto the said master wardens and fellow-shipp and their successors . they paying to christs hospitall for the reliefe of the poore there 150li. per annum , and it was by the same act further enacted that from thenceforth all persons vsing the trade of carremen should be translated to the company of woodmongers . after the said master vvardens and fellowshipp did make diuers ordinances for the gouernment of the said carres and carremen which ordinances the xviii . of may anno , 5. iacobi were confirmed by the late lord chauncellor ellesmere , sir iohn popham , knight , then chiefe iustice of the kings bench , and sir edward coke knight then chiefe iustice of the common plees according to the statute of 19. henrie 7. xxx . nouembris anno 6. iacobi , it was ordered by the lords of the councell that all persons vsing the trade of carres should be ordered and gouerned according to the before recited act of common councell . and that the nomber of carrs within london should not exceed 400. and that none of them should be vsed but by the licence of the company of vvoodmongers and carremen . xi . octobris anno 9. iacobi , the before recited charter and ordinances were decreed in the court of star-chamber . after diuers disordered persons not conforming themselues according to the said ordinances the lords of the councell were pleased to direct their honorable letters to the lord maior and court of aldermen requiring them to call the said persons before them and to cause them presently without delay or excuse to submit themselues to the said ordinances or else to commit them to prison vntill they should so conforme themselues . the 20. of november anno 16. iacobi regis , a second decree was made in the starr-chamber , whereby the decree of the xi of october in the ix . yeare of his maiesties raigne the order of the lords 30. nouembris anno 6. iacobi , the letters of the lords of the councell before mencioned the ordinances of the said companie of vvoodmongers , the before mencioned act of common councell and all other ordinances established for the gouernment of the said companie of vvood-mongers & carremen were decreed to be after trulie obserued performed and kept according to the purport and true meaning thereof . after the xv . of october anno 17. iacobi , the said last mencioned decree was in all the points afore-said confirmed by a third decree in the said court of starr-chamber & diuers persons that is to say robert wright thomas newton thomas guy william barwell edward hopkines and robert violet , and also mathew kimpster and william sligh should be restrained and prohibited to vse or worke any carre or carres within the said citie liberties & suburbes thereof without allowance of the said vvood-mongers vpon paine of punishment to bee inflicted vpon them by the censure of the said honorable court : and it was then further decreed by the said court that such persons as then did or should after vse carres and were free of any other companies in london then of the said vvood-mongers should forthwith bee translated ouer to the said company of vvood-mongers in manner and forme as by the said act of common councell is set downe and prescribed . and that such person or persons as did or should refuse or neglect to be translated after request made vnto them according to the said act should vndergoe and be subiect to the censure and punishment of the said most honourable court of starr-chamber for his or their contempt in that behalf : and lastlie it was ordered by the said high court that the said robert wright for his contempt should be committed to the prison of the fleet there to remaine vntill he should conforme himself and shew obedience to the decrees orders and ordinances established as aforesaid . all which notwithstanding the said robert wright and the other persons before mencioned and diuers others by their example doe not onelie continue contemners of the said act of common councell ordinances and decrees but doe also become suitors to the high court of parliament to put in vse diuers things contrarie to the said act of common councell ordinances and decrees . golgotha; or, a looking-glass for london, and the suburbs thereof shewing the causes, nature and efficacy of the present plagues; and the most hopeful way for healing. with an humble witness against the cruel advice and practice of shutting-up unto oppression. both now and formerly experienced to encrease, rather than prevent the spreading thereof. / by j.v. grieved by the poor, who perish daily hereby. j. v. 1665 approx. 53 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a65193 wing v7b estc r219530 99830997 99830997 35459 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65193) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 35459) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2084:12) golgotha; or, a looking-glass for london, and the suburbs thereof shewing the causes, nature and efficacy of the present plagues; and the most hopeful way for healing. with an humble witness against the cruel advice and practice of shutting-up unto oppression. both now and formerly experienced to encrease, rather than prevent the spreading thereof. / by j.v. grieved by the poor, who perish daily hereby. j. v. 24 p. printed for the author, london : anno 1665. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -prevention -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-03 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion golgotha ; or , a looking-glass for london , and the suburbs thereof . shewing the causes , nature and efficacy of the present plagues ; and the most hopeful way for healing . with an humble witness against the cruel advice and practice of shutting — up unto oppression . both now and formerly experienced to encrease , rather than prevent the spreading thereof . by j. v. grieved for the poor , who perish daily hereby . prov. 22. 22 , 23. rob not the poor , because he is poor , neither oppress the afflicted in the gate . for the lord will plead their cause , and spoile the soul of those that spoiled them . psal . 41. 1 , 3. blessed is he that considereth the poor , the lord will deliver him in time of trouble . the lord will strengthen him upon the bed of languishing ; thou wilt make all his bed in his sickness . london , printed for the author , anno 1665. golgotha : or , a looking-glass for london , &c. whoever would administer to the cure , must first consider the cause and nature of any visitation , and especially reverence any light given from god , who hath been pleased above all to appropriate this of the pestilence as his imediate sword : and hath acquainted the sons of men , as with the causes , so with the dreadful efficacy and nature thereof , ezek. 6. 12. & chap. 33. 27. & 7. 12. & 13. 15. and hath very expresly prescribed the cure in its season , ver . 16. 2 chron. 7. 14. signifying also when it will be so contagious and incurable , as the usual way prescribed shall not effect the recovery of either son or daughter , but him or them that find mercy so timely in a right spirit to apply the preservative the lord directeth ; jer. 14 , 12. ezek. 14. 16 , 21. and his wayes are everlasting , hab. 3. 6. so that the present age will experience the advantage of timely applying , or disadvantage of neglecting the antient advice of god , which having no weekly intelligencer , or skilful physician , to set forth , for lack of knowledge the people perish , and the plague doth double it self in defiance of all the directions the most skilful doctors do industriously divulge now daily in the world , and that decree is verifying but the more apparently , isa . 2. 17. and the loftiness of man shall be bowed down , and the haughtiness of men shall be laid low , and the lord alone shall be exalted in that day . and to that end therefore i shall endeavour to declare the causes of the present plagues . the cavses . to speak clearly hereunto , we ought wisely to consider the constitution of the country under visitation , whether prophane or professors , whether egypt or israel , or a mingled people much of the same spirit and path , who may be both then ( how-ever they differ in profession ) partakers of the same plagues , jer. 9. 26. rev. 18. 4. or whether for different causes . and first , for a people of an egyptian oppressing spirit , at enmity with god and christ , and saints and scripture , whereof this nation under profession hath dreadfully abounded , exceeding sodom in odious beastly enmity , and cruel tumults and decrees against the lord's name , wayes and people , fulfilling in their confederacy therein the prophecy , psal . 83. to the full ; know ye for a certain , as you have lived after the manner of egypt , so are you , and now will be more plagued after the manner thereof , till you in very good earnest let israel go , exod. 11. 1 & 12. 33. yea , till for your own safety you take the good counsel tendred unto you , psal . 2. 10 , 11. for certain i am , though some of god's israel may fall by this visitation , yet is the lord hereby gone out further for salvation with his anointed , and this pestilence is the harbinger of that saviour , and high-one , who will surely save his poor people from your fury ; who came out to scatter them as with a whirlwind , to fulfill the third of habakkuk ; and those of them whose habitation in this tempest shall be the most high , shall only with their eyes behold and see the reward of the wicked , psal . 91. 8 , 9. it therefore concerns you his most proud vile adversaries to see what this angel did to egypt , exod. 9. 13 , 14 , 15. compared with psal . 78. 49 , 50 , 51. to zidon , ezek. 28. 23 , 24. to the assyrian , 2 king. 19. 25. and will do to gog , ezek. 38. 22. and the assyrian-like adversary in the latter-day , micah 5. 15. o it concerns you to bewail your oppression and hacred of the upright , and to tremble timely unto true subjection to him , who is measuring the earth and driving asunder the nations , and bringing the tents of cushan into affliction , before whom goeth this pestilence , hab. 3. 5 , 6 , 7. your way is dark-and slippery , and the angel of the lord doth chase you , psal . 35. 6. you shall go into the clefts of the rocks , and into the tops of the ragged rocks , for fear of the lord , and for the glory of his majesty , isa . 2. 21. rev. 6. 16. yea , flee ye afar off , live ye alene , there shall the angel of the almighty search you , ezek. 33. 27. amos 9. 2 , 5. this is the word of the lord against you , save only such as shall be reckoned israel , by joyning timely and truly to the lord in the day of these destructions , isa . 19. 18. and in israel the divers causes of this visitation have been also signified plainly from their god : as , 1. neglect of his true worship , laws , statutes , ordinances , exod. 5. 3. lev. 26. 25. deut. 28. 15 , 21. and not being spiritual in them , 1 cor. 11. 29 , 30. 2. false-worship , or bringing into his worship the detestible things of mens devising or invention , to the changing his ordinances ; ezek. 5. 11 , 12 , 17. isa . 24. 5. 3. unbelief , especially under signs of his power and presence ; numb . 14. 11 , 12 , 37. 4. carnal security , and confidence in our own righteousness ; amos 9. 10. 5. unthankfulness to the lord under his salvations ; exod. 30. 12. 6. pride , sensuality and violence , under fulness and prosperity ; ezek. 7. 10. to 16. chap. 33. 26 , 27. numb . 11. 33. compared with psal . 78. 30 , 31. 7. unprofitableness and impenitency under other judgments , jer. 24. 8 , 9 , 10. prov. 29. 1. 8. fleshly confidence in the numbers of israel , 2 sam. 24. 15. 9. wandring from the lord after other lovers , provoking him with their abominations ; 1 cor. 10. 8. jer. 14. 10 , 11. ezek. 6. 9 , to 12. 10. making false refuges in times of judgment , jer. 42. 17 , 22. compared with isa . 30. 1. & ch . 31. 2 , 3. jer. 44. 12 , 13. 11. discontent with the lord 's righteous judgements on eminent malefactors ; numb . 16. 41 , 47 , 48. and , 12. hearkning to false prophets , that abuse promises to comfort the impenitent , in want of humble and mournful subjection to the lord 's fore judgments for sin , in bringing over them those that hate them , and attempts to deliver themselves from the sword of the enemy by any fleshly strength , without true repentance for the causes of their captivity ; jer. 27. 8 to 13. chap. 28. 15. & chap. 21. 4. to 9. compared with isa . 22. 8 to 12. moreover , the pestilence is a sign of , and appointed to prepare for the near approaching kingdom of christ monarchical in the earth , psal . 89. 23. hab. 3. 5. mat. 24. 7. now in as much as all the aforesaid causes for sin have evidently abounded even in the israel of god in this generation , we have great reason to expect ( however some may flatter themselves ) that by this angel israel may lose children , and in their prayer , hos . 14. 2. take away all iniquity , and receive us graciously ; may finde it necessary to be brought upon a bed of visitation and dissolution too , to separate from them some beloved sin , which by no means short would be purged away , isa . 22. 14. hence god expostulateth with israel , amos 4. 10 , 11. i have sent amongst you the pestilence , after the manner of egypt , &c. yet have ye not returned unto me . i have overthrown some of you , as god overthrew sodom , &c. yet have ye not returned unto me . therefore will i do thus unto thee , o israel ; and because i will do thus unto thee , prepare to meet thy god , o israel . and indeed this is not only consistent with , but contained in the new covenant , so to correct ; if need be , to take away the heart of stone , and to make us partakers of his holiness . and when i seriously consider what he did to his dear moses , eli , job , david , asaph , hezekiah , josiah , asa and others , for less provocation , i fear much what the lord may do with me and others of his children , after so long gentleness , goodness and forbearance , as necessary to vindicate his name , which we have polluted before the heathen to their hurt : yea , o the pride , sensuality , covetousness , meanness , indifferency , empty formality and fruitlesness in the profession of the worship of god ▪ yea , apostacy , perjury , treachery , hypocrisie , and yet impenitency under all , that might intercede against israel to the day ! what reason is there upon all , to sigh therefore , and smite upon the thigh before their eyes , as ezek. 21. 6 , 12. and to be apart in the spirit of grace and supplication , as zech. 12. 10. yea , every one ( though upon the highest mountains of faith and expectation ) to be like doves in the valleys , all of them mourning , every one for his iniquity , prescribed of god for escape from the pestilence and other calamities , ezek. 7. 16. & 9. 4. o therefore that poor sinners also with israel may imbrace the advice in isa . 2. 10. to enter into the rock , and there hide in the dust , for fear of the lord , and the glory of his majesty . and , as in ver . 22. to cease more from man , whose breath is in his nostrils ; for wherein is he to be accounted of ? yet , as it becomes all humbly to do what they can in a day of such calamity , i shall more particularly cast in my mite towards the cure of this contagion , with my dissent from , and witness against two things directed by the colledge-doctors . the cure . in speaking to the cure , i shall first shew what is not likely to effect it ; 2dly , what is ; and lastly , giving those that have worthily gone before me , their real due in the prescript of outward medicines , i shall cast in my mite of that sort also , in addition only to any thing i have seen , without detraction from any , or seeking gain , or the honour which is from men , i trust , but that which is of god only . it is not then first to look to the physicians , how able or eminent soever , wherein good asa failed , 2 chron. 16. 12. and hath but too many followers . neither would this sort at any time ( and much less now ) be , as other diseases , much abated by all the doctors in the world , except to humbled souls , as hezekiah , to whom then poor isaiah went , and may go again successfully with his bunch of figs , which gave a reverence to the use of outward means , but in the second place . though ( till god weary them with his hand ) it 's feared men will arrogate his healings to their art , when in tender mercy to his people , or for further probation , it may in a moment cease , or be abated , as at this time in holland ; not ( i believe ) as the effect of the pouder , nor perfume , so much boasted of in every news-book , i am perswaded to further provocation and infection , which hath doubled weekly since the published stories of the infallibleness thereof , which consists ( i fear ) but in the filling the purse of some of the projectors . and as to the publick order of the colledge-doctors , though i could wail over the view of those strong-scented ingredients of pride and presumption in the latter part of their epistle , as tending to the infection of themselves , beyond their skill to avoid or cure ; and others that have them in too high esteem , to fulfil the word of the lord , isa . 2. 17 , 18. yet i count my self , for my country and conscience-sake , obliged humbly to witness against two principal parts of their advice only : with reverence indeed to most of their prescripts , which yet exceed neither their fore-fathers , nor add much , if any thing , to the common knowledge , capacity and experience of an ordinary man , in this day of removing the face of the covering that hath been over the face of all nations . but first , their advice of observing church-orders for prayer , as in former times , i desire may be carefully mingled with the counter-poisons of the scripture-discoveries already laid down concerning false-worship and neglect of true , as principal causes of contagion , so as the former times they speak of may be explained to be such , as phineas , moses , and samuel , noah , daniel and job , david , jehoshaphat , isaiah , hezekiah , ezekiel , jeremiah , &c. or men of like spirit , influenced in solemn intercession acceptably to turn away wrath from a provoking generation ; and no times wherein the wonderful and horrible thing is committed in the land , which is on record to be to visitation and ruine , jer. 5. 29 , 30 , 31. else their direction is hereby dissented from . but secondly ; i humbly dissent also from their direction for shutting-up unto such oppression and hazard of both sick and well , shut up , and others , as is unavoidable ruine to many after the manner thereof , and so an high provocation to him , who hath torn , and who onely can heal ; who hath smitten , and can bind up , hos . 6. 1. and who visiteth with pestilence ( as i have shewed ) for violence , and ( i fear ) increaseth it for such continuance thereof . now because some carelesly dream of scripture-colour in the case , i shall shew you first how cruelly remote it is from that case . 2dly . how much it errs from that standing rule amongst men , mat. 7. 12. therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you , do ye even so to them : for this is the law and the prophets . 3dly . what ill effects it naturally hath towards the encrease of plagues . 4thly . appeal to the experience of all , reflecting upon former and present times , both in this and other neighbouring-nations . first then , the scripture-case is only in the plague of leprosie , when the party onely apparently visited was to be viewed by the high-priest , or his sons ; and being found by him , or them , to be so , was in special over-sight to be separated from the rest of israel , and shut-up but for seven dayes , to be viewed then again by the high-priest , &c. and if found whole , to be cleansed and restored presently , or otherwise so sequestred for seven dayes more , until such recovery , levit. 13 , at large , but not to be shut up after . and hezekiah also being cured of his sore , on the third day was to appear in the house of the lord , 2 king. 20. 5 , 8. nor is the scripture colour for shutting-up one well-person , not the sick after such recovery , upon such weekly view of him , if the case in hand held parallel : but well saith the scripture , the world by wisdom know not god , 1 cor. 1. 21. and this their way of being wiser than god , is as the tender mercies of the wicked , prov. 12. 10. 2dly . it so errs also from that rule , mat. 7. 12. that i dare say the doctors , and those who stand upon their sword to execute this violent advice upon the poor so generally , would not be willing to be so done unto , or have their wives and children so dealt with in their calamity : and he that rolleth a stone so against the very nature of humanity , may fear it will return again upon him , prov. 26. 27. let me suppose thex case therefore to their consciences . whether , if four or five , or more , of the skilfullest and hardiest of themselves , who have given this advice as orthodox , against so many thousand poor innocents , were to be coobed-up in one of the poor houses , whereout but one dyed , and have with them an old woman , or some poor ignorant creature ( a stranger to them , as is usual ) for their nurse , and a sturdy fellow without with an halberd ( or some stricter watch , as they have advised for others ) to have each of them no more than the parish allows ; and the searchers , chyrurgions , &c. they have allowed to visit others , to visit them : if in a month or forty dayes after the last man of them dies , at such a season , so used , they do not think in their own consciences , with all their skill , their carcasses would all or most of them be carried away in the night-cart ; which now ( for fear thereof ) are , many of them , got into their country-gardens , after their epistolary vapour and cruel direction aforesaid ? how then may poor . women with child , widows , helpless , friendless , fatherless and sucklings , exposed ( without such help , as many have been ) and half dead before , it may be by the sudden death of their first visited nearest relation , escape the ruine of such further violence upon them ? again , i query ; if one in the parish-meeting-place fall suddenly sick , or dye , after sitting there in the crowd two or three hours amongst the multitude ; were it not as equal the doors should be shut upon the assembly , or they in their several houses shut-up , as that some families ( who were further off from the single sick person that dyed therein ) should be presently so violently used and exposed ? o surely , if we would not be so done unto , these wayes then are unequal , and this violent course not like to abate our plagues , but is rather a sign and earnest of further wrath : and god by leaving the nation to be in love with such unnatural advice ) is , it 's to be feared , paving a way for his anger , in that more general shutting-up , as a just judgment upon many accounts , prophesied of such a provoking city , isa . 24. 10 , 11 , 12. the city of confusion is broken down , every house is shut-up , &c. 3dly . it 's full of evil effects , to the encrease of plagues , and that not only as it provokes god as aforesaid , but naturally distracts men , filling them with horror of heart , both those that are shut-up , and those that live daily in the fear thereof ; most that are shut-up being surprized , unprovided , unsetled in heart and house , needing then most the use of a sure friend , made for the day of adversity . pro. 17. 17. an interpreter , as elihu speaks , job 33. 23. one of a thousand , &c. and are under soul-sinkings , and none to succour them ; their hearts dye within them , as nabals , upon this bad news ; not a friend to come nigh them in their many , many , heart and house cares and perplexities , compelled ( though well ) to lie by , or upon the death-bed ( perhaps ) of their dear relation , drag'd away before their eyes , afrighted children howling by their side , fitted by fainting affliction to receive the impression of a thousand fearful thoughts of the long night they have to reckon before release , after the last of the family , so dismally exposed , shall sink by degrees , one after another , in the den of this dismal likeness to hell , contrived by the advice of the english-colledge of doctors : no drop of water ( perhaps ) but what comes at the leisure of a drunken or careless halbert-bearer at the door : no seasonable administration being at a certainty then for their support , and innumerable evils of this sort incident hereunto : whereof if the ear of any concerned were opened to the cry of the poor herein , i could ( upon knowledge ) instance and give plentiful proof of one months misery and ruine already hereby upon many , enough to make the ears of every one that heareth , tingle ; and lay the blood of innocents at the door of the devisers and prosecutors of this barbarism ; who also hereby bring no small consternation hourly upon the minds of those who are at liberty thoughtful ( to terror ) whose turn may be next to fall out of the oversight of their nearest friends , into the hands of the halberd , searchers and chyrurgion , all strangers to them , so as it may be plague enough to be haunted with , under such distraction and affliction . hence ( i say ) are a thousand thoughts created , to such , swoondings , faintings , fears , ( fitting for infection naturally ) as have occasioned some already to lose their precious lives , and many have hardly escaped the effect thereof ; who otherwise would not so dread the visitation , that yet sink down and shiver now through fear hereof , but upon the sudden sight of a house shut-up , and clusters of little children and tender ones in their windows , who might more rationally continue well by separation as they are able , or might be advised by a more charitable care of them , than by such miserable , noisom , melancholy , close imprisonment , which exposeth the well ( shut-up ) daily to destruction , and also doth really but prepare a more unquenchable stench , and fest to wreak out of the windows ( whilst so shut up ) and disperse it self into the city by a more violent concourse to them at the window ( though less to their relief ) and by opening the doors ( upon such choaking-up ) for the searchers and bearers of the dead ( so daily more prepared for them ) and other allowed visitors , whose walks are far more perilous than twenty times so many left open to keep themselves clean and at distance from the sick and dead , as else they would , to prevent their own infection . yea , after the house is allowed to be open , and all that are left alive are well after this usage , both they and it are far more dangerous hereby to others , than before , they were crouded up so long to such a nasty and infecting station , being the natural and artificial way also hermetically to effect the most forcible and noisom putrifactions , when the embrio shal be unsealed ; common experience having proved it naturally less perilous to go to twenty visited , kept sweet and clean , than to two so noisomly exposed . to which i may add , that many for fear thereof do hide their sores , and ( after a sweat or two ) their sickness also , and go daily about their business so long as they can stand , mingled to much more danger every way : nor dare any do the office of a nurse or friend to those shut-up ( however ne-necessary for the present distress ) till help can be procured ( whereby some have been neglected ) because it is so pen●l , that they must be inclosed then themselves , how inconsistent soever to their charge and business , by which there comes no small inconveniency to the sick , who are forced to take any ignorant nurse ( or worse ) in haste , to their great hazard . but lastly , i appeal to the experience of this and other parts ; how apparantly did the hand of the lord rest ( as the antient citizens familiarly do observe ) in the former great plagues upon this city , when the people were wearied out of this oppression , under cause enough to mourn unto this day , over the cruelty every mercinary had opportunity to commit ( as now ) under colour hereof . ireland also , about the year 1650 , and 1651. ( under a far greater contagion ) was made ashamed hereof , and forced to desist ; and what should now encourage it , under a weekly doubling the destroyed , under ( if not directly by ) it , since the doctors gave this advice ? and some affirm the hollanders , from whence the plague is so soon ( it 's said ) departed , never practised it , but ordered the inhabitants of houses visited , to walk and air themselves , with some mark of distinction , at times appointed : and yet i will shew you a more excellent way for the quick and thorow cure thereof , now positively , if it be not for too long oppression , transgression and impenitency irrecoverable , as in jer. 14. 12. ezek. 14. 16 , 21. which god forbid . now the scripture-means for effectual healing , whilst it is called to day , are set down as followeth . first , for the lord 's faithful remnant , grieved , as lot , for the filthy conversation of the wicked , and for what hath been committed in the midst of jerusalem , as ezek. 9. to sanctifie a solemn assembly in the earnestness and humility , joel 2. and seriously therein ( and in secret ) bring forth these sores before their high-priest in quick and speedy intercession and application of the blood of sprinkling , numb . 16. 16 , 46. exod. 12. 7. 2 sam. 24. 25. secondly , in true sence of , and humiliation for , the plague of their own hearts , timely to seek the face of god , and turn from the evil of their doings , 1 king. 8. 37. 2 chron. 7. 13 , 14. ezek. 7. 16. thirdly , more truly to set their hearts on god , and make the most high their habitation , psal . 91. 9 , 10 , 14. and to try the truth hereof as followeth . 1. by faith in christ jesus , john 14. 6. to 11. 2. by their soveraign love , 1 john 4. 12 , 16. 3. by their unfeigned obedience , 1 john 3. 24. but more particularly , 1. to make him more their place of residence and safety , as men do their habitation , psal . 31. 2. & 71. 3. 2. their place of retirement , and rest from disturbance , psal . 37.7 . prov. 24. 15. isa . 32. 18. psal . 116. 7. 3. to have their conversation more in god , as rev. 13. 6. phil. 3. 20. that men may know were to find professors more at home . 4. to be feeding more in him , john 6. 56. and entertaining their acquaintance there , cant. 4. 11. psal . 145. 1 , to 11. & 66. 16. 5. to be working in him , hiding themselves , and placing their safety and treasure in him , more , john 3. 21. psal . 91. 1 , 2. col. 3. 3. mat. 6. 19 , 20 , 21. o this life of thus inhabiting god , christ lived ; and this manifests saintship and sincerity in all ages , psal . 90. 1. & 140. 13. and wandrings from hence , have much exposed god's own people , jer. 9. 6. & 50. 6 , 7. but this life in god now , is , both an earnest of our habitation at hand , where neither sin nor sickness shall a●oy , 1 cor. 5. 1,6 . and is such a present refuge and safe shelter , as either this pestilence shall not come at all , or coming shall not be a plague , but lose its hurtful nature , to such as do dwell in , or now truly and timely shall make refuge unto , and reside in him , as their habitation , psal . 91. 1 , to 10. deut. 33. 27. psa . 23. 4 , 5 , 6. job 5. 22 , 23. rom. 8. 38. 1 cor. 3. 21. on then that poor souls , who have no refuge but country-houses now , when they will meet with sorrow enough , as amos 9. 1. would in the encouragement of the new-covenant , by the new and living way , hasten for refuge unto this safe habitation , heb. 6. 18. yea , o that that may be now fulfilled , which is written psa . 22. 27 , 28 , 29 , 30. all the ends of the world shall remember and turn to the lord , and all the kindreds of the nations shall worship before thee ; for the kingdom is the lords , and he is the governour among the nations &c. run ye then out of the world whose works will be burnt up , ye righteous , into your strong tower ! turn ye to the strong hold , ye wandering children , hasten into your habitation , prov. 18. 10. and ye visited ones of god , happy may ye be by this visitation , o that you may experience , through grace , as hezekiah , that herein is the life of your spirit , isa . 38. 16. and be able , as job 10. 12. to say with thankfulness , thou hast vouchsafed me life and favour , and thy visitations have preserved my spirit ; and as psa . 119. 67 , 71. experience the good hereof , behold , happy is the man who to this end is corrected of the lord : for he maketh sore , and bindeth up ; he woundeth , and his hands make whole , job 5. 18. lo , all these things worketh god often-times with man , to hide pride from man , to bring back his soul from the pit , to be enlightned with the light of the living , job 33. 17 , 29 , 30. indeed i could dwell on this direction for our cure , for the sake of my own soul , and for the sakes of my poor country-men , of every sort , beyond what this paper may contain , and bring you a most rare experiment of one that made jerusalem run with blood , and was almost as profound to slaughter , as poor m. g. b. who yet found safety in refuge hither in his distress ; though i confess under less light and warnings by signs and wonders , yet also , being under less stumblings by professors , i retain my hope that god may yet shew mercy , even to such as him , making speedy refuge hither : and i could give blessed presidents also to encourage poor wandring children , who have played the harlot after many lovers , to return now quickly to their habitation , as jer. 3. 1. but thou hast played the harlot with many lovers , yet return unto me saith the lord ▪ only acknowledge thine iniquity , &c. ver . 13. towards which i will 〈◊〉 give you a fourth scripture-direction for cure. fourthly then , that the lords people also humbly accept the punishment of their iniquity , considering ezek. 14. 23. and declare also all their abominations , even before the heathen , under the hand of the almighty , lev. 26. 40 , 41. ezek. 12 , 16. and lastly , to waite in hope on god for special execution of judgment in general defilement and defection , num. 25. 8. compared with psal . 106. 30. and jer. 5. 1. amos 5. 15. and in all , with bowels of compassion to poor infants that know not their right hand from their left , at midnight to awake in the sence of their calamity , as lam. 2. 19. arise , cry out in the night : in the beginning of the watches pour out thine heart like water before the lord ; lift up thine hands towards him , for the life of thy young children , that faint for hunger in the top of every street . for with the merciful , thou wilt shew thy self merciful , &c. psa . 18. 25. and to you that fear his name , shall the sun of righteousness arise with healing in his wings , mal. 4. 2. even so , come , lord jesus , come quickly , amen . a little mite added , to the multitude of outward means , published by many others , towards cure and prevention of the present plague . now seeing so grent a plenty of outward means already prescribed by the colledge in general , and some of their number , and others in particular , amongst whom one mr. dixon hath in an ingenious way performed the office of a real neighbour , according to luke 10. 36. i shall but humbly cast in a mite only of such things as i have observed to be very effectual in the like , and this contagion , which i have not yet seen published ; and first for the plenteous use of spirit of sulphur , which i advise all to have by them , it being not above three shillings the ounce , and is ve●y specifick to remove malignity , to open great obstruction , quench cholor , strengthen the spirits , and further sweat , and the effect of other antidotes , if plenteously and rightly used . i advise then , that the general posset-drinks both for sweat , and in stead of julips , may be made hereof thus ; take white-wine , a pint , and spirit of sulphur , forty drops ; mix them , set on three pints of milk , and when it boyles up , pour in the white-wine and spirit , it will make your posset , wherein you may boyl the ingredients for sweat , directed by the doctors , or mr. dixon , &c. butter-bu●-root especially , and cast in half a drachm of whole cochinel ; strain it and give , to cause sweat plentifully , after a dose of metridate , or venice-treacle , or thirty drops of spirit of harts-horn in the first draught thereof . also for julip , either the plain posset before mentioned ( before the other ingredients be in it ) or without the wine , take sixty drops of spirit of sulphur ; with it only you may turn three pints of milk to a clear whey , stirring it gently ; sweeten it with syrup of citron , or oranges , or wood-sorrel , or a syrup made of sage-flowers , or mary-gold , made by a strong infusion , in their own distilled waters , or in borrage , or bawme-waters , the marigolds for the syrrup being first bruised , with which this whey may be sweetned : 't will be very pleasant and profitable drink for refreshment . salt of sage especially , or of harts-horn , or ivory , twenty grains of either of them in broth , expel malignity wonderfully : and by such helps added to the usual antidotes with proper cordials and outward applications , god hath comforted me with the lives of many , in appearance past hope ; and i dare do no less now , than call upon the skilful , as the disease is extraordinary , timely to reinforce the ordinary means of their practice to their uttermost capacity , to reach the head of the malignity within the bound of discretion ( though out of old form ) the neglect whereof will be as hazardous as the handsing these edge-tools on the other hand ignorantly . jellyes of harts-horn and ivory made in white-wine and borrage , or pippin-water , or the like , are needful often ; and for broths , capon or cock , rather than chicken in this case , and with the help of cordial and aromatick hearbs also , ( with coolers ) as marigolds plenteously , sweet majorum , bawm , time , rosemary , with woodsorrel ; and in all pimpernel , and the roots of butter-but , which an eminent doctor who out-lived his brethren and the sore long plague in ireland , thought he could not too often commend unto me upon his observations . sheepshead-broath above all was in esteem there , ( perhaps as more appropriate to the parts affected ) though they had chickens enow . the rich in every draught may drink twenty grains of pearl , and ten grains of confectio de hyacintho , from the first assault of their natural spirits , besides their sweat-drivers . and the poor be refreshed aswel with a draught of french-wine and water , boyled with a blade of mace , and an ounce of burnt hartshorn , or clear sack-posset-drink , made with a quarter of a pint of sack , and ten drops of spirit of sulphur to a pint of milk. in their broath also of sheepshead ( if they take my advice ) a spoonful of vinegar sometimes may do well , or four drops of the spirit of sulphur , about which the extravagant boast of mindererus in his 18th book de pestilentia , may ( with my own long experience of it ) excuse a sober commendation : of which , and spirit of vitriol , he thus speaketh ; there is no putrifaction whose neck they break not , no infection which they do not overcome ; no pravity of humours but they can conquer : verily , to deal clearly , if i should be forbidden or hindred from the use of vitriolated medicaments , i should never come to cure the plague , or alwayes without my weapons . i have also long used , and commend this tincture , having found much good thereby : take salts of sage , hartshorn , ivory , wormwood and rosemary , equal parts of each ; put them into a glass , pour into them spirit of sulphur six ounces , spirit of vitriol two ounces ; shake them often , and let them stand for use close waxed . of this or the like ( as you can get them ) in dangerous obstructions , turn posset-drinks as aforesaid , with eighty drops to two quarts of milk. of late , since the contagion , ladded to my glass as much cochineel as it will drink ▪ and to the end that all my spirits might not be suck'd up , i added two parts of sage water : a good spoonful hereof readily turns three pints of milk ; but because the curd steals away the best of the cochinel , i order the posset to be made first of white-wine , and then mix the tincture therewith . but these are my private improvements of proper materials , which i mention for an example , to encourage a little beyond old authors . in swellings and carbuncles . in ordinary swellings the doctors have directed many apt poultices ; i remember their emollient with mallows , &c. i used to make at the learned direction of the eldest of them , and other learned physicians , twenty four years since , in my apprentiship , but alwayes with saffron , which perhaps is forgot : i am sure it would help suppuration , and ripen speedily , and cherish the rising . but they do well to refer much to chyrurgions herein : and the antient had need to give the younger chyrurgions good instructions in cases that have not come in their time . the irish chyrurgions ( at last , in the failer of other applications ) used to lance a multitude every morning with good success ; which i advised lately to some that do well , when certainly ripened ; but lest they should be too quick or slow , requires their skill to judge , and conscientious care , as they are tender of lives . but mr. dixons soap-poultice with figgs , i hope may be effectual , and save them much labour ; and i take leave to advantage it with an offer of salt of tobacco , where it may be had , in the room of bay-salt , and abundance may be made thereof quickly ; by which , or only mixt with emollients and suppurators , i have suck'd out incredible quantities of the thinner matter presently , and the very root , or last core , soon after , when it hath lain very deep in the flesh : but sometimes the patient hath not been able to sleep for the anguish , in which case the poultice , with mallows , lilly-roots , figs , lintseed , with hogs-grease , or palm-oyl ; may be laid by night , and the other again in the morning : or white bread and milk , with a lilly-root and oyl only , with advantage , to give ease for necessary rest . the patient must be sure to keep his bed carefully till the sore have run two dayes at least . i have known strong-men cast away by rising against advice , before the swelling be perfect ; and greatest care must be used in the coming out of sweat , with a comfortable draught before ; and before the dressing the sore , especially if lanced , which may then best be tented with fine spunge , to keep on the running , prest in mellilot and basillicon , but not made too big , to put the patient to pain when it swelleth ; which a discreet chyrurgion can easily avoid : but in medling with such wound , for feat of accidents , he must not be absent from the party too long , or give notice where he may certainly be found to give timely ease . if a loosness happen in spots , or whilst a swelling is rising , or before it be discharged , let the party presently take two drachms of diascordium , or diascordium and conserve of red roses , of each one drachm , and mithridate half a drachm ; to which also may be added true bole , or confect de hyacintho , ten grains : also in his drink boyl good store of burnt hartshorn , and some bolaustins . and if the swelling be too sluggish , or by any accident threaten to retire , it might be worth the expert chyrurgions consultation , whether the applying a cupping-glass to it without scarification , might not advantage a cataplasm or dyacilon cum gummis thereon after , to certain effect . the party visited , may do well to have the epispastick-plaister alwayes by him , to apply in diverse parts before the swelling begin to arise ; else it s rational not to come too nigh it ( if there be need of them at all ) left the blister detract from the swelling , and cause it to fall . for example , if the swelling arise in the arm-pit , to lay no blistering application above the elbow ; or if in the groin , not above the knees , &c. and if any inconveniency be sencibly found in the use of the sharp-drink , so frequently as aforesaid , which will soon then , be felt , by the intolerable sharpness of the urine or seige , you may a●ay , or wholly suspend a day or two , and use emulsions and softer julips ; sweetned also , with conserve of red-roses , strained ; in case of cholerich loosness , applying still , suitable sweat-drivers , alone or mixt , at discretion . to which end , i would advise all to have by them at the rate of every six in a family , these quantities at least of these common things following , viz. mithredate and london-treacle , of each four ounces ; venice-treacle and diascordium , of each two ounces ; conserve of red roses and wood-sorrel , of each four ounces ; spirit of sulphur ( set out of the way of children and liquorish ignorant ones , that they tast not of it ) one ounce : the plague-water of matthias , or at least treacle-water , half a pint ; syrup of woodsorrel , as much : the plaisters to raise blisters at first sickning , four ounces ; and as much mellilot to dress them . by which plain and cheapest things , they may have something material at hand for sick and well to preserve , till they can apply to their physician , for want of which it hath gone ill with some shut-up suddenly . but i desire none to follow any direction of mine , that do not first consider humbly the causes of visitation , and above all , apply the blood of sprinkling , and all other helps , as purchased thereby ; and beware lest they render their cure impossible through impenitency : likewise if they first endeavour to set their house and heart in order , they might more sweetly rest , and make the cure the more easie in their sickness . for prevention . a multitude of antidotes are fairly set down by the physitians , but in all ( though but that common one of concerve of wood-sorrel and mithridate , or venice-treacle ; yea in ordinary mornings draughts ) i commend the use of true spirit of sulphur . yet because the pill rufus hath so good report by the colledg , and is especially again commended by dr. middlethwite's print for weekly use , with reverence to them , who may ( perhaps ) use it themselves , and for the weak stomach sake of such as cannot well digest dirt , and then wonder what aile them ; i desire it may be wash'd in spirit of wine , by the art of their apothecaries , who know there is cause through the shameful adulteration of the cheif materials thereof . take then myrrh six ounces , aloes half a pound , mastick four ounces , saffron two ounces ; infuse them apart in boultheads in spirit of wine close stopt in balne● , till the wine be tinctured of a deep colour , then pour the tinctured-spirits from the ingredients , and add more spirits to the feces until it will yeild no more tincture ; then filture all the tinctures through a brown paper , put it then into a glasse body with head and cooler on it , and so distil off the spirits gently ; and when a film cometh on it , take off the head , and stir it to a due consistence . now this pill in surfeits is excellent , and where there is needof purging , safe ; in violent suspition of malignity , having in addition to the three ingreedients of rufus , the cordial friend of spirit of wine , and mastick , to bridle it ; and eminently in that , there is so little lucid aloes of the four sorts that is vended by the druggist , and so much earth and dirt ( to the disadvantage of pills ) both in it and ordinary myrrh , hereby separated from it , the terrene and spurious corruption removed , being as much almost in bulk as all was at first , though spiritless and good for nothing but its center the earth , which should not therefore incumber any corner of a wise-man's stomach . besides , this child is not only as nobly descended , but of age to speak for it self sufficiently , and hath done good service to many hundred surfeited , crude and flegmatick stomachs more certainly . two or three pills at night going to bed , and a draught of warm broath in the morning before you go abroad , will make you in love therewith , and you will find the difference , if you still should be minded to try both for experiment . a pill for a child suspected to have the worms , or to have been surfeited with fruit , or that hath a crude flegmatick stomach , is very excellent , in syrup of violets at night going to bed ; and what pill can be better for old people on young , who are weak , consumptive , sickly , and obstructed ? but i publish it now rather , for fear of grosser and dul●●● purging at such a time ( of surfeiting , &c. ) by the very materials thereof , and hope young physicians will beware of any violent purge in symptomes of pestilence , by which some have been lately purged away by them unawares , and others hardly recovered : but this can scarce have an evil effect ; for though it work not , it will leave nothing behind ; yea , they will find good , that may never feel any motion thereof . for such as cannot take any thing more medicinal , a little conserve of roman-wormwood , or of wood-sorrel alone , in a morning ; or to have two ounces of juniper-berries , and a little sage in each kinderkin of beer , is profitable . the english in ireland found much benefit by the moderate use of angelica and wormwood-waters after meals , and with a toast in a spoonful in the morning : those , and juniper-water so taken , maybe profitable to cold stomachs , especially in winter ; or coffee , received with thanksgiving ( as i fear it too seldom is ) is exceeding wholsome for moist constitutions , though the tipling , tatling , waste-time , and wantonway therein , is a high provocation to wrath from god , a stage of wrong to men , whereby also professors shamefully neglect their families and their own poor souls to mourn at the last , as prov. 5. 11 , 12 , 13. french-wines , especially advantaged with marigolds , clove-gilliflowers , juniper-berries , sage-flowers , bawm , rosemary-flowers , spanish-angelica-roots , roots of sinkfoyl , or of burnet , zedoary , orris , tops of wormwood , or the like ( as the party may affect , and is able to attain ) may be very useful , with moderation , at meals , &c. the cask or bottle being first smoaked well with sulphur , and vinegers of elder-flowers , juniper-berries , marigolds , clove-gilli-flowers , sage-flowers , cowslip , taragon , mint , barberries , tender shoots from the orange-seeds , &c. to take in broth ; or with meat , with their substances , except the juniper-berries , which being put into the vinegar whole , may be taken out , and new ones put in , to carry about and ear , as the doctors direct . issues for corpulent and rheumatick persons , men , women and children , were never more necessary , and were used much to good advantage by the english in the irish infection , fo● want of which many suffer more than an aching-head . of smells . of smells those are certainly best , that being taken inwardly , are proper for the heart and head ( the chief seat of the malignity ) and suppress vapours too ; the chief are these : chymical oyls of rhue , wormwood , hartshorn , amber , thime or origany , rosemary , chamomile , castor , juniper-berries , the stinking oyl of sulphur , castor & camphir , &c. and that of tar is a toy now in fashion ; but sweet-scented pomanders were exploded of the learned physicians long since , as a costly mischief , many wayes inconvenient ; nor can any of the former in an ivory-box more mischieve the brain by heat , ( as pomander-men prate ) yet the use of any are best avoided , except for the present passando by anoyance ; because by much use they open the pores , and fit the more ( as they that come out of clear air to stinking and thick ) to receive in ill scents , longer than they hold the other to their nose . and of all fumes ( if i may not countenance the idle use thereof ) i might affirm and demonstrate tobacco to be the best ; because it doth not vanish away quickly , but possesseth and keepeth the place , out of which it driveth other anoyances : wherefore gunpowder , more quickly vanishing through its nitral part , after long use of it in ireland , was left , and tobacco stood in lasting esteem ; as also brimstone by it self , which will abide , whereas the saltpeter-puff is gone in an instant , and makes the air so thin , as way is sooner made thereby also for infection , if you stir abroad : whereas experience shews that tobacco , where it is smoaked much , will furnish a room for continuance , and they that take it will stink of it long . i will now end this subject , with a word of advice to remove a very noisom cause of infection , viz. the multitude of dead dogs and cats , that float on the river , and lie on the shoar , as wind and tide serveth , one of which is more infectious than as hundred alive ; which some already have sadly experienced , and it 's feared more will daily , unless timely removed . finis . an act enabling the militia of the city of london to raise horse vvithin the said city and liberties for defence of the parliament, city of london, and liberties thereof, and the parts adjacent. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84576 of text r211955 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.15[35] 669.f.15[36]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84576 wing e991 thomason 669.f.15[35] thomason 669.f.15[36] estc r211955 99870621 99870621 163109 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84576) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163109) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f15[35], 246:669f15[36]) an act enabling the militia of the city of london to raise horse vvithin the said city and liberties for defence of the parliament, city of london, and liberties thereof, and the parts adjacent. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, london : 1650. order to print dated: die martis, 4 iunii, 1650. signed: hen. scobell cler. parliament. reproductions of the originals in the british library. eng corporation of london (england) -committee for the militia -early works to 1800. london (england) -militia -early works to 1800. a84576 r211955 (thomason 669.f.15[35] 669.f.15[36]). civilwar no an act enabling the militia of the city of london to raise horse vvithin the said city and liberties: for defence of the parliament, city o england and wales. parliament. 1650 726 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an act enabling the militia of the city of london to raise horse within the said city and liberties , for defence of the parliament , city of london , and liberties thereof , and the parts adjacent . the parliament of england , doe enact and declare , and it is hereby enacted and declared , that the committee of the militia of the city of london , or any nine or more of them , shall have power , and are hereby authorized to charge such inhabitants who are constantly dwelling within the said city and liberties thereof , and such persons who have stocks going in trade within the limits aforesaid , and absent themselves , as they or any nine of them shal esteem able to find and maintain horses , with furniture and rider , or horse and furniture without rider , at their proper charges , for the defence of the parliament , city of london , liberties and parts adjacent ; so as no person shall be charged for the raising and maintaining of more then two horses , furniture and riders , to be put under such commanders and officers as the said committee shall think fit : and the said horse being listed , trained and exercised , to bee employed by the said committee , or by suc whom they shall appoint , to suppresse all tumults rebellions , and insurrections that shall happen within the said city , and liberties , and parts adjacent . and it is further enacted ; that if any person or persons shall be charged to find horse , furniture and riders , or horse and furniture without riders as aforesaid , and shall refuse or neglect to provide the same within eight dayes after notice thereof given to them in person , or left in writing at their dwelling , shall forfeit and pay twenty pounds ; and if they or any of them shall neglect or refuse to send forth their horse , with furniture and rider , or horse and furniture without rider , provided and furnished as aforesaid , when and as often as he or they shall be summoned thereunto by the said committee of the militia , or such commanders or officers as they shall appoint , in default thereof shall forfeit and pay forty shillings upon every such failing , or suffer four days imprisonment , without baile or mainprize , to be inflicted upon every such offender ; and the several penalties aforesaid to be levyed by distresse , and sale of the goods of such offenders , by the said committee of the militia , or such as they shall appoint ; and the said committee shall have power , and are hereby authorized to give such satisfaction to such persons as they shal imploy in levying the said fines as the committee of the militia shal think reasonable ; & the moneys so raised , to be employed by the said committee , for the payment of the forces under their command : and that all such persons that shall be charged to find horse , furniture and riders as aforesaid , and shal yeeld obedience thereunto , shal during that time be freed from service in the trained-bands and auxiliaries within the said city and liberties thereof . provided alwaies , that the number of the horse exceed not six hundred , and the riders thereof be such as the committee of the militia , or such as they shal appoint , shall approve of . and it is further enacted , that hereafter proclamations shall be made , and summons given by beat of drum , or otherwise , in the name of the parliament of the common-wealth of england , and for their safety , and the safety of the city of london , liberties thereof , and parts adjacent . provided , that this act doe continue in force untill the four and twentyeth day of june , one thousand six hundred fifty and one , and no longer . die martis , 4 iunii , 1650. ordered by the parliament , that this act be forthwith printed and published . hen. scobell cler. parliament . london , printed by richard cotes , 1650. orders conceived and approved by the committee for the militia of the county of middlesex as expedient for the present to be published and practised in the said county without the lines of communication. city of london (england). committee for the militia. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a90166 of text r35082 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.10[12]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a90166 wing o396a thomason 669.f.10[12] estc r35082 99872399 99872399 162553 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a90166) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162553) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f10[12]) orders conceived and approved by the committee for the militia of the county of middlesex as expedient for the present to be published and practised in the said county without the lines of communication. city of london (england). committee for the militia. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1644] imprint from wing. "dated at the dutchy court at westminster, 16. september, 1644. w. greenhill, cler. to the said committee". reproductions of the originals in the british library (thomason tracts) and in the harvard university library (early english books). eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. middlesex (england) -militia -early works to 1800. a90166 r35082 (thomason 669.f.10[12]). civilwar no orders conceived and approved by the committee for the militia of the county of middlesex, as expedient for the present to be published and city of london 1644 1065 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion orders conceived and approved by the committee for the militia of the county of middlesex , as expedient for the present to be published , and practised in the said county without the lines of communication . 1. that lists of resiants within all parishes be duly conserved from moneth to moneth , of all persons between the ages of 16. and 60. carefully registred according to their names , qualities , and professions , not only of men , but also of widows and maids , living at their owne hands ; this to be performed by the church-wardens , overseers for the poore , constables and headboroughs , and to be attested by the next justice of the peace , high-constable , or two of the committee-men of the parish , or neerest adjoyning . 2. that from out of the said lists , the watches for the said parishes shall be raysed ( as occasion requires for day or night ) and so numbred and appointed all along the yeare , as every resiant as aforesaid , may watch , or find a sufficient watchman in his turne , and not further , but as the turne comes sooner or later round , by occasion of the more often or more numerous watches through the yeare . 3. that the names be so ordered upon the appointment of the watches , as that a part of them may bee armed with muskets and halfe pikes , when any justice of the peace , or constable shall command the same . 4. that from out of the said resiants , a particular selection be made of their names , who have shewed their affections to conserve their countrey , their neighbours and themselves , by subscription to find armes for horse or foot souldiers , with the numbers and kinds of the said armes . 5. that every able bodyed man betweene the ages aforesaid be listed again together , to serve as they shall be commanded with armes of their owne , or appointed for them . 6. that no man be left out of this last directed list , or exempted in the case , but by suspension for , or in regard of some peculiar imployment of greater consequence to the publique , allowed by the collonel of the regiment in that part of the county , or otherwise by two deputy-lievtenants . 7. that all not able of body , with widows and maids at their owne hand , as aforesaid , be considered to furnish somewhat the more in any assessement , or charge towards the souldiery , or magazine of ammunition for the county . 8. that the commanders in the militia shall observe diligence and care in their severall charges , and in their severall degrees . as the deputy-lievtenants over the collonels , they over their field officers and captaines , and those over inferiour officers and souldiers , so upwards in all obedience according to discipline of warre . 9. that if any souldier shall not appeare upon summons , or shall absent themselves from this service without leave of his officer , or shall wilfully spoyle or imbeazill his armes , or be disorderly , or if any shall receive such his armes , such offendors to be punished by fine or imprisonment , such imprisonment not exceeding ten dayes , or fine xx . shillings for any such offence to be levyed by distresse , and sale of such offendors goods according to the ordinance . 10. that appeale to the higher power shall alwayes be accepted , but the more distant appeale , as from the inferiour souldier to the deputy-lievtenants or collonel , shall be the more blamed or punished , in case he or they prove , and be judged more troublesome then wronged . 11. that the captaines , under officers and souldiers of each regiment , shall enter into halfe pay for their dayes of exercise of every company , assoone as each regiment shall be compleated with their lists of officers and souldiers ; provided that the said dayes of exercise , exceed not the number of 26. dayes through the whole yeare . touching the extention of halfe pay to the listed trayned-band souldiers , aswell as to the captaines and officers ; it is agreed fitting . 1. that the companies shall be so farre reduced into a selection of the better or more orderly conditioned , as that 120. in number shall be the reserved band under every captaine . 140. for the serjeant major . 160. for the lievtenant collonel , and 200. for the collonels company , who shall have their halfe pay , together with their officers for 26. dayes exercise within the yeare . the captaines and committees within each lymit with approbation of the collonel to affix the severall pay from time to time ; that the supernumeraries that shall arise within the limits of each company , being received , or appointed to find , or weare armes , shall be in protection , and under the same command . 2. that where the said captaines and committees thinke fit to lyst any number of youth that may be willing to exercise , they shall be received into consideration , as they appeare to deserve for their numbers and industry . lastly , touching the certificats for souldiers and officers without commissions to shew their condition . it is agreed , that every souldier and officer-shall have certificats from his collonel ( such as were shewed to the committee ) with impression of his escutchion of armes , and under the hand of his captaine , and secretary of the regiment , for which the souldier shall pay vj-pence out of his next following pay allowed , and xij-pence for every officer or gentleman of each company ; two parts of which fees shall be to the secretary of the regiment , and one third part to the clerke of the band , in which such souldier or officer is . dated at the dutchy court at westminster , 16. september , 1644. w. greenhill , cler. to the said committee . an elegie on the late fire and ruines of london by e. settle. settle, elkanah, 1648-1724. 1667 approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59306 wing s2677a estc r27009 09606315 ocm 09606315 43813 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59306) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43813) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1339:45) an elegie on the late fire and ruines of london by e. settle. settle, elkanah, 1648-1724. 7 p. printed for w. crook, london : 1667. in verse. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -fire, 1666 -poetry. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an elegie on the late fire and ruines of london , by e. settle . oxon. london , printed for w. crook , in the strand . 1667. an elegie on the late fire of london . what weep in verse ? yes , yes , taught by this fire when burnt to mourn , but burning to admire . distill'd by measure ? a poetick tear ? there 's more of chymistry then nature there . poets here needless are , unless the charm in verse had been sufficient to disarm the force and power of fire , if that could do it each loyal subject would have then turn'd poet. but since a rude confused draught fits best , as like th' effects of fire , let me express't . decaying trophies , and declining states , and what the series of age relates ▪ joyn'd with the wonders of the world , and all that we may height , or worth , or greatness call , like troy intomb'd in iliads , story showes the compass of a nutshel may inclose ▪ or like deceased potentates of old the narrow volume of a sheet may hold . thus londons beauty , pomp , varieties their only being in a catalogue lies : preserv'd by memory maintain'd by fame lives only in the story and the name . is poetry a rage ? yes justly styl'd but were 't a fury too , 't were here too mild : were it distracted too , a passionate distraction only makes it imitate . for hark the cryes the frights and the complaints of london's poor deplor'd inhabitants . here an united multitude combine together all their helpless succor joyn : as many there distrest in an amaze beset with tears as sad spectatours gaze but argus eyes , joynd with briareus hands are too too weak supplies to countermand so great a force , which like a torrent gorwes when stopt the greater , and with unlimited measure overflowes . the face of heaven with an unusual veile is over spread , while the proud fires exhale innumerous clouds of smoak , that they appear to make themselves another hemispheare . that seems to each approaching dazled sight both fire and smoak , both hell and heaven unite . some the next church their sanctuary make and that as common treasury partake , but for defence in vain their wealth remove when for their own their sanctuaries prove too weak ; in brief 't is but a short repreive surpris'd at last only a while survive , one merchant swears the elements conspire rescu'd from water to be wrackt by fire . finding more mercy in the rageing waves whose sinking billowes but present their graves which here too true he finds : his merchandise in a confused chaos buried lies . his arabian wealth serves but for one perfume : his indian , gold and silver , reasume their first original , and in the earth , make that their tomb whence they receiv'd their birth : once more , dispersed in a liquid train both or and argent turn into a vein . others who once their honour and estate in the same ballance weigh'd , by th' common fate like german emp'rours youngest sons , now are , or like declining kings but titular . but when i weigh the general loss , i swear if riches ever yet had wings 't was there . here are those planets influence of late which in the fiery trigon met , and that since the great monarch cesar wore the bays but once and then in carolus magnus daies : one planet rule a greater ? london far exceeds the power of every weaker star , for this , to feel its loss , imparts from hence through the whole kingdome its sad influence . nay threatens heaven . at this deep tragedy the sun's spectator but with half an eye , whilst his diminishing and weaker rayes in such a fainting manner he displayes , that what was totally then threatned here some part of an eclipse they seem to beare . that 't was a planet too , a wandring fire it s swift extent and motion did require . but if these stars rule here , let them compleat their yet continued aspect , as great as was the former that there may ensue as did the last a carolus magnus too . that london may arise and dayly higher with its triumphant monarch may aspire . but as for those profest astrologers , ( beyond our spheare , ) heavens privy counsellours who know by signs the very stars intent , give reason for 't ( above my element . ) as if they would foretel what 's past . t' apply portents to a foregoing destiny that 's base : the nobler way 's , search future fate help build another , then foretel of that . but hark ( me thinks ) i heare some say 't is just that londons pride is humbled in the dust . alas thus fire and smoak have left behind this its one property to make men blind too like this iustice that they plead , unless ambition height , and beauty pride express . away dark blindness , t is the only part of ignorance to censure the desert by the event as if that fortune could , because that , justice is by merit rul'd . nay were its guilt the high'st , who , but mad denies t were , thus absolv'd , too great a sacrifice ? and would not cry , quench , quench the fire , t is time such incense more then expiates a crime ? with arts variety , and natures pride , and all the ornaments i th' world beside ; englands metropolis once seem'd to be a lesser world in an epitome . but now from such variety is grown so poor reduc'd to nothing , or but one , and that a spectacle of sad confusion whole ages labour , but one days conclusion . that it might be , and not absur'd , affirm'd , a disunited union justly term'd . nor doth it in this sad and desolate case seem only to have chang'd its state , but place for thus transform'd so great a change hath wrought that each spectatour's to a nonplus brought . that the late fire might worthily seem thus converted to an ignis fatuus ; only that men , but this makes reason stray ▪ and knowledge too to erre as well as they . such an amaze and horror doth surprise , that the beholder credits not his eyes . t is changd , without a metaphor , i may say from terr' del ' foego to incognita . t is now made destitute , wast , and forlorn , and now in more then ashes forc'd to mourn . here stands a naked church that 's now become its own and that an universal tomb whose stone and pillars are alone surviv'd being of all other neighbourhood depriv'd . as if the fury of the fire had meant at once urne , funeral and monument . so that its coat of arms , if but the sword excluded were , would properly accord with its last state , what herauld would not yeild 't were then like london left an open field ? were i for any man to choose a curse or banishment , i could not think a worse , though 't were his home ( were i but to assigne him his doom ) then hither damne him and confine him . the fates thus in a title we may see or in a name may write a destiny . is fate hereditary ? can the line that joyneth the descent the fortune joyn ; for troynovant thus ruind from the same derives its fortune , whence it took its name only the milder fates ordein by fire this to revive , but troy for to expire , the ship was burnt which late bore londons name as the forerunner of its authors flame . whilst fate in red character together decreed to write the destines of either . the like disaster chronicles scarce tell but in our conqu'rour williams daies befell , when london in like sort from gate to gate seem'd like a ruind monument of state. when i consider both , i dare presage the only difference is in the age : which to compleat each loyal subject prayes may 't likewise happen in a conqu'rours dayes , whilst our victorious charles proves to our eyes a phenix may out of her ashes rise . an anagram on the citie london , the city london when i now behold it in its true anagram then i condole it . but when 't revives , whose triumph shall transcend turning the anagram , let ioie contend . postscript . amongst th' effects of fire this one there is to force a blush , the author fears t is his . his labour too that 's here produc'd , he fears as an abortive to each sight appears while riper wits and each judicious eye its imperfections and defaults descry : yet begs your pardon that it came to light abortive why ? conceiv'd in an affright . imprimatur r. l' estrange ▪ finis . accommodation cordially desired, and really intended. a moderate discourse: tending, to the satisfaction of all such, who do either wilfully, or ignorantly conceive that the parliament is disaffected to peace. written upon occasion of a late pamphlet, pretended to be printed at oxford; entituled a reply to the answer of the london-petition for peace. contra-replicant, his complaint to his majestie. parker, henry, 1604-1652. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91163 of text r21031 in the english short title catalog (thomason e101_23). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 91 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91163 wing p392a thomason e101_23 estc r21031 99869118 99869118 155894 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91163) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 155894) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 18:e101[23]) accommodation cordially desired, and really intended. a moderate discourse: tending, to the satisfaction of all such, who do either wilfully, or ignorantly conceive that the parliament is disaffected to peace. written upon occasion of a late pamphlet, pretended to be printed at oxford; entituled a reply to the answer of the london-petition for peace. contra-replicant, his complaint to his majestie. parker, henry, 1604-1652. [2], 31, [1] p. [s.n.], london : 1642 [i.e. 1643] by henry parker. an answer to the "reply of the london petitioners to the late answer to their petition for peace", often attributed to w. chillingworth, which was published as part of: the petition of the most substantiall inhabitants of the citie of london and the liberties thereof to the lords and commonns for peace. a reissue of "the contra-replicant, his complaint to his maiestie" with a1 cancelled by a new title page and conjugate a1. the thomason copy of the original issue has ms. date "jan: 31 1642" on title page. annotation on thomason copy: "may 15". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng chillingworth, william, 1602-1644. petition of the most substantiall inhabitants of the citie of london and the liberties thereof to the lords and commonns for peace. london (england) -history -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a91163 r21031 (thomason e101_23). civilwar no accommodation cordially desired, and really intended.: a moderate discourse: tending, to the satisfaction of all such, who do either wilful parker, henry 1643 16234 18 5 0 0 0 0 14 c the rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-07 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion accommodation cordially desired , and really intended . a moderate discovrse : tending , to the satisfaction of all such , who do either wilfully , or ignorantly conceive that the parliament is disaffected to peace . written upon occasion of a late pamphlet , pretended to be printed at oxford ; entituled a reply to the answer of the london . petition for peace . london , 1643. accommodation cordially desired , and really intended . a moderate discourse , tending to the satisfaction of all such who , &c. a petition for peace is presented to the parliament by some thousands of citizens ; the petition findes a peaceable answer ; and that answer ( as i shall now set forth ) is opposed by an unpeaceable reply , but that time may be the better husbanded , and indifferent readers the better satisfied , before i undertake the replication it selfe , i desire all men to be preadvertised of some few things . schollars have been very active in this unnaturall warre , both in raysing and fomenting it ; the tongue hath made some wounds as well as the hand ; and the sword had never bin so keene , had it not been whetted by the pen : but schollars are not active on both sides alike ( to shew their partiality , & interest in this cause ) 't is only on the kings side , where the pen and the launce are both brandisht in the same hand . and it is wisely ordered , for the kings interest wil be the more hopefully pursu'd when schollars second it with their arts , and the schollars interests will be the easier gained , when the king seconds them with his armes . but of all kindes of learning oratory is most relyed on : and of all kinds of oratory , that is most made use of , which is most want only painted and dressed , and borrowes most from ostentatious art , and is therefore most unfit for businesse , either of law or state , because it is most fit to inveagle , and deceive with its false graces and flourishes . the tongue of cyneas was very advantageous to pyrrhus in subduing townes and cities , but 't is likely more of manly logick then of effeminate rhetorick flow'd from that tongue of his , or else townes and cities in those dayes were governed by very illiterate men . none but the duller sort of people are to be catcht by pure oratory , the wiser sort are wel enough instructed , that when the fowlers pipe playes most melodiously , the snare is coucht most pernitiously . that man is very unworthy to judge of papers that cannot distiguish betweene foundations and superstructions , reasons and assumptions ; that cannot discerne between prooving of premises , and pursuing of conclusions : and yet the chiefest fraud of the orator is to passe over that part of the businesse which requires most proofe , without proofe at all , & that which is most darke without light at all , and that which is most important without mention at all . 't is enough for the orator to blazon the bloudy shield of war in general , when 't is his sole charge to dispute who are the guilty causers & promoters of this particular war : 't is enough for him to take it for grāted , or at most upon his own credit to affirme it , that the kings party of papists and arminian clergy men and delinquents were first assayled by this parliament , without cause or danger ; and so presaltum to proceed to vēemous invectives , & cursed censures against the parliament : when his main task is to proove either that a parliament may in no case whatsoever defend it selfe , or that this warre in the parliament is not defensive . if wee peruse all the papers which have come out in the kings behalfe , under his name , or otherwise ; we shall find nothing proper to be insisted on but these two points , that defensive warre is unlawfull in parliaments , or that this warre in the parliament is not defensive ; and yet nothing lesse hath been insisted on ; nay though the fabricke bee vast that is built and raised thereupon , yet that which ought to support all the fabrick is utterly neglected ; so in this reply ( now to be examined ) if much be affirmed , yet little is prooved , and if any proofe be made 't is of sequels , not of premisses ; 't is of assumptions deduced , not of theses deducing : and 't is plaine and obvious to al that the replicant here pleads not as if he stood at the barre , but pronounces sentence , as if he sate on the bench : we may justly therefore suspect that he aymes not at the satisfying of wise men , but the dazelling of simple men , and that he would not daube with his fucusses every line , & embellish with his caressing phrases every sentence , if he did not affect the pompe of mr rhombus the pedant , rather then the gravitie of a statist . the next art of our replicant is to impose those his nude averments which are most false and improbable , with most boldnesse and assurance , assaling as it were thereby the beliefe of other men with armed violence . that it may passe for currant that franham castle was surprized contrary to the faith , and treaty of sir william waller ( with whom no treaty was ever entertained nor spoken of , ) it must be further averred , that our side was false at winchecter , false in york shire , false every where ; but these things eadem facilitate negantur , quâ affirmantur . another advantage of the kings party is by multitude of writings , invective and satyricall : both the universities are become mints of defamatory disgracefull papers , the regiments of the kings pen-and-inkhorne men , are more and fuller then of his sword-men ; and though too many papers are scattered of both sides , yet those of the kings are most of them serious , and done by able men , whereas those of the parliaments side for the most part are ridiculous done by sots , or prevaricators to the disadvantage of the partie . after these premonitions i come to the replication it selfe . the substance of the petition was that the parliament would tender such propositions for accommodation , as might be accepted with honour to his maiesty , and safety to the kingdome . the substance of the answer was that the parliament was truly and heartily desirous of a safe and honourable accommodation , and for an instance of that their desire would seeke nothing from the king , but to enjoy the due essentiall priviledges of his highest court of law and policie , which priviledge must needs qualifie and fit them rather to judge , then to be judged by any other inferiour partie . that a totall submission to the king , he being so farre addicted to a faction of papists and haters of parliaments , could neither be safe nor honourable . that to submit to the kings party were to submit to the foes of religion and libertie : foes irreconcileable , and such as ever had been dangerous , and were now made more furious by bloud against the parliament . that if the petitioners being but a part of london , and that but a part of england , should in stead of an honourable safe accommodation presse the parliament to a dishonourable unsafe submission to the kings party , it were a breach of publike trust in the parliament to yeeld therein , the parliament being trusted by the whole kingdome , that if a just fit accommodation be intended the king ought to trust the parliament in part , as well as the parliament ought in part to trust the king . that both parties being equally disarmed , the protestants being lesse countenanced by the king , and more obliged in conscience by oathes and agreements , would be more obnoxious to disadvantages , then that party wherein so many papists are predominant . that though the parliament might submit , yet a faire accommodation it could not obtaine , except the king would equally condescend thereunto . that if the petitioners had found out a more safe and honourable accommodation then the parliament had yet discovered ; ( for that was possible ) the parliament would embrace it ; that if none such could be found out , the affections and judgements of the parliament ought not to be censur'd or distrusted . that it behooved the petitioners to addresse themselves by the like petition to the king , if no want of affection to peace were apparent in the parliament , as certainly none was . in contradiction and opposition to all the severall poynts in this analysis , what the replicant hath set forth , wee shall now see in the same order . 1. the great contrivers of our sad divisions , which abuse the weake reason of the people , to keepe up an unfortunate misunderstanding between king and subject are not named by the replicant ; but they are clearely pointed out to be the chiefe lords and commons in parliament : for he saith , every new vote of late hath been a new affliction : and he makes pennington and the citty lecturers to be but iourney-men rebels under them : and even this hellish slander he venteth under the name of the petitioners , whom he stiles the most considerable persons of the citty : and at the same time affirmeth , that the people generally are of honest affections . and the answer to the petition in which , the words ( he saies ) are softer then oyle , though the matter of it be poison of aspes , he attributes only to some chiefe engineers of mischiefe in the house , though it carry in it the authority of the whole house . here is a wonder beyond all wonders . a few factious persons in parliament over-awe the major , better and wiser part in parliament ; and by a few factious instruments in citty and countrey abuse the major , better and wiser part there also into the most miserable distempers and calamities that ever were ; and though the honest generality begin to grow wiser and are instructed by the sence of their miseries , and by other advertisements from loyall papists and prelates , and other pious courtiers and souldiers to shake off their few tormentors : nay , and though the king himself has not onely publisht the most eloquent and subtill declarations to disabuse the people , that ever were ( himselfe being the most beloved and honoured prince that ever was for his indulgence to liberty and religion ) but ha●h also advanced a most puissant and victorious army to releeve these undeceived wretches ; yet the incantation holds , no humane force either of armes or arts can dissolve it . the miracles of moses had an impression of divine vertue upon them , and did therefore triumph over all the egyptians spels : but in this case , mr pym , with i know not what infernall engines distors and wrests all the orbes of a kingdome from their naturall motions ; and yet no divine art can resist him . 't was never beleev'd before that any but god could work contrary to nature , but now it must be beleeved . but is it so apparent that the parliament is averse from peace ? yet saies the replicant , for withdraw the fuell , and the fire is soon extinguisht : let the parliament not foment the ill humour ( by supplyes of men , armes and ammunition ) and the wound will heale of it selfe . in the petition , nothing but an accommodation , safe and honourable was pretended , but now we see a meere submission is intended in this replication . t is not prooved : that the armes of the parliament are unjust ; 't is not prooved , that it may be safe for the kingdome to prostrate , and subject parliaments to the discretion of that faction which now has bereav'd us of the kings presence and favour , yet because the replicant will take upon him to condemne parliaments ; we must also allow of his judgement . but ' its further say'd by the replicant , that even accommodation it selfe is not pleasing in parliament , witnesse that speech of one , i like not daubing : and that of another , i hate the name of accommodation . hee which hates the name of an accommodation as it has been used of late to signifie a totall submission , may love a true accommodation in it selfe : and he that likes not the daubing of those which under the colour of accommodation ayme at nothing but division and dissention amongst the people , may more heartily affect a safe , and honourable agreement , then the replicant himselfe . can the parliament expresse zeale to peace better then by contracting all its rights and priviledges into one compendious proposition , for the setling of union ? to purchase true peace , the parliament desires nothing but to retain the meere being of a parliament ; that is , to be the supreme court of king and kingdome . and if it can stand with the essence of such a court to be arraign'd , tryed and sentenced by a faction of papists , prelates , delinquents , and souldiers , the parliament will submit to that condition also . 2. when we expresse our feares of the kings party , and therefore deny submission thereunto as dangerous and dishonourable , the replicant tels us further , we are required not to submit to our fellow subiects , but to the king only : and he tels us further , that the lawes are the best security , and those we shall enioy , and to claime any higher securitie is to assume the power of kings . how farre the lawes of the land have been sufficient to preserve to parliaments , and the be●ter part of loyall protestant subjects their rightfull portion and interest in the kings favour , for these 17. yeares last past , is knowne to all ; the lawes of scotland could not secure the better and greater part there ; the lawes of ireland have not saved the brittaines and protestants from massacres there : and yet certainly both those kingdomes are intitled to lawes of as ample benefit , and vigour as ours now is . but what speake we of common lawes , when even at this instant such a free subjects house is burnt and plundered by the kings party , in derision and despight of the kings owne proclamation and particular placard granted for the safegard of himselfe and his family ? as our judges preyed upon us heretofore in matters of state , and divines oppressed us in matters of religion : so our martialists now have a power of spoyling above the generall law , or any particular protection . if the king thinke fit to grant safety to such a person , or such a towne , it must be provided alwayes that such a dutch or scotch commander , who conceives himselfe more skilfull in war then the king give his approbation withall ; for my part i conceive it more honourable for the king to say that he cannot , then that he would not save his people from all those cursed indignities and cruelties which have been multiplyed upon us during this warre , and before by his adherents . as for lawes therefore we must take notice that they may be imployed either to the benefit or prejudice of any nation , and that they themselves do require to be regulated by further lawes . no nation can be free without a three-fold priviledge : the first is in the framing and passing of lawes . the second is in declaring and interpreting lawes . and the third is in executing and preserving lawes inforce . where the king is sole law-maker all things are subject to his meer discretion , and a greater bondage then this never was nor can be ; the english lie not under such base servitude , their king claimes but a part in the leg●slative power : and yet neverthelesse of late by discontinuing of writs for the summoning of parliaments , and by the right of a negative voyce in parliaments , and an untimely dissolving of parliaments , the peoples interest in this legislative power has been much abridged and suspended . in the like manner also if the sole power of declaring lawes were so in the king as that he might himselfe give judgement , or create judges at his pleasure without imposing oathes of trust on them in behalfe of the people , or should deny redresses upon appeales from them , our legislative power would be vaine and uneffectuall to us . for my part i hold it an equall thing , whither just men make lawes and unjust interpret them , or unjust men make lawes and just interpret them . when it was just in the king of late to impose what taxes hee pleased , and as often as he pleased upon us for the preparing of armadoes all over england . our nation was fallen into a most desperate thraldome , yet the fault was not then in the lawes , but in the judges , and such as had a power over the judges , lawes as they are deafe , and by a strict inflexibility more righteous then living judges , so they are dumb also , and by their want of language more imperfect then the brests of men . and indeed since the lawes of god and nature , though knowne to all , yet do not utter to all the same sense , but remaine in many plaine points strangely controverted , as to their intent and meaning ; how can we hope that any humane lawes should satisfie all mens understanding in abstruse points , without some living key to open them ? the vast pandects and digests of the law sufficiently testifie , that in the clearest law , which mankind could ever yet discover there are dark and endlesse labyrinths , wherein the weaker sort of lay men are presently lost , & the learnedst advocates are tediously perplext . in the last place also if the sole power of inforcing and executing lawes were so vested in the king , as that he might use it to the cessation or perversion of all justice , and the people were in such case remedilesse , the interest in making and declaring of law were invalid , and frustrate in the people , and the king might still inslave or destroy them at his pleasure . the replicant sayes , that under a monarchy much must be trusted to the king , or else it will be debased into democracie . t is confessed much must , but all must not be trusted : the question then is , how farre this much extends in a monarchy of such a mixt nature as ours is , in such times as ours now are ? in absolute monarchies all is trusted to the king : in absolute democracies all is vested in the people : in a mixt monarchy more is trusted to the king , then is reserved to the people ; and in a mixt democracie more is reserved to the people , then is derived to the prince . in all formes of government the people passes by way of trust , all that power which it retaines not , and the difference of formes is only in degree , and the degrees are almost as various as the severall states of the world are , nay the same state admits of often changes many times , sometimes the people gaines , and sometimes looses , sometimes to its prejudice , sometimes not ; and sometimes injuriously , sometimes not ; but the degrees of ordinary power consist in the making , declaring and inforcing law , except when forraigne warre is , and then it is expedient that a greater and more extraordinary trust be reposed in one , and this we see in holland , the most exact republicke , and in england the most exact monarchy in the world . but it is a leud conceit of our royalists now adayes to attribute to our king an absolute power over the militia of this land at all times alike , not distinguishing between civill warres , wherein he may be a party , and suspected ; and between a forraigne warre , where he is neither a party nor suspected : for if our kings will plead such a trust to our disadvantage , 't is just that they produce some proofe for it , and relye not upon meere common use , 't is true in case of forraigne invasion , 't is expedient that the king be farre trusted , and yet even so , if the king should conspire with forraigne forces , or neglect to protect us against them , contrary to the intent of his trust , we might resume the common native posse , or militia of the land , for our owne defence without his consent . and much more reasonable is it in time of peace , or civill warre , if the king will deny his influences , or withdraw his presence , to obstruct law , or will by his negative voyce , or by force seeke to disable his highest courts and councels , and reduce all to arbitrary government : more reasonable is it , that the people secure to themselves the law , their chiefest portion and best patrimony . for as the king cannot by law deny to the people their undoubted interest in passing of lawes ; so neither can he defeat the same interest , or destroy the benefit thereof by misinterpretations , or by mis-executions of the same lawes . no nation can injoy any freedome but by the right and share which it has in the lawes , and if that right and share doe not extend to the preservation of lawes in their true vigour and meaning , as well as to the creation of them , 't is emptie and defeasible at the kings meere pleasure , much is to be trusted to the king : true , but all is not ( we see ) trusted , some power we see is of necessity to be reserved in free nations , such as the king allowes us to be , and there is a difference also in the word trust : for there is an arbitrary , and there is a necessary trust , and the one may be resumed ; the other not upon meere pleasure . without all question , the wiser and juster princes are esteemed , the more the people ever trust them , but this makes no difference in the legall and fundamentall trust of the kingdome , nor can infirme credulous , and easie princes pretend alwayes to the same degree of power as their ancestors have held , unlesse they can prescribe to their vertues also . queene elizabeth might with safety and expedience be trusted further then king iames , even in those things where the law did not trust her : but this is the misery of subjects , all goes from them , but nothing must returne : the court of a prince is like the lions den in the fable , all the beasts leave prints and steps advorsum but none retrorsum . but the replicant further assures us , that t is very easie to assigne the bounds of these severall trusts : for the lawes and customes of the land determine both : nor will his maiestie ( he sies ) require any new trust to himselfe , or deny any old trust to us . our great divines were to bee admired for their profound knowledge in the mysteries of law were they not courtiers : but now the king is presum'd to comprehend omnia jura in scrinio pectoris : and so they by their residence at court discerne all the secrets of law and state in speculo imperii , just as our heavenly saints doe read all things else in speculo trinitatis . our gravest sages of the law are much divided in points of lesse moment and intricacie , and as for the precise metes and bounds , where soveraignty and liberty are sever'd , and the direct degrees of publike trust in all cases , and at all times , they looke upon them as grand difficulties , scarce fit to be debated but in the sacred court of parliament ; and yet clergie-men think them but the first rudiments of all knowledge , obvious to very a. b. c. darians . they alwayes boast of the knowne lawes of the kingdome , in all disputes they referre us to the knowne lawes and customes of the land , as if judges were things utterly needlesse , and the study of law meerely superfluous . the treshault court of parliament , of whose determination our learnedst judges will not thinke dishonourably , cannot pierce into thefe known obvious lawes , and yet every sophister can : the fountaines of justice are now exhausted , and yet the cisternes remaine full . but saies the replicant , if you seeke further security then the knowne lawes , the people will see , that under the name of free subiects , you take upon you the power of kings . sir , we desire to have our lawes themselves secured to us , which you may turne like our owne canons against our selves , if righteous and prudent iudges be not granted us , and all over-awing violence so prevented , as that the fruit of their iudgements be clearely and intirely conveyed to us . and such securance is not incompatible with monarchy ; for it is no more impeachment to monarchy , that the people should injoy then make lawes ; that they should be sharers in the power of declaring and executing , then in the power of passing & framing lawes : but it is on the contrary an evident impeachment to liberty , if an equality of these three priviledges be not at least shared with the people . 3. as for the diametricall opposition in religion and state betwixt us and our irreconcilable enemies of the kings party . the replicant maintaines divers things : and of the papists and delinquents he sayes , that we have nothing against them , but state calumnies : that the same justice may governe both , if wee will submit to law . he beseeches us to tell what religion we would have : if that which the martyrs sealed with their blood , our adversaries practise it , and desire severe punishment upon all such as transgresse it : he imputes to us a new creed : he sayes the king is to look upon friends or enemies in a law notion only , that subjects must not give lawes to princes courtesies : that our enemies , if they be traytors , are to be tried at the kings bench , the house of commons having no right of judicature . the major part of our enemies are certainly either papists , or else such as are either over-awed or outwitted by papists . t is true , some part of our enemies knowes the truth of the protestant religion , and the desperate antipathy of papistry ; yet having in them the true power of no religion , but serving mammon only , for their worldly interests sake , ( with which severity of parliaments will not square ) they adhere to papists , little regarding what religion stands , or what falls . another part out of meere ignorance is carried away with the name king , and the professions of the king , not at all looking into reason of state , nor being able to judge of the same : but the last sort of men are not so considerable , either for their number , or power , or malice ; and therefore i shall not insist upon them . the maine engineers in this civill warre are papists , the most poysonous , serpentine , iesuited papists of the world . all the papists in europe either pray for the prosperity of this designe , or have contributed some other influence and assistance to it . this warre was not the production of these two last yeares ; nor was england alone the field wherein the dragons teeth were sowd . scotland was first attempted , but the protestant party there was too strong for the papists , and such of the english as joyned with them . the conspiracies next broke out in ireland , where the popish party being too strong for the protestants , the tragedy has been beseeming papists , it had proved beyond all paralell bloody ; and if shipping were not wanting , they might spare some aids for their fellow conspirators here in england . england is now in its agony , bleeding and sweating under the sad conflict of two parties , equally almost poized in force and courage . the papists themselves in england amount not to the twentieth arithmeticall part of protestants , and yet one papist in geometricall proportion may stand against twenty protestants , considering the papists with together with their adherents , and considering also what they are that act over them , and who they are that act under them . what power the romish vice-god has in the queen is known , & what power the queen has in the king , and what power the king and queen have in the prelaticall clergy , and the clergy in them reciprocally , and what power the king , queen and clergy have on a great number of irreligious or luke-warm protestants ( now made delinquents and so further engaged ) as also upon all papists , & how all these have interests divided & intwined & how restlesly active they al are in pursuing their interests is not unknown . besides ireland is a weakness , & scotland is no strength to us : all popish countries france , & spain &c ▪ are likely to annoy us , and the protestants in denmark , holland &c. have not power to restrain their princes from combining further against us . in this deplorable condition we have no friends to complain to , and yet this replicant tels us , we have no enemies to complain of ; our very condoling against papists and delinquents , he tearms state calumnies , and slanders that have lost their credit by time , and are confuted by experience . o thou black mouth , more black then thy coat , hast thou no more remorse for all that protestant blood , which delinquent have enabled papists to shed in ireland , and for all that protestant blood which armies of papists and delinquents are now ready to shed in england ? if all this blood finde no pity in thee , yet is it an offence to thee , that it extorts teares and lamentations from us ? o thou unbowelled sanguinary wretch , if god be the god of protestants , he will judge these cruelties of papists , and their abettors : and if he be the god of papists , we know our slanders and calumnies cannot deceive him ; wee submit our selves and our cause to his revenging hand . but thou wilt say , the kings party in this warre are good protestants , and we are anabaptists , &c. the tyranny and superstition of bishops has driven some of our tender and strictor protestants into utter dislike of ceremonies , and that pompous , or rather superstitious forme of church discipline which has beene hitherto used in england . some of us desire an alteration of some things in our lyturgy , by advice of a learned and uncorrupt synod : others perhaps scruple church musick , and any set forme of divine service , to be imposed of necessity , liking better the single order of scotland . what new creed is there in all this , or what change of religion were this , if there were any great numbers of men so opinionated ? but it is well enough knowne to our adversaries , that there is not one man of both houses of parlialiament that is violent against all publick set formes of prayer , or that forme which is now in use , or that desires any alteration of doctrine in essentialls , nay nor of discipline , except in things very few and inconsiderable . and it is well knowne that the parliament , as it would loosen the rigour of law in some scruples for the ease of tender consciences , so it abhors utterly all licentious government in the church , and all by-wayes of confusion . in the city the king has instanced in pennington , ven , foulk , and mannering , as notoriously guilty of schisme , and doubtlesse they were named for want of worse : try these men now by the old creed , or by the nine and thirty articles ; nay , examine them concerning the common prayer book , and it will soon appeare how farre they are strayed into brownisme , or any other schisme : it will appeare how they are wounded in schismatick , and all protestants in them , and the true religion in us all : it may be they have not put pluralities , or the parliamentary votes of bishops into their creed ; it may be they have reserved no implicite faith for convocation acts , and canons , which the replicant may perhaps judge very irreligious ; but they hope this never had any anathema pronounced against it in the old church by any councell before antichrists dayes . let not railing pulse for impleading and condemning , and we will all be tried in the same manner , and if any new creed be found amongst us , differing in substance from the old , let our adversaries themselves give and execute sentence upon us . if brownists could be as well distinguisht and nominated in our army , as papists are in the kings , or were really as many and as far countenanced , we would distrust our cause ; whereas we now beg no otherwise the blessing of god upon our armies , then as we are enemies both to popery and brownism . dares our replicant make such a prayer ? no , somtimes he owns papists , and somtimes he seemingly disowns them : speaking of the kings party , once he saies , as for the establisht religion we will become suiters to you , that you will severely punish all persons whatsoever that transgress against it . papists certainly have transgrest against our religion ; if the rebellion in ireland be a transgression , or if the instant taking up of arms here against the parliament be a transgression ; yet see at the same time , when they call us to punish the papists , they themselves arm & enable papists to punish , nay to destroy us , is this all the ingenuity we shall expect ? well , to our law notion : it is argued in the next place , that a papist fighting for the king , though in a notion of theology , he may be accounted an enemy quatenus a papist , yet in understanding of law , hee was accounted the kings friend , as to his fighting : priest squires doctrine just , hee that fights for the king , or rather at the kings command , let the cause be what it will , he is the kings friend . when saul gave a furious command to fall upon the priests of iehovah ; amongst all his servants , he had no entire loving friend but doeg : so when his unnaturall rage incited him to take away the life of ionathan ▪ the whole army that defended ionathan were his foes , and if it had proceeded to parties ( as it had , if saul had had as many idumeans in his service as king charles now has ) those onely which had been the execrable instruments of the kings tyranny , had been the kings friends , and had fought for their king : so those six hundred men which adhered to david , out of a pious intent , to preserve his innocent soule from the bloudy hands of saul , and his three thousand impious murderers ; and the keilites also , if they had been faithfull to david ( as they ought to have been ) were guilty of treason and drew their swords against their master . but i expect now that the replicant insist upon the iustice of the kings cause , as not taking armes to master the parliament , but to defend themselves against the parliament : this if it could be proved , would over-rule all , but it being in question , and as resolutely denied by one side , as affirmed by the other ; the replicant must evince by reason all that he expects to gaine from us . 't is not so probable that a parliament should invade a king , as a king a parliament : 't is not so probable , that a parliament should be misled , and have ends to enrich it selfe by oppression as a king . 't is not so probable , that that army which consists all of protestants , should be so adverse to the reformed religion , as that which admits and favours all papists and delinquents : 't is not so probable , that that army which is raised and payed by parliament , that is by the flower of all the english nobility and gentry , should fight for arbitrary government , and against propriety , liberty and priviledge of parliament ; as that which hath nothing considerable , but rapine and pillage to maintaine it . if many evidences of facts , many pregnant proofs , and many lively circumstances of time and place , did not absolve the parliament of trayterous conspiring against the kings crowne , dignity , and person ; and convince digby , percy , iermin , and divers of the kings and queens party , of conspiring against the priviledges of parliament , and the lives of many of our noblest parliament men . if all other arguments did faile , the very invitation of papists to the kings standard , & the rising of the papists with such generall consent now , that all ireland is almost lost to the papists , and some hopes were else to recover it , would sufficiently assure me , that religion and liberty stand in more danger of the kings party , than of the parliaments . i could not with more cleare and cheerfull confidence die for the truth of the protestant religion , then for the iustice of the parliaments cause in this warre , noscitur ex comite , &c. let the papist plead for the delinquent , and the delinquent for the papist , those ends which have so closely cemented , and kindly incorporated both together , make a sufficient discovery to me , as well what the papist , as what the delinquentis . and this age must prove monstrously unnaturall , in producing a wonder never heard of in all former ages , if iustice doe now rest in the kings side ; for surely , no king ever till now , having a iust cause , was opposed therein by the maior and better part of his subiects ; much lesse was it ever seene or heard of , that any king in a iust cause was deserted by the maiority of his orthodox subiects , and supported by the unanimous aid of such , as hated his true protested religion . god send the king to lay these things seriously and pensively to heart , for since none of his wise and worthy ancestors ever yet had cause to wage war either with the collective or representative body of the people : so none at all ever in any warre sided with a false religion , or against the true , till this unhappy day ; in the king charles is the first , and i hope will be the last , and therefore this is worthy to make a sad impression upon his soule . but our replicant will tell us , that the kings iustice may yet govern and awe both parties by the same law , whatsoever their antipathy be . the king has law , and power by the law to protect the better partie , and to provide for the peace of both parties : but notwithstanding that law and that power the poore british protestants in ireland have beene left unprotected , and lamentably exposed to a generall assassination : and had they not beene betrayed by their vaine confidence in the law , and in the kings protection , they perhaps might have found other meanes to defend themselves ; therefore it is no refuge or comfort to them now , to hear the name of law proclaimed & reiterated , when as things hapned there , it has been the very shelfe and rock whereon the protestants have been miserably bulyed and wricked ; then pardon pray , if the same name of iustice also sound but harshly at this time in our eares : when papists which have destroyed our religion in ireland , are raysed to preserve it in england ; and protestants which were sending succours and supplyes into ireland , are in the instant invaded here in england for the better suppression of popery both here and in ireland ; t is a strange kinde of assurance or ioy to us , to see the names of religion ▪ liberty , and parliamentary priviledge , stamped upon our coyne , or interwoven in our standard , when at the same time , we see the same coyne imprested for the entertainment of a popish army : and the same standard marching against the representative body of our nation , and the supreame court of iustice in our state . nay , and the strange time that is taken for the righting of religion , law and liberty amongst us , makes our assurance , and joy the lesse triumphant , for we plainely see , that as the season now is , no one protestant falls here by the kings sword ; but by the same stroak three protestants at least are cut off in ireland . and lastly , the manner of rightting religion ▪ law and liberty , is most strange of all , for open warre is not now sufficiently destructive , though it be spread all over the face of the kingdom ; subterranean plots are brooded further in the dark , and by privie intelligence , the whole city of london is to be engaged in a tragicall conspiracy , to murder it selfe in one night : what the benefit : therefore is of law and power , and iustice for the disabling of papist and delinquents , and for the safe guarding of loyall protestants we all know : but when papists and delinquents finde countenance , and the true religion is abandoned , and left obnoxious to mischiefe by the perversion of law , power and iustice ; the names alone will not availe us , but our replicant further saith , subjects must not give lawes to princes courtesies . in matters of a private nature princes are absolute , but not so in publike affaires , where the publike safety or liberty is touched . in their own pallaces princes may dispose of offices , but in the state if they make patents prejudiciall to their revenues , to their prerogatives , or to the peoples interest ; the iudges shall pronounce them deceived in their grants , and make the deeds void and null in law : princes cannot alien any parcells of their crownes ▪ hull may not bee transferred to the king of denmark , nor portsmouth to france , nor falmouth to spaine , for kings have no sole propriety in such things , and the same reason is in the super intending offices of royalty it selfe ; they are not transferible at pleasure : some princes ( to use the words of tacitus ) are so infirme and credulous , that they remaine jussis alienis obnoxii , and non modo imperii sed libertatis etiam indigent , they are so enslaved sometimes to their basest flatterers , that their very diadems are as it were aliend and made prostitute to seducers , and these their flatterers and seducers ( in the expressions of the same tacitus ) minore metu & majore praemio peccant . the unhappy protestants in ireland were of late undone by the vaste power which was put into the hands of the earl of strafford , and all the ecclesiasticall , if not civill disturbances and distractions which have of late infested these three kingdoms , were in great part caused by excesse of power over the church , delegated to the archbishop of canterbury : without doubt when the foundation of popery was first to be laid , it did not prosper and advance so much in sixscore yeers under the first popes , as it did in six yeeres here under canterbury : and nero himselfe in his first three yeeres did not attaine to so much insolence and tyranny as strafford did in one yeare . the kings freedom therefore in favours will never justifie the preferring of such men , to an unquestionable command , nor the subjecting the lives , liberties , and soules of so many millions of religious protestants to their corrupted disaffected wills : neverthelesse , for ought i can see we have since but changed one strafford for another , and one canterbury for another : only to stop our complaints : this replicant tell us , that the courtesies of princes are not to be questioned by subjects . the queen has now attained to a great heigth of power as formidable as she is to us , in regard of her sex , in regard of her nation , in regard of her disposition , in regard of her family , in regard of her religion , and lastly , in regard of her ingagments in these present troubles ; some think shee has an absolute unlimitable power over the kings sword and scepter ; which if it bee so , no end of our feares and calamities can be , no propositions can profit us , no accommodation can secure us . if the king himselfe were a papist , he would yet look upon us as his naturall subjects , but when his regall power is secondarily in the hands of a papist , to that papist we appeare but as meere hereticks without any other relation of subjects : by secondary power also , a stroak is given with more secresie and security ; so that there is the lesse feare in the party striking to break and retard its violence : it issues like a bullet , whose line is not direct , but with some elevation in the ayre , or with some windings in the barrell of the gun , whereby it doth more execution at a further distance . therefore our kings many and dreadfull oaths and vowes of sincerity in the protestant religion are not satisfying , if in the mean time any of his kingly prerogative bee shared with such as are not sincere in the protestant religion ; it were farre safer for us that hee would sweare for his party , then for himselfe . but our replicant will never have done with the law , hee still tells us , that every man is to bee tryde by his peeres the lords in the lords house , and the commons at the kings bench , and though the house of commons have no right of iudicature , yet there is another tryall for treasons , and our maine point in difference at this time is concerning treason . the parliament is nothing else but the whole nation of england by its owne free choice , and by vertue of representation united in a more narrow roome , and better regulated and qualified for consultation then the collective body without this art and order could be . the lords and commons make but one entire court , and this court is vertually the whole nation : and we may truly say of it , that by it consent royalty it selfe was first founded , and for its ends royalty it selfe was so qualified and tempered , as it is ; and from its supreame reason , the nature of that qualification and temperature ought only to be still learnd , and the determination thereof sought . for who can better expound what kings and lawes are , and for what end they were both created , then that unquestionable power , which for its own advantage meerly gave creation to them both ? if kings and nationall lawes had any humane beginning , if they be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as the scripture sayes they are , they had not their being from themselves : and from nations collectively taken they could not have their being ; for nations so are not congregable , nor consultable , nor redeemable from confusion ( pardon the hardnesse of words ) and therefore it must follow , that both kings and laws were first formed and created by such bodyes of men , as our parliaments now are ; that is , such councells as had in them the force of whole nations by consent and deputation , and the maiesty of whole nations by right and representation . the enemies of parliaments seeing this not to be gain-said , and seeing that it must needs follow , that that cause which first gave the being , and prescribed the end of that being , must needs have most right and skill to limit , and direct the manner of that being : they seek to divide the coactive from the representative body of the people : they seek to divide between the two houses of parliament : and these seek to divide between the head and the body of the parliament . they perswade the multitude , that they have entrusted the parliament only with their purses to give away subsidies , and replenish the kings coffers ; but not to settle their rights and franchises , and to make knowne the bounds of prerogative , and restraine the unnaturall encroachments or erruptions of the same . if the community have beene agrieved , to complaine , or almost accuse , is a sufficient priviledge of the house of commons , and this , but to avoid further repining , shall not be granted them . t is pity that our doctors doe not study the law further ; for with a little more industry , they might perhaps finde out , that every private man as well as the house of commons , or the whole community out of parliament , as well as our knights , and burgesses in it , may give the king money , and if occasion be , preferre an accusation against such a tyrrannicall lord or favourite ; well , if such rabbies , and expounders can satisfie any of the unworthy vulgar , and some gentlemen , and lords who have spirits below the yeomanry of england ( for such i have seene too many since . 3. novemb. 1640 , they shall be no further disabus'd by me . in the next place , they attempt to work a disunion between the houses , the lords shall have a power of judicature over their members so they will exclude the commons from any part therin ; and upon condition that they will so farre disclaime them , as to leave them obnoxious for tryalls at the kings bench ; this sitting of the lords and commons in severall houses , does not prove them severall courts , nor does the observance of particular priviledges in either house , and not laying all things common between both , prove any independance of either : doubtlesse they are like the twines of hippocrates , they both must live and die together . in former ages judgement was so given upon the greatest delinquents , at that the commons were parties in the judgement : and sure , whilst they were judges over lords , themselves were not subjected to inferiour courts : the lords then knew they could not indure any indignity to fall upon the commons being but distinct parts of the same court , but it would reflect upon themselves ; and the commons knew that the honour of the lords was an addition to themselves , whilst the curiatii stand close together , their three adverse combatants are too weake for them ; but when they are divided by unwarinesse in the encounter , they prove all three too weake for one of their enemies , i will not make any comparisons , or say whither the lords or commons deserted by the other suffer more ; i will only say , that nothing but fatall want of policy , can divide or diminish their mutuall love and correspondence . in the last place , division also is raised betwixt the king and parliament ; there is a generation of men which seeke not the good of king and parliament ; nor could prosper if the king and parliament were united as they ought to be . these men because their suggestions cannot prevaile to alienate the parliament from the king , apply all their indevours to alienate the king from the parliament : their perpetuall suggestion are , that the greatnesse of kings is eclipsed by parliaments , that there is in lawes themselves a kind of enmity , and something that is inconsistant with royalty , that kings are bound to seek nothing but themselves . that kings can seeke nothing in themselves , so nobly as the satisfying of their wills , especially when their wills are fixt upon things difficult and forbidden . neverthelesse , there is nothing but falsety in all these suggestions . for princes are the creatures , and naturall productions of parliaments , and so are their prerogatives as has been set forth , and every rationall and naturall thing loveth its own off-spring , and that love is rather ascending then descending , it is liker the sap of the root , then of the branch , viz. the people are more inclinable to love princes , then princes to love the people ; there is likewise a neare consanguinity , and reflexive benevolence of aspects between lawes and princes , they are both of the same descent , and tend to the same end , and both are inviolable ▪ whilst they are assistant each to other ; the enemy of both has no hope to prevaile , si attribuat rex legi , quod lex attribuit ei . t is retrograde also to nature , that princes whom god has set to feed his people , and not without the creation of the people , should think themselves more valuable then that people ; or that they should confine their thoughts to themselves as gods , despising the universality , when god has called particular subjects their brethren , and forbidden them to lift up their hearts above any of them . lastly , that princes which have as other men , sinfull affections , and are subject more then other men to sinfull temptations , and are accountable to god therefore , in a higher degree then other men , should think it inglorious to deny their own irregular wills , and to submit to lawes , parliaments , and the publike prayers and advice of their subjects , 't is a thing scarce credible . the most expert navigator preferres the guidance of his needle before his own conceit ; the most tried engineer wholly relies upon the certainty of his rule . all artists how rare soever apply themselves to their instruments , absolutely renouncing their skill and experience in comparison of mechanick directions . only princes chuse rather to erre with their own fancies and fancy feeding flatterers , then to go right with publick advice , and no mischiefe , which can happen to themselves , and millions of others by their error , seems so unkingly to be suffered , as a retractation from error . but our replicant has more particular objections against parliaments , as first , that they have no cognizance of matters of state : secondly , that in matters of grace and pardon they have no power or right : the king in those , has an arbitary sole authority . lawes ayme at iustice , reason of state aimes at safety ; law secures one subject from another , law protects subjects from insolence of princes , and princes from sedition of subjects , so far as certaine rules may be given and written ; but reason of state goes beyond all particular formes and pacts , and looks rather to the being , then well-being of a state , and seeks to prevent mischiefe forraign as well as domestick , by emergent counsels , and unwritten resolutions . reason of state is something more sublime and imperiall then law : it may be rightly said , that the statesman begins where the lawyer ceaseth : for when warre has silenced law , as it often does ; policy is to bee observed as the only true law , a kind of a dictatorian power is to be allowed to her ; whatsoeever has any right to defend it selfe in time of danger is to resort to policy in stead of law , and it is the same thing in the replicant , to deny to parliaments recourse to reason of state in these miserable times of warre and danger , as to deny them self-defence . many men , especially lawyers , would fain have law alone take place in all times , but for my part i think it equally destructive to renounce reason of state , and adhere to law in times of great extremity , as to renounce law , & adhere to policy in times of tranquillity . nothing has done us more harme of late , then this opinion of adhering to law only for our preservation : & the king and his party though they are too wise themselves to observe law at all , yet have wrought much upon the simpler sort of our side by objecting against us neglect of law . certainly as our dangers now are , it would bee good for us to adde more power to the earle of essex ( if he be thought the worthiest man of trust amongst us , as he has deserved no lesse estimation ) for till i see him lookt upon , and served as a temporary dictator , and the bounds of his commission to bee only this ; ne quid detrimenti capiat respublica cavere : i shall never think the parliaments safety sufficiently provided for . to frame any arguments , or reasons , or to offer proofes , that the representative body of the kingdome is a counsell of state , rather then a court of justice , would shew me as foolish as the replicant : 't is impossible any man should doubt of it , that does think the being is to bee preferred before the well being ; or that whole nations have any interests either in their owne being or well being . let our adversaries triumph in their owne conceits , and when in the same case there is both matter of law and state ( as in the case of hull , where the king had an interest rather in state then law ) let them upbraid us for declining of law : i shall like that best which they dislike most in us : i wish we had not observed law too farre , for they would never so farre recommend it to us , did they not know it might be sometimes unseasonable . as for acts of grace and pardon . i shall not much quarrel thereabout , the parliament can best advise the king how far it is fit to passe a law of oblivion in these generall times of confusion : and the answerer of the london petition affirmed nothing , but that their advise therein was likely to be most wholsome , which can hardly be contradicted . and the law is cleare enough that though the execution of law be farre intrusted to the king , and there is a dispensing power in him , so farre as he is supposed to be damnified or to be interested in the penalty ; yet where crimes have been committed against the whole state , the king ought not , and where particular men have been injured , the king cannot suffocate , frustrate , or deny justice . 't is against his oath , 't is against publike liberty to deny satisfaction by stopping execution . 4. but london is the most considerable part of the kingdome and the petitioners the best part of london ; and the most to bee valued in other parts , are inclined to the same request for peace , therefore the parliament ought to yeeld . when our adversaries please , they can alledge numbers for their advantage , as if the major part of the people were cordially on the kings side : when they please they can give you reasons why the major part of the people are inchanted , and therfore cannot be on the kings side ; yet we all know the major part cannot be both for and against the king at the same time in the same case . besides divide england into 3. parts , and we doe not allow london to be the major of those three , and divide london into 3. parts , and the petitioners cannot make it appear , that they are full one third part ; this must be attributed to our replicants boldnesse meerly . that which is manifest , is , that most of the faulty , and decayed nobility , and gentry , are of the kings party , and so are the lees of the people ; but almost all of the yeomenry ( which is the most considerable ranke of any nation ) and a very choyse part both of nobility and gentry at this time side against the king and the papists : and it is impossible for any rationall man to imagine , that the king has not infinite advantages against the parliament , if his cause be generally apprehended , as the more just : but sense teaches us the contrary , that no king in the unjustest cause that ever was , had a weaker party then this king , considering what courses he has taken . the king has an army , and such an army as is able to force and overawe all places where they lye , with swords drawne over the pesants : but cursed be that man for my part , that next after god , would not referre the arbitration of this difference to the publike vote of the people . and yet we know that there is a great deal of servilty in the people , and that for the most part , they looke no further then to present grievances ; like esau in his pottage bargain , chusing rather to dy for ever of a lethargy then to sweat for a time under a feaver . 5. all controversies are determined either by the dye of force , and chance of war ( for so nations have ever censur'd that kind of tryall ) or else they are concluded by lawes justly interpreted , or else there is a middle way ( which we call accommodation ) and that is commonly when to avoid the mischiefe of the sword , and the uncertaine intricacie of judgement , both parties by mutuall agreement condiscend equally to depart from the rigor of their demands on either side , and so comply , accommodate , and meet together upon termes as equall as may be . whersoever then the word accommodation is pressed , ( as it is now with us in the london petition , for the word submission is not at all used ) 't is most absurd and contradictory to exclude a yeelding and compliance of both sides . see then the manifest unjustice of our replicant , who when the matter of accommodation onely is in treaty , yet urges us to a meere submission , and taking it for granted that he is judge , and that he has determined the matter for the king ; therfore the king ought not to condiscend , or comply at all , or leave any thing to the parliaments trust , but must wholly be trusted in every point . 6. the king requires to have preserved to him for the future that compasse of royall power which his progenitors have been invested with , and without which he cannot give protection to his subjects . the parliament desires to have preserved to the subject , peace , safetie , and all those priviledges which their ancestors have enjoyed , without which they cannot be a nation , much lesse a free nation . now the militia and posse of the kingdome must be so placed , and concredited , and that the king may be as equally assured of it , as the parliament , or else without all accommodation the king must be left to the fidelity and duty of parliament , or else the parliament must be wholly left to the kings discretion , or rather to the kings party . in this case what shall be done , the parliament pleads that the king has resigned himselfe too far into the hands of papists and malignants , from whom nothing can be expected but perfidie and cruelty ; the king objects that the parliament is besotted with anabaptists , brownists , familists , and impostors , from whom nothing can be expected but disloyalty and confusion . if the king here will grant any security against papists and malignants , the question is what security he will give ; and if hee will give none , the question is how he can be said to seeke an accommodation ; so on the contrary , if the parliament will undertake to secure the king , as that is granted , then what must that securance be . i will now take it for granted , that the king ought to abjure for the future the giving of countenance to papists , or being counselled or led by them in state matters ; as also to disband his forces , and that the parliament will doe the like , and abjure all dangerous schismaticks and hereticks . but for a further tye to strengthen this abjuration , and for a securance against malignants , who are not yet so perfectly distinguisht on either side , what shall be the reciprocall caution or ingagement ? shall the king have all forts , ships , armes , and offices in his dispose ? shall the king assigne to what judges he pleases , the division of our quarrels ? or shall he trust his parliament in the choise and approbation of persons intrusted ? i will not dispute this , i will onely say , that the nature of an accommodation requires some condescending on both sides , and it is manifest injustice in the replicant to prejudge the same , as unbeseeming the king more then the parliament , and in all probability the parliament is likely to condiscend upon more disadvantageous termes then the king ; and is lesse lyable to be missed , and lesse apt to break a trust , then any one man . 7. to shew that the parliament is disaffected to an accommodation , and the king not , & that therefore a petition to the parliament is more proper & seasonable then to the king . the replicant bitterly reviles the parliament as having punished some for seeking peace , and as having rejected the kings gracious offers of peace with termes of incivility below the respect due to a king . what more damnable crimes can any man load the parliament with , then with rebelling against the king first , & after rejecting officers of peace with foule and scandalous language ? yet this the replicant freely grants to himselfe , and as if hee were placed in some tribunall above the parliament , where all allegations and proofes were utterly superfluous , he proceeds to sentence very imperiously . for ought i know i am as venerable and unquestionable a judge in this case as hee is , yet i dare condemn nothing , but rash and presumptuous condemning of authority without proofes ; and for that i have scripture it selfe for my proofe . as for the kings comming to brainford in a mist , and during a treaty , and there surprising men unprepared , and retiring againe upon the drawing up of our forces , that these are instances of seeking peace , and shewing favour to the city is not so cleare to my understanding as to the replicants . 8. but sayes the replicant , you grant that the people may perhaps find out a better way of accommodation then you have done , and you allow them to petition when you faile of your duty : and this must needs overthrow the strongest and most popular argument of your innocence , and authority . the parliament did never assume to have an absolute freedome from all failes or errors , nor does detract from other mens knowledge , it vindicates nothing more then to bee lesse obnoxious to deceit and perversenesse then other courts , and that the rather because it disdaines not any advise or reason from any parties whatsoever . 9. the answerer demanded from the petitioners a modell of an accommodation to bee framed by them , for the better help and instruction of the parliament . the replicant satisfies that demand ▪ hee makes two propositions thus ; 1 that the parliament shall as readily consent to the kings rights as the king consents to theirs . 2. that the reigne of queen elizabeth : may be the measure to determine those rights . in this the replicant is very reasonable ; for we freely submit to both his propositions : but he is not so politick as he thinks ; for a submission to these generall propositions , will not determine any one of our particular debates . let us be safe , as wee were in queen elizabeths dayes , and let us be secured of our safety by the same meanes , as queen elizabeth secured us ; that is , by shewing no countenance to papists ( much lesse admitting them as counsellors , least of all as governors in her highest councells ) let wise men generally loved and revered sit at the councell table , and let the publick advise of parliament sway above all private ; let our lawes be in the custody of learned , and uncorrupt iudges , and let our militia be under the command of such renowned patriots , as shee preferred in her dayes ; and our accommodation is more ample , and beneficiall , then any we have yet desired . but our replicant will suggest , be you such subjects as queen elizabeth ruled , and king charles will treat you , as queen elizabeth did her subjects : doe you right first to the king and the king will not faile to doe right to you . here is now the maine question indeed , which rightly solved , would solve all , whether these deplorable miseries , which have of late vexed and grieved our three nations , have rather hapned from the change of the people , or from the change of the prince . and most certaine it is future ages will conceive no great doubt , or difficulty to be in this question : but now it is mortall to dispute it : it is scarce lawfull to suppose any thing herein , though supponere be not ponere but by way of supposition , i will only plead thus : if the three nations have by i know not what fatall posture , and congresse of stars , or superior causes , declined from their allegiance , and degenerated into unnaturall obstinacy , and turned recreant , and contrary to the sweet genius , which was ever in their ancestors , they are bound to submit to the king & to put in him as full and absolute a trust , as our parents did in queen elizabeth : but on the contrary , if miscarriages in government , and the pernicious counsells whereby our princes have been guided , have overwhelmed us in these inundations of blood , and mischiefes ; the alteration , and reformation , ought to begin first in the king , and he cannot expect that we should trust him so farre as we did queen elizabeth untill we are assured as fully of his protection as we were of queen elizabeths ; but suppose there have been faults on both sides , can nothing but the sword rectifie our faults ? i never yet heard that any prince was forced to a warre with any considerable part of his own subjects , but that he had an unjust cause , or might have determined the strife without bloud by some politick complyance if he pleased . it is not so common or probable in nature , for nations causlesly to rebell , as for princes wickedly to oppresse : and when armes are taken up on both sides , it is not so safe for subjects to yeeld , as for kings ; nor can subjects so easily reduce kings to a peaceable agreement , and cessation of armes , as kings may subjects for the sparing of blood . kings can make no composition almost dishonourable , or disadvantagious ; but subjects being falne into the indignation of revengfull princes are necessitated commonly to this choyce , either to come forth with halters about their necks , or to fight upon great disadvantages ▪ as rebellious as the subjects of rehoboam were , a kind , nay , a civill answer might have retayned them in their allegiance , and yet if their termes had been full of insolence , and their capitulations more unreasonable , yet salomon's councellors would have perswaded rehoboam to yield to necessity , and to master that multitude by some finenesse of wit , which he could not tame for the present by violence ; and certainly he shewed not himself the son of salomon , that would not purchase an hereditary empire over a gallant nation by being a servant for one day , that would quit his own policy , because the multitude had quitted their civilitie , that thought that complyance which should gaine a scepter more dishonourable , than that contestation which should absolutly forfeit one . how easy had it been for the great , the wise , the terrible philip of spaine , to have prevented the totall defection of so many goodly provinces in the netherlands : and if it could not have been done without something which is ordinarily accounted below , a k. would not that have been more honourably done by him , then the casting away of so brave a dominion , and the casting after that so much blood & treasure ? that king of france was far wiser , and sped better , which satisfied himselfe in his strugling through many difficulties with this maxime , that a prince can loose no honour by any treaty , which addes to his dominion . infinite instances might here bee alleadged , but they are needlesse . god send our king truly to represent these things to himselfe , and rather to trust plain , then pleasing advice . god open his eyes , that he may see how honorably , and easily he might heve preuented these calamities , and may yet stanch our bleeding wounds ; and how much m●re difficult it is and u●safe for the parliament to compose things unlesse he or rather his party be equally disposed to hearken to peace . hen. the 4. was as wise , as valiant , and as just a prince as ever was crowned in england , and no prince ever had by experience a more perfect understandi●g of the english genius : yet he in his death bed ( where dissimulation uses to be laid aside ) in his last advice to his own son and heire ( whom it was not likely he would willingly deceive ) deciphered the english nation to be generally observant of their princes , and whilst they were well treated , and preserved in peace and plenty , most incomparable for their perfect inviolable loyalty , but of all nations the most unquiet under such a harsh rule , which should render them servile , poore and miserable this he had abundantly prooved , and found true by the wofull deposition of his unpolitick kinsman and predecessor rich. the 2. and his own prosperous , and glorious raigne , and many strange traverses of fortune , which throughout his whole raigne . he was forced to encounter withall . his scope therefore was to recommend to his sons charge this nation both as dutifull , and as generous , of whose loyalty he needs not to doubt , so long as his iustice was not to be douhted . o that this most excellent prince could bee againe summoned from his peacefull monument to repeate the same advertissements in our soveraignes eares , and to justle out of his presence these bloud thirsty papists and malignants , which use all possible art to staine the peoples loyalty , and to candy over all his actions , intending thereby not to reconcile the people by procuring grace from the king , but to confound both king and people , by fostering enmity between both ? i will only adde this by such instigations , as our replicant and his fellow courtiers use , the king cannot be happy , but by the uncertainty of war , that is by making his subjects miserable : but such traytors as i am , if our advise bee entertained , propose to the king a more certaine way to happinesse by peace that is by making his subjects yet more happy ; but our replicant saith , the king is willing to condescend to any thing , but you will admit of no reconciliation , except the king will remove those servants , whom he had found most honest and faithfull in his afflictions , and prefer you undeserving in their place . here is the grand knot indeed , we oppose such as have been the counsellors or instruments of such and such designes : the king , saith , they are his friends , and he cannot abandon his friends : 't is confest , the king ought not to abandon his friends , but the king may erre in the knowledge of friends : and as he ought to protect his friends , in whom he cannot err ; so he is not bound to protect such as he meerly thinks his friends , and in whom if he will beleeve the voyce of the people , he is very much deceived . we have as much interest in the kings friends and counsellors as we have in our laws , liberties , lifes , any thing , for we know we can enjoy nothing if the king shall owne those for his friends , whom we know to be our enemies , and account of these as good counseils , which we know to be treasons against the state , that prince that will be arbitrary and rely upon his owne meer opinion , and discretion in the imployment of counsellors and ministers of state , having no regard to publique approbation therein , is as injurious altogether as he that will admit of no other law , judge , nor rule in the propriety and liberty of his subjects , but his owne brest only . it will be replyed , not fancy , but sense teaches this , that he that obeyes the kings commands , and fights under the kings standart is more a friend than he that disobeyes , and fight against the king : this is demonstration , no error can be in it . i answer no , 't is most false , scripture and reason manifest it to be most false . doeg did obey saul , when all his other servants denyed obedience , yet even in that obedience he made himselfe culpable , and his master abominable , whereas the other servants of saul were dutifull in withholding an unlawfull duty . so those 3000 souldiers which marched out after saul to take away the life of just and uncondemned david , they were instruments in a base disservice to saul , they are not to be justified for this service ; whereas those 600 valiant men which accompanied david in his dangers and afflictions and were ready with their sword drawn to guard that innocence , which saul himself should have guarded are not to be accounted false to saul but true to david . and the meere presence of saul on the one side , did not make the cause injust on the other side , nor if himself had fallen by rushing oftentimes , upon defensive weapons , could that horrid guilt of his death , have been imputed to any but to himself . cursed therefore , yea thrice cursed be these miscreants , which ingage the king in this war against the parliam not without hazard of his sacred person , if they be private persons and have not sufficiency to decide this great controversie betwixt the king and parliament . for my part i dare not pronounce sentence , neither for nor against the parliament , as the replicant without all scruples doth in all places ; but i may safely say , that if the king does , though in person , unjustly wage war against the parliament ; the e. of essex and his army may far more lawfully fight in defence of that supreame court , than david and his followers did for the protection of one innocent private man . and taking the controversie as undecided , 't is not apparent who fight for or against the king , and the king may himself as lawfully claime to be sole supreme judge over all single and universal persons , and over all laws and courts , and in all cases whatsoever , as to claime any man a traitor for serving the parliament in this war ; and this if he claimes , what priviledge remaines to parliament , what limits remaine to the prince : what liberty remain is to the subjects ? 't is not only then trayterous , but ridiculous in the replicant to assume that supremacy to himself which is denyed to the king by condemning the parliament and justifying the kings party in all passages of this war , we when we except against the kings party , asperse not at all the kings person , and the law it self makes ever a distinction betwixt the king and his agents : though our replicant will not allow any such feverance : but betwixt the parl●am . and its instruments no such feverance is except for the worse , for there pejor est author quam actor , but sayes the replicant . 't is the unhappinesse of the king that he hath a par●y , 't is the fault of the parliament , he desires and ought to have the whole . see here 't is the parliaments fault that percy , digby , winter , mountague , crofts , killegrew , and many other of the queens devoted creatures are preferred in the kings favour before the parliament . and 't is the parliaments fault , that rivers , king . and the titular court of the palatinate with some other irish papists latly come over have the honour of the court , command of the camp , and spoyle of the kingdom to reward them , whilst manchester , hambden , hellis , ●im , strod , haselrig , are designed for the block , and that upon such charges , as shall intangle almost all the most eminent gentry and nobility , as well as them , that this is the kings unhappinesse is aggreed , but that this is the parliaments fault is not proved by the replicant , and we are not bound alwayes to abate him proofes in matters of this consequence . doubtlesse we are likely to expect great performances from parliaments hereafter if it shall be guilt in them that they are rejected , and if they shall be rejected only because other more favoring courtiers pretend better affection to the kings private advantage . the actions of popish and malignant courtyers , cannot represent them more friendly to the k. than the parliaments . no honour or prosperity has followed hitherto therupon all their difference is that their single professions of love are more credited , than such as are credited by the votes of the generality , and attestations of parliament . howsoever though many men do think , private advise and testimony , to be more valuable , and fit for princes to hearken too , then publick , i never till now heard , that it was a fault or blame in parliaments to be lesse valued or accepted then private persons . to what purpose is it said ? that the king ought to have the whole : it is our complaint that the king will not accept of the whole : and it is the replicants complaint , that the king is not suffered to injoy the whole . this shall reconcile all : let the whole be received as the whole ; and every part as it is major , or minor be entertained in grace and equipage proportionably , and this difference is composed . 10 but sayes the replicant , the kings party is the more just , and therefore to be preferred , and this is to be judged of by rule ; as thus ; the parliament intrenches upon our liberty by imprisoning without cause , according to pleasure and claimes to be unquestionable therein : the parliament intrenches upon religion by committing our best professors , and planting sectaries in their stead , the parliament proceeds according to reason of state , not law : and this places an arbitrary power in them , and makes ordinances equall to acts of parliament . heare in a breif summe all that ever has been spoken , or can be spoken against the parliament ; and all this is grounded upon an ungranted proposition , that the parliament has no right to defend it self : for if it be lawfull for both houses of parliament to defend themselves , it must of necessity follow , that they may and must imprison , levye moneyes , suppresse seditious preachers , and make use of an arbitrary power according to reason of state , and not confine themselves to meere expedients of law . enough has been said of this , 't is impossible that any wise man should be opposite herein , and the kings party have more recourse to reason of state , and arbi●rary power by far than we have . but if it be said , that the houses abuse arbitrary power in imprisoning , levying moneyes &c. causelesly ; this is a false calumny , and not to be granted without particular and pregnant proofes , of which the replicant produces none at all , were it not for this great noise and boast of arbitrary power , our academians would want matter to stuffe their in numerable pamphlets withall : and the sillyer sort of malignants would want fuell to feed their enmity . and yet we know , arbitrary power is only dangerous in one man or in a few men , and cannot be so in parliaments at any time ; much lesse in times of publick distresse : for then it is not only harmlesse but necessary . the house of commons without the other states hath had an arbitrary power at all times , to dispose of the treasure of the kingdome , and where they give away one subsidy , they may give 20 , and where they give 50000l at one subsidy they may give fifty times so much , and all this whether war or peace be . yet when did either king or subject complaine of this arbitrary power ? nay if any parts of the kingdom have repined at the abuse of this arbitrary power , and refused to pay subsidys assessed by the house of commons , what kings would suffer it ? when was it not held a good ground of war ? so both houses have an arbitrary power to abridge the freedom of the subject , and to inlarge the kings prerogative , beyond a measure ; they may repeale our great charter , the charter of forrests , and the petition of right if they please , they may if they please subject the whole kingdom for ever to the same arbitrary rule as france grones under , nay , & they have often been with force and all manner of sollicitations almost violented into it : and yet notwithstanding all this , we are neither terrifyed nor indangered at all by this arbitrary power in both houses . to have then an arbitrary power placed in the peers and comm. is naturall and expedient at all times , but the very use of this arbitrary power , according to reason of state , and warlick policy in times of generall dangers and distresse is absolutely necessary and inevitable : but 't is a great offence , that both houses should make ordinances generally binding . they , which would take from us all meanes of defence ; if they could dispute us out of the power of making temporary ordinances had their wils upon us , for defence without some obliging power to preserve order , and to regulate the method of defence , would be vaine and absurd ; but this is but one branch of arbitrary power and reason of state , and to wast time in proving it necessary in times of extremity , if defence be granted lawfull , were childish and ridiculous . i have now done with the replicant , so far as he hath spoken to the matter , i shall now come to his emergent , strange , calumnious speeches , against the persons of such and such men , but this were caninos rodere dentes . i forbeare it , only rehearsing some raylings , which need no answer but themselves . the two houses are generally railed at , as guilty of rebellion against the king . all adherents to parliament are railed at , as anabaptists , separatists , &c. the lord major is railed at , for preventing bloudshed in the city , when the petitioners under the pretence of seeking for peace , had many of them plotted dissention , and this his office is stiled the stiffling of peace in the womb . the city preachers are railed at , for satisfying our consciences in the justifiablenesse of a defensive war , for this they are charged to fight against the king in the feare of god , and to turn the spirituall militia into weapons of the flesh . the framer of the answer is rayled at for giving the petitioners just satisfaction in peaceable language . though his words be confessed to be softer than oyle , yet 'ts said , that the poyson of aspes is under his lips ; he is called a cataline , the firebrand of his countrey , whose sophistry and eloquence was fit to disturbe a state , but unable to compose or setle it . the judgment of all these things is now submitted to the world , what the intent of the petition was , in some master-plotters and contrivers of it , will appeare by the arguments of this fell replicant . whereby it is now seconded . that the name of an accomodation was pretended to force the two houses under colour therof , to cast themselves upon a meer submission , or to be made odious , and lookt upon as foes to peace , which was a scilla on one side , and charybdis ( on the other ) is here manifested . whether the answer to the petition savour of so much malice and enmity to peace , as this replication does , let indifferent men censure , lastly , whether the soule of that man which thirsts for a firme peace , may not dislike these practises of pretending to it ; and the soule of that man which hates peace , may not make advantage of the name of peace , let all wise men proved and examine . finis . an act of common-councell concerning the collecting and gathering of the fifteenes granted for the necessary defences of the city of london. city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88441 of text r212635 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[4]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88441 wing l2851o thomason 669.f.7[4] estc r212635 99871235 99871235 160986 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88441) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160986) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[4]) an act of common-councell concerning the collecting and gathering of the fifteenes granted for the necessary defences of the city of london. city of london (england). court of common council. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : [1643] place and date of publication from wing. wing dates this act 7 april 1643. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88441 r212635 (thomason 669.f.7[4]). civilwar no an act of common-councell concerning the collecting and gathering of the fifteenes granted for the necessary defences of the city of london. city of london 1643 740 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mip blazon or coat of arms of the city of london an act of common-councell concerning the collecting and gathering of the fifteenes granted for the necessary defence of the city of london . commune concilium tentum in camera guild-hall civitatis london , septimo die aprilis 1643 post meridiem , annoque regni domini nostri caroli , nunc regis angliae , &c. decimo nono , coram isaac pennington majore secundo tempore civitatis london , jacobo garrad milite , thoma atkin , johan . wollaston milite , thoma adams , johan . warner , johan . towse , abraha . reynardson , georgio garret milite , johan . fowke , jacobo bunce , willi . gibbs , & richardo chambers , aldermannis civitatis praedictae , ac johan . langham , & thoma andrews , aldermannis ac dicte civitatis vicecomit ' necnon majore parte communariorum de communi concilio ejusdem civitatis tunc & ibidem assemblat ' . whereas at a common councell here holden , the three and twentyeth day of february last past , eight fifteenes ( after the new rate ) were granted for the necessary defence of this city , and thereby collectors are to be made , and directions given , in what manner , and to whom , and to what purpose the said monies collected shall be paid and issued out , as by the said act it doth more at large appeare . and forasmuch as this court is informed by some members thereof , that the collecting of the said monies is much detarded and hindered , by reason that divers collectors conceive that they have not power to distraine for the same , in case the same be refused to be paid ; for clearing of which doubt , and furthering the collecting of the same ; it is declared granted , and enacted by the right honourable the lord mayor , the right worshipfull the aldermen his brethren , and commons in this common councell assembled , and by authority of the same : that it shall and may be lawfull to and for all and every of the collectors of the said fifteenes , respectively within his and their respective divisions or collections , to distraine any person or persons refusing to pay the said fifteenes , by his , her , and their goods and chattels , and the same to take , carry away and retaine , untill such person or persons so refusing , shall pay his or her part or portion of the said fifteenes . and for his assistance shall ( if he or they require the same ) take unto him or them any constable or constables within the parish or ward , where any person or persons refusing shall dwell . and that all the constables within the city of london and liberties thereof , as well within priviledged places as without , shall and are hereby required ( upon request of any collector or collectors of the said fifteenes ) to ayde and assist such collector or collectors to take distresses for default of payment of the said fifteenes . and that it shall be lawfull to and for the right honourable the lord mayor to make a warrant or precept unto any collector ( requiring the same ) to distraine the goods and chattels of every person or persons refusing to pay the said fifteenes . and for the better incouragement of the said collectors in the due executing of their duties and speedy collecting of the severall summes of money in their severall and respective collections ; it is granted , agreed and enacted by authority aforesaid , that if the said collectors or any of them shall distraine the goods and chattels of any person or persons refusing to pay the said fifteenes , for the said monies or any part thereof by a reasonable distresse ; and that for the same , he , they , or any person or persons that doth or shall aide or assist him , them , or any of them , in taking such reasonable distresse , shall be sued or put to charges , that then such collectors and every one of them , and all constables and others , persons aiding and assisting them or any of them therein , shall be defended and saved harmelesse by this court . printed by richard cotes , printer to the honourable city of london . die mercurii, 15 maii, 1644. an order of the commons assembled in parliament, for the removall out of the cities of london and vvestminster, and line of communication, all recusants, wives of recusants, and the wives of such persons as are in arms against the parliament together with all suspitious persons, or such as have lately come from oxford, or any of the kings quarters. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83769 of text r212183 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[7]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83769 wing e2651 thomason 669.f.9[7] estc r212183 99870828 99870828 161105 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83769) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161105) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[7]) die mercurii, 15 maii, 1644. an order of the commons assembled in parliament, for the removall out of the cities of london and vvestminster, and line of communication, all recusants, wives of recusants, and the wives of such persons as are in arms against the parliament together with all suspitious persons, or such as have lately come from oxford, or any of the kings quarters. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for edward husbands, london : may 18. 1644. a variant of the edition with may 20 in imprint. signed: h: elsynge, cler. parl. d. com. steele notation: directions all usuall. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a83769 r212183 (thomason 669.f.9[7]). civilwar no die mercurii, 15 maii, 1644. an order of the commons assembled in parliament, for the removall out of the cities of london and vvestminster, england and wales. parliament. 1644 377 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die mercurii , 15 maii , 1644. an order of the commons assembled in parliament , for the removall out of the cities of london and westminster , and line of communication , all recusants , wives of recusants , and the wives of such persons as are in arms against the parliament : together with all suspitious persons , or such as have lately come from oxford , or any of the kings quarters . it is this day ordered by the commons assembled in parliament , that directions be given to the lord major , court of aldermen , common-councell , and the committee of the militia , to take some speciall and strict course for the removall of all suspitious persons , all such as have lately come from oxford , or any other of the kings quarters , recusants , the wives of recusants , and the wives of such persons as are in arms against the parliament , out of the cities of london and westminster , the suburbs , the innes of court , and chancery , and all other places within the line of communication , and to take some course to prevent the return of them , or the coming in of any other ; and likewise to take order , that all the forces of the cities of london and westminster , suburbs , and line of communication , may be put in a posture ready to march at two hours warning ; and that they will give order , that good vvatches , by faithfull and good men may be kept at all the guards , and upon all the avenues to the city . the like directions mutatis mutandis to be sent to the severall and respective committees of the severall and respective counties . they are further required , that if upon the search after suspitious persons , they shall meet with any souldiers , that they take course that they may be sent to their colours , to be proceeded with according to their demerits , and the usuall course of vvar. h : elsynge , cler. parl. d. com. london : printed for edward husbands . may 18. 1644. by the mayor. to the aldermen of the ward of [blank] whereas oftentimes heretofore, especially towards winter the evenings growing dark, many loose and vagrant persons have been found to wander about the streets and lanes to lurk in corners within this city ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1654 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a88481 wing l2883h thomason 669.f.19[35] estc r212334 99870964 99870964 163373 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88481) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163373) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f19[35]) by the mayor. to the aldermen of the ward of [blank] whereas oftentimes heretofore, especially towards winter the evenings growing dark, many loose and vagrant persons have been found to wander about the streets and lanes to lurk in corners within this city ... city of london (england). lord mayor. vyner, thomas, sir, 1588-1665. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1654] title from caption and opening lines of text. dated at end: ["7th", thomason annotation] of november, 1654. "order concerning night watches." wing (2nd ed. 1994). annotation on thomason copy: "7th". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tramps -england -london -early works to 1800. police -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-09 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms by the mayor . blazon or coat of arms to the alderman of the ward of whereas oftentimes heretofore , especially towards winter the evenings growing dark , many loose and vagrant persons have been found to wander about the streets and lanes and to lurk in corners within this city and liberties thereof , and under colour of begging in the day time , have practised how to break into houses , shops , and other places in the night season , & in the mornings after the watches are broken up , and thereby divers burglaries , robberies , fellonies , and outrages are committed to the breach of the peace of the common-wealth , & to the slander of the government of this city ; for the avoiding of which inconveniences and many others within this city and liberties thereof . these are in the name of his highnesse the lord protector of the common-wealth of england , scotland , and ireland and the dominions thereunto belonging , straightly to charge and command you , that from henceforth you cause a good and substantiall watch to be kept nightly within your ward , to begin this winter season at nine of the clock in the evening , and to continue untill six of the clock in the morning ; and that once every week or oftner as shall be needfull , and in as private manner as may be , you cause diligent search to be made in all innes , ale-houses , victualling-houses , houses of lodging and all other suspected places wherein your ward , for any idle , loose , lewd and suspicious persons , and that they be brought before me or some other iustice of the peace within this city to be examined & dealt withall as to iustice shall appertain . and that you cause the beadle of your ward from henceforth every night during the time appointed in that behalf , to give warning to the inhabitants within your ward for lanthorn and candle light , to be by them set , and hanged forth in convenient places according to the antient usage and order in that behalf . and that the same be duely continued untill the first day of march next ; and that i be certified from time to time , of the name , sirnames , and welling places of all such as shall nake default therein , to the intent that due punishment may be inflicted upon such as shall fail in the doing of what is required . and further that you take order that the lanthorn and candle light , which is appointed for every precinct be duly put forth and continued as by order is directed ; and also that your beadle and the constables within your ward make diligent search and inquiry from time to time , and that you certifie me in writing of the names and dwelling places of all such inmates or undersitters as now are or hereafter shall be received or harboured within your ward ; and likewise the names and sirnames of such as shall receive or harbour them to the end they may be proceeded against according to law , and further that you give present order to the beadle of your ward , to warn all the inhabitants of the same to amend their pavements where they are defective , and that the streets before their doors , shops and houses , be daily from time to time at their perills clean swept , pared and kept clean , and that no persons presume to lay their sea-coal ashes in the streets , but that they bring the same in baskets to the raker , under the penalties in the severall acts of common-councell of this city mentioned ; and that i may be certified of such constables , scavengers , yeomen of the channell , and other persons as shall make default in the performance of their severall duties in the premises ; and also that you cause certificate to be made unto me , to 〈◊〉 such persons as shall presume to keep alehouses without licence , and of such as shall suffer disorders in their houses being licensed : in all which you are to take especiall care , that so thereby such order may be taken for reforming the severall abuses within this city , as may be for the well governing and the quiet , peace , and safety of the same . and lastly , that you cause your wardmote inquest to meet once in every moneth , to oversee that all weights , and measures used in buying and selling be sealed , and according to the standard : and that the bakers , brewers , and typlers do keep the assize according to the law , and that butchers , and victuallers do put to sail no other victuall but such as shall be good and wholsome for mans body ; and that they observe and do all other things , which according to their charge , and the duty of their places they are to do and perform . and that you take an accompt of your beadle , and the constab●es and other officers within your ward once every moneth at the least , or oftner as you see cause how they have performed their severall duties herein : and that you take especial care that the orders aforesaid may be observed . and hereof not to fail as you tender the welfare and good government of this city . dated this _____ of november . 1654. annus mirabilis, the year of wonders, 1666 an historical poem containing the progress and various successes of our naval war with holland, under the conduct of his highness prince rupert, and his grace the duke of albemarl : and describing the fire of london / by john dryden, esq. dryden, john, 1631-1700. 1667 approx. 109 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a36598 wing d2238 estc r14738 12650132 ocm 12650132 65260 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36598) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65260) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 351:3) annus mirabilis, the year of wonders, 1666 an historical poem containing the progress and various successes of our naval war with holland, under the conduct of his highness prince rupert, and his grace the duke of albemarl : and describing the fire of london / by john dryden, esq. dryden, john, 1631-1700. [25], 77 p. : port. printed for henry herringman ..., london : 1667. first issue. cf. wing. "imprimatur, roger l'estrange, novem. 22, 1666"--p. [25]. errata: p. [24]. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685 -poetry. london (england) -fire, 1666 -poetry. 2002-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2002-11 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mr iohn dryden annvs mirabilis : the year of wonders , 1666. an historical poem : containing the progress and various successes of our naval war with holland , under the conduct of his highness prince rupert , and his grace the duke of albemar● . and describing the fire of london . by john dryden , esq 〈…〉 , an homines latius impera●● 〈◊〉 . trajan . imperator . ad pl●n . v●rg london , printed for henry herringman , at the anchor in the lower walk of the n●● exchange . 1667. to the metropolis of great britain , the most renowned and late flourishing city of london , i● its representatives the lord mayor and court of aldermen , the sherifs and common council of it . as perhaps i am the first who ever presented a work of this nature to the metropolis of any nation , so is it likewise consonant to justice , that he who was to give the first example of such a dedication should begin it with that city , which has set a pattern to all others of true loyalty , invincible courage and unshaken constancy . other cities have been prais'd for the same virtues , but i am much deceiv'd if any have so dearly purchas'd their reputation ; their fame has been won them by cheaper trials then an expensive , though necessary , war , a consuming pestilence , and a more consuming fire . to submit your selves with that humility to the judgments of heaven , and at the same time to raise your selves with that vigour above all humane enemies ; to be combated at once from above and from below , to be struck down and to triumph ; i know not whether such trials have been ever parallel'd in any nation , the resolution and successes of them never can be . never had prince or people more mutual reason to love each other , if suffering for each other can indear affection . you have come together a pair of matchless lovers , through many difficulties ; he , through a long exile , various traverses of fortune , and the interposition of many rivals , who violently ravish'd and with-held you from him : and certainly you have had your share in sufferings . but providence has cast upon you want of trade , that you might appear bountiful to your country's necessities ; and the rest of your afflictions are not more the effects of god's displeasure , ( frequent examples of them having been in the reign of the most excellent princes ) then occasions for the manifesting of your christian and civil virtues . to you therefore this year of wonders is justly dedicated , because you have made it so . you who are to stand a wonder to all years and ages , and who have built your selves an immortal monument on your own ruines . you are now a phoenix in her ashes , and , as far as humanity can approach , a great emblem of the suffering deity . but heaven never made so much piety and vertue to leave it miserable . i have heard indeed of some vertuous persons who have ended unfortunately , but never of any vertuous nation : providence is engag'd too deeply , when the cause becomes so general . and i cannot imagine it has resolv'd the ruine of that people at home , which it has blessed abroad with such successes . i am therefore to conclude , that your sufferings are at an end ; and that one part of my poem has not been more an history of your destruction , then the other a prophecy of your restoration . the accomplishment of which happiness , as it is the wish of all true english-men , so is by none more passionately desired then by the greatest of your admirers , and most humble of your servants , john dryden . an account of the ensuing poem , in a letter to th● honorable , sir robert hovvard . sir , i am so many ways oblig'd to you , and so little able to return your favours , that , like those who owe too much , i can onely live by getting farther into your debt . you have not onely been careful of my fortune , which was the effect of your nobleness , but you have been sollicitous of my reputation , which is that of your kindnes● . it is not long since i gave you the trouble of perusing a play for me , and now , instead of an acknowl●dgment , i have given you a greater , in the correction of a poem . but since you are to bear this persecution , i will at least give you the encouragement of a martyr , you could never suffer in a nobler cause . for i have chosen the most heroick subject which any poet could desire : i have t●ken upon me to d●scribe the motives , the beginning , progr●ss and successes of a most just and necess●ry war ; in it , the care , management and prudence of our king ; the conduct and valour of a royal admiral , and of two incomparable generals ; the invincible courage of our captains and sea men , and three glorious victories , the result of all . after this i have , in the fire , the most deplorable , but withall the greatest argument that can be imagin'd : the destructio● being so swift , so sudden , to vast and miserable , as nothing can parallel in story . the former part of this poem , relating to the war , is but a due expiation for my not serving my king and country in it . all gentlemen are almost oblig'd to it : and i know no reason we should give that advantage to the commonalty of england to be for most in brave actions , which the noblesse of france would never suffer in their peasants . i should not have written this but to a person , who has been ever forward to appear in all employments , whither his honour and generosity have call'd him . the latter part of my poem , which describes the fire , i owe first to the piety and fatherly affection of our monarch to his suffering subjects ; an● , in the second place , to the courage , loyalty and magnanimity of the city : both which were so conspicuous , that i have wanted words to celebrate them as they deserve . i have call'd my poem historical , not epick , though both the actions and actors are as much heroick , as any poem can contain . but since the action is not properly one , nor that accomplish'd in the last successes , i have judg'd it too bold a title for a few stanza's , which are little more in number then a single iliad , or the longest of the aen●ids . for this reason , ( i mean not of length , but broken action , ti'd too severely to the laws of history ) i am apt to agree with those who rank lucan rather among historians in verse , then epique poets : in whose room , if i am not deceiv'd , silius italicus , though a worse writer , may more justly be admitted . i have chosen to write my poem in quatrains or stanza's of four in alternate rhyme , because i have ever judg'd them more noble , and of greater dignity , both fro the sound and number , then any other verse in use amongst us ; in which i am sure i have your approbation . the learned languages have , certainly , a great advantage of us , in not being tied to the slavery of any rhyme ; and were less constrain'd in the quantity of every syllable , which they might vary with spondaees or dactiles , besides so many other helps of grammatical figures , for the lengthning or abbreviation of them , then the modern are in the close of that one syllable , which often confines , and more often corrup●s the sense of all the rest . but in this necessity of our rhymes , i have always found the couplet verse most easie , ( though not so proper for this occasion ) for there the work is sooner at an end , every two lines concluding the labour of the poet : but in quattrains he is to carry it farther on ; and not onely so , but to bear along in his head the troublesome sense of four lines together . for those who write correctly in this kind must needs acknowledge , that the last line of the stanza is to be consider'd in the composition of the first . neither can we give our s●lves the liberty of making any part of a verse for the sake of rhyme , or concluding with a word which is not currant english , or using the variety of female rhymes , all which our fathers practis'd ; and for the female rhymes , they are still in use amongst other nations : with the italian in every line , with the spaniard promiscuously , with the french alternately , as those who have read the alarique , the pucelle , or any of their latter poems , will agree with me . and besides this , they write in alexandrins , or verses of six feet , such as amongst us is the old translation of homer , by chapman ; all which , by lengthning of their chain , makes the sphere of their activity the larger . i have dwelt too long upon the choice of my stanza , which you may remember is much better defended in the preface to gondibert , and therefore i will hasten to acquaint you with my endeavours in the writing . in general i will onely say , i have never yet seen the description of any naval fight in the proper terms which are us'd at sea ; and if there be any such in another language , as that of lucan in the third of his pharsalia , yet i could not prevail my self of it in the english ; the terms of arts in every ●ongue bearing more of the idiom of it then any other words . we hear , indeed , among our poets , of the thundring of guns , the smoke , the disorder and the slaughter ; but all these are common notions . and certainly as those who , in a logical dispute , keep in general terms , would hide a fallacy , so those who do it in any poetical description would vail their ignorance . descriptas servare vices operumque colores cur ego , si nequeo ignoroque , poeta salutor ? for my own part , if i had little knowledge of the sea , yet i have thought it no shame to learn : and if i have made some few mistakes , 't is onely , as you can bear me witness , because i have wanted opportunity to correct them , the whole poem being first written , and now sent you from a place , where i have not so much as the converse of any sea-man . yet , though the trouble i had in writing it was great , it was more then recompens'd by the pleasure ; i found my self so warm in celebrating the praises of military men , two such espe●ially as the prince and general , that it is no wonder ●f they inspir'd me with thoughts above my ordinary ●evel . and i am well satisfi'd , that as they are incom●arably the best subject i have ever had , excepting ●nely the royal family ; so also , that this i have written of them is much better then what i have perform'd on any other . i have been forc'd to help out other arguments , but this has been bountiful to me ; ●hey have been low and barren of praise , and i have ex●alted them , and made them fruitful : but here — omnia sponte suâ reddit justissima tellus . i have had a large , a fair and a pleasant field , so fertile , that , without my cultivating , it has given me two harvests in a s●mmer , and in both oppress'd the reaper . all other greatness in subjects is onely counterfeit , it will not endure the test of danger ; the greatness of arms is onely real : other greatness burdens a nation with 〈◊〉 weight , this supports it with its strength . and as it is the happiness of the age , so is it the peculiar goodness of the best of kings , that we may praise his subjects without offending him : doubtless it proceeds from a just confidence of his own vertue , which the lustre of no other can be so great as to darken in him : for the good or the valiant are never safely prais'd under a ●ad or a degenerate prince . but to retu●n from this digression to a farther account of my poem , i must crave leave to tell you , that as i have endeavour'd to adorn it with noble thoughts , so much more to express those thoughts with elocution . the composition of all poems is or ought to be of wit , and wit in the poet , or wit writing , ( if you will give me leave to use a schoo● distinction ) is no other then the faculty of imaginatio● in the writer , which , like a nimble spaniel , beats ove● and ranges through the field of memory , till i● springs the quarry it hunted after ; or , without metaphor , which searches over all the memory for the species or idea's of those things which it designs to represent ▪ wit written , is that which is well defin'd , the happy result of thought , or product of that imagination . but to proceed from wit in the general notion of it , to the proper wit of an heroick or historical poem , i judge it chiefly to consist in the delightful imaging of persons , actions , p●ssions , or things . 't is not the jerk o● sting of an epigram , nor the seeming contradiction of a poor antithesis , ( the delight of an ill judging audience in a play of rhyme ) nor the gingle of a more poor paranomasia : neither is it so much the morality of a grave sentence , affected by lucan , but more sparingly used by virgil ; but it is some lively and apt description , dress'd in such colours of speech , that it sets before your eyes the absent object , as perfectly and more delightfully then nature . so then , the first happiness of the poet's imagination is properly invention , or finding of the thought ; the second is fancy , or the variation , driving or moulding of that thought , as the judgment represents it proper to the subject ; the third is elocution , or the art of clothing and adorning that thought so found and varied , in apt , significant and sounding words : the quickness of the imagination is seen in the invention , the fertility in the fancy , and the accuracy in the expression . for the two first of these ovid is famous amongst the poets , for the latter virgil. ovid images more often the movements and affections of the mind , either combating between two contrary passions , or extremely discompos'd by one : his words therefore are the least part of his care , for he pictures nature in disorder , with which the study and choice of words is inconsistent . this is the proper wit of dialogue or discourse , and , consequently , of the drama , where all that is said is to be suppos'd the effect of sudden thought ; which , though it excludes not the quickness of wit in repartees , yet admits not a too curious election of words , too frequent allusions , or use of tropes , or , in fine , any thing that showes remoteness of thought , or labour in the writer . on the other side , virgil speaks not so often to us in the person of another , like ovid , but in his own , he relates almost all things as from himself , and thereby gains more liberty then the other , to express his thoughts with all the graces of elocution , to write more figuratively , and to confess , as well the labour as the force of his imagination . though he describes his dido well and naturally , in the violence of her passions , yet he must yield in that to the myrrha , the biblis , the althaea , of ovid ; for , as great an admirer of him as i am , i must acknowledge , that , if i see not more of their souls then i see of dido's , at least i have a greater concernment for them : and that convinces me that ovid has touch'd those tender strokes more delica●ely then virgil could . but when action or persons are to be describ'd , when any such image is to beset before u● , how bold , how maste●ly are the strokes of virgil ! we see the objects he represents us with in their native figures , in their proper motion● ; but we so see them , as our own eyes could never have beheld them so beautiful in themselves . we see the soul of the poet , like that universal one of which he speaks , informing and moving through all his ●ictures , totamque in●usa per artus mens agitat motem , & magno se corpore miscet ; we behold him embellishing his images , as he makes venus breathing beauty upon her son . aeneas . — lumenque juventae purpureum , & laetos oculis afflârat honores : quale manus addunt ebori decus , aut ubi flavo argentum , pariusve lapis circundatur auro . see his ●empest , his funeral ●ports , his combat of turnus and aeneas , and in his georgicks , which i esteem the divinest part of all this writings , the plague , the country , the battle of bulls , the labour of the bees , and those many other excellent images of nature , most of which are neither great in themselves , nor have any natural ornament to bear them● up : but the words wherewith he describes them are so excellent , that it might be well appli'd to him which was said by ovid , materiam superabat● opus : the very sound of his words has often somewhat that i● connatural to the subject , and while we read him , we sit , as in a ●lay , beholding the scenes of what he represents . to perform this , he made frequent use of tropes which you know change the nature of a known word , by applying it to some other signification : and this is it which horace means in this epistle to the pisos . dixeris egregie notum si callida verbum reddiderit junctura novum — but i am sensible i have presum'd too far , to entertain you with a rude discourse of that art , which you both know so well , and put into practise with so much happiness . yet before i leave virgil , i must own the vanity to tell you , and by you the world , that he has been my master in this poem : i have followed him every where , i know not with what success , but i am sure with diligence enough : my images are many of them copied from him , and the rest are imitations of him . my expressions also are as near as the idioms of the two languages would admit of in translation . and this , sir , i have done with that boldness , for which i will stand accomptable to any of our little criticks , who , perhaps , are not better acquainted with him then i am . upon your first perusal of this poem , you have taken notice of some words which i have innovated ( if it be too bold for me to say re●in'd ) upon his latin ; which , as i offer not to introduce into english prose , so i hope they are neither improper , nor altogether unelegant in verse ; and , in this , horace will again defend me . et nova , ●fictaque nuper habebunt verba fidem , si graeco fonte cadant , parcè detorta — the inference is exceeding plain ; for if a roman poet might have liberty to coin a word , supposing onely that it was derived from the greek , we put into a latin termination , and that he us'd this liberty but seldom , and with modesty : how much more justly may i challenge that privilege to do it with the same praerequisits , from the best and most judicious of latin writers ? in some places , where either the fancy , or the words , were his , or any others , i have noted it in the margin , that i might not seem a plagiary : in others i have neglected it , to avoid as well the tediousness , as the affectation of doing it t●o often . such descriptions or images , well wrought , which i promise no● for mine , are , as i have said , the adequate delight of heroick poesie , for they beget admiration , which is its proper object ; as the images of the burlesque , which is contrary to this , by the same reason beget laughter ; for the one shows nature beautified , as in the picture of a fair woman , which we all admire ; the other shows her deformed , as in that of a lazar , or of a fool with distorted face and antique gestures , at which we cannot forbear to laugh , because it is a deviation from nature . but though the same images serve equally for the epique poesie , and for the historique and panegyrique , which are branches of it , yet a several sort of sculpture is to be used in them : if some of them are to be like those of juvenal , stantes in curribus aemiliani , heroes drawn in their triumphal chariots , and in their full proportion ; others are to be like that of virgil , spi●antia mollius aera : there is somewhat more of s●ftness and tenderness to be shown in them . you will soon find i write not this without concern . some who have seen a paper of verses which i wrote last year to her highness the dutchess , have accus'd them of that onely thing i could defend in them ; they have said i did humi serpere , that i wa●ted not onely height of fancy , but dignity of words to set it off ; i might well answer with that of horace , nunc non erat his locus , i knew i address'd them to a lady , and accordingly i affected the softness of expression , and the smoothness of measure , rather then the height of thought ; and in what i did endeavour , it is no vanity to say , i have succeeded , i detest arrogance , but there is some difference betwixt that and a just defence . but i will not farther bribe your candour , or the readers . i leave them to speak for me , and , if they can , to make out that character , not pretending to a greater , which i have given them . verses to her highness the dutchess , on the memorable victory gain'd by the duke against the hollanders , june the 3. 1665. and on her iourney afterwards into the north. madam , when , for our ●akes , your heroe you resign'd to swelling seas , and every faithless wind ; when you releas'd his courage , and set free a valour fatal to the enemy , you lodg'd your countries carès within your breast ; ( the mansion where soft love should onely rest : ) and ere our foes abroad were overcome , the noblest conquest you had gain'd at home . ah , what concerns did both your souls divide ! your honour gave us what your love deni'd : and 't was for him much easier to subdue those foes he fought with , then to part from you . that glorious day , which two such navies saw , as each , unmatch'd , might to the world give law. neptune , yet doubtful whom he should obey , held to them both the trident of the sea : the winds were hush'd , the waves in ranks were cast , as awfully as when god's people past : those , yet uncertain on whose sails to blow , these , where the wealth of nations ought to flow . then with the duke your highness rul'd the day : while all the brave did his command obey . the fair and pious under you did pray . how pow'rful are chast vows ! the wind and tyde you brib'd to combat on the english side . thus to your much lov'd lord you did convey an unknown succour , sent the nearest way . new vigour to his wearied arms you brought ; ( so moses was upheld while israel fought . ) while , from afar , we heard the canon play , like distant thunder on a shiny day , for absent friends we were asham'd to fear , when we consider'd what you ventur'd there . ships , men and arms our country might restore , but such a leader could supply no more . with generous thoughts of conquest he did burn , yet fought not more to vanquish then return . fortune and victory he did pursue , to bring them , as his slaves , to wait on you . thus beauty ravish'd the rewards of fame , and the fair triumph'd when the brave o'rcame . then , as you meant to spread another way by land your conquests far as his by sea , leaving our southern clime , you march'd along the stubborn north , ten thousand cupid's strong . like commons the nobility resort in crowding heaps , to fill your moving court : to welcome your approach the vulgar run , like some new envoy● from the distant sun. and country beauties by their lovers go , blessing themselves , and wondring at the show . so when the new-born phoenix first is seen , her feather'd subjects all adore their queen . and , while she makes her progress through the east , from every grove her numerous train's increast : each poet of the air her glory sings , and round him the pleas'd audience clap their wings . and now , sir , 't is time i should relieve you from the tedious length of this account . you have better and more profitable employment for your hours , and i wrong the publick to de●ain you longer . in conclusio● , i must leave my poem to you with all its faults , which hope to find fewer in the printing by your emendations i know you are not of the number of those , of whom th● younger pliny speaks , nec sunt parum multi qu● carpere amicos suos judicium vocant ; i am rathe● too secure of you on that side . your candour in pardoning my errors may make you more remiss in correctin● them ; if you will not withall consider that they come int● the world with your approbation , and through you● hands . i beg from you the greatest favor you can con●e●● upon an absent person , since i repose upon your management what is dearest to me , my fame and reputation & therefore i hope it will stir you up to make my poem fairer by many of your blots ; if not , you know the stor● of the gamester who married the rich man's daughter● and when her father denyed the portion , christned 〈◊〉 the children by his sirname , that if , in conclusion , the must beg , they should do so by one name , as well as 〈◊〉 the other . but since the reproach of my faults wi●● light on you , 't is but reason i should do you that justic● to the readers , to let them know that if there be an● thing tolerable in this poem , they owe the argumen● to your choice , the writing to your encouragement , th● correction to your judgment , and the care of it to you● friendship , to which he must ever acknowledge himsel● to owe all things , who is , sir , the most obedient and most faithful of your servants , iohn dryden . from charleton in wiltshire , novem. 10. 1666. to the readers . notwithstanding the diligence which has been used in my absence , some faults have escap'd the pr●ss : and i have so many 〈◊〉 my own to answ●● for , that i am not willing to be charg'd with those ●f the 〈◊〉 . i have onely noted the grossest of them , not such as by 〈…〉 have consou●ded the se●se , but such as by mistaken wo●ds ●ave corrupted it . errata . page 4. line 3. for an read 〈◊〉 page 5. in the not●s , read thus , ponti armenta & mag●as pascit , &c. page 8. line 2. for under●ook ▪ read 〈◊〉 ▪ page 10. in the 〈◊〉 , for nau●●agiunt est read 〈…〉 page 15. line 3. 〈◊〉 read a loud . ibid. line 10. ●or in distant order read in dreadful ●●der . page 33. line 3. for own●ead ●ead one . ibid. line 16. read , and as the surgeons . page 41. in the ●ote to the second s●anza , for 〈◊〉 vicis , read solisque vias . page 47. line 3. for flots read flats . page 49. line 15. for verro read va●ro . page 53. line 5. for smiles read smile . ibid. line 11. for falling 〈◊〉 p●●ling . ibid. line 7. for open read tender . ibid. in the note , for ac●rude●et read accenderet . page 63 line 2. for night has read night-●ags . imprimatur . roger l'estrange novem. 22. 1666. annvs mirabilis : the year of wonders , mdclxvi . 1. in thriving arts long time had holland grown , crouching at home , and cruel when abroad : scarce leaving us the means to claim our own . our king they courted , & our merchants aw'd . 2. trade , which like bloud should circularly flow , stop'd in their channels , found its freedom lost : thither the wealth of all the world did go , and seem'd but shipwrack'd on so base a coast. 3. for them alone the heav'ns had kindly heat , a in ea●tern quarries ripening precious dew : for them the idumaean balm did sweat , a●d in hot ceilon spicy forrests grew . 4. the sun but seem'd the lab'rer of their year ; b each wexing moon suppli'd her watry store , to swell those tides , which from the line did bear their brim-full vessels to the belg'an shore . 5. thus mighty in her ships , stood carthage long , and swept the riches of the world from far ; yet stoop'd to rome , less wealthy , but more strong : and this may prove our second punick war. 6. what peace can be where both to one pretend ? ( but they more diligent , and we more strong ) or if a peace , it soon must have an end for they would grow too pow'rful were it long . 7. behold two nations then , ingag'd so far , that each seav'n years the fit must shake each land where france will side to weaken us by war , who onely can his vast designs withstand . 8. see how he feeds th' c iberian with delays , to render us his timely friendship vain ; and , while his secret soul on flanders preys , he rocks the cradle of the babe of spain . 9. such deep designs of empire does he lay , o're them whose cause he seems to take in hand . and , prudently , would make them lords at sea , to whom with ease he can give laws by land. 10. this saw our king ; and long within his breast his pensive counsels ballanc'd too and fro ; he griev'd the land he freed should be oppress'd , and he less for it then usurpers do . 11. his gen'rous mind the fair idea's drew of fame and honour which in dangers lay ; where wealth , like fruit an precipices , grew , not to be gather'd but by birds of prey . 12. the loss and gain each fatally were great ; and still his subjects call'd aloud for war : but peaceful kings o'r martial people set , each others poize and counter-ballance are . 13. he , first , survey'd the charge with careful eyes , which none but mighty monarchs could maintain ; yet judg'd , like vapours that from limbecks rise , it would in richer showers descend again . 14. at length resolv'd t'assert the watry ball , he in himself did whole armado's bring : him , aged sea-men might their master call , and choose for general were he not their king. 15. it seems as every ship their sovereign knows , his awful summons they so soon obey ; so here the skaly herd when d proteus blows , and so to pasture follow through the sea. 16. to see this fleet upon the ocean move angels drew wide the curtains of the skies : and heav'n , as if their wanted lights above , for tapers made two glareing comets rise . 17. whether they unctuous exhalations are , fir'd by the sun , or seeming so alone , or each some more remote and slippery star , which looses footing when to mortals shown . 18. or one that bright companion of the sun , whose glorious aspect seal'd our new-born king ; and now a round of greater years begun , new influence from his walks of light did bring . 19. victorious york did , first , with fam'd success , to his known valour make the dutch give place : thus heav'n our monarch's fortune did confess , beginning conquest from his royal race . 20. but since it was decreed , auspicious king , in britain's right that thou should'st wed the main , heav'n , as a gage , would cast some precious thing and therefore doom'd that lawson should be slain . 21. lawson amongst the formost met his fate , whom sea-green syrens from the rocks lament : thus as an off'ring for the grecian state , he first was kill'd who first to battel went. 22. * their chief blown up , in air , not waves expir'd , to which his pride presum'd to give the law : the dutch confess'd heav'n present , and retir'd , and all was britain the wide ocean saw . 23. to nearest ports their shatter'd ships repair , where by our dreadful canon they lay aw'd : so reverently men quit the open air when thunder speaks the angry gods abroad . 24. and now approach'd their fleet from india , fraught with all the riches of the rising sun : and precious sand from e southern climates brought , ( the fatal regions where the war begun . ) 25. like hunted castors , conscious of their store , their way-laid wealth to norway's coasts they bring : there first the north's cold bosome spices bore , and winter brooded on the eastern spring . 26. by the rich scent we found our perfum'd prey , which flanck'd with rocks did close in covert lie : and round about their murdering canon lay , at once to threaten and invi●e the eye . 27. fie●cer then canon , and then rocks more hard , the english undertook th' unequal war : seven ships alone , by which the port is barr●d , besiege the indies , and all denmark dare . 28. these fight like husbands , but like lovers those : these fain would keep , and those more fain enjoy ▪ and to such height their frantick passion grows , that what both love , both hazard to destroy . 29. amidst whole heaps of spices lights a ball , and now their odours arm'd against them flie : some preciously by shatter'd porc'lain fall , and some by aromatick splinters die . 30. an though by tempests of the prize bere●t , in heavens inclemency some ease we find : our foes we vanquish'd by our valour left , and onely yielded to the seas and wind. 31. nor wholly lost we so deserv'd a prey ; for storms , repenting , part of it restor'd : which , as a tribute from the balthick sea , the british ocean sent her mighty lord. 32. go , mortals , now , and vex your selves in vain for wealth , which so uncertainly must come : when what was brought so far , and with such pain , was onely kept to lose it neerer home . 33. the son , who , twice three month 's on th' ocean tost , prepar'd to tell what he had pass'd before , now sees , in english ships the holland coast , and parents arms in vain stretch'd from the shore . 34. this carefull husband had been long away , whom his chast wife and little children mourn ; who on their fingers learn'd to tell the day on which their father promis'd to return . 35. f such are the proud designs of human kind , and so we suffer shipwrack every where ! alas , what port can such a pilot find , who in the night of fate must blindly steer ! 36. the undistinguish'd seeds of good and ill heav'n , in his bosom , from our knowledge hides ; and draws them in contempt of human skill , which oft , for friends , mistaken foes provides . 37. let munsters prelate ever be accurst , in whom we seek the g german faith in vain : alas , that he should teach the english first that fraud and avarice in the church could reign ! 38. happy who never trust a strangers will , whose friendship 's in his interest understood ! since money giv'n but tempts him to be ill when pow'r is too remote to make him good . 39. ●ill now , alone the mighty nations strove : the rest , at gaze , without the lists did stand : ●nd threatning france , plac'd like a painted ●ove , kept idle thunder in his lifted hand . 40. that eunuch guardian of rich holl●●● trade , who envies us what he wants 〈◊〉 enjoy ! whose noisefull valour does no foe invade , and weak assistance will his friends destroy . 41. offended that we fought without hi● 〈◊〉 , he takes this time his secret ha●e to show : which charles does with a mind so calm receive ▪ as one that neither seeks , nor 〈◊〉 his foe . 42. with france , to aid the dutch , the danes unite : france as their tyrant , denmark as their slave . but when with one three nations joyn to fight , they silently confess that one more brave . 43. lewis had chas'd the english from his shore ; but charles the french as subjects does invite . vvould heav'n for each some salomon restore , vvho , by their mercy , may decide their right 44. vvere subjects so but onely buy their choice , and not from birth did forc'd dominion take , our prince alone would have the publique voice ▪ and all his neighbours realms would desarts make . 45. he without fear a dangerous vvar pursues , vvhich without rashness he began before . as honour made him first the danger choose , so still he makes it good on virtues score . 46. the doubled charge his subjects love supplies , vvho , in that bounty , to themselves are kind : so glad egyptians see their nilus rise , and in his plenty their abundance find . 47. with equal pow'r he does two chiefs create , two such , as each seem'd worthiest when alone : ●ach able to sustain a nations fate , since both had found a greater in their own . 48. ●oth great in courage , conduct and in fame , yet neither envious of the others praise . their duty , faith , and int'rest too the same . ●ike mighty partners equally they raise . 49. the prince long time had courted fortune's love , but once possess'd did absolutely reign ; ●hus with their amazons the heroes strove , and conquer'd first those beauties they would gain . 50. ●he duke , beheld , like scipio , with disdain that carthage , which he ruin'd , rise once more : and shook aloft the fasces of the main , to fright those slaves with what they felt before . 51. together to the watry camp they haste , whom matrons passing , to their children sho● infants first vows for them to heav'n are cast , and h future people bless them as they go . 52. with them no riotous pomp , nor as●an train , t' infect a navy with their gawdy fears : to make flow fights , and victories but vain ; but war ; severely , like it self , appears . 53. diffusive of themselves , where e'r they pass , they make that warmth in others they expect their valour works like bodies on a glass , and does its image on their men project . 54. our fleet divides , and straight the dutch appea● in number , and a fam'd commander , bold : the narrow seas can scarce their navy bear , or crowded vessels can their soldiers hold . 55. the duke , less numerous , but in courage more , on wings of all the winds to combat flies : his murdering guns aloud defiance roar , and bloudy crosses on his flag-staffs rise . 56. both furl their sails , and strip them for the fight , their folded sheets dismiss the useless air : i th' elean plains could boast no nobler sight , when strugling champions did their bodies bare . 57. born each by other in a distant line , the sea-built forts in distant order move : so vast the noise , as if not fleets did joyn , k but lands unfix'd , and floating nations , strove . 58. now pass'd , on either side they nimbly tack , both strive to intercept and guide the wind : and , in its eye , more closely they come back to finish all the deaths they left behind . 59. on high-rais'd decks the haughty belgians ride , beneath whose shade our humble fregats go : such port the elephant bears , and so defi'd by the rhinocero's her unequal foe . 60. and as the built , so different is the fight ; their mounting shot is on our sails design'd : deep in their hulls our deadly bullets light , and through the yielding planks a passage find ▪ 61. our dreaded admiral from far they threat , whose batter'd rigging their whole wa● receives ▪ all bare , like some old oak which tempests beat , he stands , and sees below his scatter'd leaves . 62. heroes of old , when wounded , shelter sought , but he , who meets all danger with disdain , ev'n in their face his ship to anchor brought , and steeple high stood propt upon the main . 63. at this excess of courage , all amaz'd , the foremost of his foes a while withdraw . with such respect in enter'd rome they gaz'd , who on high chairs the god-like fathers saw . 64. and now , as where patroclus body lay , here ●rojan chiefs advanc'd , & there the greek : ours o●r the duke their pious wings display , and theirs the noblest spoils of britain seek . 65. mean time , his busie marriners he hasts ; his shatter'd sails with rigging to restore : and willing pines ascend his broken masts , whose lofty heads rise higher then before . 66. straight to the dutch he turns his dreadful prow , more fierce th'important quarrel to decide . like swans , in long array his vessels show , whose creasts , advancing , do the waves divide . 67. they charge , re-charge , and all along the sea they drive , and squander the huge ●elgian fleet. berkley alone who neerest danger lay , did a like fate with lost creusa meet . 68. the night comes on , we , eager to pursue the combat stil , and they asham'd to leave : till the last streaks of dying day withdrew , and doubtful moon-light did our rage deceive . 69. in th' english fleet each ship resounds with joy , and loud applause of their great lead'rs fame . in fiery dreams the dutch they still destroy , and , slumbring , smile at the imagin'd flame . 70. not so the holland fleet , who tir'd and done , stretch'd on their decks like weary oxen lie : faint swea●s all down their mighty members run , ( vast bulks which little souls but ill supply . ) 71. in dreams they fearful precipices tread , or , shipwrack'd , labour to some distant shore : or in dark churches walk among the dead : they wake with horrour , & dare sleep no more . 72. the morn they look on with unwilling eyes , till , from their main-top , joyful news they hear of ships , which by their mould bring new supplies , and in their colours belgian lions bear . 73. our watchful general had discern'd , from far , this mighty succour which made glad the foe . he sigh'd , but , like a father of the war , l his face spake hope , while deep his sorrows flow . 74. his wounded men he first sends off to shore : ( never , till now , unwilling to obey . ) they , not their wounds but want of strength deplore , and think them happy who with him can stay . 75. then , to the rest , rejoyce , ( said he ) to day in you the fortune of great britain lies : among so brave a people you are they whom heav'n has chose to fight for such a prize . 76. if number english courages could quell , we should at first have shun'd , not met our foes ; whose numerous sails the fearful onely tell : courage from hearts , and not from numbers grows . 77. he said ; nor needed more to say : with hast to their known stations chearfully they go : and all at once , disdaining to be last , sollicite every gale to meet the foe . 78. nor did th'incourag'd belgians long delay , but , bold in others , not themselves , they stood : so thick , our navy scarce could sheer their way , but seem'd to wander in a moving wood . 79. our little fleet was now ingag'd so far , that , like the sword-fish in the whale , they fought . the combat onely seem'd a civil war , till through their bowels we our passage wrought . 80. never had valour , no not ours before , done ought like this upon the land or main : where not to be o'rcome was to do more then all the conquests former kings did gain . 81. the mighty ghosts of our great harries rose , and armed edwards look'd , with anxious eyes , to see this fleet among unequal foes , by which fate promis'd them their charls should rise . 82. mean time the belgians tack upon our reer , and raking chace-guns through our sterns they send : close by , their fire-ships , like ia●kals , appear , who on their lions for the prey attend . 83. silent in smoke of canons they come on : ( such vapours once did fiery cacus hide . ) in these the height of pleas'd revenge is shown , who burn contented by another's side . 84. sometimes , from fighting squadrons of each fleet , ( deceiv'd themselves , or to preserve some friend ) two grapling aetna's on the ocean meet , and english fires with belgian flames contend . 85. now , at each tack , our little fleet grows less ; and , like maim'd fowl , swim lagging on the main . their greater loss their numbers scarce confess while they lose cheaper then the english gain . 86. have you not seen when , whistled from the fist , some falcon stoops at what her eye design'd , and , with her eagerness , the quarry miss'd , straight flies at check , and clips it down the wind . 87. the dastard crow , that to the wood made wing , and sees the groves no shelter can afford , with her loud kaws her craven kind does bring , who , safe in numbers cuff the noble bird. 88. among the dutch thus albemarl did fare : he could not conquer , and disdain'd to flie . past hope of safety , 't was his latest care , like falling cesar , decently to die . 89. yet pity did his manly spirit move to see those perish who so well had fought : and , generously , with his dispair he strove , resolv'd to live till he their safety wrought . 90. let other muses write his prosp'rous fate , of conquer'd nations tell , and kings restor'd : but mine shall sing of his eclips'd estate , vvhich , like the sun's , more wonders does afford . 91. he drew his mighty fregates all before , on which the foe his fruitless force employes : his weak ones deep into his ree● he bore , remote from guns as sick men are from noise . 92. his fiery canon did their passage guide , and foll'wing smoke obscur'd them from the foe . thus israel safe from the egyptia●'s pride , by flaming pillars , and by clouds did go . 93. elsewhere the belgian force we did defeat , but here our courages did theirs subdue : so xenophon once led that fam'd retreat , which first the asian empire overthrew . 94. the foe approach'd : and one , for his bold sin , was sunk , ( as he that touch'd the ark was ●lain ; ) the wild waves master'd him , and suck'd him in , and smiling eddies dimpled on the main . 95. this seen , the rest at awful distance stood ; as if they had been there as servants set , to stay , or to go on , as he thought good , and not persue , but wait on his retreat . 96. so lybian huntsmen , on some sandy plain , from shady coverts rouz'd , the lion chace : the kingly beast roars out with loud disdain , m and slowly moves , unknowing to give place . 97. but if some one approach to dare his force , he swings his tail , and swiftly turns him round : with one paw seizes on his trembling horse , and with the other tears him to the ground . 98. amidst these toils succeeds the balmy night , now hissing waters the quench'd guns restore ; n and weary waves , withdrawing from the fight , lie lull'd and panting on the silent shore . 99. the moon shone clear on the becalmed floud , where , while her beams like glittering silver play , upon the deck our careful general stood , and deeply mus'd on the o succeeding day . 100. that happy sun , said he , will rise again , who twice victorious did our navy see : and i alone must view him rise in vain , without one ray of all his star for me . 101. yet , like an english gen'ral will i die , and all the ocean make my spatious grave . women and cowards on the land may lie , the sea 's a tomb that 's proper for the brave . 102. restless he pass'd the remnants of the night , till the fresh air proclaim'd the morning nigh , and burning ships , the martyrs of the fight , with paler fires beheld the eastern sky . 103. but now , his stores of ammunition spent , his naked valour is his onely guard : rare thunders are from his dumb cannon sent , and solitary guns are scarcely heard . 104. thus far had fortune pow'r , here forc'd to stay , nor longer durst with vertue be at strife : this , as a ransome albemarl did pay for all the glories of so great a life . 105. for now brave rupert from afar appears , whose waving streamers the glad general knows : with full spread sails his eager navy steers , and every ship in swift proportion grows . 106. the anxious prince had heard the cannon long , and from that length of time dire omens drew of english over-match'd , and dutch too strong , who never fought three days but to pursue . 107. then , as an eagle , ( who , with pious care , was beating widely on the wing for prey ) to her now silent eiry does repair , and finds her callow infants forc'd away . 108. stung with her love she stoops upon the plain , the broken air loud whistling as she flies : she stops , and listens , and shoots forth again , and guides her pinions by her young ones cries . 109. with such kind passion hastes the prince to fight , and spreads his flying canvass to the sound : him , whom no danger , were he there , could fright , now , absent , every little noise can wound . 110. as , in a drought , the thirsty creatures cry , and gape upon the gather'd clowds for rain , and first the martlet meets it in the sky , and , with wet wings , joys all the feather'd train ▪ 111. with such glad hearts did our dispairing men salute th' appearance of the princes fleet ▪ and each ambitiously would claim the ken that with first eyes did distant safety meet . 112. the dutch , who came like greedy hinds before , to reap the harvest their ripe ears did yield , now look like those , when rowling thunders roar , and sheets of lightning blast the standing field . 113. full in the princes passage , hills of sand and dang'rous flats in secret ambush lay , where the false tides skim o'r the cover'd land , and sea-men with dissembled depths betray : 114. the wily dutch , who , like fall'n angels , fear'd this new messiah's coming , there did wait , and round the verge their braving vessels steer'd , to tempt his courage with so fair a bait . 115. but he , unmov'd , contemns their idle threat , secure of fame when ere he please to fight : his cold experience tempers all his heat , and inbred worth does boasting valour ●light . 116. heroique virtue did his actions guide , and he the substance not th' appearance chose : to rescue one such friend he took more pride than to destroy whole thousands of such foes . 117. but , when approach'd , in strict embraces bound , rupert and albemarl together grow : he joys to have his friend in safety found , which he to none but to that friend would owe. 118. the chearful souldiers , with new stores suppli'd , now long to execute their spleenfull will ; and , in revenge for those three days they tri'd , wish one , like ioshuah's , when the sun stood still . 119. thus re-inforc'd , against the adverse fleet still doubling ours , brave rupert leads the way . with the first blushes of the morn they meet , and bring night back upon the new-born day . 120. his presence soon blows up the kindling fight , and his loud guns speak thick like angry men : it seem'd as slaughter had been breath'd all night , and death new pointed his dull dart agen . 121. the dutch , too well his mighty conduct knew , and matchless courage since the former ●ight : whose navy like a stiff stretch'd cord did show till he bore in , and bent them into flight . 122. the wind he shares while half their fleet offends his open side , and high above him shows , upon the rest at pleasure he descends , and , doubly harm'd , he double harms bestows . 123. behind , the gen'ral mends his weary pace , and sullenly to his revenge he sails : p so glides some trodden serpent on the grass , and long behind his wounded vollume trails . 124. th' increasing sound is born to either shore , and for their stakes the throwing nations fear . their passion , double with the cannons roar , and with warm wishes each man combats there . 125. pli'd thick and close as when the fight begun , their huge unwieldy navy wasts away : so sicken waning moons too neer the sun , and blunt their crescents on the edge of day . 126. and now reduc'd on equal terms to fight , their ships like wasted patrimonies show : where the thin scatt'ring trees admit the light , and shun each others shadows as they grow . 127. the warlike prince had sever'd from the rest two giant ships , the pride of all the main ; which , with his own , so vigorously he press'd , and flew so home they could not rise again . 128. already batter'd , by his lee they lay , in vain upon the passing winds they call : the passing winds through their torn canvass play , and flagging sails on heartless sailors fall . 129. their open'd sides receive a gloomy light , dreadful as day let in to shades below : without , grim death rides bare-fac'd in their sight , and urges ent'ring billows as they flow . 130. when one dire shot , the last they could supply , close by the boar'd the prince's main-mast bore : all three now , helpless , by each other lie , and this offends not , and those fear no more . 131. so have i seen some fearful hare maintain a course , till tir'd before the dog she lay : who , stretch'd behind her , pants upon the plain , past pow'r to kill as she to get away . 132. with his loll'd tongue he faintly licks his prey , his warm breath blows her flix up as she lies : she , trembling , creeps upon the ground away , and looks back to him with beseeching eyes . 133. the prince unjustly does his stars accuse , which hinder'd him to push his fortune on : for what they to his courage did refuse , by mortal valour never must be done . 134. this lucky hour the wise batavian takes , and warns his tatter'd fleet to follow home : proud to have so got off with equal stakes , q where 't was a triumph not to be o'r-come . 135. the general 's force , as kept alive by fight , now , not oppos'd , no longer can persue : lasting till heav'n had done his courage right , when he had conquer'd he his weakness knew . 136. he casts a frown on the departing foe , and sighs to see him quit the watry field : his stern fix'd eyes no satisfaction show , for all the glories which the fight did yield . 137. though , as when fiends did miracles avow , he stands confess'd ev'n by the boastful dutch , he onely does his conquest disavow , and thinks too little what they found too much . 138. return'd , he with the fleet resolv'd to stay , no tender thoughts of home his heart divide : domestick joys and cares he puts away , for realms are housholds which the great must guide . 139. as those who unripe veins in mines explore , on the rich bed again the warm turf lay , till time digests the yet imperfect ore , and know it will be gold another day . 140. so looks our monarch on this early fight , th' essay , and rudiments of great success , which all-maturing time must bring to light , while he , like heav'n , does each days labour bless ▪ 141. heav'n ended not the first or second day , yet each was perfect to the work design'd : god and kings work , when they their work survey ▪ and passive aptness in all subjects find . 142. in burden'd vessels , first , with speedy care , his plenteous stores do season'd timber send thither the brawny carpenters repair , and as the chyrurg'ons of maim'd ships attend 143. with cord and canvass from rich hamburgh sent , his navies molted wings he imps once more : tall norway fir , their masts in battel spent , and english oak sprung leaks and planks restore . 144. all hands employ'd , r the royal work grows warm , like labouring bees on a long summers day , some sound the trumpet for the rest to swarm , and some on bells of tasted lillies play : 145. with glewy wax some new foundation lay of virgin combs , which from the roof are hung : some arm'd within doors , upon duty stay , or tend the sick , or educate the young . 146. so here , some pick out bullets from the sides , some drive old okum through each seam & rift : their left-hand does the calking-iron guide , the ratling mallet with the right they lift . 147. with boiling pitch another near at hand ( from friendly sweden brought ) the seams in-stops ▪ which well paid o'r the salt-sea waves withstand , and shakes them from the rising beak in drops . 148. some the gall'd ropes with dawby marling bind , or sear-cloth masts with strong tarpawling coats : to try new shrouds one mounts into the wind , and one , below , their ease or stifness notes . 149. our careful monarch stands in person by , his new-cast canons firmness to explore : the strength of big-corn'd powder loves to try , and ball and cartrage sorts for every bore . 150. each day brings fresh supplies of arms and men , and ships which all last vvinter were abrode : and such as fitted since the fight had been , or new from stocks were fall'n into the road. 151. the goodly london in her gallant trim , ( the phoenix daughter of the vanish'd old : ) like a rich bride does to the ocean swim , and on her shadow rides in floating gold . 152. her flag aloft spread ruffling to the wind , and sanguine streamers seem the floud to fire : the weaver charm'd with what his loom design'd , goes on to sea , and knows not to retire . 153. with roomy decks , her guns of mighty strength , ( whose low-laid mouthes each mounting billow laves : ) deep in her draught , and warlike in her length , she seems a sea-wasp flying on the waves . 154. this martial present , piously design'd , the loyal city give their best-lov'd king : and with a bounty ample as the wind , built , fitted and maintain'd to aid him bring . 155. by viewing nature , natures hand-maid , art , makes mighty things from small beginnings grow : thus fishes first to shipping did impart their tail the rudder , and their head the prow . 156. some log , perhaps , upon the waters swam an useless drift , which , rudely cut within , and hollow'd , first a floating trough became , and cross some riv'let passage did begin . 157. in shipping such as this the irish kern , and untaught indian , on the stream did glide : e●e sharp-keel'd boats to stem the floud did learn , or fin-like oars did spread from either side . 158. adde but a sail , and saturn so appear'd , when , from lost empire , he to exile went , and with the golden age to tyber steer'd , where coin & first commerce he did invent . 159. rude as their ships was navigation , then ; no useful c●●pass or meridian known : coasting , they kep● the land within their ken , and knew no north but when the pole-star shone . 160. of all who since have us'd the open sea , then ▪ the bold english none more fame have won : s beyond the year , and out of heav'ns high-way , they make discoveries where they see no sun. 161. but what ●o long in vain , and yet unknown , by poor man-kinds benighted ▪ wit is ●ought , shall in this age to britain first ●e shown , and hence be to admiring nations taught ▪ 162. the ebbs of tydes , and their mysterious flow , we , as arts elements shall understand : and as by line upon the ocean go , whose paths shall be familiar as the land. 163. t instructed ships shall sail to quick commerce ; by which remotest regions are alli'd : which makes one city of the universe , vvhere some may gain , and all may be suppli'd . 164. their , we upon our globes last verge shall go , and view the ocean leaning on the sky : from thence our rolling neighbours we shall know . and on the lunar world securely pry . 165. this i fore-tel , from your auspicious care , vvho great in search of god and natu●● grow : vvho best your wise creator's praise declar● , since best to praise his works is best to know . 166. o truly royal ! who behold the law , and rule of beings in your make●● mind , and thence , like limbecks , 〈◊〉 idea's draw , to fit the levell'd use of humane kind . 167. but first the toils of war we must endure , and , from th' injurious dutch redeem the seas . war makes the valiant of his right ●ecure , and gives up fraud to be chastis'd with ●ase . 168. already were the belgians on our coast , whose fleet more mighty every day became , by 〈◊〉 success , which they did falsly boast , and ●ow , by first appearing seem'd to claim . 169. designing , subtil , diligent , and close , they knew to manage war with wise delay : yet all those arts their vanity did cross , and , by their pride , their prudence did betray . 170. nor staid the english long : but , well suppli'd , appear as numerous as th' insulting foe . the combat now by courage must be tri'd , and the success the braver nation show . 171. there was the plimouth squadron new come in , which in the straights last winter was abroad : which twice on biscay's working bay had been , and on the mid-land sea the french had aw'd . 172. old expert allen , loyal all along , fam'd for his action on the smirna fleet , and holmes , whose name shal live in epique song , while musick numbers , or while verse has fleet. 173. holmes , the achates of the gen'rals fight , vvho first bewitch'd our eyes with guinny gold : as once old cato in the roman's sight the tempting fruits of africk did unfold . 174. vvith him went sprag , as bountiful as brave , vvhom his high courage to command had brought : harm●n , who did the twice fir'd harry save , and in his burning ship undaunted fought . 175. young hollis , on a muse by mars begot , born , cesar-like , to write and act great deeds : impatient to revenge his fatal shot , his right hand doubly to his left succeeds . 176. thousands were there in darker fame that dwell , vvhose deeds some nobler poem shall adorn ▪ and , though to me unknown , they , sure , fought well , vvhom rupert led , and who were british born . 177. of every size an hundred fighting sail , so vast the navy now at anchor rides , that underneath it the press'd waters fail , and , with its weight , it shoulders off the tydes . 178. now anchors weigh'd , the sea-men shout so shrill , that heav'n & earth and the wide ocean rings : a breeze from vvestward waits their sails to fill , and rests , in those high beds , his downy wings . 179. the wary dutch this gathering storm foresaw , and durst not bide it on the english coast : behind their treach'rous shallows they withdraw , and their lay snares to catch the british hoast . 180. so the false spider , when her nets are spread , deep ambush'd in her silent den does lie : and feels , far off , the trembling of her thread , whose filmy cord should bind the strugling fly. 181. then , if at last , she find him fast beset , she issues forth , and runs along her loom : she joys to touch the captive in her net , and drags the little wretch in triumph home . 182. the belgians hop'd that , with disorder'd haste , our deep-cut keels upon the sands might run : or , if with caution leisurely were past , their numerous gross might charge us one by one . 183. but , with a fore-wind pushing them above , and swelling tyde that heav'd them from below , o'r the blind flots our warlike squadrons move , and , with spread sails , to welcome battel go . 184. it seem'd as there the british neptune stood , with all his host of waters at command , beneath them to submit th'officious floud : u and , with his trident , shov'd them off the sand . 185. to the pale foes they suddenly draw near , and summon them to unexpected fight : they start like murderers when ghosts appear , and draw their curtains in the dead of night . 186. now van to van the formost squadrons meet , the midmost battels hasting up behind , vvho view , far off , the storm of falling sleet , and hear their thunder ratling in the wind . 187. at length the adverse admirals appear : ( the two bold champions of each countries right ) their eyes describe the lists as they come near , and draw the lines of death before they fight . 188. the distance judg'd for shot of every size , the linstocks touch , the pond'rous ball expires : the vig'rous sea-man every port-hole plies , and adds his heart to every gun he fires . 189. fierce was the fight on the proud belgians side , for honour , which they seldome sought before : but now they by their own vain boasts were ti'd , and forc'd , at least in show , to prize it more . 190. but sharp remembrance on the english part , and shame of being match'd by such a foe : rouze conscious vertue up in every heart , w and seeming to be stronger makes them so . 191. nor long the belgians could that fleet sustain , which did two gen'rals fates , and cesar's bear . each several ship a victory did gain , as rupert or as albemarl were there . 192. their batter'd admiral too soon withdrew , unthank'd by ours for his unfinish'd ●ight : but he the minds of his dutch masters knew , who call'd that providence which we call'd flight . 193. never did men more joyfully obey , or sooner understood the sign to flie : with such alacrity they bore away , as if to praise them all the states stood by . 194. o famous leader of the belgian fleet , thy monument inscrib'd such praise shall wear as verro , timely flying , once did meet , because he did not of his rome despair . 195. behold that navy which a while before provok'd the tardy english to the fight , now draw their beaten vessels close to shore , as larks lie dar'd to shun the hobbies flight . 196. who ere would english monuments survey , in other records may our courage know : but let them hide the story of this day , whose fame was blemish'd by too base a foe . 197. or if too busily they will enquire into a victory which we disdain : then let them know , the belgians did retire x before the patron saint of injur'd spain . 198. repenting england this revengeful day y to philip's manes did an off'ring bring . england , which first , by leading them astray , hatch'd up rebellion to destroy her king. 199. our fathers bent their baneful industry to check a monarchy that slowly grew : but did not france or holland's fate foresee , whose rising pow'r to swift dominion flew . 200. in fortunes empire blindly thus we go , and wander after pathless destiny : whose dark resorts since prudence cannot know . in vain it would provide for what shall be . 201. but what ere english to the bless'd shall go , and the fourth harry or first orange me●t : find him disowning of a burbon foe , and him detesting a batavian fleet. 202. now on their coasts our conquering navy rides , way-lays their merchants , and their land besets ▪ each day new wealth without their care provides , they lie asleep with prizes in their nets . 203. so , close behind ●ome promontory lie the ●uge leviathans t' attend their prey : and give no chace , but swallow in the frie , which through their gaping jaws mistake the way . 204. nor was this all : in ports and roads remote , destructive fires among whole fleets we send : triumphant flames upon the water flote , and out-bound ships at home their voyage end . 205. those various squadrons , variously design'd , each vessel fraighted with a several load : each squadron waiting for a several wind , all find but one , to burn them in the road. 206. some bo●nd for guinny , golden sand to find , bore all the gawds the simple natives wear : some for the pride of ●urkish courts design'd , ●or folded turbans finest holland bear . 207. some english wool , vex'd in a belgian loom , and into cloth of spungy softness made : did into france or colder de●mark doom , to ruine with worse ware our staple trade . 208. our greedy sea-men rummage every hold , smiles on the booty of each wealthier chest : and , as the priests who with their gods make bold , take what they like , and sacrifice the rest . 209. but ha ! ●how , unsincere are all our joys ! which , sent from heav'n , like lightning make no stay : their falling taste the journeys length destroys , or grief , sent post , o'r-takes them on the way . 210. swell'd with our ●ate successes on the foe , which france and holland wanted power to cross : we urge an unseen fate to lay us low , and feed their envious eyes with english loss . 211. each element his dread command obeys , who makes or ruines with a smile or frown ; who as by one he did our nation raise , so now he with another pulls us down . 212. yet , london , empress of the northern clime , by an high fate thou greatly didst expire ; z great as the worlds , which at the death of time must fall , and rise a nobler frame by fire . 213. as when some dire usurper heav'n provides , to scourge his country with a lawless sway : his birth , perhaps , some petty village hides , and sets his cradle out of fortune's way : 214. till fully ripe his swelling fate breaks out , and hurries him to mighty mischiefs on : his prince surpriz'd at first , no ill could doubt , and wants the pow'r to meet it when 't is known . 215. such was the rise of this prodigious fire , which in mean buildings first obscurely bred , from thence did soon to open streets aspire , and straight to palaces and temples spread . 216. the diligence of trades and noiseful gain , and luxury , more late , asleep were laid : all was the nights , and in her silent reign , no sound the rest of nature did invade . 217. in this deep quiet , from what scource unknown , those seeds of fire their fatal birth disclose : and first , few scatt'ring sparks about were blown , big with the flames that to our ruine rose . 218. then , in some close-pent room it crept along , and , smouldring as it went , in silence fed : till th'infant monster , with devouring strong , walk'd boldly upright with exalted head . 219. now , like some rich or mighty murderer , to great for prison , which he breaks with gold ▪ who fresher for new mischiefs does appear , and dares the world to tax him with the old . 220. so scapes th' insulting fire his narrow jail , and makes small out-lets into open air : there the fierce winds his open force assail , and beat him down-ward to his first repair . 221. a the winds , like crafty courtezans , with-held his flames from burning , but to blow them more : and , every fresh attempt , he is repell'd with faint denials , weaker then before . 222. and now , no longer letted of his prey , he leaps up at it with inrag'd desire : o'r-looks the neighbours with a wide survey , and nods at ●very house his threatning fire . 223. the ghosts of traitors , from the bridge descend , with bold fanatick spectres to rejoyce : about the fire into a dance they bend , and sing their sabbath notes with feeble voice . 224. our guardian angel saw them where he sate above the palace of our slumbring king , he sigh'd , abandoning his charge to fate , and , drooping , oft look back upon the wing . 225. at length the cra●kling noise and dreadful blaze , call'd up some waking lover to the sight : and long it was ere he the rest could raise , whose heavy eye-lids yet were full of night . 226. the next to danger , hot pursu'd by fate , half cloth'd , half naked , hastily retire : and frighted mother strike their breasts , too late , for helpless infants left amidst the fire . 227. their cries soon waken all the dwellers near : now murmuring noises rise in every street ▪ the more remote run s●umbling with their fear , and , in the dark , men justle as they meet . 228. so weary bees in little cells repose ▪ but if night-robbers lift the well-stor'd hive , an humming through their waxen city grows , and out upon each others wings they drive . 229. now stree●s grow throng'd and busie as by day : some run for buckets to the hallow'd quire : some cut the pipes , and some the engines play , and some more bold mount ladders to the fire . 230. in vain : for , from the east , a belgian wind , his hostile breath through the dry rafters sent : the flames impell●d , soon left their foes behind , and forward , with a wanton fury went. 231. a key of fire ran all along the shore , b and lighten'd all the river with the blaze : the waken'd tydes began again to roar , and wond'ring fish in shining waters gaze . 231. old father thames rais'd up his reverend head , but fear'd the fate of simoeis would return : deep in his ooze he sought his sedgy bed , and shrunk his wate●s back into his urn. 233. the fire , mean time , walks in a broader gross , to either hand his wings he opens wide : he wades the streets , & straight he reaches cross , and plays his longing flames on th' other side . 234. at first they warm , then scorch , and then they take : now with long necks from side to side they feed : at length , grown strong , their mother fire forsake , and a new collony of flames succeed . 235. to every nobler portion of the town , the curling billows roul their restless ●yde : in parties now they straggle up and down , as armies , unoppos'd , for prey divide . 236. one mighty squadron , with a side wind sped , through narrow lanes his cumb●r'd fire does haste : by pow'rful charms of gold and silver led , the lombard banquers and the change to waste . 237. another backward to the 〈◊〉 would go , and slowly ea●s his way against the wind ▪ but the main body of the marching foe : against th' imperial palace is design'd . 238. now day appears , and with the day the king , whose early care had robb'd him of his rest : far off the cracks of falling houses ring , and shrieks of subjects pierce his tender breast . 239. near as he draws , thick harbingers of smoke , with gloomy pillars , cover all the place : whose little intervals of night are broke by sparks that drive against his sacred face . 240. more then his guards his sorrows made him known , and pious tears which down his cheeks did show'r : the wretched in his grief forgot their own : ( so much the pity of a king has pow'r . ) 241. he wept the flames of what he lov'd so well , and what so well had merited his love . for never prince in grace did more excel , or royal city more in duty strove . 242. nor with an idle care did he behold : ( subjects may grieve , but monarchs must redress . ) he chears the fearful , and commends the bold , and makes despairers hope for good success . 243. himself directs what first is to be done , and orders all the succours which they bring . the helpful and the good about him run , and form an army worthy such a king. 244. he sees the dire contagion spread so fast , that where it seizes , all relief is vain : and therefore must unwillingly lay waste that country which would , else , the foe maintain . 245. the powder blows up all before the fire : th' amazed flames stand gather'd on a heap ; and from the precipices brinck retire , afraid to venture on so large a leap . 246. thus fighting fires a while themselves consume , but straight , like turks , forc'd on to win or die ▪ they first lay ●ender bridges of their fume , and o'r the breach in unctuous vapours flie . 247. part stays for passage till a gust of wind ships o'r their forces in a shining sheet : part , creeping under ground , their journey blind , and , climbing from below , their fellows meet . 248. thus , to some desart plain , or old wood side , dire night has come from far to dance their round : and o'r brode rivers on their fiends they ride , or sweep in clowds above the blasted ground . 249. no help avails : for , hydra-like , the fire , lifts up his hundred heads to aim his way . and scarce the wealthy can one half retire , before he rushes in to share the prey . 250. the rich grow suppliant , & the poor grow proud : those offer mighty gain , and these ask more . so void of pity is th' ignoble crowd , when others ruine may increase their store . 251. as those who live by shores with joy behold some wealthy vessel split or stranded nigh ; and , from the rocks , leap down for shipwrack'd gold , and seek the tempest which the others flie . 252. so these but wait the owners last despair , and what 's permitted to the flames invade : ev'n from their jaws they hungry morsels tear , and , on their backs , the spoils of vulcan lade . 253. the days were all in this lost labour spent ; and when the weary king gave place to night , his beams he to his royal brother lent , and so shone still in his reflective light . 254. night came , but without darkness or repose , a dismal picture of the gen'ral doom : where souls distracted when the trumpet blows and half unready with their bodies come . 255. those who have homes , when home they do repair to a last lodging call their wand'ring friends . their short uneasie sleeps are broke with care , to look how near their own destruction tends . 256. those who have none sit round where once it was , and with full eyes each wonted room require : haunting the yet warm ashes of the place , as murder'd men walk where they did expire . 257. some stir up coals and watch the vestal fire , others in vain from sight of ruine run : and , while through burning lab'rinths they retire , with loathing eyes repeat what they would shun . 258. the most , in fields , like herded beasts lie down ; to dews obnoxious on the grassie floor : and while their ●abes in sleep their sorrows drown , sad parents watch the 〈◊〉 of t●eir store . 259. while by the motion of the flames they ghess what streets are burning now , & what are near : an infant , waking , to the paps would press ▪ and meets , instead of milk , a falling tea● . 260. no thought can ease them but their sovereign's care , whose praise th' afflicted as their comfort sing : ev'n those whom want might drive to just despair , think life a blessing under such a king. 261. mean time he sadly suffers in their grief , out-weeps an hermite , and out-prays a saint : all the long night he studies their relief , how they may be suppli'd , and he may want . 262. o god , said he , thou patron of my days , guide of my youth in exile and distress ! w●o me unfriended , brought'st by wondrous ways the kingdom of my fathers to possess . 263. be thou my judge , with what unwearied care i since have labour'd for my people's good : to bind the bruises of a civil wa● , and stop the issues of their wasting bloud . 264. thou , who hast taught me to forgive the ill , and recompense , as friends the good , mis●ed ; if mercy be a precept of thy will , return that mercy on thy servant's head . 265. or , if my heedless youth has stept astray , too soon forgetful of thy gracious hand : on me alone thy just displeasure lay , but take thy judgments from this mourning land. 266. we all have sinn'd , and thou hast laid us low , as humble earth from whence at first we came : like flying shades before the clowds we show , and shrink like parchment in consuming 〈◊〉 . 267. o let it be enough what thou hast done , when spotted deaths ran arm'd through every street , with poison'd darts , which not the good could shun . the speedy could out-fly , or valiant meet . 268. the living few , and frequent funerals then , proclam'd thy wrath on this forsaken place : and now those few who are return'd agen thy searching judgments to their dwellings trace . 269. o pass not , lord , an absolute decree , or bind thy sentence unconditional : but in thy sentence our remorce foresee , and , in that foresight , this thy doom recall . 270. thy threatnings , lord , as thine , thou maist revoke : but , if immutable and fix'd they stand , continue still thy self to give the stroke , and let not foreign foes oppress thy land. 271. th' eternal heard , and from the heav'nly quire , chose out the cherub with the flaming sword : and bad him swiftly drive th' approaching fire from where our naval magazins were stor'd . 272. the blessed minister his wings displai'd , and like a shooting star he cleft the night : he charg'd the flames , and those that disobey'd , he lash'd to duty with his sword of light . 273. the fugitive flames , chastis'd , went forth to prey on pious structures , by our fathers rear'd : by which to heav'n they did affect the way , ere faith in church-men without works was heard . 274. the wanting orphans saw , with watry eyes , their founders charity in dust laid low : and sent to god their ever-answer'd cries , ( for he protects the poor who made them so . ) 275. nor could thy fabrick , paul's , defend thee long , though thou wert sacred to thy makers praise : though made immortal by a poet's song ; and poets songs the theban walls could raise . 276. the dareing flames peep 't in and saw from far , the awful beauties of the sacred quire : but , since it was prophan'd by civil war , heav'n thought it fit to have it purg'd by fire . 277. now down the narrow streets it swiftly came , and , widely opening , did on both sides prey . this benefit we sadly owe the flame , if onely ruine must enlarge our way . 278. and now four days the sun had seen our woes , four ●ights the moon beheld th' incessant fi●e : it seem'd as if the stars more sickly rose , and farther from the ●eav'rish north retire . 279. in th' empyrean heaven , ( the bless'd abode ) the thrones and the dominions prostrate lie , not daring to behold their angry god : and an hush'd silence damps the tune●ul sky . 280. at length th' almighty cast a pitying eye , and mercy softly touch'd his melting breast : he saw the town 's one half in rubbish lie , and eager flames give on to storm the rest . 281. an hollow chrystal pyramid he takes , in firmamental waters dipt above ; of it a brode extinguisher he makes , and hoods the flames that to their quarry strove . 282. the vanquish'd fires withdraw from every place , or full with feeding , sink into a sleep : each houshold genius shows again his face , and , from the hearths , the little lares creep . 283. our king this more then natural change beholds ; with sober joy his heart and eyes abound : to the all-good his lifted hands he folds , and thanks him low on his redeemed ground . 284. as when sharp frosts had long constrain'd the earth , a kindly thaw unlocks it with mild rain : and first the tender blade peeps up to birth , and straight the green fields laugh with promis'd grain : 285. by such degrees , the spreading gladness grew in every heart , which fear had froze before : the standing streets with so much joy they view , that with less grief the perish'd they deplore . 286. the father of the people open●d wide his stores , and all the poor with plenty fed : thus god's annointed god'● own place suppli'd , and fill'd the empty with his daily bread . 287. this royal bounty brought its own reward , and , in their minds , so deep did print the sense : that if their ruines sadly they regard , 't is but with fear the sight might drive him thence . 289. but so may he live long , that town to sway , which by his auspice they will nobler make , as he will hatch their ashes by his sta● , and not their humble ruines now forsake . 290. they have not lost their loyalty by fire ; nor is their courage or their wealth so low , that from his wars they poorly would retire , or beg the pity of a vanquish'd foe . 291. not with more constancy the iews of ol● , by ●yrus from rewarded exile sent : their royal city did in dust behold , or with more vigour to rebuild it went. 292. the utmost malice of their stars is past , and two dire comets which have scourg'd the town , in their own plague and fire have breath'd their last , or , dimly , in their sinking sockets frown . 293. now frequent trines the happier lights among , and high-rais'd iove from his dark prison freed : ( those weights took off that on his planet hung ) will gloriously the new laid work succeed . 294. me-thinks already , from this chymick flame , i see a city of more precious mold ▪ rich as the town which g●ves the c indies name , with silver pav'd , and all divine with gold. 295. already , labouring with a mighty fate , she shakes the rubbish from her mounting brow , and seems to have renew'd her cha●ters date , which heav'n will to the death of time allow . 296. more great then humane , now , and more d august , new dei●i'd she from her fires does rise : her widening streets on new foundations trust , and , opening , into larger parts she flies . 297. before , she like some shepherdess did show , who sate to bathe her by a river's side : not answering to her fame , but rude and low , nor taught the beauteous arts of modern pride . 298. now , like a maiden queen , she will behold , from her high turrets , hourly sutors come : the east with incense , and the west with gold , will stand , like suppliants , to receive her doom . 299. the silver thames , her own domestick floud , shall bear her vessels , like a sweeping train ; and often wind ( as of his mistress proud ) with longing eyes to meet her face again . 300. the wealthy tagus , and the wealthier rhine , the glory of their towns no more shall boast : and sein , that would with belgian rivers joyn , shall find her lustre stain'd , and tra●fick lost . 301. the vent'rous merchant , who design'd more far , and touches on our hospitable shore : charm'd with the splendour of this northern star , shall here unlade him , and depart no more . 302. our pow'rful navy shall no longer meet , the wealth of france or holland to invade : the beauty of this town , without a fleet , from all the world shall vindicate her trade . 303. and , while this fam'd emporium we prepare ▪ the british ocean shall such triumphs boast , that those who now disdain our trade to share , shall rob like pyrats o● our wealthy coast. 304. already we have conquer'd half the war , and the less dang●rous part is left behind : our trouble now is but to make them dare , and not so great to vanquish as to find . 305. thus to the eastern wealth through storms we go ; but now , the cape once doubled , fear no more : a constant trade-wind will securely blow , and gently lay us on the spicy shore . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a36598-e2440 a in eastern quarries , &c. precious sto●es at fi●st are dew , condens'd and ●ardea'd by the warmth of the su● , or subt●rran●an fires . b each wexing , &c according to their opinio● , who think that g●eat hea● of waters under the l●ne is depressed into tydes by the moon , towards the pol●s . c th' iberian , the spaniard . d wh●● prote●s blows , or caeruleus proteus immania pouti armenta , & magnas poscit sub gurg●te pho●as . vi●g . * the admiral of holland . e so●thern climates , guinny . the attempt at berghen . f such are , &c , from petronius . si , bene calculum ponas ubique naufragiunt est . g the german saith . tacitus saith of them . nullos mortalium side aut armis ante germanos ●sse . war declar'd by france . prince rupert and duke albemarl sent to sea . h future people , examin● insant●um futurusque populus . pl● jun. in pan . ad traj . duke of albemarl's battel , first day . i th' elean , &c. where the olimpick games were celebrated . k lands unfix'd , from virgil : credas innare revultas cycladas , &c. s●cond days battel . l his face , &c , spem vultu simula● premit alto c●rde dolor●m . virg. m the simile is virgil 's , vestigia re●ro improperata refert , &c. n weary waves , statius sylv. nec trucibus fluviis idem sonus : occidit hor●or aeq●oris , ac tenis maria acclinata quiescunt . o the third of june , famous for two ●ormer victories . third day . fourth days b●ttel . p so glides , &c ●●om virgil quum medii nexus , ●xtremoequ● 〈…〉 solvuntur ; tar●osque trahit sinus ulti●us orbes , &c. q from horace : quos opinius fallere & effugere est triumpl●us . his majesty repairs the fleet. r fervet opus : the same similitude in virgil. loyal london d●scrib'd . dig●ession concerning shipping and navigation . s extra anni solisque vicis . virg. t by a more exact knowledge of longitudes . apostrophe to the royal society . u levat ipse tridenti , & vastas aperit syrtes , &c. virg. second battel . w p●s●unt quia p●sse videntur . 〈◊〉 x patron saint : st. james , on whose day this victory was gain'd . y philip's maa●s : philip the second , of spain , against whom the hol●●nders rebelling , were aided by queen elizabeth . burn●ng of the fleet in the vly by sir robert holmes . transitum to the fire of london . z quum mare quum tellus correptaque regia coeli , ardeat , &c. ovid. a like crafty , &c. haec arte tractaba● cupidum virum , ut 〈◊〉 animum i●opia accrud●ret . b sigaea igni freta lata relucent . virg. k●ng's prayer . cities request to the king not to leave them . c m●xico . d augusta , the old name of london . to the right honourable the knights, citizens and burgesses now assembled in parliament. the humble petition of andrew church, george allen, thomas sander, robert parkinson, iohn tippin, and iohn wigmore as it was by them delivered to master speaker the 9 of august, in the behalfe of the multitude of poore trades-men and artificers, in and about the cities of london and westminster, with the suburbs and liberties of them both, and by master speaker, presented to the honourable house of commons, the 16. of the same moneth. church, andrew, fl. 1641. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74205 of text r210201 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.4[27]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74205 wing c3985 thomason 669.f.4[27] estc r210201 99869021 99869021 160649 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74205) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160649) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f4[27]) to the right honourable the knights, citizens and burgesses now assembled in parliament. the humble petition of andrew church, george allen, thomas sander, robert parkinson, iohn tippin, and iohn wigmore as it was by them delivered to master speaker the 9 of august, in the behalfe of the multitude of poore trades-men and artificers, in and about the cities of london and westminster, with the suburbs and liberties of them both, and by master speaker, presented to the honourable house of commons, the 16. of the same moneth. church, andrew, fl. 1641. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1641] imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. london (england) -poor -early works to 1800. a74205 r210201 (thomason 669.f.4[27]). civilwar no to the right honourable the knights, citizens and burgesses now assembled in parliament. the humble petition of andrew church, george allen, church, andrew 1641 807 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the right honourable the knights , citizens and burgesses now assembled in parliament . the humble petition of andrew church , george allen , thomas sander , robert parkinson , iohn tippin , and iohn wigmore , as it was by them delivered to master speaker the 9 of august , in the behalfe of the multitude of poore trades-men and artificers , in and about the cities of london and westminster , with the suburbs and liberties of them both , and by master speaker , presented to the honourable house of commons , the 16. of the same moneth . hvmbly sheweth , that the infinite number and increasing multitudes of aliens which have and still doe intrude themselves into this kingdome are so great both of french , walloones and dutch , and their accesse of using trades here in these citties and liberties , which is the rumating of the most part of the poorer sort of tradesmen in the said citties and liberties , that thereby the french , walloones and dutch have got our trades into their hands so , that we native borne subiects are enforced to be their servants , and have our bread snatched out of our hands by them , a thing not suffered in any other common wealth . 2 that since the beginning of this happy parliament there have beene diverse petitions delivered to this honourable assembly for prevention of this misery and mischiefe , which we poore natives lye groning under the burden of . 3 that we which suffer most ( by this grievance ) are poore men and not able to wage law , and therefore the more sleighted by those of eminency amongst us , and from our masters and officers can get noe reliefe in this case , our masters and governors in the places where we live having taken diverse summes of money to licence , admit , and allow the said aliens to trade as freely as wee , insomuch that many of us tradesmen which might have lived very comfortably on our trades and been helpefull unto others , are forced through want of imployment to be chargeable to the parishes in which we live , many even to beg , many to turne porters , day-labourers , waterbearers , chimney-sweepers , and the like thus the aliens are cherished , and many of them get great and unknowne estates , as it were even out of the subiects mouths . 4 that a great part of the said aliens are roman catholiks , and but few of them that have any certificates to shew of what religion they are , or how they learned their trades which now they use . 5 that the said aliens the most part of them live in allies , by-places , and odde corners , postering their houses with five or six families in one house , which is altogether very dangerous for infection , especially now in these cities and liberties . 6 that by the tollerating such infinite numbers of them , they having gotten the most part of our trading into their hands , commercing one with another , and imploying men and women of their owne nations , as brokers , to sell and put off their workes and wares for them , whereby they doe dayly increase , which makes houses at excessive rents , and all provision the dearer . 7 that we native borne subiects , are by the lawes of this land , to serve seaven or eight yeares for our trades before we are suffered to worke for our owne benefit : but on the contrary , the aliens and strangers at their first comming , set up as masters , or worke as iourneymen without restraint . 8 that we englishmen are not suffered to enioy any of these priviledges in france , but must of necessity be servants there , and not be suffered to worke , no not so much as in our chambers , in paine of the losse of the commodities so wrought . therefore we laying aside all confidence in our magistrates masters & governours on whom we have relyed , we do here most humbly appeale to this honourable assembly , knowing that it is your desires and all you labour for , to doe good , to relieve the oppressed , to reforme abuses , and to heare all poore mens grievances : our request is to this honourable assembly , that your grave wisdomes will be pleased to take the premisses into consideration , and provide some fit meanes whereby we may be releived herein , and your petitioners as in all duty bound will dayly pray for your prosperities . to the kings most excellent maiesty, the humble petition of the major, aldermen, and common-councell of the city of london city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a62775 of text r33677 in the english short title catalog (wing t1542a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a62775 wing t1542a estc r33677 13547235 ocm 13547235 100161 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62775) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100161) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1558:21) to the kings most excellent maiesty, the humble petition of the major, aldermen, and common-councell of the city of london city of london (england). court of common council. 1 broadside. s.n.], [edinburgh : 1642. creased, with some loss of print. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. london (england) -history -17th century. a62775 r33677 (wing t1542a). civilwar no to the kings most excellent maiesty: the humble petition of the major, aldermen, and common-councell of the city of london. corporation of london 1642 581 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms to the kings most excellent maiesty : the humble petition of the major , aldermen , and common-councell of the city of london . may it please your most excellent majestie , the often expressions of your majesties gracious acceptance , of the manifestation of the petitioners duty and loyalty , and the frequent declarations , of your majesties great care , of the good and welfare of this city , and of the true protestant religion , and of protecting and preserving the persons and priviledges of your great councell , assembled in the high court of parliament ; hath incouraged the petitioners to represent , the great dangers , feares , and destractions , wherein the city now is , by reason of the prevailing progresse , of the bloody rebells in ireland , fomented and acted by the papists and their adhaerents , and want of ayde to suppresse them , and the severall intimations they have had both forraigne and at home , of the driving of their designes , tending to the utter ruine of the protestant religion , and the lives and liberties of your majesties loyall subjects , the puting out of persons of honour and truth , from being constable and lievtenant of the tower , especially in these times ; and the preparation there lately made : the fortifying of white-hall with men and amunition in an unusuall manner , some of which men with provoking language , and violence abused divers citizens passing by , and the drawing divers swords , and therewith wounding sundry other cityzens in westminster hall that were untamed . the late endeavours used to the innes of court ; the calling in divers cannoneers and other assistants into tower : the late discovery of divers fire-works in the hands of a papist , and the misunderstanding betwixt your majestie and parliament , by reason of misinformations , as they humbly conceive . besides all which , the petitioners feares , are exceedingly increased , by your majesties late going into the house of commons attended with a greate multitude of armed men , besides your ordinary guard , for the apprehending of divers members of that house , to the indagering of your sacred person , and of the persons and priviledges of that honourable assembly . the effects of all which feares , tend not only to the overthrow of the whole trade of this city and kingdome , which the petitioners already feele in a deepe measure , but also threatens the utter ruine of the true protestant religion , and the lives and liberties of all your loyall subjects . the petitioners therefore most humbly pray your majestie , that by the advice of your great counsell in parliament , the protestants in ireland may be speedily relieved : the tower put into the hands of persons of trust , that by removall of doubtfull and unknowne persons from about white-hall and westminster , a knowne and approved guard may be appointed for the safety of your majestie and parliament ; and that the lord mandivile , and the five members of the house of commons lately accused may not be restrained of liberty , or proceeded against , otherwise then according to the priviledges of parliament . and the petitiones as in all duty bound shall pray for your majesties most long and happy raigne . printed in the yeare 1642. london's flames being an exact and impartial account of divers informations given in to the committee of parliament, by divers members of parliament, and many other persons of quality (whose names are inserted in this book) concerning the dreadful fire of london in the year 1666, and the many other strange fires which have happened since : together with what was said by m. langhorn, now a prisoner, and condemned for the horrid popish plot, concerning the great fire : wherein is plainly proved, that the papists were the contrivers and actors in the burning of that great and noble city. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. committee to enquire into the burning of london. 1679 approx. 57 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49094 wing l2927 estc r22192 12619888 ocm 12619888 64490 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49094) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64490) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 964:19) london's flames being an exact and impartial account of divers informations given in to the committee of parliament, by divers members of parliament, and many other persons of quality (whose names are inserted in this book) concerning the dreadful fire of london in the year 1666, and the many other strange fires which have happened since : together with what was said by m. langhorn, now a prisoner, and condemned for the horrid popish plot, concerning the great fire : wherein is plainly proved, that the papists were the contrivers and actors in the burning of that great and noble city. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. committee to enquire into the burning of london. [2], 17 p. [s.n.], london : 1679. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng langhorne, richard, 1654-1679. popish plot, 1678. london (england) -fire, 1666. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2007-01 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion london's flames : being an exact and impartial account of divers informations given in to the committee of parliament , by divers members of parliament , and many other persons of quality ( whose names are inserted in this book ) concerning the dreadful fire of london in the year 1666. and the many other strange fires which have happened since . together with what was said by mr. langhorn , now a prisoner , and condemned for the horrid popish plot , concerning the great fire . wherein is plainly proved , that the papists were the contrivers and actors in the burning of that great and noble city . london , printed in the year 1679. informations given in before the committee , &c. in a letter from alanzon , of the 23d of august , new style , written from one dural , to a gentleman lodging in the house of a minister of the french-church in london , called monsieur heralt , were these expressions , viz. pray acquaint me with the truth of certain news , which is common in this country , that fire from heaven is fallen upon a city called balke , scituate on the side of the river of thames ; where a world of people have been killed and burned , and houses also consumed . this name was given to london by its godfather cabal , who thereby inform their own , but amuse the adverse party . mrs. elizabeth styles saith , that in april last , in an angry dispute she had with a french servant of sir vere vane's , he hastily replyed , you english maidens will like the french-men better , when there is not an house left between london-bridge and temple-bar , which she answering , i hope your eyes will never see that , he replyed , this will come to pass between june and december . william tisdale informs , that he being , about the beginning of july , at the grey-hound in st. martins , with one fitz-harris an irish papist , he heard him say ; there shall be sad desolation in september , and in november a worse . for in december all will be united into one ; hereupon tisdale asking where this desolation would be , the said priest answered him , in london . mr. lite of ratcliff , having some discourse with one mr. langhorne of the middle temple , barrister , reputed a zealous papist , about february last ; after some discourse in disputing about religion , he took him by the hand and said to him , you expect great things in 1666. and think that rome will be destroyed ; but what if it be london ? one kiteley of barking in essex , informs , that one yaxley a papist , of ilford in the said county , came into their house august the 13th . who falling into discourse with his mother , said , they say that next thursday , will be the hottest day that ever was in england . she replyed , i hope the hottest season of the year is now past . to which he answered ; i know not whether it be the hottest for weather or action : the said yaxley , coming to the same house , the week after the fire , mr. kitely said to him with some trouble ; i have often thought upon your hot thursday , to which she replyed , it was not indeed upon the thursday but it hapned upon the sunday come sevennnigt after ; mr. yaxley bearing these evidences produced against her , prompted her to avoid the words , saying , that upon the 13th of august , she did tell mr. kitely , that they say next thursday , will be the darkest thursday , that ever was in england , but not otherwise ; which she affirms to have received from one fynchman . an old woman of ilford , who next being examined before a justice of peace , to discover the truth thereof , denyed that ever she said any such words to mrs. yaxley , or that she had any discourse with her about any such matter ; as to the subsequent words she the said yaxley denyed ever to have spoken them , but mr. kitely offered in her presence , if it should be demanded , to bring his mother and wife to testifie the same . william ducket member of the house , informs that one henry baker of chipnam , in the county of wilts , coming from market with one john woodman of rolloway in the same county , the thursday before the fire began in london , they had some discourse about buying a yoke of fat bullocks , which woodman was to sell , and was desired by baker to keep them a while in his hands , but woodman replied that he would not stay so long in the county , whereupon baker demanding whither he was going ? he refused to tell ; asking , what he had to do to ask that question ? and riding a little farther , the said woodman expressed these words ; you brave blades of chipnam , you made bonfires lately for beating the dutch , but since you delight in bonfires , you shall have your belly full of them ere it be long ; adding , that if he lived but one week longer , he should see london as sad a london as ever it was since the world began , and in some short time after , he should see as bloody a time in england , as ever was since england was england : this discourse was not much taken notice of at that time when it was spoken ; but when the city of london was burning , the said baker gave this imformation to the said ducket ; hereupon was issued out a warrant to apprehend woodman , but he was gone out of the country , and cannot be yet heard of . robert hubert , of roan in normandy , confessed that he was one of those that fired the house of mr. farmer a baker in pudding-lane , from whence the fire had its beginning ; and also sayes , that he came out of france with one stephen pedilow , about four months before the fire began in london , and went into sweedland with him , where he stayed also with him as his companion four moneths , and then they came together into england in a sweedish ship , called the skipper , where he stayed on board with the said pedilow , till that saturday night on which the fire broke out , where pedilow taking him out of the ship , carryed him into pudding-lane , and he being earnest to know whither he was carrying him , he would not satisfie him , till he brought him to the place , and then he told him that he had brought three balls , and gave him one of them into his hand to throw into the house , but he desiring further satisfaction about that design before he proceeded , pedilow began to chaff and would not hear him , seeing which , hubert consents , and according to his orders puts the fire-ball to the end of a long pole , which after he had lighted it with a match , he put it in at the window , and there staid till he saw the house on a flame ; to this fact he confesses three accomplices whereof pedilow to be chief . mr. graves , a french merchant , living in st. mary ax , informs ; that he had known hubert ever since he was four year old , and he ever observed him to be a person of a mischievous inclination , and therefore fit for any villanous enterprise , and because of the knowledge he had of him , he went to visit him in prison ; when he saw him , he could not but commiserate his condition , whereinto he had brought himself ; and for his better discovery of the fact , he told him the said hubert , that he did not believe that he had done that fact which he had confessed himself guilty of , to which hubert replyed , yes , i am guilty of it ; and have been brought to it by the instigation of pedilow , and not out of any malice to the english nation , but from a desire of that reward he promised me , upon my return into france . [ it is observable , that this miserable creature , who confessed himself before the commissioners to be a protestant , was a papist , and dyed so ; ] and as to the aforesaid pedilow , the said mr. graves informs , that he had a full knowledge of him , and knew him to be a very debauch'd person , and ready to any wicked design ; and moreover , for a clearer conviction of the guilt of the foresaid hubert , lowman the keeper of the white lyon was commanded to set him upon an horse , and go with him , to see if he could find out the place where he threw the fire-ball ; upon which hubert , with more readiness than those who were well acquainted with the place , went to pudding-lane , where the very house which was first fired stood , saying , here stood the house ; the jaylor did endeavour do draw him off from that belief , and put him upon seeking for some other place , but he positively persisted in what he first said , and affirmed that to have been the said house . it being intimated to the committee , that notwithstanding the confession of the said hubert , it was confidently reported , that the fire in the fore-mentioned farmer his house began by accident , so the commissioners sent for the said farmer before them , who being examined , said , that it was impossible that any fire should happen in his house by accident , for that , after twelve of the clock at night , he had gone through every room thereof , and found no fire but in one chimney , where the roome was paved with brick , which fire he raked up in the embers : he was then asked , whether no window or door might let in wind to displace those coals ? he affirmed , that it could not be conceived that wind should there disturb them , but rather that it was absolutely set on fire on purpose . dawes williamson esquire , one of his majesties justices of the peace , informs , that he saw a man apprehended near the temple , with his pocket stuffed with combustible matter , made of flax and tow , and such like stuff . dr. john parker informs , that he saw a person throw some combustible matter into a shop in the old bayley , which he thinks was the shop of an apothecary ; that immediately thereupon he saw a great smoak , and smel't , as it were , the smell of brimstone ; that the person that did this immediately ran away , but upon the outcry of the people he was taken by the guard. randal harsland and humphry bowyer , they both agree , that they saw a person fling something into a house near st. antholins church , and that thereupon the house was on fire , and the smoak thereof filled the house on the other side of the way ; and when this was done , there was no fire near by a quarter of a mile . michael march , an officer of the trained-bands , in a company of sir richard brown's , apprehended a woman in the time of the fire , at the nags-head in leaden-hall-street , with an instrument like a dark lanthorn , made , as is conceived , to lay a train of powder , and it was filled with gunpowder , ( there were two more in her company ) they being asked for what use they imployed the said instrument , they would give no account thereof . nawson killingworth esquire , informs , that he apprehended a person during the fire , about whom he found much combustible matter , and certain black things of a large figure , which he could not endure to hold in his hand by reason of their extream heat ; this person was so surprised at first , that he could not answer to any question , but being on his way to white hall , he acted the part of a madman , so continuing while he was present with him . sir john maynard , a member of this house , informs , he had some of that combustible matter in his hand , and though it was in its natural consistency unfired , yet the heat was scarce to be endured by the touch . mr. freeman of southwark brewer , whose house there was lately burned , informs , that the same day his house was fired , about a quarter of an hour before three , was found a paper with a ball of wild-fire , containing near a pound wrap'd up in it , in the nave of a wheel , in an outer house , where lay a great quantity of timber ; how this house was fired he knoweth not ; but this he affirms to the committee , it could not be by accident , because there had not been any candle or fire in the house where the hay lay , that whole day ; and the hay being laid up before midsummer very dry , it could not possibly be set on fire within it self ; and moreover , he said , the hay-loft was on fire on the top of the house , and that the fire spread from one end of the roof to the other in an instant . mr. richard harwood saith , that he being near the feathers tavern by st. pauls , on the fourth of september , something like wild-fire by the sparkling and spitting of it , appeared , whereof he gave notice to some souldiers there , who caused it to be quenched . a letter . sir , hearing that you are chairman of the committee , for examining the firing of london ; i thought good to acquaint you with this information that i have received . william champress hat-band maker , now living on horsey-down , was on tuesday morning september 4th 1666. in shoe-lane , and there met with a constable , who had apprehended a french-man , whom he had taken firing an house with fire-balls , and charged the said champress to assist him ; he carried the said french-man to salisbury court , but finding that burning down , he went into fleetstreet , and was presently called upon by the commander of the guard , to know what the matter was ; the constable told him , he had apprehended one firing an house in shoe-lane . he examined the person in french , and committed him to the guard of the souldiers , and told the constable he would secure him , and carry him along with him , the constable asked him , if he should go along with him to give in his evidence , he replied , he had done enough ; but what became of the french-man , he knoweth not . your most humble servant s. g. taken up at leeds by mr. thwaits's man , a recusant . cover the fire ye hugonots , that have so branded us with plots : and henceforth no more bonfires make , till ye avaunt the stygian-lake , &c. dated the 5th . of november , anno salutis 1666. & anno primo restitutionis romanae religionis in anglia . in a letter directed from ipswich , for the honourable sir robert brooks in the parliament at westminster , is intimated that about the 30th of august last , one of the constables of scoton in horse-mear hundred , being upon the search of that town about hearth-money , was told by one mr. wiliam tompson a roman catholick in that town , that though times were like to be sad , yet if he found any cause to alter his religion , he would see that he should not want ; and farther said to him , what would you say if you should see that london was burnt ? an affidavit of a french-man , that said , there was three hundred engaged in the firing the city of london . the information of richard bond , of the parish of st. giles in the fields , ironmonger ; samuel page , francis cogin , william coales , edmund dakins , and richard pardoe , taken the 18th of september 1666. by me justinian truin , knight , one of his majesties justices of the peace for the county of middlesex , upon oath , as follows . richard bond saith , that on thursday last , about twelve or one of the clock at night , there was a french-man brought by the watch to the informers fathers house , at the sign of the white hart in kings street , taken as a suspitious person ; and the said person being questioned by them , the informant , and others present , whether he was not one of those that fired the city , or had any hand therein , or any private knowledge thereof , or knew any that had designed it ; the said person answered a great while in a perverse manner , quite differing from the questions ; but being further desired to tell the truth , and being told , that if he were guilty , it was the only way to save his life , he did at first obstinately deny that he knew of any plot , whereupon a young man took the prisoner aside to the end of a room , and after some discourse between them , they both returned to the informant , and the rest of the company , and the said young man said to us plainly , in the hearing of the prisoner the french-man , that he had confessed that there were three-hundred french-men in a plot or conspiracy ; upon this the informant and others spake o the french-man in these words ; well master , you have done very well to confess , and no doubt but you may have your pardon if you confess all that you know of this plot ; and thereupon asked him , if there were no more than three hnndred persons in the said plot ? he answered , no , there are no more than three hundred ; then we enquired who they were , and how he came to know they were three hundred , to which he would give no direct answer , but put it off with other extravagant discourse , and being asked why he came to st. giles parish where he was apprehended , he told a story that he came from islington fields , where his masters goods were , but the goods were now removed he could not tell whither ; but his master bade him go up and down the fields , but would not tell him upon what occasion , or for what end he was so to do ; and he being asked whether there were three hundred men engaged in this design ? he replyed , that there was three hundred engaged in it . and the names of the persons present at the prisoners confession of the plot were , edmund dakings seniour , of holbourn near turn-stile , littingam bell living by holbourn , and another young man. the information of william coles of cow-lane london , and samuel page of s. gyles in the fields weaver , edmund dakens of the same parish , and francis cogin of st. andrews holborn , and richard pardoe victualler , and one other tending to the confirmation of the foregoing walloone . an extract of a letter from hiedleberge in the palatinate , september 29th 1666. sir , yours of the 6th currant came to me on wednesday , and brought me tidings of the burning of london , constantly believed amongst the irish to my knowledge , this fifteen years since , was to happen this year , on which they do also promise to themselves and others , the introduction of the publick exercise of the catholick religion . this was sent to mr. john altock , who lived in gravel lane in shadwel , and negotiates the business of the palatinate , and will produce the original if there be occasion . in a letter to sir john frederick and mr. nathaniel herne , from northampton , the eighth of september 1666 , subscribed henry chowne ; wherein is mentioned , that he the said chowne had thoughts to come to london that week , but they were in distraction concerning the papists , fearing they would shew themselves all that day ; and that he had been to search a papists house within six miles of that place , he with another justice of the peace met with the gentlemans brother , who is a papist , going to london , whom they searched , and found a letter which he had received , coming from his sister , twenty miles off from him , wherein is expressed , that a great deal of business is in hand , not to be committed to paper , as the times are . bakers information to ducket , concerning john goodman , about the destruction of london . upon the ninth of september 1666. being the sunday after the fire began in the city of london , one henry baker of chipnam in the county of wilts , butcher came and gave in this information , that the thursday se'night before the fire began in london , coming from the devizes market , he hapned into the company of one john goodman , husbandman , who discoursed with him about a yoak of oxen , as is inserted before in the report . the information of one cherrel , a schoolmaster in enfield . upon friday august the one and thirtieth , mrs. st. george and her eldest daughter susan , both popish recusants , came to visit mrs. rebeccah eeves at her house in enfield ; where , speaking concerning the session of parliament drawing near , mrs. st. george told her , that some were like to be called to account for a plot ; being asked for what ? told her in her ear , for burning the city . when mrs. eeves heard of the fire , going to a place where she might see it , she met with mrs. susanna st. george ; and among other discourse , told her , how much her mother's words which she spake before the fire , did run in her thoughts , which she repeated to her daughter ; who made this reply , that her mother was very apt to talk , and that she had been forc'd to keep her mother within doors during the fire , fearing that she should talk . after this destruction by fire , mrs. eeves met with mr. coale , another recusant , and one of the same family ; she also related mrs. st. georges words to him ; who made this return , that she was a worthy woman to keep counsel . the lady st. george at enfield , at the lord of lincoln's house , declared to mrs. rebeccah eeves , that in few dayes london should be in ashes , this was spoken about two dayes before the fire happened . mrs. eeves of enfield . before mr. holland and mr. mervil , members of parliament , decemb. 20. 1666. concerning mrs. st. george . mrs. rebeccah eeves of enfield , three or four dayes , or within a week before the fire , receiving a visit in her own house from mrs. st. george , among other discourse , mrs. st. george asked her , what news she heard ? and if she knew when the parliament sate ? she replyed , she thought suddenly . the other asked , if mrs. eeves heard of any that were to be call'd in question before the parliament ? eeves . about what ? st. george . about a plot. eeves . what plot ? st. george . about firing the city . eeves . i hope god will preserve the city ; people use not to be called in question before the fact. so that discourse was waved at that time . at the time of the fire , mrs. eeves and mrs. st. george went out to look towards the fire , and one in the company ( but she cannot fix the person ) replyed , a fine woman to keep counsel . after the fire , mrs. st. georges daughter coming to mrs. eeves's house , mrs. eeves asked her , if she remembred what her mother said ? who answered , my mother is such a woman , she will speak what she thinks . and afterwards said , that she had much ado to keep her mother in , in the time of the fire , for fear she should speak something that she might be questioned for . at this discourse mrs. eeve 's daughter and others of her family were present . mr. st. george hereupon , with his wife and family , left enfield about six weeks after , but left many more in the neighbourhood . it 's reported , that at the house of mr. cook and other recusants , there was great coaching , drinking , and rejoycing at the time of the fire . december the 20th . 1666. rebecca eeves . a letter directed and sent by a papist to mr. lamb , from tarleton in leicester-shire , from a person unknown ; as follows . my friend , your presence is now more necessary at london than where you are , that you may determine how to disp●se of your estate in southwark , for it is determined by humane council ( if not frustrated by divine power ) that your liberty will shortly be destroyed ; your capacity is large enough to understand : proceed as your genius shall instruct . vale , cave , fuge . the liberty of haring in the county of essex . the information of robert hubert , a frenchman ▪ taken at rumford , the 11th . of september 1666. before cary harvie , alias mildmay esquire , one of the justices of the peace for the liberty of the county aforesaid . he saith , that about mid-lent he came out of france , with one stephen pedilow a frenchman , with whom he stayed about four months , as his companion , and then they came together into england in a swedish ship , called the skipper , which was laden with iron , steel , and copper-plates ; and saith , that the master's name of the ship is also skipper , and that pedilow kept the examinant on board that ship , which lay at st. katharines brewhouse , but pedilow himself went several times into the city , and came on board again , and had often private discourse with the said master of the ship ; and saith , that when the city was on fire , he , this examinant , was sent out by pedilow , who had given him a fire-ball , and bade him fire an house near the kings palace , for which the said pedilow gave him a shilling , and promised him a greater reward when he came into france ; which fire-ball , this examinant saith , he fired , and threw into the window of an house near white-hall , on tuesday night , which fired the same house , and he stayed there , and saw it burn two or three hours ; and further saith , that pedilow bade him not make use of this fire-ball till he saw the city on fire , and then to do it ▪ which he did accordingly , and then went to find the ship , but it was gone ▪ and further saith , that pedilow had two fire-balls himself ; and the said examinant saith , divers other frenchmen have fire-balls ; and saith also , that when this examinant came last to the ship , the said master directed him to find his comrade pedilow , at his chamber or lodging , but at what house he confessed not ; and said , that not finding the ship aforesaid , he came this way to go towards the sea coasts , in hopes , either by that or some other vessel to get a passage home . the information of john lowman , keeper of his majesties gaol for the county of surry . in obedience to an order to me directed , from the right honourable the committee of the house of commons , then sitting in the speakers chamber , on thursday the 24th . of october , i carried robert hubert to st. katharines-tower by water , to shew me where the swedish ship lay , that brought him and other frenchmen from stockholm ; he brought me to the dock , over against mr. corsellis his brewhouse , and did certifie to me and mr. corsellis , that the ship lay there till such time , as he with mr. pedilow and others , did go and set fire to mr. farmers house ; and the examinant saith further , that mr. pedilow did fix two fire-balls to a long pole , and that the said robert hubert did fix one in the same manner , and did put it in at the same window , but with all the enquiry and diligence i could make or use , i could neither find , nor hear of any such ship or vessel ; and from thence i carried the said robert hubert to tower hill , and desired him to shew me the house they did fire , and he said it was near the bridge , but we went along thames-street , towards london-bridge , but before we came at the bridge , the said robert hubert said , the ▪ house was up there ; ( and pointed with his hand up pudding-lane , ) so i bad him go to the place , and he went along upon the bricks and rubbish , and made a stand , then i asked one robert paine a porter , which was the bakers house , and he told me that was the house where hubert stood , so i went to robert hubert and stood by him , turning my back towards the bakers house , and demanded which house it was he fired , directing to some house contrary to that house , but he turning himself about , said , this was the house , ( pointing to the bakers house ) that was first fired ; then by reason of his lameness , i set him on an horse , and carried him to other places ; but no other place he would acknowledge , but nodded back again to the bakers house , and said again , that was the bakers house , pointing to the said bakers house : and this is humbly certified , to the honourable committee by me john lowman keeper of his majesties goal , for the county of surry . at the committee appointed to receive information touching the insolency of popish priests , and the increase of popery . ordered , that the said several informations by this committee taken , be reported to the house in order to the discovery and suppression of the insolency of popish priests , and increase of popery . concerning the increase of popery . as to the increase of popery , mr. hancok minister of ghilnock informs , that meeting with one mr. thompson , about a moneth since , coming from masse out of somerset-house-chappel , and discoursing with him about his religion , asked him if there were many turned lately ? to which mr. thompson answered , thousands , and being demanded what encouragement there was to believe it ? replyed , there will be a change suddenly . the report of his carriage at the committee . mr. thompson being summoned before the committee , carried himself very insolently , which behaviour of his i am commanded to report . being asked whether he had not a shop in somerset-house , where popish books and popish knacks are sold ? he said , he had , and that his men sold such books and beads and other things , and confessed a crucifix and some reliques ; he said he was a roman catholick , and thanked god for it ; that he was no priest , but wished he was in a capacity to be one ; that he had not taken the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , nor would he ; that he would take any oath that any christian prince should require , but not the oath of allegiance , intimating some mixture in it ; he said further that he had then taken the oath of allegiance to the king of spain , and so was his subject . mr. ash minister of cluppel in surrey , informs , that being at cofield in leicestershire this last summer , he saw a great resort on sunday to cofield-house , the house of a papist ; and asking some that were going thither , what the occasion of their resort thither was ? they told him they were going to masse , and that one mr. robinson a priest , did say masse . mr. ash did likewise inform , that he thought the number of those that went thither to masse that sunday , was as great as that of the protestants that went to the parish-church . mr. wiling deputy-ordinary of middlesex , did inform , that in his attendance on the prisoners in newgate , he had observed , that the romish priests , particularly one harvey a jesuit , did constantly , about the times of execution , frequent that prison , and by perswasions endeavour to fix their principles in the prisoners ; of whom the said harvey had seduced many . mr. hatton informs , that on the sixth of october , he went to newgate ; and meeting with one haward , under-keeper at the door , desired to speak with hubert the frenchman , who was then condemned . haward told him he could not speak with him yet , for mr. harvey the queen mothers confessor was in private with him , and said , that this harvey used frequently to come to the prison after condemnation , and where one prisoner , dyed a protestant , many dyed papists . mr. hatton said , that after some stay he saw mr. harvey come out from hubert , after which he was admitted to him . mr. hawking keeper of newgate , did inform , that the said mr. harvey the jesuit did frequent the prison under pretence of the queens charity , and did spend much time with the prisoners in private , and particularly did so night after night before last execution . mr. hawking said likewise , that of the nine that suffered , eight dyed papists , whereof some he knew to have been protestants when they came into the prison . it appeared further upon several informations , that mr. harvey and other priests , did not only resort to newgate at times of execution , but likewise to the white lyon in southwark , and other places in the countreys , and used their endeavours to pervert dying prisoners . thomas barnet , late a papist , informs , that while he was of that persuasion he often resorted to the houses of such gentlemen in barkshire as were roman catholicks , every of which houses had its romish priest ; and of this he gives instances in the houses of several private gentlemen in that county . the like information give others against the county of surrey . mr. cottman did inform , that one mr. compert ( late a preacher at s. hall , ) did in discourse tell him the said cottman , that the judgments of god upon this kingdom by the plague last year , and lately by the fire in london , were come upon the land and people for their forsaking the true roman catholick religion , and shaking off their obedience to the pope ; and that if they would return to the church of rome , the pope would rebuild the city at his own charge . compert said likewise to the said cottman , that if he would come and hear him preach the next sunday , at his house in queens-street , he would give twenty reasons to prove , that the roman catholick was the true religion , and his the false , and that our bible had a thousand falsities in it ; and that there was no true scripture but at rome , and in their church . compert at the committee confessed , that he had formerly taken orders from the church of rome ; but said he had now renounced that church , and taken orders in england . the next thing is the information of their insolency ; and i shall begin with their scorning and despising the bible . one thomas williams , an officer in sir william bowyers regiment , informs , that one audley , a papist , seeing a woman reading in a bible , asked her why she read in that profane presbyterian bible ? and said , a play-book was as good . thomas barret of bingfield informs , that being at one mr. youngs house in bingfield , at bartholomew tide last , mr. young said to the brother of this thomas barret , in his hearing , that within two years there should not be a protestant in england . thomas barnet informs , that being at mr. doncasters house in bingfield , one mr. shellers , son in law to mr. doncaster , both papists , said to this informant , who was then likewise a papist , the people take me for a poor fellow , but i shall find a thousand or two thousand of pounds to raise a party of horse , to make mr. hawthorns and mr. blackwels fat guts lye on the ground ; for it is no more to kill an heretick , than to kill a grashopper ; and that it was happy for this thomas barnet that he was a catholick , for by this means he should be one of those that should be mounted . mr. linwood a scrivener in white-chappel , informs , that about the 20th . of october last meeting with one badley a papist , and discoursing with him , he told him , that there was amongst the papists as great a design as ever was in england , and he thought it would be executed suddainly . being asked how many papists there were about london ? he answered , about seven thousand , and in england an hundred thousand well armed . mr. oaks his affidavit . mr. oaks , a physitian dwelling in shadwell , informs , that a little after the burning of the city of london , one mr. carpenter , a minister , came to his house on tower-wharf , and spake to him to this purpose ; i will not say i am a papist , but this i will say , i had rather dye the death of the papists , and that my soul should be raised with their resurrection , than either of presbyterian , independent or anabaptist ; and i tell you , the papists have hitherto been his majesties best fortification ; for when presbyterians , independents and anabaptists forsook and opposed him , they stood by him and helped him ; and take it on my word , the papists in a short time , will lay you all as low as that house ; ( pointing to an house that was demolished ) for they are able to raise forty thousand men , and i believe , the next work will be cutting of throats . this was sworn by mr. oaks , before sir john frederick member of the house . mr. pilkington being present when the words were spoken , doth affirm them all . henry young a distiller of hot-waters , informs , that about the moneth of april in the year 1661. being in the jesuits colledge in antwerp , one powel an english jesuit perswaded him to turn roman catholick , and said , that if he intended to save his life and estate , he had best to turn ; for within seven years he should see england of that religion . young replyed , the city of london will never endure it . powel answered , that within five or six years they would break the power and strength of london in pieces , and that they had been contriving it this twenty years . the said young did likewise inform , that after coming into england , one thompson and one copernel , both papists , did several times say to him , that within five or six years at farthest , the roman catholick religion should be all over this kingdom . joseph goodwin of darking in the county of surrey , informs , that about a moneth since , one edward complin , a papist , said to him , you must all be papists shortly , and that now he was not ashamed to own himself a roman catholick , and to own his priests , ( naming two that were in darking , in the house , with two papists ) and likewise said , that in twenty four hours warning the papists or roman catholicks could raise thirty thousand men as well armed as any in christendom . william weaver of darking , informs , that the said edward copernel did tell him , the roman catholick in england could , in twenty four hours raise three thousand horse and arms ; and upon saying so , pull'd out his crucifix and beads , and said , he was not ashamed of his religion . john graunger of darking , informs , that about a year since , being in his house reading the bible , one thomas cooling , a papist , said to him , are you still a church-goer ? had you not better turn roman catholick ? if you stay whilst you are fetched , none will abide you . and said further , that there was a man beyond the seas had prophesied , that anno 1666. if the king did not settle the roman religion in england , he would be banished out of his kingdom , and all his posterity . and cooling further said , that he , being lately turned a roman catholick , he would not be a protestant again for all the world ; wishing graunger again , in the hearing of his wife , ( which she affirmed to the committee ) to turn his religion ; for all the said prophecies would come to pass in the year 1666. robert holloway of darking aforesaid , informs , that one stephen griffin , a papist , said to him , that all the blood that was shed in the last civil war , was nothing to that that would be shed this year in england . holloway demanded a reason thereof , in regard the kingdom was in peace , and no likelihood of trouble , and said , do you papists intend to rise and cut our throats when we are asleep ? griffin answered , that is no matter , if you live you shall see it . ferdinand de marcedo a portugal , and some few years since a roman catholick , but now turned protestant , informs , that one father banto , a jesuit , did the last year tell him at paris , that if all england did not return to the church of rome , they should be destroyed the next year . mr. samuel wightman of the middle temple , barister , informs , that about two years since , one mr. genison a popish priest , wished him to turn catholick , and he should want neither profit nor preferment , mr. wightman objected , that he intended to practise the law , which he could not do if he turned papist , for he must take the oath of supremacy at his being called to the bar , and if he were a papist he must not take it . mr. genison replied , why not take the oath ? it is an unlawful oath , and void ipso facto ; and after some pause , said further , first take the oath , and then i will convert you ; and further said , that the king would not own himself head of the church ; and also said , you in england that set up the dutch to destroy our religion , they shall be the men to pvll down yovrs . mun stanley , an officer in the duke of ormands own regiment , informs , that coming lately out of ireland , and with him one oriel , who owned himself of the order of jesuits , and commissionated from the pope to be lord primate of ireland , and archbishop of armagh ; oriel discoursing with him , told him , that there had been a difference between him and some others of the jesuits in ireland , and that particularly one of the occasions was , that one father walsh and some others of the jesuits there , did dispense with the papists in ireland ; to take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , by virtue of a standing commission from the pope they had , to do it during this kings reign ; and oriel thought they ought not to do it by virtue of the standing commission , but should take a new commission from the pope every year to do it . and said likewise , that he brought eight boys out of ireland to carry to flanders to breed up in the colleges . and at his taking ship to go into flanders , he shook his feet towards england , and termed it aegypt , and said , he would not return to england , till he came with fifty thousand at his heels . an information concerning the late fire in fetter-lane . mr. robert bird , whose house it was that was set on fire , informed , that his wife retained one elizabeth oxley to be her servant ( supposing her to be a protestant ) upon monday the 24th of february last , but she came not to her service until the 6th of march after . that upon wednesday night the 9th of april last , about two or three of the clock in the morning , the said servant came to his bed-side and awaked him , telling him there was a fire in holborn : whereupon he asked her , how she knew it ? she answered , by the noise in the street . whereupon he arose , and look'd into the street , but there was little noise or light ; so he staid at his street-door , until he was informed by two men that passed by , that there had been a fire , but it was put out again : whereupon he returned to bed , well pleased he had so watchful a servant , and fearful of fire : but none of his family heard any thing thereof , until informed by the said oxley , as he believeth . that on thursday the 10th . of april , he was told , the said oxley went not up to bed till about eleven a clock : that before he went to bed , he looked to the doors , windows , and rooms , to see if all were safe from fire and thieves , ( as his custom was ) and was the last up in the family , as he thought . that being in bed and asleep , about twelve of the clock that night he was awaked with a great beating at the door by the watch , and the said oxley coming immediately to him , told him , there was a fire : to which he said , he was sure it was not in his house , but gave her the key of the street-door ; who ran down , and let in the watch and company ; and he coming down , found a large press in his closet , ( for keeping books , papers , and writings , on a light fire , but by the mercy of god , and the great help he had , the fire was put out , and his house preserv'd . that his wife with some neighbours immediately going to the said oxley's lodging room to see if all was safe , found that she had packed up her clothes and things ready to carry away , and her trunks lock'd up , but nothing left in them of value : whereupon he demanded of the said oxley why she had packed up her clothes ? she answered , that she and his other maid martha had packed up her things to save them . then he asked the said martha , why she had packed up in that time , when the lives of the children and family were in that danger ? who positively denied that she packed up any thing ; whereupon , and for that he was sure when he went to bed there was not a spark of fire in the closet , and considering that the said oxley at the first knocking at the door , though she lay two pair of stairs above his chamber ; and being informed that she had not put out her candle into the candlestick , nor burnt it , but pulled it out , and hid the candlestick ; and from the manner of her carriage used when she perceived she was suspected ; he positively charged the said oxley with firing his house , and caused her to be kept safe all that night : and the next day being charged by the neighbours with firing the house , she at last confessed the same , by setting the press in the closet and his papers on fire about twelve of the clock , when he and his family were asleep . and he said ▪ that she the said oxley might have gone out at a back door of his house , and carried away any of his goods and plate , if she pleased at any hour in the night , without firing his house ; the key of the back door lying in the kitchin , and laid there by her self . and he said , nothing of value was found in the said oxley's pack , made up by her , as aforesaid , but her own things . elizabeth oxleys examination . elizabeth oxley upon her examination said ; that about michaelmas last she became acquainted with nicholas stubbs , who had several times used many perswasions to turn her papist ; and after her shewing a liking to it , and that he supposed she had embraced that perswasion ; in his discourse to her at several times , he told her , that before the 28th of june next , she should see all the protestants destroyed that were in england ; that the pope should be king over england ; that all that would turn to the popish religion should live far better than now they did ; that all the land were hereticks , and it were a meritorious act to destroy them ; and that all such as were papists should have marks upon their hats , whereby to distinguish them from protestants , that they might not be destroyed amongst them . adding , that the nation do believe that all things will be over before the 28th day of june , but they would be deceived , for all should be destroyed at or before that time . that the duke of york was the bravest prince living , and that he was gone out of the kingdom , lest the hereticks should cut off his head , and he would not return till they were destroyed ; that the lords in the tower would not one of them suffer , for they would come off well enough , being to be tryed by the lords ; and that the scaffolds were set up but for fashion-sake . that she telling the said stubbs that she was hired to live with one mr. bird about the middle of fetter-lane , he used perswasions to her at several times to set fire on her masters house ; telling her , if she would do it , he would give her five pound , and gave her half a crown , and said , he would have other houses in holborn fired at the same time by others : that she being with the said stubbs on sunday before the said fire , promised to fire her master's house on thursday or friday night following ; and accordingly on thursday night she took a candle and set fire to her master's papers in his study , which were in a kind of a press ; and then being on a light fire , she shut the doors , and went up stairs into her own chamber in the top of the house , and packed up her own things , and undressed her self , lest her master should suspect her , and there stayed till a great knocking was at the door , and the watchmen crying out fire ; whereupon she run down stairs , and cryed out fire , and her master gave her the keys to open the door ; which done , all hands were employed to quench the fire . and she saith , she did not set-fire on her masters house out of any malice to him , nor with intent to rob him , but meerly to carry on the design which stubbs had proposed to her , and out of hopes of his reward . the examination of nicholas stubbs . nicholas stubbs upon his examination owns , and sets forth to have used such discourse to the said elizabeth , as she declareth in her examination ; and saith , he did perswade her to fire her master's house , and was to give her five guineys for doing it , besides half a crown in hand : and saith , that one father gifford , a priest , and his confessor , had put him on this business , and told him it was no sin to fire all the houses of hereticks and hugonites . that he acquainted flower , alias darby , a barber in german-street , and one roger _____ another irish man , that lodged at the coach and horses in the same street . that the said father gifford promised him 100l . for the same , and told him he was to have the money from the church . that they used to meet the said gifford , and other two persons in st. james's-fields in the dark of the evening , and to discourse of these matters ; and that the several informations that he had given the said elizabeth oxley , he had from the said father gifford ; and saith , flower and roger _____ told the said stubbs , they would carry on the said fire , and that they had fire-balls for that purpose , and that they would fire other houses in holborn at the same time : that he was at the fire in the temple , but was not engaged to do any thing in it . and said , that gifford told him , that there were english , french and irish roman-catholicks enough in london to make a very good army ; and that the king of france was coming with 60000 men , under pretence to shew the dauphin his dominions ; but it was to lay his men at diep , bulloign , callis , and dunkirk , to be at an hours warning to be landed in england , and he doubted not but it would be by the middle of june , and by that time all the catholicks here will be in readiness ; all were to rise ; in order to bring him in . that the papists here were to be distinguished by marks in their hats ; that the said father gifford doubted not but he should be an abbot or a bishop when the work was over , for the good service he had done . that , at their meeting , father gifford used to tell them , it was no more sin to kill a heretick than a dog , and that they did god good service in doing what mischiefs they could by firing their houses . that it was well sir edmondbury godfrey was murdered , for he was their devilish enemy ; that coleman was a saint in heaven for what he had done . and saith , he is fearful he shall be murthered for this confession , father gifford having sworn him to secresie ; and told him he should be damned if he made any discovery , and should be sure to be killed ; and that he should take the oaths because he was a house-keeper , and that it was no sin : and saith , that gifford and roger _____ told him , when their forces met about the middle of june , then have at the — finis . a prohibition to all persons who have set up any offices called by the names of addresses, publique advice, or intelligence within the cities of london and vvestminster, the borough of southwark, and three miles about the same. williams, oliver, fl. 1657-1670. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74155 of text r211957 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.20[57]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74155 wing w2749 thomason 669.f.20[57] estc r211937 estc r211957 99870605 99870605 163473 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74155) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163473) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f20[57]) a prohibition to all persons who have set up any offices called by the names of addresses, publique advice, or intelligence within the cities of london and vvestminster, the borough of southwark, and three miles about the same. williams, oliver, fl. 1657-1670. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for the author, and are to be had at the sun in paul's church-yard, london : 1657. signed and dated at end: oliver williams. 26 day of may, 1657. annotation on thomason copy: "may". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng office of intelligence (london, eng.) -early works to 1800. advertising -england -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a74155 r211957 (thomason 669.f.20[57]). civilwar no a prohibition to all persons who have set up any offices called by the names of addresses, publique advice, or intelligence, within the citi williams, oliver 1657 719 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a prohibition to all persons who have set up any offices called by the names of addresses , publique advice , or intelligence , within the cities of london and vvestminster , the borough of southwark , and three miles about the same . these are to certifie all persons whatsoever , whom it may any wayes concerne ; that whereas the late king charles the 20 day of december , in the 13 year of his raign did for himself his heirs and successors , grant one indenture of lease under the great seal of england , to captain robert innes his executors , administrators , and assignes , for the term of 41 years , of an office then called the intelligence office , of all kinds of intelligence whatsoever , of all bargaines , of things lost , or found , for helping masters and mistrisses to servants , and servants to services , and all other things of the like nature , within the cities of london and westminster ; the borough of southwark , and three miles about the same , inhibiting and forbidding all other persons whatsoever , from erecting any other office or offices , of the like nature , without authority under the hand and seal of the said captain robert innes , or his assignes ; and that notwithstanding the said prohibition in the said grant is still in full force for divers yeares yet to come ; several persons without any legal authority have , in divers places of the cities of london and westminster , and borough of southwark , set up several offices of the like nature , by the name of the office of addresses ; and lately by the name of the office of publick advice ; as appeareth by a printed paper printed by one mr. thomas newcomb , wherein ( contrary to law , ) several persons have assumed a power to themselves , of imposing rates upon the several particulars therein set forth and expressed , whereas in the lease granted to the said captain robert innes , it is left to the voluntary disposition of the persons addressing themselves to the said office what to give ; which grant amongst others was confirmed by an act of parliament , bearing date the 29 day of january 1648 : and also by an ordinance of his highnesse the lord protector , with the advice and consent of his council , hearing date the 26 of december 1653 ; and the said grant is now exemplified under the great seal of england , in the name of his highnesse the lord protector , at the request of oliver williams , assigne to the said captain robert innes . now whereas the legal right of the aforesaid office is invested in the said oliver williams his executors , administrators , and assignes . he doth further certifie all whom it shall or may concern , that he is resolved with all possible speed to set up the said office of intelligence , in such convenient places as may be for the better executing the power granted in the said letters pattents , according to the true intent and meaning thereof ; and the said oliver williams by the power and authority therein granted and confirmed , as aforesaid , doth hereby require and prohibit all and every person and persons whatsoever , that from henceforth neither they nor any of them presume to set up any such office or offices , or shall any longer continue the office or offices , set up as aforesaid , or to officiate in the same , either by the name of the office of addresses , publick advice , or intelligence , or any other name whatsoever , for the performance of those things granted as aforesaid , without sufficient authority first obtained under the hand and seal of the aforesaid oliver williams or his assigns , during the said term , as he or they will answer the same at their peril , dated the 26 day of may , 1657. oliver williams . london , printed for the author , and are to be had at the sun in pauls church-yard , 1657. by the major forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the common-councell, that the city at the present is in great danger ... city of london (england). this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a49055 of text r39656 in the english short title catalog (wing l2882d). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a49055 wing l2882d estc r39656 18461003 ocm 18461003 107740 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49055) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107740) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:10) by the major forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the common-councell, that the city at the present is in great danger ... city of london (england). 1 broadside. printed by richard cotes ..., [london] : [1648] second part of title taken from first three lines of text. "this 25 of aprill, 1648." place and date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the huntington library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. london (england) -history -17th century. a49055 r39656 (wing l2882d). civilwar no by the major. forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the common-councell, that the city at the present is in great danger; ... corporation of london 1648 339 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ by the major . forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the common-councell , that the city at the present is in great danger ; these are therefore according to the desire and direction of the said court , to will and require you in his majesties name , that presently upon sight hereof , you respectively , with the constables of your severall precincts , doe repair to every housholder within the same ; and give them strict charge and command , that at their perils they do so order and dispose of their servants , and all others under their charge , that they be not onely kept from committing any outrage or misdemeanor ; but that they and their servants from time to time be in a readinesse , according to their severall capacities , with arms , weapons , and ammunitions for preservation of the peace , defence of themselves , the city , and the magistrates thereof : and also , that all persons who are of the trained bands of this city , doe from time to time upon the beat of the drum repair with all speed to their colours : and therein demeasn themselves , as may conduce to the safety and welfare of this city : and that you doe from time to time certifie unto me , or some other of his majesties justices of the peace , the names of such constables and others as you shall finde to bee remisse or negligent in the performance of their respective duties in this behalf , to the intent that they may bee punished according to the law . and hereof fail you not , as you tender the safety of your selves and the city , and will answer the contrary at your perill . this 25 of aprill , 1648. to the deputy , and common-councell-men , in the ward of michel . printed by richard cotes , printer to the honorable city of london . a short narrative of the late dreadful fire in london together vvith certain considerations remarkable therein, and deducible therefrom : not unseasonable for the perusal of this age written by way of letter to a person of honour and virtue. waterhouse, edward, 1619-1670. 1667 approx. 226 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 97 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a65241 wing w1050 estc r8112 11981431 ocm 11981431 51852 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65241) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51852) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 523:1) a short narrative of the late dreadful fire in london together vvith certain considerations remarkable therein, and deducible therefrom : not unseasonable for the perusal of this age written by way of letter to a person of honour and virtue. waterhouse, edward, 1619-1670. [2], 190 p. printed by w.g. for rich. thrale ..., and james thrale ..., london : 1667. first edition. signed: edward waterhous. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -fire, 1666. 2003-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2003-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a short narrative of the late dreadfvl fire in london : together vvith certain considerations remarkable therein , and deducible therefrom ; not unseasonable for the perusal of this age. written by way of letter to a person of honour and virtue . london , printed by w. g. for rich. thrale at the crosse-keysand dolphin in aldersgate-street over against the half-moon tavern , and iames thrale under st. martin's outwich church in bishops-gate-street . 1667. to his noble friend and kinsman , sr. edward turnor , knight ; speaker of the honorable house of commons in this present parliament . sir , because i know you were at a distance when that furious , never to be forgotten , and never enough to be lamented fire , begun the 2. of septemb. desolated our native city , the glory of england and of europe , london ; in which , i , your compatriot , formerly happy in it , am now a great sufferer with it ; i think it a just service to the publique , and no unacceptable present to you , to endeavour such an account of the commencement , progress and conclusion of it , as both mine own view , and the faithful report of others assists me to ; that as god may have the glory of his just judgement on a populous and rich city dispersed and impoverished , so men may see the dreadful effects of providence , untutelar to their acquisitions , and call off their hearts and confidences , from these sublunaries , to god , who only can bring them to us , and preserve them with us , and by whom only they can be transformed into comforts , ( which as elementary and vicissitudinarious , they can in no true sense be . for the fashion of this world passeth away , ) and the glory of it being but as a flower of the field ; to set the heart upon that which has wings and flyes away , will we , nill we , is to be as accessary to our own deception , as weakness and wilfulness can make us , or misery and judgement can continue us to be . and because ( sir ) it is bruited abroad by some that this fatal accident had a more than ordinary express of fury , that is , that london was fired from heaven , as was sodom and gomorrah of old , though say they , god restrained the fire from such dismal effects as then were permitted it : and others referr it to the spight and furtherance of male-content villanes , and mischievous forreigners , greedy thus to revenge themselves of us , for our stout demeanours towards them , and our great successes against them , which they judge no otherwise ballanceable than by this spoil and non-such disappointment , equal , if not paramount , to any other diversion : because ( sir ) i say men are so variously acted in this euroclydon of providence , which has been so stupifying to every mans senses , that either was a compassionate spectator , or a concerned sufferer in the spoil and loss of that once famous place , which tacitus so long ago terms , nobilissimum emporium & commeatu negotiatorum maxime celebre ; i have adventured to write my thoughts of the rise , nature , and circumstances of the fire , and to beg your patience and pardon both to them and me . and here ( sir ) i must confess though i adore the greatness of god , and deplore the grievousness of the sin of london , for which god may justly bring upon it , not only what he has , but greater and more eradicating judgements , such as he expresses , when he begins he will make an end by , and the fire of his wrath shall burn , and none shall quench it . though whatsoever of this that might have been more , is the deserved severity of god to its many and monstrous sins , yet doe i not believe that this fire was like that of sodom and gomorrah , for that was fire from the lord out of heaven , gen. 19. 24. fire not only of wasting things combustible , but fire of exinanition to to the earth and soyl , incapacitating it to produce necessaries for the life of man and beast , converting the substance of the place into brimstone and salt and burning , as the lord paraphraseth on sodoms judgement , deut. 29. 33. so that it became desert , never to be dwelt in again . isaiah 13. 19. for such fire , like the waters on the old world , god may be only thought once to exemplifie his power by , and to fix the fear and awe of him in the minds of men , insolent against him , whose greatness it can reach , whose obduration it can penetrate , whose fixation in the world it can dissettle ; god who has said his spirit shall not always strive with man , forasmuch as he is but dust , lest the spirit that he hath created should fail before him , makes all judgement his strange work , and therefore such stupendious ones as this , he may be thought to account much more his strange work : once indeed he has appeared in flaming fire and devouring brimstone to sodom and the city of the rich and fertile plain , who were sinners before the lord , that is , who because they were rich were riotous , and because they had abundance from the soyl which was rank and lusty , gave themselves up to luxury and pride ; ( for the sins of sodom were idleness and fulness of bread . ) once more he will send his son in flaming fire to dissolve the world and render vengeance to his enemies ; but his intercurrent judgements of fire between this first & that last president of unparallelledness , are alloyed by mixtures of mercy in them . and i perswade my self of this nature was the late judgement by fire upon london , a city not like sodom without priest and without magistrate , whose vices and insolencies bore down both ordinances of church and state. londons fulness of bread and idleness were no publick and owned effronteries , no such wickedness as sodom had was setled by a law , or practised against law in her , no rioters against angels were her inhabitants as the sodomites were , no murmurers were they against gods soveraignty as the sodomites were , ver . 13. therefore god in the midst of judgement remembred mercy to london ; god overthrew not only sodom and gomorrah , but all the cities of the plain , giving zoar only for a sanctuary to one lot ; but god has not destroyed the suburbs of london or the neighbouring city to it , but reserved them for a shelter to her many thousand inhabitants ; god destroyed sodom and gomorrah in a moment , lament . 4. 6. by a special and not to be disputed finger of god , no mortal instrument co-operating , no culinary fire being so speedy in its consumptions , but god exercised his judgements on london gradually that the spectators might by the sight of their punishment , bewail the ingratitude of their sin deserving it ; god overthrew all the inhabitants of sodom , and that which grew upon the ground of it , but god has preserved the inhabitants of london and much of their riches to be a seed of succession and a door of hope to its future restauration . god petrified lot's wifes body as a standing monument of his wrath upon her , but for looking back upon sodom whence she was delivered , with commiseration of it and wish of better fortune to it , but god has delivered the inhabitants of london to look to london with pity and to praise him for their deliverance , and they wish its re-edifying , i hope , without sin , and will set on to build it , i hope , without interruption . lastly , sodoms judgement is termed eternal fire , as if god had made those monstrous sinners , who turned the glory of god into shame , to have a hell both here and hereafter , unusual sinners punished with unusual judgements ; but londons doom , i hope , is not such , for god has given its inhabitants the spirit of grace and of supplication , and though they have ashes for beauty , and the spirit of heaviness for the garment of salvation , yet are they submissive to god , and accepters of his correction , and abiders by it till he release them from it . and hence it is ( sir ) that i conclude since london was that city when it was fired that had a people and thousands of them that feared god sincerely ; if in any part of the world god had a chosen generation , and a people nigh unto him , the judgement of fire sent upon it was not miraculous and extraordinary as those fires we read consumed the sacrifice on the altar , 9 , 10. of levit. or that which consumed the flesh upon the altar upon elias his prayer , or that which destroyed the souldiers , sent to apprehend elias , or that which consumed solomon's sacrifice , 1 chron. chap. 8. all which with other the like fires in scripture was by lightning , fire darted from heaven upon them , and prevalent beyond all natural operation and activity seperated from the addition of gods penall power in it , no such fire i humbly conceive was this , but that fire which the providence of god suffered to fall out by the mediation of concurring circumstances specifique to that issue and productive of the consequences of it . yet secondly i humbly also conceive this fire of desolation , not to be barely natural , but to be signal of something supernatural , for gods not exerting his power to hinder it , is the tacite commissioning of nature to express its utmost of active evil , that is , of penal truculency , which only is mitigated and asswaged by god , who says to the sea , hitherto shalt thou go , and to the plague , sword , famine , fire , beyond this bound yee shall not pass . which considered , there may several particulars be mentioned which might subserve to this ruine ; as first the general and malicious conjunctions of enemies ab●o●d who knowing london the governments epitome , the copy from the life of this empires majesty , the second throne of rega● glory , the readiest and most certain supply of all necessaries for offence or defence , the great sanctury of protestantisme , the almost all of great britain , this so combined in london to her soveraigns lustre , the nations supply , and her opposites disappointment , might rationally originate evill thoughts against her , and thence evil practises upon her , and as the chief and most fatal to her this of fire ; which as it hastneth the spoil , so both terrifieth the inhabitants , and gives rise through the suddenness of its confusion to any discontented numbers in her , whose designs being tenebrious , and their partizans lewd and desperate , can have no sitter an opportunity to act a sicilian vespers , or a parisian massacre in , then in that mist and fog of danger and inconsideration , wherein every ones particular concern becomes a neglect of the publick , and the nerves , sinews , and arteries of governments contexture become shrivelled ●p , and by reason of their violent convulsions , incorrespondent to their general designment ; this wa● one of those evils that might have made , and probably was designed to make the time of the fire more fatal than god in goodness suffered it to prove ; for since contemptor propriae vitae magister tuae is a true rule , and it is riveted in the corrupt nature of man to revenge injuries by destruction of the soul , body , substance and being of enemies , and mens ambitions are most keen in exploits for their countreys , to cause good to which , a great spirit would not only beg off a believed curse , as that venetian senator did the popes interdiction of venice , with a rope about his neck , lying like a dog at the popes feet , and not being to be drawn thence till he obtained it , but with codrus dye to obtain his countreps liberty , i say considering that policy tempts power to scruple little , that is , its advantage , and that where ever there is mony to give , there will be service to exchange for it , be the fact as horrid and sanguinary as that of faux or any like it ; and considering that no mischief done us can amount to any thing like this to london , it is not improbable but that this fire might be first kindled in the revenge , and then lighted further by the hands of miscreants hired thereunto ; for did not herostratus a base fellow , purely to have a name for villany , set on fire the famous temple of ephesus , the worlds wonder ? &c. did not iudas the gaulomite , and sadoc the pharisee , with his lewd comorades , set on fire the temple of ierusalem ? and a single souldier of vespasian's burn a second time the temple at ierusalem contrary to vespasian's mind , and though he came with souldiers to quench it , yet the souldiers continued it burning that they might come at the gold which they believed it full of ; and if this hath been the course of other things , why should we not consider that what has been may be , and what is to london so dreadful , may as probably be the effect of such malignant counsels as ever ruled heretofore to prodigies , if not parallel to , yet second to this ; i see no cause not to suspect it now , when this which is probable enough to be the wisdom of the children of this world , shall be confirmed by confessions of parties , agents , by depositions of confederacies , threats , preparations and agitations by persons banished the land , or capital offenders for being in the land , when notwithstanding the laws penal in force against them , they shall abide and be in the very face of power , and glory in the confusions that by parties and fire they have made , there is just cause to fear there be many michalls amongst us . and let us ( in blessed king james his words ) rejoyce and praise god for the discovery of them , assuring our selves they were never of us , accounting all them to be against us , that either rejoyce at the prosperity of our enemies , or rejoyce not with us at our miraculous deliverance , and let us also diligently and warily try out those crafty michalls , for it is in that respect that christ recommends unto us the wisdom of serpents , not thereby to deceive and betray others , no , god forbid , but to arm us against the deceit and treason of hypocrites that go about to trap us ▪ thus that solomon of his time wrote , adding his weighty reason , that these meditations of mine may after my death remain to the posterity , as a certain testimony of my upright and honest meaning in this so weighty a cause ; from which i collect this positively , that not to be prudently zealous , and politickly severe to men of bloody and active principles , who are by the breves of their holy father commanded not to take the oath of allegiance , because this oath cannot be taken with safety of the catholick faith , and of their souls health , since it containeth many things that are plainly and directly contrary to their faith and and salvation ; and who embrace this as divine canon , which i do not believe all romanists do , whom secretary wallsington styled papists of softnesse and conscience , though the jesuited sort , papists of faction undoubtedly do ; i say , not to take notice of these dangers is much a blemish to the integrity of reformed religion in the hearts of those that are guilty of it , which to clear themselves from , as of old there has been prudent regard to those engineers of disturbance , who to relieve their religion from captivity as they pretend , have in the days of queen elizabeth and king iames , princes of eternal memory , raised invasions and conspiracies , and of latter days have carryed them on , hanging forth pirats colours to suppress true men till they displayed a papal interest under the vizzard of a popular reformation ; which though it were by wise men perceived , yet was permitted by god to punish our too much favour to them , who do not only maintain parracides and rebellions ; some of which the raign of hen. 8. shews , who was a prince of their own perswasions , though he opposed the popes power over him , for which many of his popish subjects opposed him , ( though they paid dear for it , ) as still many such would do if they had power ; and if the maximes of their state fathers the iesuites had , that power with them that heretofore they had ; for though it must be acknowledged , many of the english romanists are and may be good subjects , because they have and will i hope take the oath of allegiance and supremacy without papal dispensation or mental reservation , which declares their fidelity to the crown and government ; yet are there many that are so far from so doing ( because they are taught that salvis principiis they cannot do it ) that they will rather hazzard any thing than do it ; and i am contented they that will not do it , should rather hazzard their any thing , then the kings and our all. as i say these preliminations ushered in laws of purgation , prevention and punishment heretofore to be made , so do they upon presumptions of equivalent prudence prompting thereunto , solicite and warrant the revival of those laws vigours , now in this nick of time wherein the gangreen of enmity against englands glory , and its empires prosperity , is so combined against ; and i bless god and the great king and parliament of england now sitting , for their vigilance and zeal in this provision lately concluded against the evil instruments , and evil effects of such disloyalty as the iesuited engineers have raised against us , not only that of wars , ( which their campanella has long since counselled to and is now brought about , ) but also all other ways of subjecting this crown and subjects to their catholick tyranny , which ( not only that anonymus author revelatio consillii tridertini set forth in french , and then suppressed , though since about 1620. printed in latine , has made good by irrefragable instances , which i here would have set down verbatim , had not my copy with other things of mine been burned in syon colledge , ) but many other authors have given us severalties , which summed up together , makes out such secret policies & bloody practises , tending to the like funest issues : witness the boast of the duke of alva a little before his death , that he had caused neer 18000. persons to be under the executioner for several sorts of punishment for religion sake : witness that speech of phillip the second of spain , that he had rather lose all his provinces than seem to grant or favour any thing which might be prejudicial to the catholick religion ; so in the pacification of colen , anno 1580. the spanish ministers of state declared openly that the protestants would be well served if they were stripped of all their goods and forced to go seek new countreys like iews and egyptians , who wander up and down like rogues and vagabonds : witness that boast of cardinal granuellanus , who was wont to say , that he would reduce the catholick religion in all places , though 100000. men were to be burned in an hour ; and reported it is , that in less then 30. years the spanish inquisition did consume by various torments and sundry kinds of death 150000. yea , so hateful is any thing of reformed religion to them , that not only doth a man of note of their church blame charles the fifth emperor for keeping his word with luther , which he says he kept vanum clementiae famam aucupans , affecting the vain fame of clemency , and that which reason of state ought to have excused him from ; but if , says he , he did well in such a punctilio , yet post in domuitione illum eundem opprimere debuisset atque principes protestantes jam suppressos prorsus extinguere ; that is , when he was upon his return home he ought to have surprised him , and utterly extinguished all the protestant princes he had power over : and , if i am not mis-informed , it was disputed amongst the inquisitors , whether the bones of charles the fifth were not to be digged up and burned , because before his death he seemed to be inclined to the opinion , that man is only saved through faith in christ. yea , that learned and good son , of a matchless father , dr. du mouliu , evidences the kindness and charity of jesuited romanists to consist in no better fruits of piety to us , than to censure the protestant reformers ( soveraign princes and their loyal subjects ) and the reformation it self ( though done by their authority ) guilty of rebellion and high treason , calling it the new gospel , iustifies mariana and the iesuites against those that object to them their doctrine of king killing , cryes down protestants as persons not to be trusted with the government of the state , or suffered to live in any common-wealth ; bestows upon them the most odious terms that he could devise , traytors , diabolical , cockatrices , infernal spirits , and such wilde terms . and yet while that author reviles the religion that our gracious king , his loyal parliament and subjects are of , and inveighs against them as unworthy the trust of government , he has the impudence to style himself philanax anglicus . and king iames of blessed memory has long ago charged it as an abuse of his lenity , that though he had honoured many papists with knighthood , that they were known and open recusants , though he did indisserently give audience and access to both sides bestowing equally all favours and honours on both professions , all ranks and degrees of papists , had free and continual access in his court and company , that he frankly and freely did free recusants of their ordinary payments , and gave out of his own mouth strait order to spare the execution of all priests , notwithstanding their conviction , joyning thereunto a gracious proclamation whereby all priests that were at liberty and not taken , might go out of the country by such a day : this general pardon having been extended to all convicted priests in prison , whereupon they were set at liberty as good subjects , and all priests that were taken after , sent over and set at liberty there ; notwithstanding all his royal clemency , beyond which so zealous a protestant prince as he was , could not warrantably go ; the good kings charge on the papists was such , that not only the papists themselves , grew to that height of pride , in confidence of my mildness , that they did directly expect , and assuredly promise to themselves liberty of conscience and equality with other of my subjects in all things ; but even a number of the best and faithfullest of my said subjects were cast in great fear and amazement of my course and proceedings , ever prognosticating , and justly suspecting that sowre fruits to come of it , which shewed it self clearly in the powder treason : thus the king. if i say the confidence and enmity of the jesuited confederacy be such , when the power of the nation is ( blessed be god ) not theirs , nor the hundredth man in the nation theirs , and when they have all the favour subjects that are sober and conformable to law can have or be happy with ; what would the courtesie of england be less then banishment , fire , faggot and slaughter , if they were in power and had their will , and if their devices were not by the boast , braving , and appearing of their activity , taken notice of , and the nation thereby remembred , that danger is designed by those homines novae fectae & malefica superstitionis qui republicam turbabant , as the words of the arrest of the french parliament for expulsion of the jesuites are ? with which the statute of * 27. eliz. c. 2. consents , when it declares them to be sent , as hath appeared by sundry of their own confessions and examinations , as by divers other manifest means and proofs , not only to withdraw her majesties subjects from their due obedience to her majesty , but also to stir up and move sedition , rebellion and hostility ! all which suggestions ( sir ) laid together amount to this , that probable it may be , that the fire in london might be the effect of desperate designs and complotments from abroad , shrowded under and seconded by some male-contents at home , because it seems to me of such consequences to forraign purposes , not only by becoming an opportunity for commotion , and the dreadful consequences of it ( had not god in mercy restrained them ) but also by retarding the supplies of men , mony , and all other necessaries for peace and war , which thence are best readiest , and in fuller proportion served than from the greatest part of the nation besides , and if suppliable elsewhere , yet with more charge , more difficulty , less constantly , less plenarily . which has ever kept up the honour and influence of london ; for had it not been for the river of thames , and the portability of that which it brings up to the keyes of london , which drew and kept together . trade , and t●ereby plenty of men and mony , london would not have been so deservedly accounted the chamber of her kings , the seat of their government , the mart of the nations trade , the magazine of the nations wealth , for enemies and enviers she has ever had more than many , and those of the great men , some of whom have had the face to court their daughters , and with their portions to redeem their lands mortgaged , and to inherit more by them , yet forgot the gratitude they owe and ought to pay to their fathers , made what they are in london ; yea , london has ever had more rough and opprobrious scorns cast upon her by the issues of citizens , grown men of country fortunes got in london , then by any more noble country gentleman : which considered , if london were not such a useful part of england , as the heart is in the body , it would not have been of such import as it was ; but such it being , it must by a parity of reason become the mark of this kingdoms enemies malice for so being , and thence must follow unavoidably , that all designs of ruine and diminution are formed and executed against her , for her so being . thus ( sir ) it may be probable the instigation to it was from abroad : nor secondly , can it be denied but that it may be furthered from a party at home , who being mixed , partly constituted of men differing in main points of religion and of dangerous principles in civil policy , and of men loose in life and indigent of fortune , may both rejoyce in , and be helpers forward of the doom of london , which while loyal and under due obedience to lawful government they look upon as the only check to their exorbitancy , and the only probable ballance to their mutinous preponderations ? for though i well know they do not all agree in first principles , yet may they conjoyn in the design of rendring their opposites , ( as they account all men who are for legal settlements , & subject-like demeanour ) less potent , and their enmity less formidable , which makes the case of london more deplorable ▪ in that it had not only a contest with the fire to quench it , but also with the virulent vulgar , and the deboshed libertines nessed in her , whose necessities and vices as they pinch them , so will they provoke them to any destructive course in supplement to them . for london , as all other promisouous aggregations of men , having vast suburbs , and ( those inhabited by multitudes of men , and those under a loose shire government , and many of those single persons , gamesters , and others of shuffling life , or married persons , full of charge and poverty , ) undergoes a great danger from those insolent and needy numbers , who if not restrained by strong watches , and trained bands ready upon all summons , and hindred rise or conjunction by vigilant officers , and popular readiness to seize upon insurrectors , would undoubtedly upon any general and amazing contingent , become vexatious and bloudy , which being the apprehension of government has caused it in all times of fear to survey the out-parts , and take account of all inmates , requiring the inhabitants to be responsible for them , and upon survey of their number about 1647. i remember the number of them who lived in the out-parts and were independent on government , as to their charge to or in it , was said to be many thousands . and how dangerous these added to the other poor members of parishes and masters of sheds and houses are , is easie to be judged and has been found by sad experience in the fire , the loss of which was much in the goods imbezzelled , and the thefts committed by them upon pretence of helping forth goods and hindring the approaching fire , as well as in the actual consuming by the fire , ( the houses only excepted , ) and probably those in a good part had been saved , had they restrained their hands from theft , and imployed them to master the fire , by handing water , pulling down houses , ridding away materials mingled with the fire , and observing the commands of provident and knowing leaders in that ( so imployed ) saving service . but their design being not what wontedly ( though stealing has been ever in fashion in those cases ) so much to stay the fire and aid the sufferers and their neighbours , yea , and the whole city which ought to be concerned in the misery of any part of it , as to prog for themselves , and to pilfer from them whom the fire sufficiently threatned , and at last preyed upon ; the fire had no impediment from their labour , nor the removers any benefit by their fidelity , but they either valued their labour so high that no losers purse could well reach to it , ( by reason of which some ordinary house-keepers were put to 40. pound charge but to remove from the fire , and some few of the more stored sort as i have been informed at neer 400. pound , ) or accepted ingagement , that under pretence of it they might colour and act their designed falshood ; for though many there were that gave and could give great rates for honest carts and labourers , yet others there were that could not reach it , monies being not so flush with them , nor they so stored with it on saturday nights , men then paying out all on saturdays their pay day ; and those who had thus drayned themselves were certainly put to great straits , being either forced to give one part to carry away the rest , or to leave all to the fire ; the mercies of which was cruelty to all that it came neer ; the flight from which gave opportunity to mis-carriage of thousands of pounds worth of goods , and to many thefts of goods lodged in open places , fields and others for present riddance out of danger and hoped for security from it , which as it frowardly proved , became a removal out of the danger of fire , into the den of thieves ; so that indeed in some sense , the city , that rich and glorious seat of merchants and other tradesmen , who were as those of tyre are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the honourable of the earth , members of the crowning city , which imployed the nations younger brothers and sisters , and restored them in their posterities , of elder brothers fortunes and honours . the city , that i think i may say was one of the wonders of the world , if pope innocent the fourth were a competent judge , who desired not with moses to see gods glory , but to see with satan the world and the glory of it , summed together in the riches of london , and the rarities at westminster ; this riches in some degree , and the subsistance of the inhabitants thereof , was as well devoured by the suburbian thieves , and by the countreys extortion for their carts and conveniencies , as by the fire ; all which had their respective share in laying load upon londons broken back , and upon the general distraction of , and in it . which i note , not to lay an imputation upon all assistants , either as labourers or as carts ; for some , and many i hope , and know by relation , to have been very honest and reasonable , but into those honest and happy hands god knows many of my goods fell not , nor the goods of thousands more , but into the hands of those harpyes that devoured all they took , and cryed give give , never to return again ; whereupon the argument must stand good , that the riches of london being only the posessors during the vigour of laws and the ability of the magistrate to circumspect every part of his charge , all disability of thine so to do , and so this distraction of the fire must demolish the wall of seperation , and draw a line of level to whatever industry and villany during that rage will prey upon . for as inter arma silent leges , so inter flammas cessat proprietas , and in such case occupancy is judged by men unconscionable the best title , and the after proclamations may endevour , return and threaten detension of goods so unjustly gotten , and some out of honesty , and othes out of fear may return some parts , and others out of envy to those that have more than they may disclose things that by these means may come to the owners hands ; yet notwithstanding all these , there will not be thetenth of the goods restored that were carried away purely in theft ; so great and effectual a temptation is opportunity , to need where it is not restrayned by conscience , nay in this harrass of fire , and that so generally absorptive of the city , then there is somewhat towards authorizing a scruple of conscience , and absolving persons from the guilt of theft ; in that what they took being in a kind of landwreck , wherein no body owned goods , and they deserted and left to the fire , must have been consumed ; better they were taken away by any to whom they would do good , then consumed by the fire which does nothing but hurt . and if they will now part with their dubious titles upon reasonable terms , they that took away goods in a sort wrongfully , will prove themselves preservers not raptors , which i in a great measure distrusting , do conclude that though the fire in london might not come , yet it might be negatively continued from those needy numbers who fish in troubled waters , being like the vultures in publico malo falcies , carrying more from two or three dayes such disorder , then they will by labour or patrimony get or save to themselves all their lives . there is a story in iosephus of the fire in antioch which consumed the four square market-place , the publick place where all writings and registers were kept , as also the kings houses ; which fire so increased that it threatned firing the whole city ; antiochus accused the jews to be the incendiaries , and all the jews were like to be slain upon the suspition and bruit of it ; but collega appeasing the people , and further inquiring into the matter , found the jews wholly innocent , but certain inpious people had done this being imdebted , thinking that when they had burned the market places , and the publick writings , that then their debts could not be required at their hands . and though if men thought seriously upon the judgements of god on such evill works and ways , such gains would prove but like the hire of a harlot , or like the wedge of achan , or the babylonish garment , a curse to them and theirs , yet posession being nine points of ten of the law to them , the advantage they in present ( for further they look not ) have by it , carries them out to withdraw assistance from hindring its progress , which by their manual labour they might probably have done ; so that though what has been written is intended to satisfie so full as it can , you ( sir ) and all that read this , from concluding this to be from a supernatural cause , that is from fire darted upon it from heaven ; yet does it not , nor can it in the least drive at making it a bare accident and a nude casualty , but a just and severe judgement of god upon the place and nation , auxiliated and perfected by concurrence of circumstances , benign to , and corresponding with a vastative event ; nor is any evill of punishments on cities , or men , or nations , but from god concurring with it , and exciting and carrying forth instruments to the accomplishing of it , a the deliverance from the captivity of aegypt , the raising of the syrians against israel , the defection b of the ten tribes from rehoboam , the c captivity into babylon , the desolation d of ierusalem by vespasian , the afflictions of e david from his childrens lust and insolency , the misery f of iob from satans inrode upon him and his , the storm g upon ionah for his disobedience , the temptation of h peter for his self-confidence , the thorn i in the s●esh for saint pauls elevation ; the persecution of the primitive martyrs , which were the churches spawn , the translations of empires , the advance and reducements of families , the marches and counter-marches of men and things out of one posture into another , all these are circumacted by god imploying instruments of his in the managery of them . thus though by good and evil spirits god leads about the world and all in it , bringing them into the mold and method of his own good pleasure both of wisdom and power ; yet are these instruments so purely passive compared to god , that they are drowned in his omnipotence , whose vassals and visible puppets of agency they only are , nor are men to respect them but as bubbles raised up and flatted , as god the master-builder of them , informs or deserts them . which rectified notion proves a just medium of expediency to those equally boystrous extremes of seduced man , who on the one side will have this judgement miraculous and fire from heaven without any natural assistance , gods finger heavier than all the loyns of nature ; or on the other side ascribe it so to second causes , that they will allow no more judgement of god in it , than that which accompanies common casualty ; whereas indeed in this case of london there are so many concurrencies which have their attending cheques ; which possible are to be , but actually , were not improved in remedy that the prevalence of the fire against , and in despight of those wonted prudences , and usual resistances , and the latitude of effects , seconding such a neglect of impeding means , where so well understood , and so dexterously at other times practised ; this i say duely and impartially considered must evince some more than ordinary concurrence of god to arm and enable those arising pimples to such a general distemper and mortification . and i pray god that this judgement that has thus begun at the house of god ( for such i dare account london ) let prophane and superstitious defamers of it say what they please ( god had more marked ones for mourners over and livers against the abominations done in the land , in london , then i believe in a great part of the nation beside ) may stay there , and not proceed to those that are yet preserved who are no more righteous than their ruined neighbours ; which the lord of mercy grant for his sons sake . having thus ( sir ) made way to the more historical part of this narrative , which falls in properly with the circumstances of co-operation with the fire , whereby it unhappily as to man , though happily as to god propagating his power by it ) prevailed against the city , i come to the particularization of such instances as were by wise men observed fautive of its progress and conclusion . and the first circumstance notable in it is that of the time when it began , which was ominous as it was about 3. of the clock on a sunday morning , a time when most persons , especially the poorer sort , were but newly in bed , and in their first dead sleep ; for saturday being the conclusion of the weeks labour , and the day of receipts and payments , the markets last not then only all the day , but some part of the night , especially in butcheries , and too often in ale-houses , the poors pockets then stored with mony overflowing mostly that way : and thence might the fire get a more than ordinary rooting , from the leisure of its burning before it met with checque or suppression ; yea , and when it was discovered , the usuall custom being to lye longest in bed on sunday might make men more indulge their ease , and remit their early stirring and wonted vigour , than otherwise they would and besides this , amazements in the night are most terrifying to men even of courage , whom the dangers of the day are not at all discomforting to , because known and distinguished to be what they are by them ; whereupon in that it pleased god to permit it then to break forth , it was not without intimation of some displeasure ; for usually it is with god to make dayes , places , and persons , peculiarly and devotedly his the instances of his eminent and wasting judgements , thus he is said in commissionating judgements to begin at his sanctuary , to give his beloved into the enemies hand , to tread the daughter of judah in a wine-press , to make shiloh the mark of his anger , to abhorre his people , and to hate sacrifices , and to cause the sabbath to cease from a la●d , to cast down the prince and the priests his own vicegerents , to make jerusalem a hissing and an astonishment , and to give up his temple and people into the spoil of the nations , to suffer the bloud of iesus that speaks better things than did the bloud of abel , to be the bloud of execration and indictment against them , who cryed out , let him be crucified . these things thus by god ordered , and the method of his ordinary providence , inverted , and corrosion coming into the room of balsamittiqueness ; this ruling of wine into vinegar , and of oyl into aqua fortis , ( as i may say ) argues god highly incensed , and resolved upon destruction and vengeance . for some provocation unnatural , unusual , persisted in with obstinacy and in opposition to , and despight of the meanes and motions of ●eclaimer ; and applicable hereunto seems londons case , as to the time , to be suitable , for did he not god make his holy day of rest , a day of labour and disquiet ? did he not cause the church to be thin of people to pray to him and hear his word from him ? did he not cast off the care of his sanctuaries and ministers , and give them and theirs up as a prey to the fire ? because many of the people would not be present at their churches according to the law ; nor many of the ministers spiritually expend themselves , but according to the law of man , has not god dis-parished and scattered them , priest from people , & neighbour from neighbour ? indeed ( sir ) these things are to me observable , and that god who is a god of peace and a god of order , should bring distraction and disorder upon a city regular and religious , upon his own day , and in the morn of it , to anticipate as it were , their conventions of expiation , and to avocate them from the use of a probable and prescribed remedy , argues indignation : for gods promise to solomon as a type of christ was , if my people that call upon my name , shall humble themselves and seek my face , and turn from their evil way , then will i hear in heaven , my dwelling place , and have mercy and heal their i and ▪ for i have chosen this place to my self for an house of sacrifice ; yet god seemed to walk contrary to his people of london in this , for he drew them as it were off from the remedy , that his hands being loosened , he might punish and not be prevailed with to pardon , which aversion of gods from being intreated , imponderates the judgement with a weightier note of gods displeasure , which the pensive prophet ieremiah rehearseth to this sense , the lord saith he hath swallowed up all the habitations of iacob , and hath not pitied , he hath thrown down in his wrath the strong holds of the daughter of iudah , he hath brought them down to the ground , he hath polluted the kingdom and the princes thereof . this , this , is that which is not ordinary , that god began the fire of his wrath on the day of his rest and solemn worship , and ( with reverence be it utter'd ) prophaned his sabbath , which he commanded to be sanctifyed ; as if the sins of the nation punished in london , the head and heart of it were such as had procured a violation of all the methods of kindness and paternal goodness , whereby god wontedly corresponded with us , and as if he had recalled his former condescension , and would be in covenant with us , and a patron to us no longer ; this advantage given the passers by to clap their hands to hiss and wag their head at london , saying , is this the city that men call the perfection of beauty , the joy of the whole earth ; this , this , brought upon london , upon a lords day , wherein were more sanctifyers of his holy day and name , than in most of the nation besides , gives the judgement a tincture , nay , a deep woad of intense displeasure , he that commands , we shall not do our own works , nor think our own thoughts upon that day , would not himself have set a foot this work , this strange work , upon that day , nor have thought thoughts of ruine to a populous and ancient city , called upon by him , on that holy day : but that the notation of the day might lesson us displeasure extraordinary . which i mention not to comply with any party whose constructions of gods meaning are calculated to the meridian of their interest , which has couched in it a secret reak of enmity to their opposites , and of applause of themselves , such as are on the one hand the outed party , who expound it to be for their ejection , or the other party , who averr it to be a punishment of phanaticism , which they will have favoured and advanced by london , or of that proud party who will have it sent for the pride of london , who because the citizens in it thrive and provide well for their wifes , children , and relations , are accounted proud in their suitable livings to their births , and gods blessing upon their industry and thrift , or of that prophane party who will intrude their loose sentiments into gods counsel , and confirm themselves in their libertinism , to live , and speak as they list , because they see themselves delivered , when the precisians of london ( as they deridingly , and perhaps sinfully call them ) are plagued and punished by fire ; i say not to dance after these mistaken pipes whose notes are besides gods gammuth . all that i see or dare believe inscribed by god upon the judgement is , that the sin of the nation , punished by war and plague last year , and yet unrepented of , is further prosecuted by god , thorough the sides and heart of the chief corporation and master-city of this island , london , whose burning is the herald of god to the nation , calling it to view its remaining doom upon its persisted impenitence ; for as they were not the greatest sinners on whom the tower of siloam fell , so were they the greatest sinners in england on whom the fire of london fell , and whose fortunes and habitations it has levelled ; but except we punished , and others yet priviledged therefrom , repent , we shall all , and altogether perish . the next remarkable circumstance in this fire , was that of place wherein it first began , which was pudding-lane , a place so called , but from some eminent seller or sellers of puddings living of old there , it being usual to take denomination of lanes and streets , not only from mens names , chief owners of , and dwellers in them , but from some other accidents from whence they are denominated ; thus as the lord baynard , lord of baynards castle , gave name to castle baynards ward , and sir iohn basing to basing-hall ward ; so streets have been called according to several occasions , as lothbury , because founders and brasiers living therein , made every one loth the street for the noise ; bread-street , milk-street , wood-street , candlewick-street , and infinite others were called from the bakers , milk-women , wood-buildings , and chandlers that in quantity dwelt there , which is evident in the survey of london , so is this pudding-lane called ; for that lane bordering upon thames-street and billings-gate , where people of labour and poor condition ply , and are early in the morning , and late at night , when the tyde serves to bring up fishermen , passengers , and other boats and portages ; the vicinity of such a good house as they call them , wherein pudding , the general beloved dish of english men was sold , might reasonably bring the place in request , and thence give denomination to the corner wherein the seller lived . this little pittyful lane , crowded in behind little east-cheap on the west , st. buttolphs-lane on the east , and thames-street on the south of it , was the place where the fire originated , and that forwarded by a bakers stack of wood in the house , and by all the neighbouring houses , which were as so many matches to kindle and carry it on to its havock ; thus the fire meeting with the star inn on fish-street-hill on the back of it , and that inn full of hay , and other combustibles , and with the houses opposite to it , and closed with it at the top , burned three ways at once , into thames-street , ( the lodge of all combustibles , oyl , hemp , flax , pitch , tar , cordage , hops , wines , brandies , and other materials favourable to fire ; all heavy goods being ware-housed there neer the water side , and all the wharfs for coale , timber , wood , &c. being in a line consumed by it ) unto fish-street-hill , till it met the other fire at the bridge , to the interval of building , and to butolphs-lane into mark-lane in tower-street ; and in all this savage progress met with no opposition from engines or other artifices ; because it was impossible in such a strait , and in such a rage of fire , they should be serviceable ; for if all the engineers of mischief would have compacted the irremedyable burning of london , they could not have laid the scene of their fatal contrivance more desperately , to a probable success than there where it was , where narrow streets , old buildings all of timber , all contiguous each to other , all stuffed with aliment for the fire , all in the very heart of the trade and wealth of the city ; these all concentring in this place , put a great share of the mischief upon the choice of the place . and hence there may be a more than ordinary argument , that this choice was not a thing of accident but contrivance , and meditation for some time , if it were by the instrumentality of man only permitted by god , for so was the plot by mendoza as throgmorton and parry confessed : so was the vault under the parliament house , in the case of the intended powder ruine by faux , great enterprises alwayes requiring grave perpendment of the method , by inspection , circumspection , and retrospection , before they be reduced into act ; forasmuch as in the defect of due adjustments and prudent libration of what weight they will and will not beare , suitable whereunto must every particle of the composure be framed and disposed , not only the whole fabrick sinks and proves effete , but the actors in it , and the well wishers to it , prove ridiculous , if not ruined , which causes that axiom to be so acclamated among politicians , deliberandum est diu quod constituendum est semel ; nor do wise men and fools differ in any thing more than in those specifique actions which are denominative of them , fools running hand over head , and wisemen going fair and softly , surely though slowly ; and probable it is that the many forraign minded and addicted subtilists amongst us , adjuuated by the needy miscreants and desperadoes at home , might do much to the production of this centaure , which so speedily devoured more houses of state and residence , and more wealth and value in merchandizes , and other better things , than many years wars could spend , or many years labour can get ; yea , the victory of any thing beneath an indies will be but a ten groats composition , for a 20 s. lost . and if god , who knows all things , and whose infinite wisdom is past finding out , or hiding from , stirred up evil men to act his counsell to punish england by london this way , that should need ( as it were ) no second to it , then we have all great cause to take off our thoughts from evill instruments , men ; and place them penitently upon evil sin , for which gods thoughts are upon us for evil , and not for good , and we have just ground to bemoane our ways and doings which have not been right before god ; for the punishment whereof he sends such sweeping and unchecqued judgements , such as a fire is , which has no ears to hear the cryes of the sick , weak , aged , lame , who are in danger to perish , by not being able to remove themselves from it , nor happy in being tendred by others who will in that disorder pity them ; nor eyes to see the cryes and moans of those widdows , orphans , and spoyled creatures , whose tears are orators potent enough to prevail with any thing but its inexorability , when god gives the inhabitations of london for fuel to the fire , when he sets his face against them , that they shall go out from one fire , and another fire shall devour them then this had , 't is sad . and this was the case of london , the fire removed from in one place followto another , yea , sundry there were that removed two or three times , yet lost at last , and that not only by evil instruments who forfeited their trust and took advantage of the confusion incumbent on all men , but by the very fire which broke in , like waves of the sea , and raged like a beare , robbed of her whelps , untill it had executed its errand , and made that predicable of london which florus writes of samnium , so destroyed by papyrius the roman consul , vt hodie samnium in ipso samnio requiratur . so that though the advantage of place was much in this as in other cases , ubi plus valet locus quam virtus , and though there might have been rational and probable anticipations of these conflagrating progresses , yet were they altogether hid from the eyes of those whose interest in comfort and fortune it would have been to have improved them . the third circumstance of furtherance to the fire was that of the wind , which was not only not still but boysterous , and such as carried it to , not from the city , and turned to fan and blow up the fire east , west , south , and north , at some time or other during the fire ; like that judgement god threatned upon elam , 49 ier. 36. vpon elam will i bring the four winds from the four quarters of heaven , and will scatter them toward all these winds , and there shall be no nation whither the outcast of elam shall come . so iosephus sayes , the providence of god turned the fire the romans put to the wall of ierusalem upon the city , by reason of which the fires natural tendency was carried forth to oblique as well as direct effects of wasting , that is , spread it self this and that way , till it had prevailed every where , spreading it self like an armys wings first drawn forth , and the main body marching up to it : which complication of circumstances inductive to and in augmentation of , a mercyless fate , argues this fire to be no ordinary judgement , but to be sent as an evidence of god incensed , and of sin the meritorious cause of it out of measure sinful . for if the punishment of one single element be dreadful , as the water was to the old world , and the air is in pestilential infections , and the earth was when it opened its mouth to swallow up corah and his company , how dreadfully sinful are those provocations of a land or person that god punishes with double and treble judgements in their judgement ? what vengeance is that like to prove , which has gods armies of fire and wind united , when his single army of insects are enough to destroy aegypt ? and when his negative hostility is productive of famine to consume his enemies ? whom , because they would not serve in the abundance of all things , he will press to serve their enemies , and be ruined by his bringing upon them the want of all things ? and if ionas his storm at sea was so dreadful , that he swallowed up in it , is said to call to god out of the belly of hell , 2 ionah 2. what a hell of confusion and torment were the inhabitants of london delivered from when their lives were in the rage of fire and wind , and when the fire carried the noyse of a whirle-wind in it , and was so informed with terrour , that it surprised the eyes and hearts of men with fear , as well as their houses and goods with flame ? so that this wind from the lord was not a wind like that of numb . 11. 31. which brought the israelites quayles , a wind of benignity , nor such a wind as god made to pass over the earth to return the waters into their trench after they had inundated the earth , and absorped all the gayity of it , gen. 8. 1. but a wind it was that carried away and rent asunder , by leading on the fire upon its prey , a wind it was that was commissionated to joyn with the fire to devour above 2 third parts in the midst of the city , as the phrase is , ezek. 5. 2. and this is that which in the concurrence of two such potent circumstances renders it more than ordinary as well in the intention of the chief cause as in the operation of the mediate ones . for had god antipathized and severed their conjunction , they had not done that complicated mischief they did , but in that they corresponded each with other , and both performed a savage charge upon london , routing her beauty , riches , and being in a great degree , it is not to be doubted but as the instrumental enemies rage is glutted with the booty of his option and designment , ( those that prophesied of its firing before it happen'd , being probably the principal contrivers and furtherers of the firing of it , & those that blew the coals , heated the iron , and made all things ready to further it ) so the lords anger in permitting such a success was great , and the humiliation , for it ought to be serious and sacred ; for if god made the wind winged , i allude to that passage in zach. c. 5. v. 9. to proportion the fire to its breadth as well as boisture of fury , if this judgement like that of the caldaean god speaks of in 1 hab. 16. must march through the breadth of the city , if the flying rowl of cursing had its length and its breadth , as the prophet zachary has it , 5 ch . v. 1. then this fire and wind in its length and breadth of procedure and subversion , being a great judgment , calls for length and breadth of humiliation before god for it , yea not to be sutably affected for the provokings of sin , is to be deservedly punished once for all ; incorrigibility is next door to final impenitency , the merit of utter subversion . and truly , when to all this it is considered that the fire burned at some time contrary to the wind , and as it were in opposition of it , and then did as much spoil unto whatsoever it approach●● , & was as unchecquable then as when it had the winds raising and chasing it , then surely there must be great ground to conclude that this wind as well as this fire come from the lords anger , and that whatsoever in it was besides the usual import of fire in a place of so great help and experience to obviate and master it , was by the precise appointment and commission of god , who does not only authorize the sword to do execution upon the world , but imploys air , wind , fire , water as well as other creatures to be his baliffs to arrest , if not his devils to ruine them . and if further it be ruminated , that gods proceeding by pauses , ( which though not very deliberate , compared with fatal protracted ones , yet mild weighed against the method of gods firing and consuming all in a moment as sodom was , seems to insinuate that god in this might expect a man or men holy before and accepted with him to stand in the gap , and propitiate ( as it were ) for the city , whereby the fire might have been forced back and carryed off ) the non appearance of such , whose spirits god touched with holy charity to gods cause and their nations weal , shrewdly insinuates a suspicion that god by removing or suspending the impediments might conclude the formidable issue , that it had , when god not only hides himself from his people that pray , but calls off his peoples devotion from prayer for pardon , that so his wrath may take its full course , and burn so that none can quench it . in such a case gods expectation being defeated , it is time to sit down under judgments with confession of our doing wickedly , and justification of gods righteousness in whatever he has done . the fourth circumstances of aid to the fire was the drought of the season and the want of water , which had not only prepared the combustible matter for a speedier reception of igneous attoms and contacts , but prevented application of remora's and extinguishments , to both wind and fire ; for as showers usually lay winds , so winds abated , usually mitigate fires . here then was another instance of propagation to this fire , that god suffered it to carry all before it , and to be impeded by nothing specifiquely its check , whereby is argued in a good measure gods allowance of the quarrel and his conduct of this his artillery of havock , and besom of severity ; god having created all things in proportion to the whole of his design , and placed in nature ballances and repulsives as well as insolencies and pestilences of assaults on harmony , when these repulsives shall be exinfluenced , and their vigour not only be abated , but their contraries prevail and be effectual , then is doom inevitable , and the consequence as fatal as the counsell of it , unsearchable . and this was poor london's case , god had given us a long brightness of weather , and made every thing so dry , that it was of it self , by the length and efficacy of that exhaustion , in potentia proximâ to fire , and the springs were so low , and the engines of raising water so destroyed , that there was no suitable appease to it , applicable , whence it came to pass , that as a buck that is not able to run must yield and die , and a vessel that cannot bear steerage and sails , must be surprized and taken , by wanting the conveniencies to flight , and a souldier that has lost his sword and shield must submit to his enemies quarter , how manly soever his courage be , so in the defect of those obstacles to fire , it unavoidably must follow that whatever the fire can do it may and will do , for all natural stays being absent , the battel is gained without stroake , and the possession got without so much as challenge . for as in ways of mercy god makes every thing ancillary hereunto , as he suspended the fires consuming in the case of the three children , and in the bush which burned but consumed not , and as he does in invigorating dry bones , and in making the weak things of his justitution to confront and evict the mighty oppositions of flesh and bloud , as he bears down the daring monarchs of humane learning , and precipitates the fiery sciolists of superstition by the piety , zeal and humility of illiterate men apostoliz'd and made by him unopposable , god making his little and low ordinances as the world esteems them , the foolishness of preaching , and the faith of a crucified and derided saviour , paramount to all more subtil projects of captivation , because conducted and blessed by him who is all power , wisdom and duration , and therefore can be neither abbreviated or defeated in his volitions and resolves . ( all things working together for the good of his elect , and his counsel ever standing like mount sion which can never be removed . ) as i say in his paths of kindness and obligement to man he predisposes and forecalls severalties to their randezvous , and draws forth such services from them , as conduces to his own honour and his holy servants security and comfort by them , so in order to judgements does he ripen and forward them by such assistances and proper adjuncts , that the beauty of penal providence is maintainable from them in spight of all artifices of wickedness to eclipse or cashire it ; thus when he will destroy a sinner , he hardneth his heart against his fear ; and when he will give victory to his armies , he causes a noise of horsemen and chariots , and drives them away in fear when none pursues them , yea he will and does prove a terrour to wickedness even in the pleasure of it , as he did in the hand-writing upon the wall to nebuchadnezzar . what alas signifies haman's rage , if god deny him favour with ahasuerus as wontedly , and bring in ester his enemy to his supersedal ? what avails sampson's strength , if god give a key to the secret of it , which resides in its unshavenness ? to what purpose is achitophel's policy , if god turn it into foolishness and conntermand the aids and co-operations with it , we put all our endeavours and attainments in a broken bag ; if god be not the blessing of them , if he speaks no fiat , folly is the best prognate of our contrivances ; so necessary is gods allowance and aid , that without it all is abortive and amort . as then when god is in mercy or judgment present , all things are as they are properest to be , so in his absence on either side , there can be no thorow effect of either , for all things observe him , and as when he says goe they goe , so when he says recede they depart , as he gives heavenly influences in mercy , so he withdraws them in wrath , he makes the light darkness , and the rain fruitlesness , the suppression , the exaltation , the death , the life of his , manifests to the world what he is ; and when he has famine , pestilence , sword , or any other noyance to charge a man or nation with , he withholds seasons , showers , salubrity of air , and causes the ●ire of animosity to break out into war , and no endeavour of honourable peace to be offered or accepted , he withdraws remembrance of old leagues and ancient obligements , he casts a veil upon true christian advantage , and will not render its amability to the view of judgment and impartiality , and he suffers such intricacies to clog breaches once made , that they are reconcileable by no tertian , nor are they admissive of any expedient beneath that dubious , fatal , and i had almost said uncharitable one , of aut vincere aut vinci , either get or lose all . and thus god pa●esies the way to his displeasure , in that he drys up the pooles of supply in the wilderness of need , and as a moth of corrosion in place of a horn of salvation . and if the drought and scantness of water upon a land , be a judgment , as god testifies it to be , 50 ier. 38. where he says of the caldaeans , a drought is upon her waters , and they shall be dryed up , for it is a land of graven images , and they are mad upon their idols ; and god is said to call for a drought on the land upon all things man and beast , hag. 11. as a token of his displeasure , then to want water when fire burned , and to have the buckets of heaven and the lodges of earth exhaust of water to quench it , ( there being no rain of a long time before the fire , and both the springs low ; and the water-works at the bridge-foot which carryed water into that part of the city burnt down the first day of the fire . ) thus , thus for it to be was no small judgment , for as it is a mercy to have god a ready help when trouble is near , so is it a judgment to have his creatures denyed when there is most use for them , when their presence is salvi●ique and repulsive , when god gives a stomach to eat and no food to satiate it , when he opens his peoples hearts to pray , and yet hides himself from them , and will not be found of them ; when he that is all plenty becomes a barren wilderness , and he that is all power contracts his arm and will not out-stretch it . when he that commands the seas , winds , fire , and they obey him , raises those elements by evil instruments , and remands them not into their restraint , but suffers them of servants to become masters and instruments of spoil and terrour ; this unconcernedness of god , when his great arrows are thus shot forth of his almighty bow , and fixed in the very hearts of mens delights and recumbencies , so that they see all that was dear to them ruined before them , and they rendred helpless to themselves , can not chuse but be a signal of gods indignation . and we may conjecture god sends his fire to punish our ●●e , his wind to reward our wind . levity and zealesness for reformed religion , and enmity and uncharitableness in matters of no moment compared to provoking one another to love and to good works , has undone all ; repining against god and against one anotehr has had a notable share in this judgement , and as this puts the charge into gods cannon , so has undervaluation of god , ramm'd home the charge to fit it for fataller execution ; in 78 psal. 21. god had smote the rock and the waters gushed our , and yet the people questioned , can god give bread in the wilderness ? the lord , says the psalmist , heard this , and was wrath , and a fire was kin●led against iudah and anger also came up against israel ; and i pray god this late harrass of us by a more than gottish and vandallique fire , be not the stroke of some such brutish and unchristian provocation of god , for greater and more express indications of gods power and goodness has no nation ever had then we , never any nation less conformed to the call and mercy of it then we ; gods jewels have had their righteous souls vexed amongst us , and they cry out to god as david did , 57 psal. 4. my soul is among ●yons , and i lye among them that are set on fire , even the sons of men , whose teeth are spears and arrows , and their tongue is a sharp sword. and may not god , to revenge this offence to his little ones , hang the milstone of his fury about our necks , and cast us into a sea of misery , and into the pressure of a helpless condition ? may not he pour out the fury of his anger and the strength of battle ? may not his anger set us on fire round about , and we lay it not to heart though we be burned by it ? as the words of the prophet from god are , ier. 42. last . o that this were seriously considered , that it might work a penitential reflexion in us upon our ways and doings , which have not been good ; for which god has both lengthened and strengthened the sphere and activity of the fire , to inundate things sacred and civil , and to be repulsed from neither the water manageable against it , nor the wind dormant in it , but has been provoked by every thing that might make our guiltness suspect that god having kindled the fire in our gates , made it unquenchable , till it had left nothing almost further to ruine ! and i pray god it were not a saboth days punishment , for many sabbath and fast days prophanation , 17. ier. last . this i subjoyn , to shew that where god shews his displeasure he does it by all instruments of advantage to his purpose , not only desolating chief and remarkable places , but by denying all combinations of aid against it , that so the judgement might not so much sip as swallow down its full draught of waste and consumption ; that as he made them all things in perfection , so he may shew us that he can so perfectly destroy them , that the place of their once being , shall be known no more . the fifth circumstance of augmenting it , was that of the choice of place that this fire was to work its woe upon , the heart of the city , both for houses of state , trade , charity , publick magistracy , most of which it took into its cyclopique arms , and crumbled into ashes , for its burning was from london bridge to neer the temple , both upon the street side and on the bank of the river , its expansion was from a good way low into fanchurch-street to all the houses that were upon the hilly part of london , candlewick-street , gracious-street , lombard-street , cornhill , a part of broad-street , thred-needle-street , throgmorton-street , and so up coleman-street , and so all up to cripplegate , to aldersgate , all newgate-market to holborn-bridge ; thus from the east to the west it prostrated houses , halls , chappels , churches , monuments ; all which it so flaked and enervated , that it has left few standing walls , stout enough to bear a roof , without new raising or charge of repair equivalent to new building ; which argues the fire more than ordinarily in earnest , when it was not only not impartial , but not copable with by those gyants of strength that usually outstand the shock of fire ; yea , it brought to ashes that goodly and generously useful pile sion-colledge , the place of my then comfortable and beloved residence , whose foundations ( laid by dr. white and perfected by mr. simpson , twins of precious memory , and the ever to be celebrated benefactors to londons clergy , and religions increment ) it demolished ; for which i cannot but grieve as much as for mine own great losses both in and out of it , because it was a publick dedication to god in a good and graceful accommodation to persons of learning , and aged poverty ; the former sort of which had access with welcome to its fair and well-furnished library six hours in the day duely and freely open to all commers , whom the honest and understanding mr. spencer , ( the trusty and aboriginal librarier , yet living , and yet faithfully attending the remains of the books , ( for which he deserves to be well rewarded with a fixed pension during the little restancy of his life ) conscionably and with much diligence and humility attended ; and the latter sort persons of poverty being twenty of both sexes chosen alms-folk into the colledge , were quarterly relieved out of lands appointed thereunto by our reverend founder . this colledge , i say , not added to ( god knows ) in lands by any since its foundations gifts ( though god has made its library , a good part of which is preserved , and safely lodged in an upper gallery by the favour of the honorable government of sulton's hospital ) increase by the gifts of pious and charitable gentlemen , citizens , and their widows and children , as also by good additions from the london clergy , and by others formerly well addicted to it , amongst whom that learned grandaeus long since deceased and now with god , mr. walter travers bachelour of divinity , ought as he deserves to be remembred , the greatest benefactour to it of any clergy man whatever since the two reverend founders : this , this , beloved sion so nobly design'd , and so kept up in its credit and reputation , till the unhappy dissolution hereof by this fire , was burned down and ruined ; only the case of the library and some of the gate-piece yet remains , but so shattered that long it cannot stand , nor suddenly is it like to be repaired ; the site of the colledge lying for three months since the fire open , many of the materials embezzelled , too few resenting the detriment that religion and learning will receive by the neglect of it , so that the remains within the freedom that were exempted this fire were only from leaden-hall to the barrs without algate ; from bishopsgate-street corner in cornhil to the barrs without bishopsgate , and from moore-fields first postern gate along the wall with broad-street , from the church up into bishopsgate-street , from cripplegate to the barrs in that parish , from aldersgate-street to the barrs above in that street , and all the compass without the wall , from thence to the end of cow-lane , and from holborn bridge to holborn barrs ; these together with the houses , from near iron-mongers hall in fanchurch-street up to algate and down mark-lane , till within near twenty houses of tower-street end , with crutched fryers and the appendixes thereto , were all that of the liberties of london were preserved , which i reckon not above the twentyeth part of the city freedom in quantity , nor the hundereth part of it in value of houses , and all this waste committed by the mercyless flames in four dayes , the speed whereof added to the quality of what it preyed upon , argues the judgment remarkable and past president . for it was wont to be computed amongst the choice mercies of god to london , that it was specially protected from fires , notwithstanding the houses were most of timber , very contiguous each to other , and had constant and fierce fires kept in the hearths of them night by night , and those later than in any city of the world ; the good government thereof making the night as safe for passengers as the day , which gave occasion to more free and more lasting hospitalityes in her then otherwhere are practicable . and yet so has god in all times preserved london , that such a fire as this never before was kindled in her thus to prevail over her . i read indeed of great fires of old in her , in anno 764 when many cities and places were destroyed igne repentino . london , dunelmensis sayes , was one , and in anno 798 , london is again storied to be burned , repentino igne cum magna hominum multitudine consumpta . in anno 982 temps ethelred there was a great fire . in anno 1087 , cambden tells us the spire of s. pauls was so high ( quae ignem caelestium provocavit ) as his words are that it was set on fire by lightning , arsitque non sine magno totius vrbis damno , in king stephen's time there was a fire that began at london stone , and consumed all unto aldgate ; not to mention the smaller fires which have been many , the damage whereof has returned only upon private persons , these have been the remarkable fires : yet none of them were such as this , not only because london was not then near what now it was , nor the consumption of it by them proportionable to what it was by this fire ; which was not a fire that pick'd and chused , but a have at all fire , a fire that took into its possession 81 parish churches , and at least 6 or 7 chappels , & other churches answerable to them , amongst which , the famous cathedral of st. paul , was one , so incinerating the glory & emasculating the vigour and firmness of them , that the standing walls are ( for the most part ) unable to bear new roofs , the sturdy supporters of them being enervated , the monuments in them burnt to powder , the bells in the steeples melted , the vaults under-ground pierced , the stones of the outside so scaled , as if the fire was greedy to eat out all firmness in them . thus god spared not shiloh in the day of his feirce wrath , but destroyed the gates of sion , together with the habitations of iacob . add to this , that the fire reached the very wombs and mynes of charity , the worshipful societies of london , to whose honour i dare erect this trophe , that of all the societies in england or europe none excell , if any parallel them in discharge of their trusts , which they punctually and indispensably do modo & forma statutis , not transgressing any appointment of the donors will , except it be in enlargement of his charity as it improves these , that were the maintainers of aged poor , whom they housed decently , and salaryed competently , these , who were benefactors to young men of their societies , whom , upon security to make good the principal , they lent hundreds a pounds to persons , upon none , or very small interest , to begin the world with , by which ( with gods blessing , ) ●hey grew rich and wealthy in after times . these , that gave out portions to maids marriages , brought up poor children , fitting them for all callings ; let good peny-worths to their tenants ; hospitably treated strangers , and their members at their halls , allowed comfortable exhibitions to young scholars at universities ; gave presentations of livings in city and country to worthy clerks ; maintained bravely their guilds , common halls , servants and utensils . these , that upon all publique occasions of triumph , made up the renowned pomp of londons festivals and appearings . these , these , are in a great measure ruined ; eleven of the twelve chief companies halls ( the goodlyest buildings one with another in any one town in christendome ▪ being burnt down , the furniture and utensils of some of them wholly lost , besides the spoil done to the 24 companies , very many of whose halls and incomes are likewise destroyed . amongst which , that of the company of the stationers is sad , the common stock of which valued re vera at between twenty and thirty thousand pound was imployed to yeild the profit of the joint stock to those old men , widdows , and others qualified ( according to the laws of their society , ) who were allowed respective proportions in the same . none of which exceeding above 360 l. made way for the more accommodation of perticulars , than if they had allowed men to have put in greater sums ; this so good a security , and so gainful a proceed to many aged stationers , their widows and children , this dreadful fire has wholly consumed , and over and above destroyed of the members of this society and other booksellers and printers in london , near to the value of 150000 l. in printed books and copies , besides the loss of their common hall and other houses and valuable things belonging to them . and if one and but a mean society , compared to other societies of the city has thus suffered , what incredible detriment have the societies joyntly suffered ? how many asking hearts , hungry bellies , bare backs , will this winter shew us helpless by want of their charity ? how many impoverished tenants , how many wandring pilgrims , outed of houses , callings , acquaintance , has this caused ? yea how many not only valuable parts of intrinsique wealth , but writings , evidences , charters , ●oyntures , contracts , morgages , bonds , acquittances , books of accompt has this consumed ? it were endless to wade into the confusions hereby made , into hospitals laid wast , and their inhabitants , children , and other aged persons turned out to the cold weather , helpless in themselves because decrepit through age , or tender by reason of childhood ; yet uncapable to be helped by others whose hearts prone enough to it , are not seconded by their purses provided for it , churches levelled , and their poor and painful clerks at once robb'd of their tithes , and over and above of the charities of those that are now companions with them in misery & poverty ; publick places of magistratique dispatch bare of all beauty , and visible only in their deplorable ruines . the houses of hospitable and wealthy aldermen , merchants , and shop-keepers swept away , and they themselves either fled , or cooped up in some hole of covert , the maintenances of widows , orphans , and others ill marryed , brought to nothing , and they by means thereof either forced to beg or to work for a livelihood , and glad they can get the bread they and theirs may eate ; this is that god has done to london . he hath not spared in the day of his fierce wrath , but hath covered the daughter of london with a cloud in his anger , he hath swallowed up most of the habitations of its jacob , he hath thrown down the strong hold of the daughter of england , and hath polluted the kingdom ; he hath violently taken away his tabernacles , he hath abhorred his sanctuaries , the elders of the daughter of london sit upon the ground and keep silence , to allude to the prophet jeremiah writing of jerusalems ruine ; behold , o lord , and consider to whom thou haste done this , to london , the chamber of englands kings , to london , the chief of englands empire , to london , the native place of princes , prelates , and men of renown , to london , that ancient and rich magazine of trade and wealth , whom men called the perfection of beauty , the glory of the whole earth , to london , the citizens whereof were men of bloud , fortune , valour , men of renown as those of tyre was , to london , the non-such of orderly government and of frequent and fervent religion , adeo ut religio & pietas hic sibi delubrum collocasse videatur , as the learned antiquaries words are , to london the inexhaustible secret of her princes , to london the treasury of men , money , arts , the rome ; the athens , the india of england . to this london hath god done this , weep o daughters of england ! for this london who cloathed you in scarlet , but now is her self cloathed with confusion , mourn ye princes and grandees for this , because the mighty city is fallen which once was the market of what brought you wealth and peace ; for this london who took off your younger sons , making them thrifty common-wealths men , and in time returned them to you great and noble , for your daughters who into it were comfortably bestowed , and from it were richly provided for in their persons and issues . for their eldest sons , whose wives portions , the provisions of younger children , were hence plenfully had , without sale of land , or diminution of income ; weep o peasantry ! who had london for a market swallowing up all provisions for it , and all quantities brought to it . weep o poor ! that in london had great relief , weep o aged ! who in london were refreshed , and prepared by constant devotions and hourly sermons for their dissolutions ; weep all , high , low , honourable , mean , for london was , but is not ! london , despise it who will and dare , the great and flourishing sprig in our princes plumes , the pyramyd of conspicuity in the admired pile of britain . the graecatrojan horse out of which marched many of the hectors of englands courage ; the great academy of arts , wherein the learning and activity of all parts united ; the hospitable sanctuary of all distressed strangers , who thither came numerously , and there were entertained civilly ; london the great bulwark of reformed religion against the assaults and batteries of popery and prophanness , is in a great measure destroyed ; o tell it not in gath , declare it not in the streets of askalon ! lest the uncircumcised levellers rejoyce , and the enemies of god and the king , the parliament and the religion say , ah , ah , so would we have it . o day , o month , september , not more inauspicious to many famous cities , such as ierusalem , a begirt the seventh and entred the eighth of sept. b such as constantinople which was wasted by sire anno 465. in the beginning of september , such as heidleberg , which was taken by the imperialists about anno 1622. and now to london in this fire , of september 1666. i mention no more , though probably those forty which d caluesius mentions in his chronology , might yield more in execration of september , i say not more trist to other parts of the world and to this nation in general , then to me in particular ; for it hath been successively within eight years productive of a quaternion of unhappinesses to me ; the loss of an excellent wife , of an indulgent father , the affliction of a terrible sickness , all which happened to me in september 1658. and now were added to by this of september 1666. wherein it pleased god to give me a fourth tryal by fire , that i may for the future learn to devote my portion of soul & body to him in the sacred and serious service of him , which o lord i desire to do as , and when , thou shalt call , enable and accept me ; this is my particular apprehension of septemb. which sept. thus the time of londons firing and england● misery , let it be discalendred , and not be numbered amongst the twelve , let it be accounted the iudas month that betrayed all the rest to infelicity ; let that day that first opened the wombe of fire be darkness , and let the shaddow of death stain it , let a cloud dwell upon it , let the blackness of the day terrifie it ; as for that night let darkness be upon it , let it be solitary , and no joyful voice come thereon , let the stars of the twylight hereof be dark , let it look for light but have none , as holy iob's pathetique is upon a like dismal accident and occasion , because it produced a monster , and diminished the enjoyment of present , and the hopes of after-ages , and cast into the widows disconsolacy . her , that sat as a queen upon a hill of plenty and honour , viswing all the nations doing homage to her , as to the faithful city , as to the city of righteousness 1. isaiah to 26 , as the city of praise , the city of all joy , as damascus was called 49. ieremiah 25. as the city of renown , who was strong in the sea , that caused their terrour to be upon all that haunt it , as the prophet ezekiel describeth tire . c. 26. v. 27. london , the earthly paradice of cities , having the glory of gods ordinances , and the light of his reformed truth in her , shining like a jaspar stone , clear as crystal ; the foundation of the wall of which city was garnished with all manner of precious stones ; its government , its magistrates , its ministery , its fraternities , its franchises being all emblematical of , and symmetrious with the greater ones of the nation , in the best and clearest instances of its royalty . this london ancienter as is thought than rome , and more potent though less politique then she , that has her oar in every boat , this london , ( which its learned native , and englands admired antiquary * terms such , that none hath better right to assume to it self the name of a ship road or haven , than she , for in regard of both elements most blessed and happy it is , as being situate in a rich and fertile soil , abounding with plentiful store of all things , and on the gentle ascent and rising of a hill , hard by the thames side , the most mild merchant ( as one may say ) of all things that the world doth yield ) hath swelling at certain set hours , which the ocean tides , by its safe and deep channel , able to entertain the greatest ships that be , daily bringeth it so great riches from all parts , that it striveth at this day with the mart towns of christendom for the second prize : thus her cambden . this london , i say , who was to those that lived in it , whatever heaven and earth could indulge a militant condition and a viatory state , did god give up to the destruction of fire . so that now there is little resting in it but piles of rubbish , and mountains of wast , no neatness of pavement , no magnificence of structure , no vestige of majesty , there only now is to be seen the the tops of steeples belless , and the stones of structures mortarless , and the figures of beauty disfigured ; no pallaces have the magistrates to sit in , no prisons , as wontedly , to hold offendors in , no conveniency almost to sustain order to its future hopes , but god has made it a bochim , and scattered the inhabitants of it into all quarters : thus has god done to london , our english ierusalem , the joy of which was heard even a far off . more i could write , and more of this i had written in a commentary on the chartar 9. h. 3. for election of the lord mayor of london , but that with many other manuscripts fitted for the press , together with the general collections of the study of my life being burned , i can only weep my kindness to her , quid faciam , vocem pectori negare non audeo , amor ordinem nescit ; and if london the place of my birth , and of my longest dwelling , should not have all the right my poor pen can do it , it deserved not to be accounted any thing tending to the pen of a ready writer , nor indeed is it , but i hope it will be accounted & prove it self to be the pen of a veracious & well meaning christian englishman , whose glory it is , not so much to subdue divels of danger , & to level mountains of difficulties , as to be owned a friend to learning , a servant to religion , a native of london . and if i forget thee , o london ! let my right hand forget her cunning , and they that forget thee by their cold prayers , heartless tears , vituperious sarcasms , secret rejoycings at thy ruins had best to remember that the inundation of thy thames may cool their courage , and thy tutelar angelique patron , become thine avenger on them , for god has fixed an immortal spirit in london , the horn and branch of which , will sprout out to her detractors amazement , and though she sit now in darkness , yet the lord shall be a light to her . while england is an empire , london will be the metropolis of it , let who will dote on that northern prophecy , which some thought fulfilled in stout bishop montaigne , lincoln was , london is , york shall be ; yet the very learned and noble geographer dr. heylin is so far from cherishing that , which has any reflexion of ecclipse to london , whose misfortune is as it were the prodromus of the nations misery , that he discreetly docks , the recitall , ●incoln is , london was , &c. and ingenious dr. fuller ( who will be more valued in after ages , as most are , than in their own ) upon this proverb , thus writes , but as for those whose hope is york shall be the english metropolis , they must wait until the river of thames run under the great arch of the ouse bridge . however york shall be , that is , shall be york still as it was before , for if york ( i write for my native city , and no city or person ought to be offended with me for my zeal for london ) would ever have overpoysed london , it was probablest to have been when the union of england and scotland into great britain was , because of its neer situation to the two kingdoms then conjoyned . but then it failing by the advantage london gave to the seat of government , above that or any part of the nation , the river of thames that flowing up to her , caused her foundation at first , will i trust in god forever keep her in her metropolitical station , and add to her paramouncy of renown , as the vrbs aeternabilis , as rome is called , for so she seems to be framed after the protoplast of the nation , that she answers every feature and digestion of parts in the greater body . as if the providence of god and the policy of antiquity , had set her as a glass before her monarchs to see the paths and perfections of the greater government , in the methods and manageryes of her the less . and so far does london answer the favour of her soveraigns in their indulged liberties to her , that she hath the suffrage abroad to be one of the most august , regular , religious , subaltern governments in the world . and now ( sir ) after a more than usually long digression , i come to the last circumstance promoting this desolating fire ; which was that dread and pavid manlessness , that seised the inhabitants , by reason of which , they not only fled before the fire , leaving it to its forradge , and not checquing it while dealeable with , nor anticipating its progress by pulling down or blowing up buildings before it ; for by this did every mans unmanly example discourage , till at last the hearts of men were in their heels , and every hand ( as it were ) became palsie thorough terrour of apprehension ; there being a kind of divination in men introductive to , and fautive of , the victory of the fire over both their houses and endevours ; for as iosephus well observes , when god has designs to accomplish , he puts upon men the guilt of humane errour and incredulity , by which they think it not lawful for them to avoid their future calamity , neither shun they irrecoverable destiny , which as it was the case of the iews when nebuzaradan led the iews captive into babylon , burning the goodly temple and razing the city . so was it ( in a great measure ) the condition of london ; for though the inhabitants had seen many fires , and seen them soon again upon gods blessing on their endevours quenched , yet this , this fire was from the begining of it , a fire of amazement , a fire bespoke by them to be portentuous , they gave up all by common opinion & mistrust of vote unto it , god stopped some ruling mens ears against counsel , and filled other mens hearts with terrour , the rich packed away , effaeminating their endevour by the securings they made of their wives , children , and goods , and those not only near and within view , but remotest from the fire , when no colour or prudent probability gave judgment to warrant such doings . but yet was it done , and thereby the city undone ; for had not that exportation been , their diligence and success against the fire would have been trebled , and sutably for ought any knows have prov'd successful ; the prayers and tears of some cooperating with the hands & heads of others , being more probable securities to communities , then such courses of astonishment which tended to presage of depopulation , and was a holocaust to nothing but the extortion and thefts of forraigners , and had not god been more merciful , to outrage and savageness . which seisure of the inhabitants , and over early pregustation of woe , disarming them of all agible judgment and prudent succour was if not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of , yet the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the judgment . for as in the body natural , when the sun , and the moon , and the stars be darkned , when the keepers of the house shall tremble , and the strong men shall bow themselves , as the preacher describes old age , c. 12. v. 2 , 3. death is at the dore , so in the body politique , when manly courage flags and the spirit of people fail them so that they crep about like walking ghosts ; there is a sign that god is the cause of it , and punishes by it ; when god turns mens pleasure into fears , 21 isay 4. when fear prepares for the pit and the snare , 24 isay 17. when fear is on every side , 6 ier. 25. when god sends a voice of fear , 30 ier. 5. and when he seconds the voice with real fear , 48 ier. 43. and those that fly from fear shall fall into the pit , v. 44. when god sends a fear from all those that be about men , c. 49. ier. 5. this fear of exatlantation arising from guilt , and its punishment poorness of spirit , is that which is the judgement and curse of fear . now this god does to make way for his execution , and to render the endeavour against it less potent , and to save himself the drawing forth of his almighty artiller ; this he doth to shew that his wrath is perfected by rendring enemies passive to his power as well as by becoming himself active in power irresistible ; and as in evidences of mercy , the righteous shall be quiet from the fear of evil , 11 prov. last , and be not afraid of sudden fear , 3 prov. 15. and gods people are dehorted from fearing other mens fears , 8 isay 12. and god , st. paul sayes gives not his elect the spirit of fear , 2 tim. 1. c. v. 7. so in displayes of judgement fear shall amate and terrifie wicked men , god will mock when their fear comes , when it comes as desolation , 1 prov. v. 26. 27. fear shall be upon the land , 30 ezekiel 13. fear fell upon all them which saw gods judgements , 11 rev. 11. this not only real , but opinionative and imaginary fear is the crysis of the judgement , therein lies the vigour and execution of it , when god gives up the pilot to neglect steerage and stoppage , when the marriners that should ply the sails and pump , prepare for planks and shipwrack , when the light of reason is under a bushel of passion ; and impuissance is regent in the soul and senses , when the right hand not only knows not what the left hand doth , but hath forgot it is a right hand , or a hand , and hangs it self down folded , when the sluggards dilatoriness is upon men , and they will sit still a little longer , and pause a little more , till sorrow and misery come upon them like an armed man ; these remisnesses in cases of strait and paroxisms of instancy , argue phrygian wits , and arrive men at woe with a witness . thus was troy lost by the sloth and carelesness of her inhabitants . and thus , sir , was london's fate and fyring , helped forward by the extremes of some mens precipitancy and other mens dilatoriness ; for had but industry led the van , security probably , or at least not this havock , would have marched in the rear , but because some neglected the fire to save their moveables , and others neglected removing upon belief ( therein , sir , i accuse my self who was one of those unbelievers ) that the fires limits would be within and short of them and theirs , the fire diverted not from its persuit , but devoured the goods of many , and the houses of all , so dangerous a thing is that , which the consequence calls unpreventive wisdom , that the want of it is censured by many ( whose fortunate fright has proved advantageous to them ) to be wanting to their own good , and helpers forward of their own woe . and yet ( sir ) god often impregnates his severity with this which is the talent of lead in the ephah of judgment , that men shall not see the day of their visitation . this fetched tears from the innocent eyes , those casements and out-looks of the tender heart of our lord jesus , who beholding the city ierusalem wept over it , saying , o that thou hadst known , even thou in this thy day the things that belonged to thy peace ; this is that which becalmed ierusalem , who sate as a queen and knew no evil , till at last misery came upon her in a moment and desolation as a whirlwind , when men and citties have babylons doom to be cast into a deep sleep ; so that sooner may all be crumbled down about their ears , and they buryed in the rubbish and confusion of their downfall , than they awaken , when god brings a high repose on saul in the cave , and makes him secure amidst bare and watchless weapons of defence ; then either men are taken napping as saul was , or are ruined nodding as eutychus , but for a miracle had been , and nothing but mercy reached out of the clouds can save them from their perpetual sleep and unawaking period , 51. ier. 57. now though ( sir ) it be too heavy a guilt to charge this on london , yet how we of this city can discharge our selves of it , i do not very well know , unless we take refuge in that rule , quos perdere vult iupiter dementat , or in that quae fata manent non facile vitantur , which tacitus makes the salve for every fatality , or unlesse the day of visitation being come , and the time of recompense being on us , god makes the prophet a fool , and the spiritual man mad ; that is , brings prescience , counsel , courage , constancy in all degrees of their activity out of date , giving men up to the just surprise of ridiculous stupidness , and to obstinate contumacy against the dictates of them . and if god had not intended much of this nature to be evidenced in this case of london's trouble in order to the whole nations abatement , he would not have charged home this assault in the time of london's weakness , when so many of the good and grave magistrates of london , men of steddiness , experience and power in the city were in their graves , when many of the weeping , fasting and praying intercessors of her clergy , whose office it is to expiate for her , were either absent or disseised ( by fear ) of that vigour which their hands and prayers in full assurance of faith nothing doubting might otherwise have expressed against the judgment . nor would he have made the hearts and hands of the people of london so lanquid and unactive in this day of their concern ; but thus , and only thus it was preordained of god to lesson the nation that god can bring down high thoughts , and that the scorn and contempt of religion and sober sincerity in her and in her skirts , might be punished with an amazing and insolite judgment , that those that are round about and are not less guilty than she that is punished , may hear and fear and do no more presumptuously . for though london be the place smitten and afflicted by god , yet because that cannot be charged on her that iosephus relates of the seditious jews that had gotten head in ierusalem ; i will not cease to speak that which grief compels me , i verily think that had the romans forbore to come against these sedetious , that either the earth would have swallowed the city up , or some deluge have devoured it , or else the thunder and lightning which consumed sodom , would have light upon it ; for the people of the city were far more impious then the sodomites . thus iosephus , because i say ( though wicked enough london was yet so wicked it was not ( but as regular and religious a city , and as full of those that feared the lord , and called upon his name , and that mourned for the abominations done in it , and in the whole land as any i perswade my self the world then had or at any time ever had ) to convince the incredulity and ill-will of refractory spirits of the truth of which ; god i believe reserved a remnant in it , and was mercyful to the bodies and goods of the inhabitants of it , the greatest part of whom and which are now blessed be god resient dwelling and trading in the remains of the freedom , and in the reserved suburbs . this ( sir ) shall be written that the generations to come may know it , and the people that are yet unborn shall praise the lord ; for if the lord had not been on our side may london now say , if the lord had not been on our side when the fire rose up against us , then the fire had swallowed us up quick when its rage was kindled against us ; yea , certainly god never mingled a cup of wrath with more mercy than this , which was rather physick than poyson , more a paternal chastisement , then an extirpating vengeance . for whereas he marched against ierusalem of old , charging her from his pale horse of fury , bringing truculent and bloudy enemies against it : romans , syrians , arabians , all which accompanyed ●espasian against it , and that then when there were 270000 jews which came to sacrifice , shut up by the siege in it as in a prison , and were slain and starved during the siege and at its rendition , whereof 600000. were cast out of the city in such distress that a bushel of wheat was sold for a talent which is 600 crowns , and the dung and raking of the city sinks was ●●●d good commons , and necessity made a mother kill her child and dress it , and whereas the dead bodies lay so thick , that the way by them was not passable , the whole city flowing with bloud ; so that many parts set on fire were quenched by the bloud of them that were slain , and after all the city was burned , whereas god thus punished ierusalem by giving it a cup of trembling , and filling it brimful with deadly poyson , leaving no remnant from which succession should arise , or rebuilding , and re-inhabitation become probable and effective , yet to the praise of the glory of his grace be it written , and be this loving kindness of the lord never forgotten by london . it was not with london as tacitus writes of rome , sequiter clades , omnibus quid urbi per violentiam ignium acciderunt gravior atque atrocior . annal. lib. 15. p. 791. edit . dorleans . no bloud of the londoners was mingled with their sacrifices ; that is , no violent essusion of bloud was in london , no famine during the fire was in london . god indeed made the inhabitants of london during the distraction like reeds shaken with the wind , its streets were confusedly walked and hurried about in , thwack'd with carts , pester'd with porters and portadges , every house threw out its furniture , which they could not carry away more orderly , men , women , children of all degrees and ages carried out somewhat , either to safety or spoil , some sent their goods into the countrey , others into the feilds and other open places , watching them many nights , and others removed them from place to place to lose them at last ; yet though this was sad , god gave them their lives for a prey , and they had had the pity , presence , and comfort of their good king , and the noble duke of york , with the most generous lord craven , and others , for guards and securers to them and theirs . there were indeed bruits of fear , and there were companies of suspicious persons who at the best , live upon the vices of the nation , and who like coasters ride out at sea , to expect prey from wrecks , and small boats which they can master and prey upon , such cormorants of pillage and snaps of ruine my lodgings were an eminent instance of before they were burned yet open violence there was none to speak of , but much even of exemplary justice , and charitable mercy , in the time of the fires raging , and of the distractious impetuosity ; which i write not to vindicate the dissolute multitude of pretended labourers , and other instruments of carriage ( who exhansed the rates of their own portadge , while perhaps their wives , children , and servants , or some of them , were busie at other work , all becoming theirs which their hook could reach , or their net drag away . ) nor yet do i mention this to atone the displeasure had against those country carts and labourers , some of whose wages exceeded the worth of their lading , or the ability of the persons they in this distress exacted it from , from these so dreadfully mercenary to their sensual gain , as no more justice or courtesie is to be expected than is haveable from a spoyler , who must leave what he cannot carry away , and who does not take all , not because he cannot find in his heart so to do , but because he is afraid so to do , whose avoydance of extortion is from wisdom of caution to prevent trouble , not upon conscience of duty to approve himself to god and to humanity . from these , i say , as no mercy or justice is ( upon resolution ) to be expected , so the justice and mercy of these , do i not in the least intend to mention by way of praise ) the justice and mercy then remarkable , was that of many honest persons , who well understanding the duties of constables and officers , became voluntarily such to preseve peace and prevent disorders , assisting government against the common rout , apprehending and deteining suspicious persons till they brought good vouchers and cleared themselves . and other guards and foot souldiery upon duty , answered the end of their array , and did not only not do violence to any , but secured all against the violence of any that attempted it ; it was not with the sufferers in this fire , as with the iews when the romans besieged and mastered them , and they were envyed , the gold that was supposed to be in their bellies , it being noysed that they had swallowed down much , which caused some of the roman allyes in one night to rip up the bellies of 2000 of them , to search for that they found not , which vespasian hearing of , and the cruelty of it abominating , caused them to be compassed about with horse , and to be destroyed ; no such truculency was acted here , but the citizens wer fuffered to secure what they could , and to pass and repass with what possible freedome and security the exigency of affairs would permit , the souldiers riding about , and being their guard and help . thus did king , duke , peers , people , souldiers , do their parts , but gods counsell stood , and he did with the buildings and riches of the city , what came in his soveraign mind to do , by reason of which , the beauty , vastness & order of lond. came down to its chaos in four dayes , which had been climing up to its meridian above 2000 years , exchanging its name of a goodly city , for the reproach of a graceless heap ; the rumination of all which particulars , that god suffered a city saved by the lord from the miseries of war , and the mercylessness of insurrection , risen by grave pauses and centuries of time , into a miracle of stature , accommodated with all ingredients and concentrations to publish and establish it in request and value , whose appositeness for trade , was magnetique of all nations and merchandises to it . whose credit for order and honesty , lewred strangers out of their countrys to reside in it , and kept them here , and naturalized them to it , whose government was effectual and sweet ; to ends of terrour and obligement , whose customes and franchises were beneficial and stated , whose cittizens were rich and hospitable , whose appearances were pompous , and becoming their descents and fortunes , that london which was so celebrious for publique edefices of state and religion , that it was not possible almost to wish better or more remarks of christian devotion and politique grandeur in such dimensions as it stood upon , that this city which once deserved the union of all characters of glory , vying with rome for religion , with naples for nobility , with millan for beauty , with genoa for statelyness , with florence for policy , which venice for riches , that this which was compleat usque ad invidiam mundi , as i may so write , should become inglorious , and be the subject as well of her enemies insult , as of her friends pity ; this inscription of gods fury on the roll of her judgment , lamentation , and mourning , and woe , ought to call us , from joy and melody , from pleasure and riot , which god has caused to cease , unto prostration and confession before god ; and that not by hanging down the head like a bulrush for a day , and returning to our sin the next day , like the dog to his vomit , not by presenting our selves in the congregation of god , which too few do , and there only counterfeiting devotion for an hour only , but following it with unmortified bestiality and inhumane luxury , not by bare words of piety without any reflexion of them on the heart , or any evidence of the truth of its radication , in the flower of it , the life ; humiliation that god commands and accepts is deep and setled , the souls contusion and exinanition , such abhorrence as iob speaks of 42 iob. 6. an abhorrence of a mans self , and of that sin that cleaves closest to him , and is most connatural with him , and a repenting in dust and ashes , that is an evidence of self condemnation in the vivid'st and most exact note of it , in that which is emblematical of the lowest dejection , such a frame of soul as weeps bitterly with peter , and makes restoration with zachaeus , and rejects the former allurements to sin with mary magdalen , and resigns up it self wholly to christ jesus as consternated saul did when christ dismounted him , and he became his convert , such a humiliation as manasses and the good men in nehemiah presidents us to in the 9. neh. where 't is said the children of israel were assembled with fasting and sackcloth , and with earth upon them , and the seed of israel separated themselves from all strangers , and stood and confessed their sins and the iniquity of their fathers ; such a humiliation as pulls with indignation sin from its root , and suffers no corner of the soul or land to be fantive to it or polluted by it , such a humiliation as is in sincerity and truth commensurate to the god of truth whom it is devoted to , such an humiliation as includes the kings , the peers , the prelates , the clergy , the laity does god call for , and that in proportion to that epidemique mercy that he hath obliged all by , and suitable to that heavy and repeated judgment he hath already brought and farther may bring upon all , such a humiliation as excuses , no degree , no age , no person from it dres the lord require from thee , o england ! and from thee , o london ! to whom he hath shewed mercies of a former or latter date , parallel with , if not paramount to his manifests to any nation ; he hath called us beloved who were not beloved , and caused us an island to become the head and not the tail of the nations , he hath brought us into the marvellous light of christianity , who sate in darkness of errour , and in the shadow of death through ethnicism , he hath not been a wilderness to us , nor planted us in a barren soil , but given us a canaan , flowing with milk and honey , a land rich in corn , pastures , cattel , fruits , fish , every thing that necessity and delight calls the glory of any land , god has raised us up kings , rulers and iudges , not è fece populi , but derived from loins noble , the sons of honour and majesty , who have been nursing fathers to our pieties , persons and laws , god has preserved us from vassalage , and made us free in our persons and properties ( safety and propriety being in the kings protection and his peoples subjection , according to the law. ) god has preserved the rights and renown of england so , that the subjects of it are famous for valour and success in their enterprises by sea and land , god hath made this little spot , that in the map of chorography is hardly discernable , a mart of trade and a mine of wealth , which the inexhaustion of this last twenty six years , by sums unsummable , and in their possibility to be adjusted would be incredible , yet have not drawn low , but preserved pregnant to carry on its just and necessary interests against her potent combined enemies ; these mercies to engl. ever since her christianity , recognised by those abridgements of them in the reigns of the five last princes equalling all other anteceding them , the reformation of religion by e. 6. the deliverance from the cruelty of popery in queen maryes reign , the restoration of protestancy in quen elizabeths dayes , in spight of the jesuited plots , spanish invasion , expensive wars purposely raised to distress and divert her ; in the reign of king iames , whom god brought in rightfully , setled quietly , and deliverd from the fatal powder-plot , to leave his crown rich and great to his successor , the late glorious king charles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( whose reign was as beneficial , and peaceful , ( for the most part of ) it as any preced-ed , and had made the nation as happy after a cloud , had not god punished and polluted the glory of it with the storm of contradiction in a civil uncivil war , and with the guilt of the , bloud of that , solomonique codrus whose life was sacrificed to vindicate the religion and laws of loyalty and liberty , against the oppressions and insolencies of antiscriptural errour and antimonarchical avarice ; ) these five last reigns in which the princes and people of england were kept from either the sufferings of publique mischief or the long and grievous detinue under it , shew gods mercy to this nation , and call for humiliation from it ; and if these so long past are not fresh in our memories , as god forbid they should , ( being done but within the age of those that yet live , and god forgive if they be , which ought to be had in everlasting remembrance ) yet there are obligations of late which are monitory to us of mercy abused and ingratefully deported to . and here give me leave ( sir ) to apostrophize as god did by his prophet isaiah , hear o heaven , hearken o earth , bear witness angels and men , and our own consciences , whether god has not nourished us up that are now alive as his children , and yet we , we have rebelled against him ; o sir , the mercies shewed to our glorious lord and renowned soveraign of england , our gracious king charles the second , whom god long preserve and sanctifie thoroughout both in body and soul , are the marrow and fatness of all gods treasury of mercies concerning this life ; his seasonable departure and safe arrival beyond the seas , when he might have been in the same hands his blessed martyr father was , his conduct and preservation while abroad , in the condition of a pilgrim , & under the eclipse of a pensioner , his preparation to reduction by his opposites dimnion , and his subjects better prospect into their seduction & combination against those artificers of their former delusion , his generals and ever glorious father in fidelity to him , and success for him and us . i make bold ( with his majesties gracious pard●n humbly implor'd ) to use the compellation that i have heard reported to be given him by his majesty ) the now beloved and deservedly admired duke of albemar●● , his sagacity in carrying his intents undiscovered , till he had both enabled himself and disabled the opposites to discover or defeat them ; the honest and wise parliament of 1660 / 1 their plyableness first to publish , and after to act the security and seasonableness of his restoration ; the passivity of a potent army and party formerly against him , which fore-seeing what is come to pass , yet opposed nothing at all , at least to no purpose , but rather in a great measure forwarded the mercy by their activity . the advantage that accrewed to his majesty upon his reverter , not only of money and monyes worth by offices , but by improvement of lands , & by other valuable perquisites ; and besides all , the love of his subjects , who adoring the rising son of so blessed and lamented a father , and accounting themselves delivered by him , and establishable against relapse only from him , sacrificed all to him , their persons and fidelity to him by oath , their laws , liberties and purses to him by parliamentary playbleness , their prayers to him by thinking that best done which he did , and their prayses of what he did , as acceptable to them , and magnified by them ; this , this sun-shine in the harvest of their hopes ; this , this rain of fertility after englands sultre of war and dissention . this mercy of inundation in the joy of englands king charles returned , is a mercy from the womb of the morning , which the light sprung from on high visited us with , a visitation it was of gods light and of his truth , of the light of his countenance in making our captivity like the rivers of the south , a reaping in joy after a sowing in tears ; of the truth of his promise , the seed of the righteous shall not be forsaken , of the truth of his paternity to us who thus remembred us in our low estate . for his mercy endureth for ever . this , this prosecuted and perfected by his deliverances from insurrections at home , from confederacies against him abroad , from the violencies of ungo●ly men , and from the dangers and uncertainties of war , this raising of him in his reputation , and making his adversaries appear little to him , is the matchless mercy of god to him , and is gods envoy and herald to beseech his grace to suitable subjection to him , and to circumspect sanctimony before him . and if o england ! and o london ! god has thus obliged thy monarch , and his peerage and his prelacy , and his people of all degrees . then what o england ! does god require of this renowned recipient and lodge of thy mercy by the distributions from whence thou art refreshed and inriched , then that thy monarch with all his train of dependants , do execute justice , love mercy , and walk humbly with his and their god. answer god o england ! prince and people in this requiry of his ? do iustice upon sin , the abominable thing that he hateth ; upon sin of all sorts , of all degrees , in all persons , execute the laws impartially while they stand in force , repeal them if they be supernumerary , mitigate them if vexatious , explain them if dubious , adde to them if too short to reach and redress emergent evils , and be not over-come of the evil of partiality , but over-come that and all other evil with the goodness of publique spiritedness , which aims at entailing gods blessing upon him and his . for he hath not only said he will forgive the sins of those that execute judgment , 1 isay 17. 18. but has promised that those that execute judgement , make their shadows as the night in the midst of the noon-day , hide the out-casts , and betray not him that wandereth , to have their thrones be established in mercy , and their posterity sit upon them in truth , 16 isa. 5. yea with execution of judgement , god whose throne is established by righteousness , & whose ways are mercy and truth , is so taken at , that he promises to pardon a great and sinful city , ierusalem , if in the streets and in the broad places thereof , there can be found but one man that executeth judgment and seeketh the truth , 5 jer. 1. thus to do justice is to please god , if it be seconded by love of mercy to gods poor and afflicted ones , relieve the oppressed , visit the fatherless and widow in their extremity , be not a terrour to those that do well , do not break the bruised reed , nor quench the smoaking flax ; let the long-sufferance and patience of god to you make you compassionate to those whose errours you ought to pity and pray for , rather then punish , let gods longanimity in your renewed conscience break out upon their passions in victory over them ; and in vertue expressed to them that are contrary minded to you , and think that the noblest conquest that makes you triumph over mortal wrath which accomplishes not the righteousness of god , and that carries you out under every weight that would suppress your heavenly ambition to take heaven by force , and to lay hold of eternal life , and to carry away the assurance of god yours in the talons of an eagled faith , which looks upon the son of righteousness boldly , and which mounts to the throne of glory with humble confidence ; this , o prince and people of england is to love mercy , to seek out every true and sacred object of it , to neglect no manifestation of it to such , to be unwearied in such welldoing , to expend every measure of it with eye to him in heaven that doth command , cannot but accept , will without fail reward it ; he that remembers that gods extraordinary benevolence to man is phrased by shewing mercy , 14 num. 18. 3. lam. 22. 103 ps. 8. 11. 17. and that he promised his mercy and loving kindness , he will never take from his , cannot but promise himself great comfort in shewing mercy , and greater in loving mercy . for god delights in the mercy which is complacential and flows from the bowels and beeing of the shewer , and because he delights in mercy and is a god merciful and gracious , therefore he requires men his vicars , to love mercy ; evil men may occasionably shew mercy . but good men only love mercy . thus o england ! thou hast invitations from thy god to performances of doing justice and loving mercy ; nor is this all , but there is another requiry aequivalent to these in the coordination of which , gods postulation of thee is answered , walk humbly with thy god ; this , this , o england ! is thy duty and interest to propagate also , for there can be none of the two former without this latter , there is no demeanour national or personal under-mercies , true and uniform , without the condiment and ballast of this , humility in owning god the spring of all authority and enablement to do justice , and love mercy , is that which carries the grace of resolution to its period of performance , let god , o england ! o london ! have all the glory of what ye have arrived at , while some put confidence in charriots and horsemen , and say their bow hath brought them their venison , and their councel and their confederacies has thus befriended them , while they boast of their hearts desires , 10. ps. 3. and of a false gift , 25. prov. 14. while they boast in their idols , 97. ps. 7. and of too morrow which they know not what it may bring forth , 17. prov. 1. do thou , o england ! boast only of god all the day long , 44. ps. 8. and so moderate your minds , under all your mercies that ye may be termed the ministers of our god , that ye may eat the riches of your enemies , and in that glory shall you boast your selves , 61 isaiah 6. o england ! o london ! the countrey , the city of my birth breeding , and love , how considerable an interest is this to thee , praeponderating all those of moneys , men , navies , armies , though all admirable and useful , yet without thee thus prostrate and devoutly nothing in thine own eyes , thou art nothing before god , nor wilt thou be any thing against thy neighbours , but in this , and in the strength of gods might by this , thou wilt be more than a ballance to them ; thou wilt be a victor over them , for god saveth the afflicted people , 18. ps. 27. that is the humble people , 2. sam. 22. c. v. 28. 49. isa. 13. and to england and to london thus afflicted & paenitent for their sins , god i trust will commiseratingly say as once he did to his church by his prophet , o thou afflicted , tossed with tempests , and not comforted , behold i will lay thy stones with fair colours , and lay thy foundations with saphires , and i will make thy windows with agates , and thy gates of carbuncles , and all thy borders of pleasant stones , and all thy children shal be taught of the lord , and great shall be the peace of thy children . this is the cause why i humbly provoke the nation to humiliation before god upon view of his mercies immerited , we have not been worthy of the least of those myriaded ones that we have enjoyed , nor improved them to such a degree of melioration and gratitude as we might and ought , for if those mighty wonders that had been amongst us , had been done in any other nation or city , they would have repented long ago in sackcloth and ashes , whereas we are still setled in our lees , and return not to him that smites us , neither bring we forth fruits meet for repentance . further ( sir ) i do humbly pray and wish that england and london would consider the necessity of their humiliation before god ; for the judgments past , present , & probably to come upon it and them that are impaenitent in it , and unreformed by them . and here methinks i hear the nation crying to its neighbours , & inhabitants as ierusalem is personated to cry out , 1 lam. 12. is it nothing to you all yee that pass by behold and see , if there be be any sorrow like unto my sorrow which is done unto me , wherewith the lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce anger ? is it nothing to you that after above 80 years peace i should have an intestine war , an irish rebellion , a scotch insurrection , and an english discord ; by the tragickness of all which , in battails fought , in violencies committed , in depraedations made ; i lost hundreds of thousands of men , millions of wealth , multitudes of buildings of state , suffered havock of religion , humanity , timber , and what not that was valuable to keep or get ? is it nothing to you that i had wickedness setled in me by a law , and that the rulers of the people caused me to erre ; turning judgment into gall , and righteousness into wormwood , till at last the light of our eyes , the annointed of the lord fell in their snare , and the blood of that holy and just one charles the first , my once lord and master was slain in me ? is it nothing to you , that i was made another absyrtus , and my seameless coat was torn in pieces , and divided between those that then were chief ; that i was in a good progress to anarchy , and to an impossibility ever to have been recollected and reduced into my orderly and consistent way of regularity and harmony wherein our governours might be as at the first , and our iudges as at the first , no neighbouring eye pitying me in this day of contempt , or saying unto me live , had not god made this time of my pollution , the time of his love ? is it nothing to you , that god has given me a horn of salvation in this house of his servant david , and we that under his shadow and protection sit under our own vine , and under our own fig-tree , and enjoy our good things with peace , yet do repine at the anchor that holds us all together from wreck , and think necessary aids granted to him , burthens , and his proclamations and manifests against prophaneness and contempt of god ( disobeyed by many of those who will ram and damn themselves to be his best friends , & all phanatiques , who refrain from the same excess not to be heeded with them ) is it nothing to you that god has brought a war upon me from my neighbours in situation , and religion , and made the two earthen vessels placed in the sea , and insuperable while inseperable , dash each against other , and they that in their union are a terrour to all their opposites , become in hostility the advantage of those that abet their feuds , looking for that day ( which i hope they shall never see ) wherein they promise themselves the spoil of them ? is it nothing to you that the god of heaven hath brought upon many great cities and towns in me and into my london , in anno 1665. the grievous plague and pestilence wherein above a hundred thousand dyed . many of its inhabitants were scattered into several corners of the nation , and impoverished by high expences , loss of trade and debts , and by other unavoidable accidents . and when they were but a little returned , and were in their way of settlement and recovery , is it nothing to you that god hath by this dreadful fire of londons havock given the enemy of the setled religion of england occasion to account england and london forsaken of god ; and * now to be as vituperious of me and mine as their predecessors in profession were in their petition to king iames , in which they have amongst many other passages this ; ( assuring your grace that howsoever some protestants or puritans incited by morral honesty of life , or innated instinct of nature , or for fear of some temporal punishment , pretend obedience unto their highness laws , yet certainly the only catholiques for conscience-sake observe them , is this ? is this nothing to you that thus the adversary reproaches me upon the misery of london ? beloved london , virtutum omnium domicilium , as the a historian styled rome , now the object of our tears , who wast heretofore the pleasures of our eyes , whose being and bravery god has given up into the rage of fire as the punishment of god upon the nations and its own sins ; though thou art persecuted yet art thou not forsaken , why may not the words of the prophet isaiah be applyed to thee , behold thy salvation cometh , and they shall call thee the holy people , the redeemed of the lora ; and thou shalt be called sought out , a city not forsaken . tell me , o tell me , ye that are most proud upon your prosperity , ye that despise the day of small things , and think ye are delivered to do all the abominations that the worst of men do , who follow the lusts of their own eyes , and the thoughts of their own hearts , and make god unconcerned in their behavious , as if every one that doth evil were good in the sight of the lord , and he delighteth in him , or where is the god of judgment , 2 mal. ult . ye who discharge the providence of god from all regency over the world and the men , and things of it subjecting all things to chance , as if the lord who made it , wholly cast off the care and controul of it , and will not do good , neither will he do evil in it ; tell me o ye mistaken ones , who smile in your sleeves , and exalt your selves against those that the lord has humbled , may not the prophet obeds words be applyed to you . but are these not with you , even with you sins against the lord your god ; for which sins god may meet with you also ? let these things o people of england be weighed , and let it not seem light to you that god has made such a breach in the wall of the strength of england , and caused the metropolis of it to be a step-mother to her children . this o london inhabitants now dispersed , take religiously to heart , and let god have the glory of your voluntary and penitent taking to your selves shame and confusion of face ; for behold the lord hath made the earth of london waste , he hath made it empty and turned it upside down , and scattered abroad the inhabitnnts thereof , god hath given it ( for but a while i hope ) the portion of egypt to be desolate and waste , though the river ( was and is and will be i trust hers , ) which brought all trade to her , and carryed all trade from her , not only into england , but into all other parts of the habitable world . because of which testimony of gods indignation against us , for our untowardness to him , and our neglect of him when his judgments on us ought to make us learn righteousness . what cause ( dear sir ) has england and london to cry mightily to god for a profitable issue of this his judgment upon us , and how ought we all to abhor our selves for provoking his goodness , and patience , so long and so far ? let ( sir ) evil instruments have their due guerdon if they be found , and found guilty , let no eye spare , nor any heart compassionate the misery of any villany that shall be confederate against the lord , and against his anointed in the ruine of london , ( which was more happy in some respects when on fire , than * rome when on fire was ) but yet the great delinquent that provoked god to give up london such a main pillar and masterbranch in englands grandeur , into the power of raging fire was englands and londons sins , for which she and it hath received such things at the lords hand . this is a lamentation , and it ought to be a lamentation ; for of all the clouds over england , none more portentuous than this . which ( sir ) in mine opinion , ( but i am a modest subscriber to your and other wise-mens better judgments ) addresses to the nation this counsel to promote union and general complyance amongst true englishmen , to serve their prince resolutely , supply his necessities roundly , discourage his enemies manfully , and in all things prove themselves a terrour to the common enemy , whose pride it is to see us peevish , and whose project it is to keep us jealous and inconfident each of other , and thence impotent against them , so camp●●ella has told the world . for having advised to open popish schools in flanders ( which country hath much commerce with england and is neer to it , he concludes that natural sciences professed there , and drawing over many great wits thither , will so engage them to cavil and busie their brains in disputes , that the errours of the calvinists will be made manifest . and he proceeds , c. 27. to conclude that god himself has shewed , them the way by which the heretiques may be overcome ; namely , their rendring into sects and parties , which he assures by the endeavours that he prescribes may be such , that there hardly be found a family in that land ( meaning engl. ) in which divers hersies shall not be favoured , nor is there wanting to our wishes anything but the knowing & improving of so desirable an opportunity , for every kingdom divided against it self shall be desolated , and firm union has ever a undissolvable knot ; thus campanella . for as in the body natural the amputation and dock of one member forces the bloud and spirits that therein reside when fixed , to recur to the heart , and there to succour it in the absence of that part , to the more plenary vigour of the remaining parts , so in the body politique , in this sense intentio supplere debet defectum , what england has at present lost in londons counsel , riches , readiness , it must supply by the hale and uninjured other parts , till londons dispersions can be recollected , and the impoverishings of it be regain'd . the number of lond. ( blessed be god ) are not by the fire much destroyed , nor their spirits crest-fallen , nor are they languid and despairing in their endeavours to get up again , if god give his blessing to them , and if they be left ( so far as may suit with his majesties pleasure and the laws direction for publique advantage ) to the building of it upon its old foundation , and according to the just proportion of every mans allowed claim and right ; this , in such measure as the wisdom and justice of government shall indulge , may make us hopeful , and i hope confident to see a london again , and therefore o england , o london , renounce thy factions and parties which are great remora's to thy prosperity , and let us who are christian englishmen keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , and the god of peace will be with us , and make the work of it peace and assurance for ever , rendring this fruit of righteousness a tree of life . nothing tends to redintegration , to improvement like union , for by that are unnatural breaches made up , and firmness the only auxiliary to opposition of enemies is advanced and carryed on to its amiable issue ; while brethren live together and are full fed at their fathers table they often will be found jarring each with other , and contending with animosity for straws and bubbles , but when their provident fathers disposes them into several quarters , and they see and hear from one another but seldom , then their childish vatiances fall off and they unite into an indissolvability of affection , so that they will covet to hear from and see each other , omitting no expression of obligement that they can make to one another ; sembably in national differences it proves true , that the common affection of countrymen solders them into a common resolve of kindness each to other , when they see they have bought their humours at too dear a rate to boast of their purchase , or to continue in it any longer . and this , they that are most stupid and setled upon their lees , may easily discover ; and if god that divided simeon and levi in jacob , and scattered them in israel , because cruelty was in their dwellings , shall unite ephraim to manasseth , and manasseth to ephraim , iudah will have no cause to complain both of them against each other have been against her . nothing is a curse of subversion to a nation but faction , dissention , jealousie , which the aforesaid campanella calls ( the most approved and successful way to humble the heretiques of england and distract them that can be , for while they are afraid of one another , and keep at distance , they all lie open to become the prey of their adversary . ) nor can this nation be solidly thankful to god for his mercies on the right hand and his correction on the left , nor are they or any of them rightly understood or applyed by us , till with one heart and one mind we turn to god by prayer and supplication , till we seek him with undivided hearts , and beseech him junctis viribus , with intireness and unbroken devotion , till we all become a fulminans legio , a band of seekers and servers of him orderly , as those that are gathered together , and the kingdoms to serve the lord , psalm 102. v. 22. o union ! how wilt thou befriend engl. if thou now become the blessing of city and country , of church and state , high and low , old and young ; let this spirit hold riffe in engl. and let us learn obedience to god by the things that we have suffered , for being too much without it , and our prosperity will be like a river , and our renown and dread like a mighty stream , our enemies will be before us as the chaff before the wind , one of us will chase a 1000 , five of us will chase a 100 , and a 100 of us will put 10000 to flight , for till union be gods gift upon nationall endeavours and prayers , its best blessing is like to prove but a ballance to enemies , not a victory over them , god may , and 't is but a may , make their bow abide sure to wound their enemies in the hinder-parts , yet shall they still be but partial victors , while their enemies industry and unitedness wasts that by length which it cannot scatter or bear down by strength . and if any man ( sir ) think this a paradox and mis-judgeth it an error in history , let him rectifie his mistake by the oracle of truth christ jesus , a kingdom divided against it self cannot stand , and let him thereupon consider whether the plenary success of nations in their enterprises both offensive and defensive , depend not , under god almighty , upon union , which if the late judgment of pestilence and fire , with the present war will not invite us to , and confirm us in , what will do i know not , unless whom the lord intends to destroy , he hardneth against his fear , and against knowing the day of their saving visitation , which i hope and pray engl. may be delivered from , and do promise my self englishmen will ever make good that humour which i think is natural to them , to lay aside all private grudges , and bid their valours to a reconciled entertainment in furious charge upon their countries enemies , and thereby discharge their countries vexation ; for if pro aris , pro focis & patre patriae if in these cases ( to use k. iames of blessed memory his words ) no man ought to think his life happyer and more gloriously bestowed than in defence of any of the three ; how great an obligation is there on us to be true to our nation when all are in danger , and how ought we all to be united to defend them all , who are so happy by them all ? thus ( sir ) having observed to your judicious eye and to the nation 's , the mercies of god to engl. in general , and to london a considerable part of it , i think it proportionable to mine honest intendment , to become in that measure that god enableth me , the cities orator & advocate to the nation , to whose aid , splendour , convenience , grandeur , she when she stood upon her ancient bottom was so great a contributor , do not , o do not glory in her ruines , trample not upon her dislustre , reproach not her widowhood , insult not over her humbling ; do not , o do not vomit out invectives against her whom god hath given as it were the cup of abasement and astonishment to drink ; do not lay load upon those shoulders that god has in a sort , issachar'd , to crowch between two burthens of poverty and dispersion , lay not that upon them which they are not able to bear , because god layes upon no man more then he gives strength to undergo ; be not lifted up in this day of londons dejection , lest the lord see it and be displeased , and he hurl you lucifers out of the heaven of your sinful selicity , and make you noctifers and mortifers of misery and contempt ; remember god was sore displeased with the heathen that were at ease , because i was ( saith he ) but a little displeased , and they helped forward the affliction , for i hope god is returning to it in mercy , and his houses shall be built , and a line shall be stretched forth upon it , v. 16. i the rather ( noble sir ) mention this , because the rancour of ill nature , lewd rage , and un-english truculency discovers it self in the words and actions of some to such degrees , that they count london as nero's house was termed , spoliarium vrbis & orbis , censuring it thus punished for her bloud and rebellion , for her sectarism and puritannicalness , making the loss and just complaints of her inhabitants , the matter of their secret repast , if not open exultation . to this the answer of our lord to his furious disciples , who would have had fire called for from heaven upon their enemies , is apposite you know not of what spirit ye are , therefore to such i shall make no reply that will incense them or engage me . only ( sir ) i hope i may with modesty and truth say , that whatever londons guilt before god hath been , and its receiving from the lords hand by this fire is , god is just , and it hath reaped but the fruits of its own sinful doings , as to god londons destruction is of it self , but as to the nation , it hath not i perswade my self had more than a proportion of sin with it ; her magistracy , her ministery , her sabbaths , her congregations , her citizens , her altogether has been as orderly & pious as the proportions of them in other places privileged from her calamity were , and when ever the temper of her inhabitants was most distemper'd , they were then no more criminal than the rest of the nation ; whose emissaries and suffragans either called up those disorders in her , or confirmed , ex post facto , what was vildely done by them . and if london ( be it as bad as it will be , must in policy be made as good as it can , and be born with till its humors be sweetned , and its eventriqueness be reduced , for the metropolis of engl. i hope god has ratifyed in heaven it shall ever be and abide ; ) then to no purpose is this waste of rage , while lond. being the common hostelry of the nation , receives into it men of all additions and tempers , nor can it be responsible before god or man for that , which a more governable place ( then the continued building which in this account is reckoned lond. but really is not ) would be , londons numbers made london orderly , or the contrary , as the predominant vertue or vice of them led her , nor avails it much what a few wise and loyal men say or do , if many more than they will appeal from them to the power they have gotten over them , and the mastery they are resolved to keep upon them . and though the least instance of lond. misdemeanor be that which i wish from my soul she could not be charged with , yet if those that are most censorious of her , and most profess service to the k. and the country would consider it aright , they may i presume find cause to joyn with renowned k. iames , who in his acknowledgment of her great forwardness in that honorable action of proclaiming him king , says , wherein you have given a singular proof of your ancient fidelity , a reputation hereditary to that our city of london being the chamber of our imperial crown , and ever free from all shades of tumultuous and undutyful courses , so that king. and so much by way of attonement for london , the challenge to which needs no other or better reply than that of the archangel , contesting with his antagonist about the body of moses , whom he answered not with rayling accusations , but said , the lord rebuke thee ; even so , o lord , rebuke the evil spirit of these sanballats , and raise up the spirit of the nehemiahs and such other heroicks of kindness and ability , to consider london ; if not the place of their birth , breeding , supply , or the foyle in which their ancestors layd the foundations of their honour and fortune , yet that wherein their younger brothers , sisters , or cozen-germans were disposed of , and lived happily in . and , o that such of the nobility and gentry , whose greatness owes its freedom and fullness to their city ancestors who throve so well in it , as to leave them that whereby they and their thrifty posterities may enjoy the plenty they neither laboured nor spun for . o that , i say , these would think the ruines of london , under which the monuments of their worthy fathers or grandseirs , and the ashes of them lye , worthy their rescue and revival , by re-edifying those piles of devotion in which they were erected and buryed ; that what is written but upon the porch of one church now in the borders of london , may be the motto of every such restored church and chappel , heus viator anne bonis operibus effoetum est hoc soeculum . and o that the aid of their great estates would come in to help the publique places of londons government , guild-hall and the halls of the worthy and charitable societies of the same , a work becoming the best and bravest minds , and only expectable from such , who thereby would more contribute to their own earthly perennity , than by the doubtful continuance of sons and daughters . god knows my heart , i hate the vapour of words divorced from real and solid intentions , but this , if you ( sir ) and other worthy men will give me leave to write , and belief in writing , i had rather live in such publique munificencies , than in sons or daughters . and had i an estate as augustus had , whom tacitus reports to have bestowed by legacy in his will , incredible sums of money to the citizens and souldiers thereby entitled to his gift ; i should rather chuse , after moderate provision for my children , to make the ruines of london . ( in which beloved syon colledge should have no small share ) mine executor then to restore , or continue my own family by it . and , i trust , god who i believe has accepted , as well pleasing in his sight , the piety , faithfullness , and diligence of the corporations in london , will give a command to those lazaritique spirits , who have been of late engraved in cold resolves to hoard what would be better thus imployed , to come forth and become charitably visible ; and if god be with london to this purpose , he that at first brought order out of confusion , can from this present heap of rubbish , raise up a new and no less renowned london . and thereby provide a-new for the reverend , learned , and painful clergy , many of which constant preachers , polite writers , discreet and holy livers , are now exposed with their wives , children and families to hardship , un-housed , dis-parished , fortuneless ; some whereof have lost all , or part of their libraries , common places , and sermon notes , the fruits of their studies , and the supplies of their cures , and other advantageous emergencies ; and what is yet as lamentable as any other unwelcome accident , have lost the convenience of sy●n colledge , whose well furnished library ( though little added to these late years ) in a good part saved , yet by the ruines of its case , and the uselessness of it in any place , but that which was peculiar to it , adds to their unhappiness ; to recover which pristine convenience , there was a motion made to the president and such of the governours as could be got together about three weeks after the fire , by a gentleman who would have been the colledge orator , had they given him , and some other gentlemen joyned with him , credentials to address in their name , and to so worthy a purpose , the then living , though now dead , * bishop of rochester , whom the motioner , to my knowledg , told such of the governours as there were present , the most likely of any one liveing to accept the intreaty and motion , to become the patron and refounder of the colledge . god having concentred in his lordship those arguments of motive for him to do this , which he has not now , in many no less willing , as that his lordship was a native of london , the son of a wealthy citizen in the same ; that he was a church-man in the city many years ; that he had been a governour of syon colledge ; that he had long published himself an intender of publique charity by way of a colledge to be built , or some hospital , or both ; if this , added to his fatherly ability in point of estate , and his non-avocation by provision for children , which many mens intentions this way are pestered with , and rendred ineffectual by ; these , i say , all amassed together , did portray him probable enough to expect such an address , and to be by god prepared , not to brow-beat it ; especially when the eminency of this charity had furtherance by the cheapness of it , the restoration of which edifice to its splendor , would not , with the materials ( when the motion was made ) already there , have amounted to above 3000l . which was far less than either our first founder , reverend dr. white , or our second founder worthy mr. simpson , though but a playne rector of a church in london , and having a charge of children , bestowed upon their respective parts of foundation therein . but this motion ( which no man can deny to have been then not impossible to have gain'd accomplishment to those honest ends ) ceased under the conclusion , he was an angry old man , and would not relish such an application , and so it dyed , and two moneths after his lordship too ; but i wish it be not the hopefullest opportunity that the colledge will ever have . and i pray god that future diligence may supply what herein may be feared wanting , and that the library may be fitted to use . since as the lord coventry once said , the colledge had never been or continued , if it had not been for the library and alms-houses . this i thought here good to publish , it being my nature and custome to promote all pious and learned interests by any opportunities i have , or can seasonably take , and to gratulate the kindness , convenience , and favour i have had from any person or thing , with frequency of acknowledgment , and wherein i can with fluency of requital . yea , so great a confidence had i of the feasibility of this motion , had it been currantly followed , that , i dare say , and i would have none displeased with me , but if they be , i will be pleased with my self for believing it , that if the meanest society in london had conceived such hopes of any man so related to them , and so enabled for them , as the prementioned prelate was to the corporation of london ministers at syon colledge , they would have not been so modest as to have made to themselves a difficulty to approach him , and a denyal from him , before they had attempted the one , and received the other ; but would have made as much of it , as their diligence , furthered by gods blessing , would have prospered their application to . and i the rather ( sir ) move the nobles and gentry to this , because god , in the words of mordecay to esther , perhaps has brought them to , and preserved them in , riches and plenty for such a time as this , esther 4. 14. and how can they do more to denominate them noble and great ●inded , then this of building somewhat of publique use and state. thus god when he declares his mercy and greatness to his , is said to build the cities of iudah , psal. 69. 35. and when the lord builds up zyon , he is said to appear in his glory , psal. 102. 16. thus god saies to his peoples comfort , the heathen that are left round about you shall know , that i the lord build the ruined places , and plant that that was desolate , ezech. 36. 36. and when god threatned the deriders of his destroyed people , whom he calls sinners of his people that shall die by the sword , which say the evil shall not overtake nor prevent us , amos 9. 10. in the 11th v. he adds , in that day ( to wit of their ruine ) will i raise up the tabernacle of david that is fallen , and close up the breaches thereof , and i will raise up his ruines , and i will build it as in the dayes of old . and as god himself shews his greatness by this , so does he stir up great mindes thus to do . thus he stirred up solomon to build a house to him , 1 chron. 28. 10. thus god moved cyrus to build the temple , ezra 5●13 . thus cain , nimrod , ashur , and all men else of might , are excited to build cities and houses , and to call them after their own names , which was not onely the fashion of elder times , and eastern countries , but has ever been the custome of england : most halls and lordship houses takeing denomination from the primitive or most remarkable owner of them ; which perpetuation of any mans name and memory , is more probable and certainly continuous , than that of a child , who may die , or leave no heir , or but an heir female ; or may by unthriftiness waste an estate , and so extinguish the ancestor ; when as a publique bounty fixed on the basis of a notable structure imployed to a general use , can undergo no such change ; for its corporation never dies , and its alienation is secured against . which is verified in that magnanimous and liberal hearted benefactor to london , and that glory of englands traders in his time , sir thomas gresham knight , and mercer of london , the wealthy and serviceable merchant of queen elizabeth of ever blessed memory ; who dying childless , is buryed in the alienation of asterly , and other great parcels of his lands , now out of the name of gresham ; but yet he lives in the colledge of his foundation , and in the city house he lived in , which is by the mercy of god preserved from fire , and become the chamber , the guild-hall , the common-hall , the exchange of the remaining city ; the royal exchange in cornhil of his foundation , anno 1571. being wholly burnt down , and all the stately and kingly effigies of it demolished , except his the founders , which yet stands in its arch undefaced : which president of gods custody of a charitable mans statue in that place and posture which to his memory it was first placed in , insinuates to me a very cogent argument of invitation to some of the descendants from citizens to set apart some share of their spare estate , to restore waste places of use and notability , wherein they will more display the piety , gratitude , and bravery of their natures , than by any paradoe of pompe , or any affectation of grandeur which is personal . it was a rare testimony given of the centurion , that he loved the iewish nation , because he built the iewes a synagogue . and 't will be a sure evidence of love to the ancestor that in london rose and enriched a family in london , when the descendants from it so enriched , shall do good in their good pleasure to london , and help to build up the ruines of its churches , chappels , halls and colledges , which the sooner they are done the more exemplary , the less chargeable they will be ; and till they can be done , there are many real objects of charity , which the wayffs and strayes of their amplitude would releive , the impoverished clergy , the deserted children of christs hospital , the aged poor of the alms-houses of the societies . these , together with thousands of altogether distressed and undone house-keepers , call for your charitie , and will be worthy objects of your almonage . look upon these , o ye great and rich men , whoss barns are full , whose purses are weighty , whose bellies are pampered , whose credits are questionless , whose houses are well stored , whose children are well matched , whose rents come in sleeping and waking , cast away some of your bread upon these waters , sprinkle some crumbs of comfort before these helpless infants ; divide some portion to seven or eight , to what number your discretion directs you to , and your piety shall bless you in so doing ; for you know not what evil shall come upon the earth , eccles. 11. 2. remember ( o man ) god the distinguisher of thee and him , was the creator as well of thy brother in want , as of thee in plenty ; ( the rich and the poor meet together in their commencement , both dust , god is the maker of you both , prov. 222. ) and if thy heart be hard to him , and thou turnest thine eye from his misery , and succourest not his poverty with thy plenty ; as the love of god dwells not in thee so the blessing of god will not rest upon thee . if there be a poor man among you , one of thy brethren , within any of thy gates in thy land , which the lord thy god giveth thee ; thou shalt not harden thy heart , nor shut thine hand from thy poor brother , but thou shalt open thine hand wide unto him , and shalt surely lend him sufficient for his need in that which he wanteth . beware that there be not a thought in thy wicked heart , saying , the seventh year the year of release is at hand , and thine eye be evil against thy poor brother , and thou givest him nought , and he cry unto the lord against thee , and it be sin unto thee : thou shalt surely give him , and thy heart shall not be grieved when thou givest unto him ; because that for this thing the lord thy god shall bless thee in all thy works , and in all that thou puttest thine hand unto . this is gods enaction in force in the moral charity of it to the worlds end . which , in the bowels of christ , i think ( sir ) is pressable upon rich exempted persons now , according to such proportions as the publique affairs and other exigents , i know more then ordinarily expensive , will permit . yet still revolving in their mindes that of st paul , he that sowes sparingly , shall reap sparingly ; a suit of clothes , an exuberant servant , a dish of meat , an affected folly , is better spared , than a charity to one of these : to whom a cup of cold water given , shall be from god above rewarded . but i forbear , what mine oratory is incogent in , which for the poor , god can supply , who has the hearts of the rich in his hand , and can soften them into such distributions , as they by the poor , devote to him . there is also ( sir ) another act of charity , or rather justice , that i humbly commend to the great men of the nation , to express to the ruined citizens , to wit , suddain and full payment of their just debts . for they , poor souls , being outed of their habitations , and loosers in the fines ▪ as well as proprieties of them , are not only exposed to lay down new fines , and those , god knowes , unreasonable ones , to get them an abiding place , but are ( by the suspicion that their creditors have of their loss and inability ) rendred unable to buy up credit , upon which double exhaustion of them by the act of god , and the inevitable inference thereupon ; if those that are able be not willing , and suddain in paying them , they will unavoidably be ruined , which , i hope , their great debtors , whom they must ( for losses make men less confident , except they be such as are totall and irreparable ) address with less courage , and are less able to compel , if refractory , than heretofore , will count it beneath them to put them to ; for a great man is not more distinguishable by any thing that is a di●play of notability , than by a mind just and generous , as well abhorring to do as to receive wrong , to whom unjust and mean advantages taken against their inferiours , is so execrable , that they count it no less than a staine to their honour , and an abatement to their herocisme . king sesostris is reckoned one of the most virtuous and noble of the egyptian kings ; yet he forgot himself much , when he caused four captive kings to draw his coach ; nor had he the true view of worldly instability , nor the great sentiments of regality , when he prided his inconstant fortune , in the desport of their vassalage . a braver humour prevailed in the christian and masculine soul of charles the fifth ( many of whose previous actions , to the resignation of an empire , and the contentation with a private life , were proportionate to the utmost expectable from an immortal mortal ▪ ) this great man , having by his forces at the siege of pavia , taken francis the first of france , a great and warlike king , shewed only such sense of it as became a wise prince , and one that was not himself exempted from a quartan ; for if he considered francis in the custody of his guards , he looked upon himself as in the custody of his phisician , saying moreover , it was not for christians to rejoyce in their victories each against other , but only against infidels : so treating him as if he had been no prisoner , but a free prince : this , this to do is as greatness ought , which cannot but understand that the chances and changes of life are in gods hand , and that they are misunderstood by men , when their eye is evil , because gods is good : whose moral , as well as religious rule , is not to lay snares , nor to make men miserable by their power , because he is an avenger of such things ; but if our enemy be hungry , give him bread ; and if he be thirsty give him water to drink , for thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head , and the lord shall reward thee . so king solomon , prov. 25. 2. confirmed by a greater then he , christ jesus , matt. 5. luke 6. 27. and if those men owe nothing to , but in point of charity , be thus to be treated , then surely much more ought to be expressed to them , who to this obligation of charity and freewill , have in them a right of justice to crave kindness from their debtors , even that kindeness of seasonably paying them , what they seasonably for their own supplies took up of them this ( sir ) i conceive very requisite to be intreated in the behalf of the now distracted citizens , because i have heard it said to be one of the great miseries of trade , to have arich shop-book , and a lank credit , by reason of the detinue of debts due to them , by which they should keep touch with their creditors , with whom they are forced not to correspond as they ought , because they are not enabled by the solvency of their debtors . and the noise of the world is , that many men of great estates , are most bare of money , and most backward in payments ; the sluce of which evacuation , or the nick of which retardment , must be either the secret displeasure of god against their abused greatness , from which god has less tribute then is his due and expectation ; or from the vage expence of their persons ; or from frauds committed upon them , by non-inspecting their own estates , but trusting others wholly with the managery of them ; which of these is the cause , i am not wise enough to state , but that it is so , that many of those that have most reason , in prudence and possibility , to be before hand , and to lend , rather then borrow , and pay when they buy , rather then run into the book , are the debtors that are least , and latest ready to pay . that being too often true which the judicious and most learned knight long since wrote , most of those who present death upon the points of their swords to all that give the lye to them , use nothing so much in their conversation and course of life , as to speak and swear falsly : which is not only a palpable scar to their reputations , ( their credits being often refused ) but a diminution to their estates , they paying upon such presumptions of hazzard , and uncertainty of payment , 20 or 30 l. per cent. more then the ready money market value , and yet are the dealers with them beggars by it , because trade being like a scale , in motion up and down , the circumaction of it by paying and receiving , upon buying and selling , is the life of it , which upon such incorrespondence , if not insolvency , must acquiesse , and not flow and ●bb ; whereupon it has ever been the maxime of great and solid traders , to purchase lands of great men , but to trade and deal with common persons , whom they can reach by the laws compulsion , if they cannot perswade by credits value . and truely ( noble sir ) if it seemed good to the power and policy of the nation , i could ( yet with humility and submission ) wish that it might be examined whether those provident statutes of 34 h. 8. 4. 13 eliz. 7. 1 jac. 15. 21 jac. 19. against bankrupts may not be extended somwhat further now , then when they were made , there seemed to be reason to apply them : the preamble of 1 jac. 15. has these words ; for that fraud and deceit as new diseases , daily increase amongst such as live by buying and selling , to the hinderance of traffique and mutual commerce , and to the general hurt of the realm , by such as wilfully and willingly become bankrupts . for since , now it appears , not only traders , but divers others , do contract debts , buy lands , settle them on their children , or in trust , and take prisons for their sanctuaries , defying their creditors , which is fraud and deceit to all the execrable issues preambled in the statute , why these though not traders yet under the same guilt , should not be lyable to the same severities , and be brought within the compass of those statutes , i am to seek of reason for it , as many are to seek of remedy against those frauds for want of it . a better course it is which solomon prescribes , prov. 3. 27. with-hold not good from him to whom it is due , when it is in the power of thy hand to do it : say not unto thy neighbour go , and come again , and to morrow i will give it , when thou hast it by thee . take heed of thus taking a pledg of thy brother for nought ; and of stripping the naked of their cloathing , of giving not water to the weary to drink , and of with-holding thus bread from the hungry ; least by reason of this , thy wickedness be great , and thine iniquities infinite : as holy iob his words are , ch. 22. vers . 5 , 6. for such with-holding of more then is meet tendeth to poverty , pro. 11. 24. yea , certainly to with-hold a just debt , when there is ability in the debtor to pay it , and the convenient time of its discharge is come ; or to let it come , when it comes , with defalcations of fees and allowances of poundage , is no less a great trouble to the creditor receiving , than a deceit to the debtor paying : to avoid which , it were much more peace to the sellers conscience to sell at a reasonable price , and with moderate gain , upon money ready paid and no hazzard encountred with ( ready money answering the opportunity of a speed to market again , and of many light gains magnified by quick returns ) and much more profit to the buyers estate , and diminution to his expence , then upon this latitude of credit , given and taken , falls out to either . let then ( sir ) the man of estate that is deep in the undone tradesmans book , and who heretofore , thought it but a thing of course to make him stay long , and dance many fruitless attendancies , and to inforce him to hedg in his first debt , by addition of money lent , and acceptation of security for both : now consider the citizens impotency thus to do , and the mercilessness of thus delaying him , and comply with this accident of stress which god has , without his possibilitie of prescience or prevention , brought upon him and he will oblige him by a mercy and justice propitious to this his exigent , and declare himself truly great ; for titles and words are but wind , but real actions of virtue are the substantial determinations of magnanimity ; the life-draught of which was heroically expressed in that contest between the earl of essex , and the lord mountjoy , temps . q ▪ eliz. between whom there being quarrels upon rivalry of favour , caesar and pompey's hautess being revived in them , the lord mountjoy daring to accept , as readily as the e. of essex was ready to give him the challenge , met the e. of essex in the field , the after stage of their combate ; the lord mountjoy being the defendant , told the earl of essex , that he fought him with some disparity , because that if he killed the earl , his life was sure to go for it ; but if you my lord of essex kill me , your interest is so great at the court , and in the favour of her majesty so much to you , that you will easily obtain her pardon ; therefore , my lord , before we fight , let me beg the favour of you , that you give it under your hand , that you challenged me , and do pardon me : the earl of essex said , that i will , but how shall we do to have a pen and inkhorn : my lord mountjoy replyed , i have one : oh but quoth the earl of essex , would you have me quit my sword in the field , and my guard upon which i stand : yes , my lord , ( quoth my lord mountjoy ) and you shall write it upon my back ; i know your lordship to be a person of so great gallantry , that there is no danger to me , that can dishonourably come from you : so the earl of essex wrote it upon his back , after which they generously fought , to shew their respective valours . this i introduce to shew that true nobility and generosity , abhors to take an advantage poorly and surprisingly against any man : whereupon i am hopeful this disablement of the citizens of london by gods act , who is soveraign over all , to whose pleasure our souls and bodies , with all the present and future attendants on them are vassals ; i trust , i say and hope , it will produce a speedier and more effectual payment of their due debts from those that owe them , then otherwise they would have got them in from them . and sir , i am further hopeful , that those creditors to the city that are undammaged , or so only detracted from by this accident , that they are but shaven by it , not shorn , that is , abated in the excrements and parings of their estates , not in the substance and totality of it ; that these would be as patient and tender as they christianly can to them that are clean undone ; as many , god knows , are , whose savings from the destruction will not keep the life and soul of themselves and their charges together : they whom this accident hath made unable to live , and yet whom providence rescues not from their misery by death : those whose children they themselves are disabled to bring up , and by the disablement of others ( the calamity being so epidemical ) are not to be supplied with breeding from others : those who turned out of their callings , and unstocked by the loss of that ruffle , are neither able to set up , or fitted to other imployments , if they could be found , proportionable to their age and ability : those that are thus already prisoners to want , pensive thoughts and terrours of despair , are to be commended with all sympathy to their creditors mercie and kindness : that they would forbear reproaches to them , and arrests of them , or suits against them ; for prisons get no debts , nor doth poverty pay any ; nor can they hope to be forgiven of god their great debt , who forgive not their brother , thus distressed , his small one to them : and remember what tilly , i have heard , said to morgan , when the one marched into stoade , and the other marched out , hodie tu , cras ego , i might have been in your case , the fortunes of warr are dubious ; you must now leave that place which you have kept as a man , and i now enter on that which i have bought with many a man , and with much misery ; therefore , sir , let us be friends in the conclusion , who have been enemies in the premisses : let this , i say , be practised in the little debates of mine and thine referrable to trading , thus clogg'd and impeded , and there may be hopes that london may revive , and its citizens have wherewith to imploy their industrie in subserviencie to gods blessing , and in time to make convenient restitution . and those rents and fortunes of lords , knights , gentlemen , and other proprietors , which now are incontributive to the publique charge , as well as unaydant to their own expences , and childrens provision for , will in time advance towards their wonted service ; and the magistracy of london be carried on by men of fortune and fitness , whose issues may , as heretofore , be provided richly for in all counties of the nation ; and charitie to the poor and to learning , may by them be propagated , whose predecessors in dwelling and course of life , have , together with men ecclesiastical , been more publique and generous that way , then all the nation besides . which i mention , not to raise the indignation of any , but to move compassion to the present cloud upon citizens , and to alledge what may advance their present ease , in order to their future publique usefulness and benefaction . thrifty oaks , though fleeced of under boughs , yet if not headed , may thrive and grow stately timber trees ; but if once headed , prove after but pollards , short and rough timber , fit only for small and course uses . so is it with men under accidental mischances ; if they be fiercely proceeded against , and discredited , they are probable only to live in misery , and to die in poverty : but if they be favoured , till their industry fortunated by god has made head against its misfortune , and evicted its cloud , they prove rich and valuable , according to the belief , or the contrary whereof , my humble prayer for them stands or falls . it were also ( noble sir ) worthy the consideration of the nations wisdom and goodness , to provide some law of defence against the rigours of landlords , and the refractoriness of tenants , by which the partie detrimented by this act of god , might escape the additional misery of a vexatious contest . let ( sir ) mercy be shewed to the looser , but not pretence of loss , pass for loss of disablements , where it has really devoured nothing but valuless lumber : neither let the condition of books , papers , writings , and records burnt or lost , be unprovided for by some good and grave salvo , pleadable for the loosers indempnitie , least many long since discharged debts be revived , and demanded afresh ; and least men be by loss of evidences evicted their freeholds , or at least vexed with suits concerning them ; nothing being more sure , then that many men out of town , and in distraction in town , either forgot to secure many books and papers of weight and value ; or else committed them to they knew not whom , and shall receive them from them they know not when ; nay it may so fall out , that many writings may by chance come into those hands from whence they moved , and cease to be securities to those to whom they are passed ; and what mischiefs may hereupon ensue ( if some law of limitation and bar be not interjected ) is easie to presage . it were ( sir ) also most sutable to the paternity of your house , to provide somwhat about the registers of churches , which are now in such dispersion , if they survive the fire , that they would be commanded into some office , there to be till the parishes to which they belong be rebuilt : for since certificate of marriages , legitimation of children , proof of ages , light in point of pedegree , depend thereupon , the same will be the reason of their preservation now , that was of their institution at first , and many poor infants will be , when grown men and women , at a loss irremediable , if some caution against , possible , and probable evils of such nature , be not passed into a law. and sir , to all these add not the least important act of your piety and prudence , the furtherance of a law , for making the second of september for ever , a solemn fast for the national sins that merited this judgment of god upon its london : and the sixth of september a day of thanksgiving for ever , for gods merciful stay of the fire that it proceeded no further , to enter into the suburbs , and to destroy therein , as it had done in london : that the pallaces of our soveraign and his peers , and the cathedral and city of westminster went free , that they should be spared when london and st. pauls felt the furie of merciless flames , ought to be had in yearly and hourly remembrance . nor can any better and more religious occasions of both duties be given us by god , than these prementioned exchanges of his providence , the staff of which as well comforts us , as the rod of it afflicted us ; for since he shewed himself to be ex utroque caesar , it befits us to shew our selves christians to both his exhibitions of power and mercy . these things ( sir ) i have in haste prepared in present to you , that it may appear to the nation , that there is one ( amongst the many others that are well affected to london ) that accounts it his duty to appear for her , not ashamed of her dislustre , and that now he can pay her no other duty , then that of his tears over her , and prayers for her , allowes her those , and over and above those , pleads her cause with god and the nation , not justifying her innocency , or lessening her guilt , not excusing her provocation , or drawing a vayle over her deformities ; no , god forbid i should thus become the pharisee for her , who ought to put her mouth in the dust , and by her silence before her correcting god , testifie her consent to the justice and adequateness of his judgments upon her : on this account i will allude to iob's words , no mention shall be made by me of her coral or pearls ; all her righteousness my pen shall publish but as menstruous raggs , the price of the wisdom of humbling her self under this mighty hand of god , shall in my suffrage excel any rubies of insisting on termes , god has done what he has done , and let all the earth of london be silent before him : the lord hath done that to london which he hath devised , he hath fulfilled his word that he hath commanded ; he hath thrown down , but yet hath pittyed , lam. 2. 17. london is the back that is smitten , but there is not a corner in england , but hath contributed to the desert , and will first or last feel the rebound and consequence of this punishment to london . the sins of sodom , the violence , the levity , the prophaness , the luxury , the lukewarmness , that provokes god , is as much every where , as in london ; there is a nauseousness of angels food , and a tendency to the garlicks and onyons of prophaness every where , as well as in london : the fields of england are every where ripe to the harvest of judgment , as well as the sickle of it has been already thrust into london , the glory of which god has cut down in his stupendious fury . awake o north wind , blow o south wind upon the garden of holy zeal , that the spices of indignation for god may flow forth : come forth of your graves you old hectors of holyness , arch-bishops , bishops , and other renowned and triumphant saints of this english church , help o ye iewels of glory , and ye bradwardines of courage and constancy , and ye fortherby's and ye carletons of conviction and valiancy for the truth , worthy the crowns ye enjoy , come , o come ye in to the ayd of the lord against the mighty hoasts of prophaness and uncharitableness , of carnal politicks , and atheistical ruffians , that are confederate against the lord , and against his christ : o remember the prophetical descant of glorious king iames , once our happy monarch , who writing on the forth angels errand , by the vial of gods wrath , says thus : then the fourth angel powred forth his vial upon the sun , and power was given him to afflict men with fire . for even as the sun was darkned in the fourth trumpet , to wit , the special teachers did begin to fall from the sincerity of the truth , enticed thereunto , though not by apolyon himself , for he was not yet risen ; yet by the qualities whereof he is composed , and therefore is here punished for the same . and as moses , troubled by the hot eastern wind , the land of egypt , by the breeding of grass-hoppers , so shall the fiery spirit of god , in the mouths of his witnesses , so trouble babylon , with the burning sun of gods truth , as men shall be troubled with a great heat , to wit , she and her followers shall be tormented and vexed therewith . so king iames. o sacred zeal whither art thou fled , that thou hast lest england , a land in mourning because of oaths ; a land accursed because of blood touching blood ; a land deserving to be abarren wilderness , for the iniquities of the inhabitants of it , to whom the word of god is made a reproach , ier. 6. 10. and a derision daily , chap. 20. 8. the saints of god are thought troublers , 1 kings 18. 17. the image of god which is renued in knowledg after the image of him that created it , col. 3. 10. censured singularity and hypocrisie ; holiness of life , which god commands as that which brings to his likeness and exaltation , 1 pet. 1. 16. heb. 12. 14. is nick-named phanaticism ; zeal for reformed religion , is counted groundless mistrust , real fury , precise singularity , factious calvenism ; terms of opprobry beseeming rather the mouths of professed romanists , then pretended sons of the church of england , whose primitive reformers , bishops , deans , and doctors , if they could be raised up now to hear them , would obtest against them , as having lost the zeal of their profession , and not being a real honour to their way of worship and distinction , as if every thing were becoming , but what becomes every thing , sincerity and plain dealing : our fashions and our minds being so alike aery and sceptical , that we no day are what we ought , nor any day design to be what we should . o piety , o gravity ! why hast thou forsaken england , who wert of old so friendly to her , and so befriended by her ? why are thy effects so invisible now , which heretofore so cleerly appeared , and so becomingly adorned the words and lives of men , and the order and harmony of places and things ? it is that which will kindle the rage of a moses of meekness , and impatience the patience of a iob , to see and hear sin set up amongst us by common consent and practice against laws in force , and magistrates sworn to execute them . the a exercrable swearing , the notorious b incontinency , the abominable c drunkenness , the unconscionable d deceit , the loathsome debauchery , the e bruitish * murther ; these and other grists that pass by the mill of publique severity , and are challengers of priviledg by their universality , are ill returns to gods multiplyed mercies , and shrewd provocations to his chastisement : but when his service is counted a vain thing , mal. 3. 14. when his prophets are misused , 2 chron. 36. 16. and those that have not been wind of levity , ier. 5. 13. or foxes of crast , ezech. 13. 4. or prophets of flattery , daubing with untempered mortar , ezech. 22. 28. but prophets of truth have been lightly set by , yea , shrewdly set against : when the lords day , set apart for sanctification and devotion , hath been prophaned and made common , and not only mocked at by religions adversaries , but thought too long by religions seeming friends , and the perparatory duties to them , and the performed duties on them , too severe for christians . when the judgments of god face us to humilitie , as the testimony of our sorrow for sin , so destructive of us , yet mirth and jollity is so applauded and countenanced , that no man almost remembreth the afflictions of ioseph , the desolations that sin has already made , further may , and without prevention by repentance will make . it is to be doubted , thy ways and doings which have not been good , o england , o london , have procured the evils thou feelest and fearest upon thee : thy incorrigibility and obduration has brought the pestilence , exod. 9. 15. thy contrary walking to god , has raised up enemies against thee , prov. 16. 7. deut. 28. 48. the pride we have had in our strength , hath made god contend by fire with us , and by such a fire , as hath eaten up , not the great deep of england , but a part of it , london . and yet god that has pulled some of us out of the fire , and kept others from the fire , is not returned unto , as he upbraids the people , amos 4. 11. these judgments have been upon england and london , the lord deliver us from what followed upon israels impenitency , gods abhorrence of the excellency of jacob , and his hating of his pallaces ; god forbid that iudgment of gods delivery of england , into her enemies hand , from his smiting of the great house of england , with breaches , as he hath done the little house of london with clefts , ver . 11. be that judgment , o lord , be that undecreed by thee , and may our repentance reverse the first thoughts of thy severity this way to us . this be , o lord , the punishment of those who are as children of ethiopians to thee , sinners that swear by the sin of samaria , and say to the deities of their own erection , thy god o dan liveth , and the maner of beersheba liveth , amos 8. last v. let those who forsake thee , and follow lying vanities be thus given up to fall , and never rise up again : but let england and london that have trusted in the lord , be saved by thee , and that with a mighty salvation : o be gracious to england , that as it hitherto has , so yet hereafter it may stand in thy sight a faithful witness to thy truth , and a signal instance of thy patronage for ever , and build thou up the walls of london that lye waste , and let it once more be called the perfection of this nations beauty ; for my nations sake , i cannot be silent ; for my nativities sake , i cannot hold my peace , i cannot contain my pen , but it will bewray my hearts language ; for my brethren and companions sake , i will wish thee good will , o london , in the name of the lord ; the lord send thee prosperity out of sion . and if the question be asked of me , by whom shall london arise for it is small : my answer shall be , god only knows how & by what , for he can make dry bones live : yet there seems to me som ground of comfort from this , that the root of london being left , that which now seems arid , and sapless , may kindle in the womb of providence , and take root downward , and bring forth fruit upward ; first , and chiefly , in repentance , for past provocations , and in vows of renewed conversation in her inhabitants ; and then in making her buildings , her judges , and her magistrates , as at the first , and the renown and authority of them , as in the beginning . this sir , is that which i would promise to my self , and fore-speak to be the great mercy to england after revived london , the late loss of which , i believe , to be great ; which my prayers are , may be compensated with ten times ten myriads of increase , and that to render it terrible to gods and the kings foes , and supportive to the crown , religion , lawes , under which it happily flourished , till the late disastre upon it ; and god almighty , who knows all secrets , and commands all hearts , raise it up , for these general and honest ends , friends and benefactors , who may not only further its acceleration to what it was , but to what , of further addition , it may be improved to . and may all the timagenesses , who hate london , as he did rome , augment their grief upon the cause he did , the fear and assurance he had rome would be rebuilt more glorious than it was before . the prosperity of which must be the joy and prayer of every sober english man , and sincere protestant ; and , i hope , whosoever is not both these , shall never have the power to hinder it , as i am sure he never will have the will to further it : i could enlarge in this subject which is so pleasing to me , to expectorate my self by ; but over-doing is vndoing , and there is no straine but comes home with a halt . yet this i must subjoyn in comfort to london and england , changes will , and must come , and those to great kingdomes , mighty governments , rich cities , seneca has languaged this appositely to us . all that now ( noble sir ) remains for me to write , is to beg mine excuse for thus addressing you , whose greater affairs may be judged unreconcilable with the perusal of such papers as these , which carry the memoires of what is as unpleasing for you to remember , as impossible to forget . but i am not at all diffident of your civility to them and me , because i am in them wholly acted by the cogency of publick spiritedness to both , propose londons case to the nations piety , and to publish mine own gratitude to it , the place of my birth , and of the breeding and conversation of my worthy , generous , and most religiously sincere and dear * father , who both lived long , creditably and belovedly in it , and also had the publick respect and honour from it , to be chosen chamberlain of it upon the death of chamberlain harrison ( tho he was made incapable , when his hand was upon the book to be sworn in the office , by one of those orders that then were in date , to exclude those whom that power termed disaffected . ) these things , together with my experience , conversation and search into the city records , customes and story ( in which , i may modestly say , i have desired not to be unknowing ) court me to appear thus to you ( sir ) and to the nation in her behalf . and since ( sir ) i have no design to promote her happiness by any black arts of injury and impiety to others interests , leaving those mysteries of iniquity to such as clement the seventh , who to advance his own family , sometimes changed the face of the affairs of europe ; and cardinal wolsey , who to be made legate a latere , and to be enabled to visit not onely monasteries , but all the clergy , and dispense with church laws ; so defamed the clergy of his own church and country , that they were by the popes bull termed dati in reprobum sensum . since , i say , i have in this , and i hope i may truly say in my former appearings , ( in apology for arts and interests honest and of good report , only designed the glory of god , the service of my country , and the just and necessary vindication of my self from the censure of living to no purpose , and of affecting an idle and unconversable moroseness , which i think a very great sin against god , nature , and the time and men with whom i live , and to whom i am responsible for the service of any smal ability i have , or may be improved to have ) i cannot but be in a sort assured that my country-men , who read me , will excuse my pathos for london ; especially , when i have herein avoided all vehemence that i apprehended in any degree offensive , or mis-becoming the temperate ambition of my heart and hand ; which , as they are daily lifted up to god in prayer , for his peculiar direction , how to live , speak , write and do , as suits with the attainment of a good conscience , and the assurance of a glorious heaven ; the only noble imployment of time and parts , besides which all is vanity and vexation , ( for of all other perfections , a few years will shew us the end . ) so are they testimonial of their expectation to be freed from prejudice , in respect of their author , who though he pleads for strict piety , sober order , religions influence , laws esteem , trades increase , londons restoration , yet is void of all private concern in any of these , further than as a christian and an english man. no creature have i been , or am i of any design , no polypus to times and men , no vower , covenanter or engager , no purchaser of kings , bishops ▪ deans and chapters lands ; no petitioner in tumults ; no sectary in conventicles ; no waver in judgment , have i , through gods mercy , ever been ; but a constant assertor of , and sufferer for my satisfiedness in , and adhaesion to , the piety and probity of my breeding and belief , which was ever , yet is , and i hope , through gods grace , to death shall be , in point of religion according to the doctrine and discipline of the church of england . in duty and loyalty , according to the sound judgment of the law , and the declaration of kings by their three estates in parliament ; in love to , and correspondence with the universities and houses of learning , sutable to the gratitude i , as a gentleman , ought to express to them , wherein i have had breeding and acquaintance , and from which i have received respect ; upon all which considerations i trust ( sir ) this plain and honest application to the nation , under gods and your patronage , will be seasonable and successful ( tho it has been longer held in the birth than was fit it should , had not the unpardonable slowness of the press , and the chilness of the frost demurred that , which the preparation of the copy would have sent forth long ago . this , sir , i beseech you excuse . ) and give me leave to conclude with that which is the most suitable farewell to all things of this nature ; the application to god , that he would be our god ; and the god of our posterities ; that he would bless with long life and a happy reign , our most gracious king charles ; with wisdom and understanding , the lords and others of his majesties most honourable privy councel ; with zeal for god and holiness of life the reverend clergy ; with justice and courage the learned judges ; with obedience and loyalty the body of the commons : and that he would consolidate all these to the comfort of this and after ages , by the high court of parliament * now assembled , that by these degrees of gods merciful endowment to this nation , all in this nation , and of this church , may be holy to the lord , and happy in themselves , is and shall be the prayer of , noble sir , oct 20. 1666. your humble servant , and most affectionate friend and kinsman edward waterhous ▪ finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a65241-e200 7v . jude lib. 3. c. 9. iosephus lib. 8. antiq . iudic. c. 7. l. 8. c. 2. quoniam benefaciendo non potuit innotescere , male agendo innotesceret . iosephus antiq. lib. ●8 . c. 1. lib. 7. de bello iud. c. 10. 27. eliz. 2. 35. eli. 2. 1. lac . 4. 3. car. 2. par. 88. of his works in folio . pag. 81. paul the 5 in his b●ief to the english catholiques . cited p. 254. of k. iames see faux and winter's examinat on at the powder p●ot . p. 231 , 233 , 234. apolog. for the o●th of allegi . p. 252 , 264. 270 speed in h. 8. p. 790. and the pope instigated the princes and subjects o eng. against h. 8. speed p. 783. stat. 28. h. 8. c. 10. in his majesti●s pr●c am●tion of the 10. of nov. 1666. upon the desires of his two houses of parliament . c. 25. de monarchia hispanica . thuanus l. 85. 98. gaspar . grevinus in institut . p. 192. b●llaeus de actis pont. campanella c. 16. de monarc . hisp. de comitiis ●ormacientibus & augustionis , c. 27. answer to philanax ang. p. 58 , 59. pag 253. in the apologie for the oath of allegian . * et per iesu●tas fact●oois hispaniae emissar o● vulgi animos solicitasse atque hoc rebellionum lacendium in gallia quae side erga ●gitimos principes ante illa tempora precipua suit , &c. thuanus l. 101. to 5. see my defence of arms and armory printed anno 1660. book 7. c. 25. de bello iudic . mic 1. 7. jos. 7. 21 , ●4 . a ex. 13. 3 b ezek. 9. 23. 1 km. 11. 12 , 13. c jer. 29. 4. jer. 27. 9. jer. 32. 3. d mi. 3. 12. zec 1. 12. luke 21. 20. e 2. sam. 13. 14 , 15. sanguis martyrum semen ecclesiae . f job 1. 12. g 1 , & 2. c. jonah . h mat. 26. & 14 mat. i 2 cor. 12. 7. ps 37. 37. e●e . 9. 4. je. 25. 29. ezek. 9. 6. ps. 78. 61. lam. 1. 15 jer. 7. 12. 14. 26. v. 6. amos 6. 8 isa. 1. 11. jer. 6. 20. isa. 1. 13. hos. 2. 11. lam. 2. 1. jer. 19. 8. c. 25. v. 9. 2 chron. 7. 12. deu. 9. 14. ch. 2. v. 2. la. 2. 15. eze. 15. 8. stowes survey . speed p. 872 , ●73 . antiq. l. 7. c. 2● see letter arch-bishop york to k. iames. cabala ● part . p. 13. d. d. one of the residentiaries of st. pauls . ferox flammae urbes multas eeclesiam quoque sancti pauli apostolicum majori & meliore parte londonia consumpsit . dunelm . p. 214. p. 106. p. 114. p. 267. speed p. 39. cambd. in ●●idx . e●t . lament . 2. londinum totius britanniae epitome , britannicique imperii sedes , reg●umque angliae ca●era tantum inter omnes emi●ct , quantum 〈◊〉 viburna cupressus . c●mbd . brit. lat . edit . 1587. fons imperii , orbis terranum mater , gentium , regionum contumbernium pacis aeternae consecratio , sanctus hyeronimu ; lege clogia romae apud ludovicum . dorleans in comment ad l. 1. annal. t●citi . p. 2. grande illud & ante t●mpus invictum caput syracusae quamvis archimedis ingenio de●enderetur , aliquando cesserunt . jornandes l. 1. de regni & temporis successu . o populum dignum orbis imper●o dignumque omnium savare & admirat one hominū ac deorum compulsus ad ultimos metus . idem . a iosephus lib. 7. c. 16. de bello iudaico . b nicephorus l. 15. c. 21. evageius l. 2. c. 13. baronius tom. 5. 465. d see chronol . ca●ncsi● edict quartae impress . francae-surti . anno 1650. fucre qui annotarent xiiii . calendis sextiles ●rincipium incendi●●ujus ortum quo & senones captam urbem inst●mmaverunt . tacitus annal. lib. 15. p. 792. edit . porleans . de incendio romae . * cambd. britain . ●2 neh. 43. franci illi qui pugnae super suerunt londinum convolantes , i am j am urbem perdaturi erant , nisi tamisis qui nunquaem londinensibus de defuit romanos milites pererrore nebuloso maris à classe abductos opportunè intulisset cambd. in m●ddx . p. 265. cosmography . p. 316. history worthies . p. 227. ca●sa fundationis civitatis londine●sis fluvius thamisis liber dunthorne . lib. 10. c. 10. 〈…〉 diligentissima est tela sui 〈◊〉 fortitudo . baptista gramay d●scription of asia . ● z●c● . 7. 29 isa. 10. 1 sam. 26. 12. 20 acts 9. l. 6. c. 16 de bello judaico . l●b . 7. c. 16 de bello i●d●ico . l 6 c. 16. scyllam inopem unde praecipuum audaciam tacit . annal. lib. 14. p. 159. ex edit eudovici dorlea●s . 6 lib. c. 16. de bello iudaic. impetu pervagatum incenaium , plana primum , deinde in edita assurgens inferiora populando anteriit remedia velocitate mali . tacit . an●●l . lib. 15. p. 791. edit . dorlea●s . 26 ezek. 13. 7 jer. 34. 16 jer. 9. 9 acts 6. v. 1. 2. 13 jer. 18 2 chr 12. c. v. 6. 28 d●ut . 13. 11 jer. 5. 10 eccl. 17. 〈…〉 thankful rem●mbrance of gods mercy . see dr. sharpe's letter . cabala p. 256. 259. 1 part . 1 isa. 2. 126 ps. 4. 1●2 ps. 28 11 prov. 21. 1 jam. 20 34. exod. ●6 . 2. chron. 30. c. v. 9. 103. ps. 8. 3. jer. 12. 49. ps. 6. 64 isaiah 11 , 12 , 13. mat. 11. 21. 23. lu●e 10. 13. 48 jer. 11. 7 hos. 10. 4 mat. 8. 9. 〈◊〉 ●6 . 9 〈◊〉 13. 6. 〈◊〉 ▪ 12. 1. isai. 26. 132. ps. 2. certo constat regem hispaniarum si totam angliam cum belgio donare possit totius europae magnaeque partis mundi novi monarcham cito evasurum ; omnino id agat ut anglorum vires infringat , ad quod efficiendum naves hollandiae & frisiae sufficerent si nimirum classi a●glae opponerentur . campanella c. 25. de monarchia hispanic● . 71 ps. 11. * apology and appeal to the royalists now published . cab. l● . 2 p●●t . p. 84. a ammi●●nus mar●lli-nus . ● . 14. 2 cor. 4. c. v. 9. ● 2 isa. 11. 12. 1 zep. 12 ▪ vere affirmare possumus mundum novum quodammodo perdidisse mundum . 2 chron. 17. c. v. 10. veterem nam mentibus nost . is a varitium insevit & mutuum amorem inter homines extrin●it . campanella c. 16. monarch hispan . 24 isa. 1. 29 ezech 9. * nec quisquam desendere audebat , creb●is multorum minis restinguere prohibentium , & quia alii palam faces jaciebant atque esse sibi auctorem vociserabantur sive ut raptus licentius exercerent , seu ●ussu . tacitus annal . l. 15. p. 791. edit . dor●ea●s . ad rel●gionem angl●ae quod s●ectat obtinet quidem calvin a●a attamen moderata , nec tam prava ut genevensim est quae tamen facile restling ui non potest , nisi aperiuntur scholae in flandra , quae gens cum anglis multum commercii habet , int● ventuque illarum spargentur semina scismatum in scientiis naturalibus , &c. c. 25. de monarch . hispan . deus tamen ipse postmodum ust●ad●t vtam quà illi vinci potuerunt cum ipsi ( protestantes ) per sectas in diversas partes decesserunt , cro●● sciliscet lutheri , subtilis calvini , dissoluti zuinglii & mem●c nis , adeo ut vix ulla domus ibi terrarum inveniatur in quà 〈◊〉 diverse haer●ses soveantur , nec ulla desit nobis quam scientia apprehendendi & usurpandi tam exoptatam occasionem , omn● en 〈◊〉 regnum inse divisum desolabitur & unio fi●ma difficilem semper habet nodum . c. 27. 2 cor. 13. c. v. 11. 4 eph. 3. 3 2 isa. 17. 11 prov. 30. ge● . 9 isa. 20. egregia vero via ad humilandos ha●eticos eosque distrahendos etiam haec est , nimirum aperire scholas philosohicas & mathematicas in germania ut ejusmod● speculati omnibus immergatur potius quum haereticis studiis vacet . et paulo post una quadem via est si animus omnis et voluntas interse coeundi et conspirandi illis auferatur suspiciones et simultatis inter illos alendo , &c. c. 23. 23 josh. 10. 26 lev. 8. read sir walt. bawleigh 2 book 1 part p. 262. l. 10. p. 233. of his works in folio . 23 ezech 32. 12 zach. 2. 49 gen. 19 36 isa. 27. 1 cor. 10. c. v. 13. 1 zach. 15. anno. 1602. cabala . p. 81. st. jude 9. at pompeii theatrum igne fortuito haustum , caesar extructurum pollicitus est , eo quod nemo è familia restaurando sufficeret . tacitus annal. lib. 3. p. 417. edit dorleaus . st. gyles's in the fields . a senatu petivi● lepidus ut b●silicam sancti pauli aemiliam monumenta propria pecuniâ firmaret , o naretque , erat enim tunc in more publica munisicentia . idem eodem loco . legata non ultra civilem modum nisi quod populo & pleb . ccccxxxv . praetoriarum co●ortium militibus singula nummûm millia , legionariis autem cohortih●s civium romanorum trecenos nummos vi●itim dedit . annal. lib. ● . p. 33. edit dorleans . * dr. war●er . st. olaves har●-stree● . nota ben● . see sir rawleigh● book . 1. part c. 10. § 4. remember this that god may remember you . deut. 15. 7 , 8 , 9. l. herberto hist. h. 8. p. 167. sir walter rawleigh 5. book part 1. p. 467. job 2● . 1● cant. ● . 16 see arch-bishop of yorks letter to king iames , cabala part 1. p. 13 paraphrase in rev. 16 p. 50 operum . hos. 4. 3. psal. 107. 34. a 21 jac. 20. confirmed by 3 car. 4. b 20 h. 3. 9 9 h. 6. 11. 18 eliz 3 7 jac. 4. c 4 jac. 5. 21 jac 7. 1 car. 4. d some of which are punishable by fine and inditement , others are against 3 e. 1. c. 29. 21 jac. 26. 2 r. 2 , 3. 3 h. ● . c. 4. 13 el. 5. 27 el. 4. 13 el. 10. 52 h. 3. 6 , 7. 34 h. 8. 5. 27 h. 8. c. 28. 31 h. 8 c. 13. 1 e. 6. c. 14. 13 eliz. 1. e 3 h. 7. 1. 1 e. 6. 10. 52 h. 3. 25. 1 jac. 8. 3. e. 1 ; 23 h. 8. 1. 26 h. 8. c. 12. 1 e. 6. 12. 13 r. 2. c. 1. 16 r. 2. c. 6. * read sir walter rawleigh ● 5. c. 3. of his first part p. 468 lam. 1. 7. amos 6. 6 hos. 4. 9. jer 4. 18. lev ●6 . 25 numb . 14. 12. amos 6. 3. ●ers . 11. ● 9. ● 7. ionah 2. 8 ps 1. ● 7. 1 sam. 19 5 isa. 45. 17 seneca ep. 91 an apho●ism of sir benjamin ruddiards . omnium istarum civitatum quas nunc mag●ificas & nobiles audes , vestigia quoque tempus erudet non tantum manufacta labuntur juga mon●●um destaunt , &c. ep. 92 * francis waterhous esq l. herberts h 8. p. 378. idem p. 90 ad prodendam virtutis memoriam sine gratia aut ambitione bonae tantum conscientiae praetio ducebatur vir bonus . scipio a miratus in digressionibus politicis . p. 43. edit . 1609. * fidum & altum reipubl . pectus as valerius his words are . principes viri triumphisq , & am●lissimis honoribus su●cti , hor●atu princip●s ad ornandam ●●bem i●●●cti sunt . ●elleius pare●culus lib. 2. at a meeting of the committee of arrears the eleventh day of december, 1648. city of london (england). court of common council. committee for arrears. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a75759 of text r211092 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[54]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a75759 wing a4095 thomason 669.f.13[54] estc r211092 99869830 99869830 162950 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a75759) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162950) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[54]) at a meeting of the committee of arrears the eleventh day of december, 1648. city of london (england). court of common council. committee for arrears. lathum, tho. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1648] imprint from wing. signed at end: tho. lathum clerk to the said committee. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng taxation -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -finance -early works to 1800. london (england) -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. a75759 r211092 (thomason 669.f.13[54]). civilwar no at a meeting of the committee of arrears the eleventh day of december, 1648. city of london 1648 285 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-09 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion at a meeting of the committee of arrears the eleventh day of december , 1648. it is ordered by the said committee , that the ward books of the severall arrears remaining unpaid upon the severall assessements made for the maintenance of the army under the command of his excellency the lord fairfax , now in the custody of this committee , be herewith returned to the deputy and common-councell men of the respective wards ; with directions that they shall within two dayes , call all the collectors of their ward before them , and examine their rolls with the said books , and cross the same books for so much as are paid ; and returne the same books again within two daies now next ensuing to the said committee . and in the same returne they are to express 1. whom they conceive to be able and have not paid . 2. who are poore and unable to pay . 3. who are dead and left sufficient estates , and who are their executors , or administrators , and where they dwell . 4. who are removed since their assessements made , and are able , and have not paid , and where they now dwell . 5. such landlords as are assessed and have not paid , and their tenants removed , then to certifie the names of the new tenants . all which particulars are by them to be carefully performed , to the end , that what arrears cannot be collected , may be returned back to the respective wards to be newly assessed . tho. lathum clerk to the said committee . the humble petition of the lord major, aldermen, and commons of the city of london in common-councell assembled: to the right honorable the lords and commons in parliament assembled. together with their answers to the said petition. city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86813 of text r202508 in the english short title catalog (thomason e437_11). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86813 wing h3538 thomason e437_11 estc r202508 99862762 99862762 114938 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86813) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114938) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 69:e437[11]) the humble petition of the lord major, aldermen, and commons of the city of london in common-councell assembled: to the right honorable the lords and commons in parliament assembled. together with their answers to the said petition. city of london (england). court of common council. everard, john. england and wales. parliament. 12 p. printed by richard cotes, printer to the honorable city of london, [london] : 1648. includes a statement by john everard regarding a plot to disarm and plunder the city. the replies are dated 27 april 1648. quire b is in two settings; b1r last word is (1) "suspected" or (2) "suspe-". annotation on thomason copy: "aprill 27". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng conspiracies -england -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a86813 r202508 (thomason e437_11). civilwar no the humble petition of the lord major, aldermen, and commons of the city of london in common-councell assembled:: to the right honorable th city of london 1648 1900 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-04 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the humble petition of the lord major , aldermen , and commons of the city of london in common-councell assembled : to the right honorable the lords and commons in parliament assembled . together with their answers to the said petition . printed by richard cotes printer to the honorable city of london , 1648. to the right honorable the lords in parliament assembled the humble petition of the lord major , aldermen , and commons in common-councell assembled . humbly sheweth , that they had lately presented unto them an information from one john everard , a true copie whereof is hereunto annexed , whereby he doth give intimation of some speeches that passed from certain persons at windsor , of an intention to disarm the city , and then to plunder the same : and that divers reports to that effect have been brought unto us by letters and otherwise from divers parts of this kingdom , and from forain parts : which reports , together with the present drawing and continuing of the army so near the city ; and the encrease of the number of souldiers in the tower , hath been , now is , and will be occasion of great fears , and a great decay of trade , and an enhauncing of the prizes of victuals within this city : the which fears are much encreased by the taking and keeping down of the chaines within the same . and the petitioners doe humbly conceive , that their danger is encreased , and their strength much abated by the disuniting of the command of the forces of the city , and the parts within the late lines of communication , and the weekly bills of mortality . for the removing of which feares , and obtaining of those things which may conduce to the safety of the parliament and of this city ; the petitioners doe humbly pray , that consideration may bee taken of the information given by the said john everard ; and that upon a further examination thereof , such course may be taken therein as your honors shall think fit . that the chaines within the city of london , which were lately pulled down , may forthwith bee repaired and set up again : and that the army may be speedily removed to a further distance from the city . that by an ordinance of parliament , major generall skippon ( who was long since chosen , and still by act of common-councell is continued major generall over the forces of the city ) may be appointed to be major generall within the late lines of communication , and the weekly bils of mortality ; by which meanes he may the better be enabled to reunite the forces within the city , and the said late lines of communication , and weekly bills of mortality , for the better defence of the city , and the places adjacent : and likewise for the preservation of the parliament , to whom the city do resolve to adhere according to their solemn league and covenant . and your petitioners shall pray , &c. the information of john everard , concerning some speeches that passed from certain persons at windsor , of an intention to disarm the city of london , and then to plunder the same . iohn everard maketh oath , that he having some occasion of businesse at windsor upon thursday the 20 of april , 1648. as he did lye in bed , did heare some gentlemen discourse in the next chamber , the number of whom he cannot tel , but by their discourse they could not be lesse then three or four ; and that he doth beleeve they were all officers of the army under the command of his excellency the lord fairfax ; one of them was quartermaster-generall gravener as he supposeth ; another , one colonell ewer , or some such name : and after some merry discourse , they began to be serious , and propounded what they thought fit to bee done in reference to the present exigencies of the kingdome , upon which subject they discoursed an houre or more : they made no doubt of the comming in of the scots ; and with the same confidence beleeved that the city of london would joyne with the scots ; for the preventing of which , they could find no way but to disarm the city both friend and foe : and afterwards , they said , they would intimate that those who were the friends of the army , should come forth into the fields , and there they should be armed : and that they should have the power of the city of london put into their hands , to keep the rest of the citizens in awe : and that they should be maintained at the charge of the city , so long as it should bee thought fit to continue them . and because that money is the sinews of warre , having which , they doubted not but to procure men enow , if there were occasion to use them : and therefore for the present advancement of the same , if need were , ( this city being disarmed ) they would make them advance a million of money , or else plunder them : and the party that spake this , said , hee had acquainted commissary-generall ireton with it . all which , or to the like effect , was spoken in this deponents hearing . john everard . copia vera . 23. aprilis , 1648. jur. coram jo. warner major . die jovis , 27. april . 1648. master sheriffs , and gentlemen of the common-councell of the city of london ; the lords have commanded me to return thanks to the lord major , aldermen , and common-councell of the city of london , for the good affections that they have expressed in this their petition , asserting the resolutions of the city to adhere to the parliament according to their solemn league and covenant . they likewise have commanded me to assure you , that it hath ever been a principall part of their care to prevent any danger or inconveniency that might threaten the disturbance of the quiet of the city of london , or tend to the decay of the trade thereof , though to their great grief these late troubles have much hindred the successe of their endevors therein ; which care they are fully resolved still to continue to the utmost of their power . and they assure you , that it never entred into their thoughts to have the city of london to be disarmed : and they hope there can be no such intentions in any others who wish well to the safety of the parliament . as to the report which hath been brought unto you by one iohn everard , they will put it into a further examination , that they may be satisfied of the truth or falshood of it : and except there be further proof of it , they hope such a report shall not render the army to be suspected of any such design , considering the many former and late experiences that the parliament and city have had of the fidelity and good services of the army . as to the particular of setting up the chaines within the city , they doe fully leave it to the lord major , aldermen , and common-councell , to doe therein as they shall think fit . to the last particular concerning major generall skippon , he being a member of the house of commons , the lords can resolve nothing therein , without a joynt concurrence of that house ; but they will take it further into their consideration . joh. brown , cler. parliamentorum . die jovis , 27 aprilis , 1648. the house being informed that divers aldermen and citizens were at the doore , they were called in , and alderman bide one of-the sheriffes of the city of london , after some short preamble , acquainted the house that he was commanded by the lord major , aldermen and commons in common-councel assembled , the representative body of the city of london , to present a petition to the house : the petitioners being withdrawn , the petition was read , and an information annexed of one john everard taken upon oath before the lord major , 23. of aprill , 1648. the petition was intituled , the humble petition of the lord major , aldermen and commons in common-councell assembled . ordered upon the question by the commons in parliament assembled , that this house doth approve of the desires of the city , concerning major generall skippon . resolved , &c. that the desire of the petitioners concerning the chaines be granted , and that the committee of the militia do see it done . sir harbottle grimston major generall skippon mr. knightley sir john evelyn mr. bond mr. doddridge sir henry mildmay mr. john corbet colonell harvey sir robert harley mr. prideaux mr. miles corbet mr. john ashe colonell ven mr. swynfon mr. boyse alderm. pennington mr. blakiston mr. vassall sir tho. soame alderm. atkin sir greg. norton mr. erle mr. reynalds mr. long . sir martin lumley mr. grove mr. scuwen mr. dove sir rob. pye . mr. bulkley major gen. browne commissary ireton colonel purie mr. say . this committee or any five of them are appointed to examine the information given in by mr. john everard , mentioned in this city petition , the information given in by mr. walker a member of this house , and that he doe name unto the committee the reporter of it to him ; and all other informations , forrain or other , that concern the same businesse ; and have power to send for parties , witnesses , papers , records , and they are to meete upon it to morrow at two pt. merid. in the court of wards , and the care of this businesse is more particularly referred to alderman pennington and mr. doddridge . resolved , &c. that the thankes of this house be returned to the citizens for their good affections exprest in their petition . mr. speaker is appointed to acquaint the citizens , that the drawing of part of the army so neere the city was occasioned by orders given out in the time of the late tumult ; that the house will take that businesse into serious consideration , and doe that therein which may be for the good and safety of the parliament and city so farre as thereby they may receive satisfaction . the sheriffes , aldermen and other citizens were again called in , and mr. speaker by the command of the house , acquainted them with the resolutions and proceedings upon the petition , and did give them the thanks of this house for their very good affections exprest in the petition to the parliament . h. elsynge cler. parl. d. com. finis . stripping, vvhipping, and pumping. or, the five mad shavers of drury-lane strangely acted, and truely related. done in the period, latter end, tayle, or rumpe of the dogged dogge-dayes, last past, august. 1638. together with the names of the severall parties which were actors in this foule businesse. taylor, john, 1580-1653. 1638 approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a13497 stc 23795.3 estc s122283 99857435 99857435 23174 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a13497) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 23174) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1611:17) stripping, vvhipping, and pumping. or, the five mad shavers of drury-lane strangely acted, and truely related. done in the period, latter end, tayle, or rumpe of the dogged dogge-dayes, last past, august. 1638. together with the names of the severall parties which were actors in this foule businesse. taylor, john, 1580-1653. [4], 19, [1] p. : ill. (woodcut) printed by i[ohn] o[kes] for t. lambert, london : 1638. by john taylor. printer's name from stc. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -social life and customs -early works to 1800. 2002-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2002-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion stripping , vvhipping , and pumping . or , the five mad shavers of drury-lane ; strangely acted , and truely related . done in the period , latter end , tayle , or rumpe of the dogged dogge-dayes , last past , august . 1638. together with the names of the severall parties which were actors in this foule businesse . london : printed by i. o. for t. lambert . 1638. stripping , vvhipping , and pumping : or , the five mad shavers of drury-lane . within the large circumference of this great theater , and stage of the world , all people , kingdomes , and nations , males or females , of all ages and degrees , are actors of such parts as they have studied , either from the rules and inspirations of vertue , or from their owne inclinations , and sathans suggestions to vice. and the devill w●ll knowing our fraile and weake conditions and instability , doth every day and houre ( like a cunning iugler or a gipsy ) devise new tumbling casts and feats of activity 〈◊〉 allure and delight the minds of as many as he findes to be addicted to take pleasure in his le●gerdemaine . hee gives a false sweete-seeming rellish to the drunkards cup , he ●ars the glut●on against the day of slaughte● , he tips the blaspheamers tongue with oaths and curses , he wher 's the slanderers and backbiters speech , and makes it keene and cutting ; hee teaches the rare and ancient ar● of lying , ( and hath 〈◊〉 innumerable ●umber of apt 〈…〉 scholl●●s ) hee turnes ang 〈…〉 venge , revenge into murd 〈…〉 to impie●y , truth into theft● love into jealousie , jealousie into hatred and madnesse ; and ( in a word ) to summe up all together , the devill doth labou● dayly , and all his endeavour is wholly bent to make worke for the hangman , and draw soules to his infernall kingdome . and amongst all the ●icks and sleights which this grand cunning master of mischiefe doth use , to bring us to destruction with all , there is no one policy of his that is more prevalent and advantagious to him , than is the sowing of discord and debate betwixt man and wife ; and although he hath a thousand innumerable wayes for the effecting of his damnable projects and purposes , yet jealousie is the chiefe and maine engine to bring it so to passe , that modesty shall be turn'd into madnesse , peace into strife , and love into hatred and mischiefe , as shall be shewed in this short following treatise . about the latter end of august last , 1638. this hellish fire of jealousie did most strangely inflame five women , whom my pen should not name , nor should they be knowne by any writing of mine , but that they and their mad and barbarous proceedings are too much true , and too many wayes scattred and spread abroad by sundry pens and tongues , some of them making the matter that was ( and is ) bad enough already , worse ; some mincing it , to make it better ; some for affection , some for malice ; some for flattery , and some as their idle and various humours please , doe report it as they list to frame it , not caring whether they speake or write truth or falsehood . the matter hath beene rim'd upon beyond reason , and therefore i hold it reason it should be related with truth , and thus it was . at the time , or neare the time aforesaid , one master evans , a barber in drury-lane , did chance to meete with one ioane ilsley in the streete , and belike the woman had formerly kept the said evans his wife when shee lay in child-bed , in which season ( of gander-month or wander-month ) perhaps the suspicious woman began to be a little inkindled with the sparkles of jealousie : but suspicion is no proofe● but evans afterwards , when hee by chance once met the woman , offered her ● pint of wine , which after some d●nyall was at last accepted : so in they went to a taverne ( the signe of the phoenix ) n●●re the lower end of drury-lane , behind , or on the back-side of the bell , which is an inne and a taverne in the easterne part of the strand : but they being over their one pint , in a low roome , and a drawer standing at the tables end , the one sitting on one side of the boord , and the other on the other side , so that there neither was nor could bee any immodesty said or done at that time : but some busie-body or other went and told evans his wife , that her husband was at the taverne drinking with ioane ilsley , whereupon she went in a heate to the phoenix , and found them there , upon whom shee bestowed such hot and hasty language as her tongue could afford , which made them breake company , ( some of the words were , she told the said ioane that she was naught with her husband ) but some few daies after , mistris evans ( being still jealously angry ) did breake her minde to some women , her neighbours , and withall made a shew to ioane that her anger was past against her , so that agreement was made , that a pigge should be eaten at mistris evans her house at night , and that in a faire seeming way ioane ilsly should be sent for as a loving guest invited to the pigge . at the time appointed the pigge was roasted , and the women dissembled , were assembled , and simple ioane was sent for , who ( poore wench ) not suspecting the sharpnesse or sowernesse of the feast , suspecting nothing , went to them , and being come amongst them , they seemed very friendly and courteously to entertaine and bid her welcome : to whom mistris evans said , 〈◊〉 prethee ioane , thou art well acquainted with my house , goe up into the upper chamber , and fetch downe some stooles for us to sit on , so innocent ioane went quickly up the staires for stooles , and presently there followed her three of the five women , to wit , evans wife , one cox his wife , and one fosters wife ; these three had with them a per●iworth of birchin rods , after whom followed the other two , to wit , one smiths wife a broker , & one mistris lee a widdow , then they beganne to revile her in most strange manner , and withall to lay hands on her , to plucke her cloathes violently off from her body , but she resisted and strived and strugled with them as long as she could , till at last they tore her apparrell off from her , then having her naked , they beganne their execution , some to hold her , and some to whippe her , so that the smart , and their harsh usage inforc'd her to beginne to cry ; which they perceiving stopt her mouth ●ith a clout or a handkerchiefe : then ●the first penny-worth of rods being wasted to the st●mps they fetch'd , or sent for two penny-worth more● and after they had whipped them out upon her , they sent for one penny-worth more : ( still stopping her mouth , that her crying might not be heard ) shee being thus naked , and all gore-bloody , they cald up 〈…〉 bade him bring up a bason of water , & a razor , which the boy did ; but when he came within the chamber doore he was abashed and ashamed , and threw downe the razor and bason , running downe the staires as fast as hee could : the one of the women tooke up the razor , meaning to doe i know not what with it . but ioane being used thus harshly by them , and in bodily feare of some worse abuse , did strive against them , in which scuming shee received a cut , or wound in her backe , neare the shoulder , with the razor . this extreamity being past , these women ( if i may so call them ) had 〈◊〉 much modesty as to make fast 〈◊〉 apron , or halfe a kir●●e before her , over the fore-part of her body , and as she was , being cut , whipped , and all bloody over , they haled and thrust her downe the staires , and pump'd her at a pumpe which was in evans his backe ●ide : after that they thrust her into the streete , ( i● being betweene ten , and eleven of the clocke at night ) and from the streete ( or dr●ry lane ) they puld and ●ug●●her ( with her haire about her eares ) into a court called reine-deere court , where at a pumpe they held her under the spout , and pump'd water upon her , and us'd her more shamefully than is fit to write of , still stopping her mouth with a clout● also in the yard , at the last pumpe , there were two men that did abuse her , one smith was one : but shee striving with them had her kirtle or apron torne off from her , so ●●at shee had nothing to cover her ●●rkasse , but the darknesse of the night . at last this bu●ling was overheard by an honest coach-man , whose name is thomas finch , who marvailing what it might bee that made such a stirre at that time of night : hee and his wife comming to the pumpe , finding a woman in such a pittifull plight , so handled by such rough and pittilesse creatures , he ( in humanity ) rescued her from them , and suddenly pluck'd off his horse-mans coate , and coverd her nakednesse : whereupon her adversaries ( or lawlesse executioners ) all forsooke her , and dispers't themselves , it is no great matter whither . the coach-man demanded of the poore abused creature what she was , and wherefore they had used her so cruelly : and she answer'd , that shee was a poore yong woman that did get her living by nursing and keeping of childe-bed women , and also that sometimes shee did attend and kee●● sicke folkes , and that she at that ti●● was a keeper or waiter on a si●ke gentleman ( a captaine ) at the signe of the helmet in the strand : he asked her further where her cloathes were , and wherefore those women had us'd her so ? and she answer'd him , that they had torne and rent her cloathes in pie●es , and also that shee had five shillings of money in one of her pockets : wherupon the coach-man did pitty her hard estate and usage , and withall did bring her presently home to the aforesaid signe of the helmet , where shee dwelt , and doth remaine yet to this twelfth of october , 1638. being much bruised and hurt , and spets blood . now reader i imagine you have not heard of such a mad crew of shavers , whippers , and politicke pumpers ; nor doe i thinke that any penne , or relation of tongue or history doth mention the like . after shee had recoverd a little ●●rength , she procured warrants from 〈◊〉 justice of the peace ; which when the matter was heard and understood , they were bound all of them to answer for this outrage to the woman , the spoiling of her , and her apparrell , and the losse of her money ; but they did put in good baile for their appearance at the sessions , and on the eight and twentieth of september they went to westminster to save their baile and recognisence : ( quarter sessions being then holden there ) from which tryall , they have by a writ of sursarara remov'd their cause up to the right honourable court of kings bench , but as they were returning homeward , some women ( belike that had heard of their desperate and unmannerly exployts ) as soone as they saw them passe did raile on them , and revile them most scoldingly eloquent ; and withall so embroydered them with dirt , which they cast at them , that they seemed more like ladies of the soyle , than women of any meane degree . and thus have these five foolish women run●● themselves into sixe pecks of trouble : how it will bee answered and ended time will shew , if the reader hath the patience to stay so long . these are the fruits of mad-braind , hare-braind , shallow-braind jealousie ; for as the pedegree of cure ( or remedy ) may bee thus delineated : itch begat scratch ● scratch was the father of scabbe ; scabbe begat sore , to whom smart succeeded ; then smart was the father of paine ; paine begat griefe , who was the sire of care , and care begat cure : so idle thoughts are the fathers of whisperings ; whisperings begat pratling , babling , talking , lying , slandering ; these mongrels are for the most part begotten at gossippings , and are the incurable issues or fistulaes of wicked mindes : from them fame sends out rumour , report , and heare-say ; and they set malice , backebiting , and slander on worke , who are so double diligent in their damnable devices , that they doe never cease working , till such time as they have h●led jealousie by the eares out of the dungeon of hell : and sure there is no tiger or beare when they are robbed , or bereaved of their whelpes , so divelish mad as a jealous man or woman . it hath beene indeed too often knowne that beauty hath beene the ruine of chastity , ( if grace guide and guard it not ) and as the flattery of men may overcome the weaknesse of women , so the wiles and snares of subtile strumpets have intangled and ruin'd too many men ; for ●ole , deianeira , and omphale , were too hard for hercules , and one of them made him lay by his club , and fall to spinning with a dista●fe . the queene of love subdu'd the god of warre , and the same venus naked , did foile pallas who was arm'd on mount ida : and whosoever hee be that sowes kisses on such lips as are lasciviously manur'd with the dung of temptation , shall be sure to reape 〈◊〉 harvest either of contempt , diseases , beggery , and defamation ; for the world is full of examples and presiden●s of many thousand , that have reap'd such a crop as they have sowne . that man that is yoak'd with a scold , that will be jealous without cause ; o●●ly because she will be so ; and for that surmise and slander shee like a devill doth make her house her husbands continuall hell : surely such a man is partly happy , if withall hee hath the vertue of patience , ( as wife socrates had with his xantippe ) for hee that is match'd with such a fiend , hath no need to care where he goes , nor what society he keeps ; nor hath he reason to be affraid of any harme that any wicked company can doe him , for the devill himselfe will not hurt him that is match'd with one of his sister . but if any shuttle-witted fellow , that is wedded to a chaste and modest woman , and is so farre troubled with a wild buzzing ●●d-flye in his braines , that he nothing but dreames of supposed invisible hornes , such a kind of cacadudgeon c●xcombe , doth justly deserve to have beene match'd to a wench whose heeles had beene lighter than his head , and then hee might meritoriously have made a combe of a fire-forke , and worne an oxe-feather in his hat without wrong or injury : in a word , there is nothing can grieve or torment the heart either of a good man or woman , than to finde their truth , constancy , loyalty , and honest integrity suspected or question'd ; for let it be truely weighed and considered , what hurt or occasion of suspicion can be for a man to give a woman a part of one pint of wine , in an open low roome in a publick taverne ? it is not to bee doubted but such accidents doe happen dayly , at the least a thousand , and yet for all that there is not one whoore or cuckold the more : but when as rashnesse addes waxen wings ( like those of icarus ) of indiscretion and inconsideration , and that either the man or the woman are mounted or soar'd aloft to the height of love-killing hell-borne jealousie , then doth the furious heate and flame of rage melt those deceitfull and suspicious wings , wings whereby the jealous party drops and tumbles downe headlong into the bottomelesse ocean of irreperable disgrace and infamy . the envy and inveterate hate of wicked women is almost past thought ; envy is the mistresse of injustice ; it stirreth and inciteth both the thought and the hand to all ill and wicked actions : and that envy which is secret and hidden , is more to bee feared than that which is open and manifest : such was the secret malice of this barbers wife , whose jealousie did burne a great while within her , and at length her envy did burst out into a flame , and so hath brought ruine and disgrace to her and her husband , which is so farre distant : and if any woman be so full of wrath and revengefull as this woman is , and her associates , and especially if they know that they have power of command , or authority , they will soone bring all to destruction : for they will plot either to poyson , stob , or else some ther way make their will and passions their law : and therefore i advise all to learne this saying , rather to be affraid of that renowne and credit which is dishonest and shamefull , for they plotted this businesse , because they would he talk'd on hereafter . suppose this i●●●e had beene guilty of a fault , must these women be their owne revengers , their owne witnesses , their owne judges ? must they have the law in ●●eir owne hands , thus to usurpe● 〈◊〉 wholsome lawes , and make havo●● of a woman in this un●ill mann●●● women shall i call them● nay , rather monsters : or else some evill spirit in their shapes , to commit such inhumane and unnaturall acts as these : such actions they be that are past example , nay ; never the like heard of , to commit such uncivill actions , and upon their owne sexe , whose civill carriage should be example to the younger sort ; their actions were such , as i said before , that i blush to relate them , and ought not to be divulg'd no lowder than a whisper : the heathens that knew not god would not have done the like : nay , the wilde beasts of the wildernesse would have pursu'd to de●th such beasts as rapin'd and live upon the spoyle of other beasts ; they themselves punish , and shall these creatures hate these acts which a christian commits , and we commit them ? but their punishment no doubt will be inflicted upon them according to their deserts ; and my second part , which i will shortly publish , shall shew their confessions and their punishments : and so i end this relation , wishing their sufferings may be an example to others , that none dare attempt such uncivill and immodest actions hereafter . finis . a letter with a narrative, written to the right hon:ble thomas allen lord major of london, &e. [sic] concerning a strange sight that appeared over this city of london, in the yeare 1642. when the king was driven from his parliament, dated as followeth butter, nathaniel, d. 1664. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78071 of text r226406 in the english short title catalog (wing b6339a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78071 wing b6339a estc r226406 99895662 99895662 153074 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78071) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 153074) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2346:3) a letter with a narrative, written to the right hon:ble thomas allen lord major of london, &e. [sic] concerning a strange sight that appeared over this city of london, in the yeare 1642. when the king was driven from his parliament, dated as followeth butter, nathaniel, d. 1664. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for nath. butter, residing in cursitors alley, london : 1659. signed at end: n.b., i.e. nathaniel butter. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. eng omens -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england a78071 r226406 (wing b6339a). civilwar no a letter with a narrative, written to the right hon:ble thomas allen lord major of london, &e. [sic] concerning a strange sight that appeare butter, nathaniel 1659 877 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-05 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter with a narrative , written to the right hon:ble thomas allen lord major of london , &c. concerning a strange sight that appeared over this city of london , in the yeare 1642. when the king was driven from his parliament , dated as followeth . my lord : i doe with all due respects ( upon sight of your late proclamation ) make bold to acquaint your honour , with a strange sight which appeared over this city in 1642. not improper for the worke of next friday . i am sorry i had not acquainted your lordship with it , before you publisht your proclamation , for it will conduce much to the worke of the day , to let the people know what warning god offered to this city in 1642. and may much increase their devotion and humiliation upon the day , or as many dayes as it shall please god to put into your lordships heart , to command the people ( under you ) to meet againe upon the like humiliation ; for this neglect hath been so long , that i feare it will require many dayes of humiliation before gods judgments will be remitted . there hath been many fasts , since god sent this city warning in 42. but no proper returne hath been made by this city in 17. yeares , to answer god againe ; till it hath pleased god to put it into your heart at this time ( nehemiah like ) to command a fast , which i hope will prove effectuall as his did . i thinke my selfe happie , that i can see it begun in your time , which your predecessor did either neglect , or tooke no cognizance of . i hope it will be a means to preserve this city ; if with reverence , and effectually performed ; as i doubt not , i could have wished that you had made it nehemiahs fast ; that both man and beast might have fasted strictly ; but for that , i submit to your honours better judgment , and shall ever pray for your honours health and happiniss , and the cities safety . your honors to command ; n. b. if your honour doubt the truth of what i have related , i am ready to make it good , being well knowne ( a member of the company of stationers ) and being aged 78. yeares , not able to follow my trade doe the more give my mind to a better world . cursitors alley anent the rose taverne , novemb. the 30. 1659. a narrative of the strange apparition which appeared over this city of london in the yeare 1642. about the time that the late king charles was forced away from his parliament by the rude multitude . in the yeare 1642. in the christmass holidayes , there appeared over this city of london , a bow of smoake in the firmament ( in a cleere star-light night no cloud seene ) which had his motion over the city about three houres before it dispiersed it selfe . the rising of it was about aldgate or white chappell , and extended it self as farre as st. giles in the fields to our appearance , and began his motion over the north part of the city , moving in a perfit body ( for about three houres ) towards the south , till it came over the thames , and there , and then scattered and dispierst it selfe . the bredth of the bow was about an ell to our seeming : it was observed by divers gentlemen in the fleet which i spare not to name , sir iohn digby , mr. thorne of bedford , mr. newcomin , 2. reverend divines , mr. james howell , a knowing man , and they and divers more of quality , gave their opinion , that this apparition was not naturall , but sent by god to give warning to this city , and that the bow of smoake intimated fire that should consume it , and that god sent it of purpose to give warning . i doubt not but many hundreth in the city saw it , but slighted it , as being smoake a common vapour that comes out of every chimney , and appearing at that time of night when few people were abroad , twixt eight and eleven at night , there could bee little notice taken of it ; but at the fleet upon notice given , most of the gentlemen of the house went up into the leads , where you might looke over all the houses as farre as aldgate , and had a full view of the manner and motion of it , which struck a great amazement into many of them , whereof i was one , and did observe it from almost the beginning , till it came over the thames and dispierst it selfe . so much for the description and manner of this apparition . london , printed for nath. butter , residing in cursitors alley , 1659. londons liberties, or, a learned argument of law and reason, before the lord mayor, court of aldermen, and common-council, at guild-hall between mr. maynard, now the kings eldest serjeant at law, mr. hales, late lord chief justice of the kings bench, and mr. wilde, lately one of the justices of the same court, of council for the livery-men of london, and major john wildman, and mr. john price, of council for the freemen of london : wherein the freedom of the citizens of london in their elections of their mayor, sheriffs, aldermen, and common-council-men, is fully debated, their most ancient charters examined, and on both hands agreed to be but a confirmation of their former rights : with their opinions concerning the forfeiture of londons charter. 1682 approx. 120 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70490 wing l2936b estc r14306 12157737 ocm 12157737 55182 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70490) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55182) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 599:10 or 768:10) londons liberties, or, a learned argument of law and reason, before the lord mayor, court of aldermen, and common-council, at guild-hall between mr. maynard, now the kings eldest serjeant at law, mr. hales, late lord chief justice of the kings bench, and mr. wilde, lately one of the justices of the same court, of council for the livery-men of london, and major john wildman, and mr. john price, of council for the freemen of london : wherein the freedom of the citizens of london in their elections of their mayor, sheriffs, aldermen, and common-council-men, is fully debated, their most ancient charters examined, and on both hands agreed to be but a confirmation of their former rights : with their opinions concerning the forfeiture of londons charter. maynard, john, sir, 1602-1690. wildman, john, sir, 1621?-1693. wilde, william, sir, 1611?-1679. hale, matthew, sir, 1609-1676. [4], 32 p. printed for r. read, london : 1682. identified in reel guide and on film as h249;cancelled in wing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in bodleian library and huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng elections -england -london. london (england) -charters, grants, privileges. 2003-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-02 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion londons liberties : or , a learned argument of law and reason , before the lord mayor , court of aldermen , and common-council , at guild-hall . between mr. maynard , now the kings eldest serjeant at law. mr. hales , late lord chief iustice of the kings-bench , and mr. wilde , lately one of the justices of the same court. of council for the livery-men of london . and major iohn wildman , and mr. iohn price . of council for the freemen of london . wherein the freedom of the citizens of london in their elections of their mayor , sheriffs , aldermen , and common-council-men , is fully debated ; their most ancient charters examined , and on both hands agreed to be but a confirmation of their former rights : with their opinions concerning the forfeiture of londons charter . london , printed for r. read. 1682. the preface . the unusual methods that have been made use of in the election of sheriffs for london and middlesex for the year ensuing , having raised great disputes among the citizens , concerning the manner of chusing their chief officers , and those disputes produced great heats and animosities , i thought it my duty , both as a protestant , and an english-man , to use my utmost endeavours for putting an end to such disputes , that so the cause being remov'd , the effects might cease : to this purpose i suppose the publication of the following sheets will be judged very seasonable by all unbiass'd men ; for whereas these disputes and heats have engendered many phamphlets , which have rather added fuel to , then extinguish'd the differences , that have happen'd upon this occasion between the citizens that adhere to the lord mayor , and those that adhere to the sheriffs : methinks this argument , though now almost two and thirty years old , seems by divine providence to have been calculated for deciding the differences aforesaid , and i question not this good effect , if men will lay aside passion and prejudice , and entirely resign themselves to the conduct of law and reason , upon both which we cannot doubt but the argument is founded , unless we should suspect want of skill in those three great oracles of the law. one of whom , was the late incomparable lord chief iustice of the court of kings-bench , another one of the iustices of the same court , and the third now living , his majesties eldest serjeant at law : and certainly if any man should be so absurd as to affirm , that any one of these three ( much more that all three of them jointly ) should be mistaken in an argument of such consequence , he would discover more ignorance than malice . august , 26. 1650. the report of the committee appointed for examination of the state of the chamber of london . about 1630. we find the chamber to be indebted about the sum of 050000 : 00 : 00 at michaelmass 1649. the accompt of the chamber being then cast up , the chamber was then in debt : ( viz. ) to orphans 169654 : 01 : 05½ 264066 : 14 : 09½ to other persons for principal money 094412 : 13 : 04 the means whereby it came into debt , are either extraordinary , or ordinary . extraordinary . anno   l. s. d.   a gold cup given the prince 001191 04 05 1633. presents given to the king , queen , and prince 003260 00 00 1634. a jewel given the queen 004000 00 00 1634. entertainment of the king and queen at merchant-ta●lors-hall . 001287 12 08 1634. christening the duke of york 000633 00 00 1639. a cup of gold given the queen mother , and other charges 001000 00 00 1639. charges of the charter 002355 00 00 1639. given the king 010000 00 00 1639. composition for package and scavage 004000 00 00 1649. composition for london-derry 012000 00 00 1639. to the repair of st. pauls 000600 00 00 1642. entertainment of the king and queen 001786 00 00   for building the bridge 006400 00 00   for ship-money , and setting out ships to sea 017218 00 00   by gifts and rewards to officers for 20 years , at 1200 l. per annum . 024000 00 00   by several bad debts 089730 17 01     071739 14 01 ordinary . charges for marshal causes for twenty years 035278 00 00 for interest-money paid 20 years , at 6000 l. per annum 120000 00 00 by delivering up bonds to be cancell'd by act of common-council in 1640. to several persons for money lent them out of the chamber 20 years before about 30000 l. principal in all with interest 060000 00 00 for officers standing fees for about 20 years ; at 1400 l. per an. 028000 00 00 for workmens wages for 20 years , at 1000 l. per annum 020000 00 00 stuff for reparation for about 20 years , at 1600 l. per annum 030400 00 00 the totall sum given , lost and expended for about 20 years , is 455148 11 02 present , mr. sheriff pack mr. ald. chiverton col. mumering mr. cole mr. barbone mr. dallison mr. ald. hayes mr. ald. titchborne mr. gibbs mr. bolt●n mr. adams mr. manton . august , 26. 1650. those men being very sensible of this horrid abuse of the city , that the chamber , which hath been esteemed like that among the romans , a sacred treasury , for safety and pitying the orphans cryes . and searching how the city came to be thus bankrupt , it was found that the chief officers had been very faulty ; and thereupon it was considered how they were elected ; and there arose the question about the right of electing the chief officers of the city . and it came into debate whether the livery-men ought to be the electors , as now they are . thereupon the companies of london petitioned the court that they might continue their elective power : and divers freemen of the city petitioned for the abolishing that power of the liveries or companies : the petitions are these : to the right honourable the lord mayor of the city of london ; and to the right worshipful the aldermen his brethren , and the commons in common-council assembled . the humble petition of the several companies and societies of the city of london . humbly sheweth , that whereas it appeareth , that heretofore for divers years , many great differences did arise within this city , touching the election of the lord mayor and sheriffs , to the great disturbance of the peace thereof ; the said elections being made divers and several ways , and with continual alterations and often disturbances , ( viz. ) in the seventh year of king edward the third , by the mayor and aldermen together , with the most sufficient men of every ward , in the eighth year of the said king , as the king's proclamation then commanded ; by the aldermen , and the most discreet and ablest citizens of the city ? in the twentieth year of that king , by the mayor and all the aldermen , and twelve , eight , or six of every ward , according as the ward should be great or small , of the richest and wisest men of every ward : in the fiftieth year of the said king , by a certain number of the good men of the several mysteries ( their names being certified by the several companies . ) in the eighth year of king richard the second , by the common-council , and the most sufficient men of the city . in the ninth year of that king , by those as should be summoned of the most sufficient men of the city , or of the common-council . in the seventh year of king edward the fourth , by the general council , the masters and warden , of every mystery of the city coming in their liveries ; and by other good men , especially summoned , ( and so the said unsetled elections continued with many disturbances ) untill in the fifteenth year of the said king edward the fourth . that the same election was setled by authority of this honourable court of general council , by an act then made , that the master and wardens of the mysteries of this city , meeting in their halls , or other fit places , and associating with the good men of the company , cloathed in their last liveries , should come together to the guild-hall of this city for the election of the mayor and sheriff . and that no other but the good men of the common-council of the city should be present at the said elections ; which course and custome hath been ever since yearly used and continued , to the honour , peace and happiness of this city , and the well setled government of the same . and forasmuch as the petitioners are given to understand , that there is an endeavouring to deprive and take from them , that their ancient and lawful right , for the election of lord mayor and sheriffs , which for near two hundred years together , they and their predecessors ( the livery-men of the several companies ) have lawfully and quietly enjoyed , as belonging to them , without any question or disturbance . their humble desire and request therefore is , that this honourable court will be pleased to take their just cause into your serious consideration , that as they are for the most part the ancient●st and most able citizens of this city , and do undergo ( as always they have done ) the greatest part of the charge , and service within the same ; so they may not be put from that their right of election , as they and their predecessors , livery-men , have ( without alteration or disturbance , lovingly and peaceably ) held and enjoyed ever since the said act of the 15th . of edward the fourth , being near two hundred years , as aforesaid , or be discouraged from bearing charge , giving attendan●e , and performing services , as they have always done , and performed for the honour and good of this city . and they shall , according to their duties , pray , &c. mercers . tho. chamberlain , william barbe . grocers . samu●l harsnet , william hulme . drapers . francis peeke , peter iones . fishmongers . tho. lusher , gyles-baggs . goldsmiths . iohn terry , iohn perrin . skinners . iohn garrard , iohn southwood . merchant-taylors george alpers , richard orme . iohn green , haberdasher . iohn redding , salter . robert cravenor , ironmonger . vintners . william field , wiliiam iames. cloth-workers . iohn milles , edward chard . i. sadler . to the right honourable the lord mayor , aldermen , and commons in common-council assembled . the humble petition of divers freemen ; inhabitants of this honourable city : sheweth , that whereas the ancient liberties of the city did admit only freemen of the same , to have his vote in the choice of the supreme magistrates thereof : the imposition of the governours upon a people without their voluntary election , importing the prevalency of meer tyranny and slavery , and whereas the livery-men of each company thereof not chosen either by the city , or their respective companies , and therefore not representee● , either of the one or the other , have for many years past , imposed such supreme magistrates upon the same city as they pleased , without the suf●'rage of the freemen thereof , either by themselves or representees chosen for that purpose ; and for which end , your petitioners humbly conceive this court hath been constituted , and sworn upon the election of the representative members thereof in their several wards . the premises considered , the petitioners humbly pray , that by an act of this honorable court , such a competent number of representees my be annually chosen by the freemen of every word , in their respective words , who together with the common council-men , may be authorized to choose the supreme officers of this city annually for the time to come . and your petitioners shall pray , &c. these were referred to a commitee , and counsel for the companies there heard , and mr. price in the behalf of the freemen : from thence it was referred to be fully debated before the lord mayor , court of aldermen and common council . and on saturday the 14. of december , the court being sat at guild hall , the companies brought for their counsel , mr. maynard , mr. hales , and mr. wilde , gentlemen most famous in the profession of the law ; and the freemen ( besides mr. iohn price ) had prevailed by much intreaty , with major iohn wildman , as i am informed , without hopes of fees or rewards to plead their cause ; and so the debate begun as followeth : mr. price . my lord , i only crave leave to speak one word in the behalf of my self ; for i acknowledge my self to be but weak in the knowledge of the law ; and i therefore unable to withstand those gentlemen of the long robe , come only as a citizen of london , to render a reason of my subscribing of that petition that was presented unto your honour , and this worshipful court ; and i hope you will not judge otherwise of my appearing here at this time . we began the last time to speak of it , to vindicate it to them that opposed us herein ; and they being the first that spake then , we desire that they may likewise begin now , and then with your lordships favour , we shall reply to them ; for my part , i thought there had been an issue put to the business , and little thought had i to appear any more about it . mr. recorder . they that oppose any thing that is setled , to the end to have it altered , they usually begin first to shew their grounds or reasons , in all courts of justice . mr. mainard . the intent of our coming here , is not to introduce any novelty , but to maintain the ancient priviledges of this famous city under which it hath for so many hundreds of years flourished , in all happiness the earth affords with peace and plenty . and therefore we conceive we shall not need to produce any arguments to defend our cause , but to answer the objections that shall be made by such that do oppose us in the enjoying our right , always presuming that where the possession goeth , there the right is ; and therefore if they on the other side have any thing to object , we are ready to give answers to their objections . mr. price . we hope we are before such men , as will not take notice so much of the persons as of the arguments , that are brought on both sides ; and therefore my lord , i shall begin to proceed where they please . the last time this business was under consideration before the worshipful committee to be heard , the business was driven as i conceive , to this head by your opponents , to know whether the thing desired by us , be in your power to grant to us ; and whether the things desired by them , were in your power to deny them . they pleaded by their council , that they maintained their priviledges by right of custom , so that it was argued that the law of election was not in this courts power to give . so that your lordship and this honourable court , are by them made not so much as judges , much less parties . mr. recorder . mr. price , takes it for granted , that all this court understands the state of this case , which they do not ; and therefore i desire the question may be rightly stated , that is to be disputed upon , otherwise you will spend much time and run into confusion , and it will be impossible for them that hear you to understand the business ; so that i desire the question may be stated , and the matter of fact agreed upon . mr. price . my lord , i had thought to begin where we left the last time ; and the question then stated , was reduced to this short point ; whether the right of election of the chief officers of this city , did belong to the livery-men of the several companies , with the lord mayor and court of aldermen , by vertue of a law of this court , or by vertue of custome . mr. recorder . i beseech you let it be clear what you go upon . mr. wildman . my lord , i am here desired by many free-men of this city to appear in their behalf , to inforce a petition of theirs delivered to this court , and they also produced to me a petition preferred to some others in opposition to theirs ; and as i conceive , that noble gentleman mr. recorder , desires that which is very requisite , that is , that the question may be rightly stated ; and so the arguments produced on either side ; now i conceive the question is this , whether the wardens , assistants , and livery-men of the several companies of this city of london , ought to have the election of the lord mayor , and sheriffs of london , or whether the freemen in general by themselves or by their deputies have the right of that election . city-counsell . the question cannot be collected from the petition , which prays , that the people of the several wards ( where many forreiners inhabit , ) may chuse the lord mayor . mr. wildman . my lord , i believe those gentlemen endeavour so to state the question , that they might make the court believe , that we would split our selves upon that rock of popular confusion ; but we shall endeavour to avoid that clamor . we conceive the question to be this : whether the masters , wardens , assistants , and livery-men of the several companies , of right ought to elect the lord mayor , and the sheriffs of this city ; or the freemen of the city by themselves or their deputies . it will be concluded on both sides , that the lord mayor , and court of aldermen , with the common-counsel men , may have a right in the election . city-counsell . we say the lord mayor , and the aldermen , and the common-counsel , and the masters , assistants , and liveries of the several companies , have the right of the election , and possession of that right . mr. price . the question is , whether the election as it is , shall continue , or not continue ; we deny not that the right of election doth belong to the wardens and livery-men of each company , with my lord mayor , and court of aldermen . but the question is , whether it belongs to them upon such grounds as are unalterable by this court ; if they are unalterable by this court , let them shew by what law ; if they are alterable , we are then in a fair way to have one petition granted . mr. mainard . there is nothing pretended by the petition that is endeavoured to be made the question . they do complain in their petition , that this government which you have so long enjoyed in this city , is an imposition of tyranny and slavery , and that imposed ; when i came first hither , i thought i was to speak to matter of right , but they decline that , and speak to point of crime . mr. price . it is true , these words of tyranny and slavery are in the petition , but they are with a parenthesis . i desire the petition may be read . ( the petition was then read . ) mr. price . we say that the imposition of such and such things is slavery ? but it is not in relation to this court , but in answer to their petition , who call it in their petition their ancient right ; if it be their ancient right , let them shew by what law ; and i conceive the parenthesis is only in relation to that expression . mr. wildman . i humbly conceive ( my lord , and gentlemen ) the thing in question must be collected from the prayer of both petitions ; the sum of the prayer of one petition is this , that the representatives of all the wards may ( as of right they ought ) elect the chief officers of this city . mr. recorder . i think , the business before you , is to come to the question in hand ; and i humbly beg , that for expressions on both sides , they may be wholly waved ; and if you will not speak the question , that you would agree of it in writing . mr. mainard . i suppose it is conceived by all what we both aim at , i shall be a suitor that those gentlemen may go on to matter of argument , and i shall speak what i am able . mr. wildman . may it please your lordship , to let me pursue the recorder's motion ; we humbly conceive that the prayer of our petition must direct us to state the question ; we pray no more but this , that the chief officers of the city may be chosen by the several wards , in their representatives annually . we do admit that the lord mayor , the court of aldermen , and common-council , may have right of election , because they represent their wards ; but we pray that our right in electing , as we are free-men , may be restored to us . mr. hales . my lord , there 's no officers of any corporation in england , but are by usage or charter ; and if these gentlemen be about officers , their question is about the officers of a corporation ; these gentlemen would introduce some new thing that hath not been heretofore used , and we desire to know upon what imagined pretence they would have it , and that they shew us the persons to inforce the thing they desire ; otherwise , why do they petition ? mr. wildman . my lord , these gentlemen would avoid the true stating the question , and engage us in logomachi●'s , contentions about words ; we would know wherein they oppose the desire of our petition , to have the ancient right of the citizens of lond●n , restored to them in the choice of the chief officers of the city . mr. mainard . we deny that you desire in your petition , is the right of the city of london . it is so far from being their right , that when they put that in execution , they lose their charter , and all their franchises . mr. price . the question was reduced to this , whether it was in the power of this court to alter what was then in custome , so that we shall not be lookt upon as adversaries to our opponents , denying this court their right of election ; but if we make it good , that the custome was altered by you , why then we trust we serve you in so doing , if we prove it in your power to alter it now ; and it shall encourage us to pray , and you also to give what we ask , if it shall tend to the good government of this city . if the right of election belong to the livery , it must appear by written law , or by custome time out of minde ; if by a law , it must be by some law of the land , or by some charter , or by some act of common-hall , or common-counsel . if it be by charter , we must insist upon the terms of the charter , and expounded the same by succeeding practices , and if this charter granted in king iohns time be meerly declarative , we shall know what the custome was by the succeeding elections . if you plead custome , we shall finde custome for many years , that the chief officers of the city were elected by the lord mayor , court of aldermen , common-counsel-men , and the wards of the city , and not by the livery-men of every company , as is desired by these gentlemen . to the 15. year of ed. 4. they are in use from the 19. year of ed. the first , which was 194 years . it was the practice of the city to choose by wards so long ; and the aldermen and common-counsel-men are chosen out of the wards . now for election of mayors and sheriffs by the wards , we will give you but a place of that plenty we can give to that purpose , in the 19. year of ed. the first 1231. and in the 31. year of ed. the first . in the 19 of ed. the first out of twelve men of every ward , were the sheriffs chosen ; and so was the mayor thomas blun chosen ; the sheriffs were chosen by the lord mayor , the court of aldermen , and common-counsel , and twelve men out of every ward ; and iohn lincoln was so chosen . and in the 32. of ed. the first iohn blun was so chosen again ; and in the 33. of ed. the first , iohn blun was chosen the fifth time mayor so , and so were the sheriffs . and again 1 ed. the second , peter drove chosen sheriff as before , and iohn blun was chosen mayor the sixth time ; the first of ed. the second , blun was chosen the seventh time by the lord mayor , court of aldermen , and the community which was summoned thereunto , which was twelve men out of every ward ; and in the 2. of ed. the second , bu●ler and dov●r were chosen sheriffs as before ; the time would fail if we should speak of palmer and edmonds , &c. and many others who were chosen by the lord mayor , the aldermen , the common-counsel , and the good men of wards . at the 22. year of henry the sixth , were present at election of the mayor , all the common-counsel-men , and several discreet citizens chosen out of every ward ; its true they are called the commons and community , and if that you look in the 21. of ed. the first , the community there is expounded to be the honest , discreet , and wise men of the ward ; so that they were representatives chosen out of the wards ; but if it be objected , that besides these twelve honest discreet men of every ward , there were certain other men that did belong unto this election , and surely it may imply that the livery-men did bel●ng unto the election ; surely no , but by those dark expressions , must be meant the honest discreet men chosen out of the wards , with the lord mayor and aldermen , to whom it belongs ex officio . the main argument was this ; that the chief officers of the city were to be chosen by the lord mayor , and the aldermen , and sheriffs , and common-counsel-men , with twelve men chosen out of every ward that were discreet men , that was granted ; but that they were such discreet men , as to exclude other , was denied : if that these are the men , they must be distinguished from other men , by another term than discreet men . now you argue thus , that livery-men are discreet , and therefore the men that must choose my lord mayor , are the livery-men ; as if you should argue , that the lord mayor wears a golden chain , therefore the sheriffs are lord mayors , because they wear golden chains . i humbly offer these considerations : 1. my lord mayor , nor the aldermen chuse not any officers of the companies ; why should they then chuse any chief officers of the city ? 2. the jurisdiction of the mayor and sheriffs extends to a local power ; and by these gentlemens pleading , livery-men , free of this city , may live at york ; and if they be at london that day my lord mayor is chosen , they may choose my lord mayor and the sheriffs of this city , and yet live not under their power . 3. the way of election we plead for , doth not exempt them from being chosen by the ward to elect . 4. free-men of this city pay shot and lot , and are bound to assist the chief officers of this city : but livery-men living not under these bounds , are not under this obligation . 5. again , this city is distributed by way of wards ; quest-men , jury-men , constables , and scavengers , are all chosen by the wards ; and it is most necessary for the well government of this city , that the chief officers of this city be chosen by representatives from every ward . 6. if there be any miscarriage in government , the citizens living in the city must be taxt , and pay any fine for misgovernment , and therefore it is most fit they should have their vote in election . 7. and further , if any accident happen by fire or the miscarriage of one of more of the chief officers , if it so fall out that the treasure of the chamber should be exhausted and mis-imployed , that the orphans cannot have their portions , i desire to know who must be responsible for it ; the livery-men of several companies , or the whole wards , and every particular man thereof ? and here give me leave to be heard with charity : god knows my heart , i speak out of love to you all , and as prest in conscience , what i have to say , i am sure it is the whisperings , nay the report of most , and i fear too true ; that the cry of the fatherless and the widdow doth sollicite heaven for vengeance , for expending the poor orphans estates ; and we trust and believe , that your honour and this honourable court , whose faces , and lives , and conversations we so well know , that we do verily believe that your hearts and hands are clean from this pollution ; but as we do believe , so we hope , that your honour and the rest will take some speedy course that the blood of the fatherless and the widdow may not stick to these walls ; let our blood and estates go before the blood of poor orphans , that that may not one day be charged upon this city . i desire to be pardoned this digression . i should answer some objections that are commonly made against this way of election that we desire : the first is this , that this will destroy the companies , and so at last it will strike higher , to wit , the overthrow of my lord mayor and the court of aldermen , and so consequently all government ; for my part , i know not that absolon among us , but did i know such a man , my hand should be upon him as soon as any mans ; i say let a bear robbed of her whelps m●et me , rather then a people without government ; the magistrates power is my power , and is in him for my use , and for my part i am for the majestry of magistrates : for when we read of kings , we read of thrones and scepters , and soft raiment , &c. it is true , though your chains are gold , yet they are chains as well as gold : and though your gowns be honorable , yet they are burdensome as well as honorable . but as for the business in hand , we speak not against the form and the beauty of it , but let every star shine in his own orbe . let there be no confusion ; let wards have their dues , and let companies have theirs ; i want opportunity to set forth their glory and their excellency in their proper places . as for the objections of popularity and confusion , we shall answer them if they be insisted on . mr. wildman . my lord , i humbly propose no other end , but to inforce the petition of the free-men of this city : the question that was stated is this , whether the companies of the several misteries in the city , or the free-men in the several wards have right to choose lord mayor and sheriffs . now it rests upon us to prove ; that the free-men in their representatives , chosen out of the wards , are to choose ; and we do assert this for a truth , that those , and those only that shall be actually chosen to represent the free-men of the city of london , not excluding the lord mayor , court of aldermen , and common-counsel , have a right to this election . and my lord , i might insist upon it , that this very city and common-counsel in all things do acknowledge this to be the peoples right ; for upon your election of your representatives in parliament , the commissions you give them run in the name of the whole commonalty of the city . and it is generally admitted to be the peoples right in all acts of common-counsel and other publick acts , which run in the name of the commonalty of the city , they are therefore supposed to do those acts by themselves or deputyes : but , my lord , i shall wave this , lest i should reduce all government to an uncertainty , by dissolving it into the first principles , and so seem at least to run upon that rock of coufusion which those gentlemen would have us split our selves upon ; but it is no way our intention , and therefore i shall assert this proposition ; that the representers of the several wards ought to chuse the lord mayor and the sheriffs , upon a right declared by written law ; only i crave leave to premise , or to inform this honorable court , that those first records that should make out the peopels right , are imbezeled , burnt or lost , there being no record in your treasury , but since edward . 1. but my lord , by records that are extent the liberties of the citizens of london appear to be more ancient then any charter of the city that 's visible to us : in the 9. chap. of magna charta it is said , the city of london shall have all her liberties and customs she was used to have ; so that there was liberties and customes that the city had before the great charter of england . now it is agreed by the gentlemen of the long robe , that the great charter of england is chiefly declarative of the common-law ; and sir edward cook in his second part of his institutes upon that ground declares it for law , that any law made by the parliament it self , and contrary to the great charter of england , and contrary to right reason , is void of it self . i suppose he adds these words ( and contrary to right reason ) to shew that he means onely that a statute made against that part of the great charter which is declarative of the common-law , is null of it self ; for the common-law , being right reason , it cannot be supposed without a contradiction , that parliaments should of right have power to make a law against right . now the liberties of london being confirmed by the great charter , i cannot conceive that any other liberties are there intended to be confirmed , then those common liberties that were grounded upon right reason , and then those words of the ninth chapter of the great charter do but declare the common-law , and by consequence are unalterable ; and any law made against those liberties of london either by a power within the city , or without the city , is null of it self ; now to make it appear that it was one of the city liberties before the great charter , that the free-men should chuse their chief officers , we can go no farther then your charter granted by king iohn , in the year ( 1215. ) 435 years since ; that is the first charter the city of london hath extant . and by that charter t is said to be granted to the barons of london yearly to elect a mayor and sheriffs , and the word barons doth import no more then the free-men of london ; for then the free-men of every port were called barons , though since it hath been made a name and title of honour peculiar to those called noblemen . now i conceive it will be agreed by the gentlemen of the other side , that this very charter was not the original of those liberties of london that are mentioned there to be granted , but that it was only declarative , shewing what the liberties of the city were ; and here i must infer , that this charter declaring that the barons of the city ( wherein every particular citizen is included ) should chuse the mayor and the sheriffs , this ( i say ) doth but declare what was the common rihgt of all the citizens of london before this charter . i may then from hence conclude , that before the great charter it was the right of the citizens of london , none excluded , that they should chuse the mayor and their sheriffs ; and such a right as i crave leave to affirm to be unalterable , that is justly so ; for being a right by the law of nature , 't is superior to all other laws , and other laws are onely so far right , as they agree with that ; however i may more bol●ly say , that this liberty of the citizens of london being confirmed by the great charter , cannot be null by any act of common-council ; and i humbly conceive that it was not in the common-council's power , to make that act in the fifteenth of edward the fourth , to debar all but the liveries of the several companies to come to the election of the mayor , and sheriffs : for they could not take away the right of the citizens declared by their charter ; and in the first charter , and all others , 't is said to be giranted to the citizens indefinitely , to chuse of themselves a mayor : and the charter ought to be construed in favour of right , and so 't is to be taken that it is granted to all the citizens : and this their right is apparent by the use of it , which is mentioned in all the most ancient records of the city : there 's one or two very clear to this purpose . the city growing great and very populous after their first charter , found it inconvenient to meet together , the commonalty being very great : and therefore according to this their right , which we assert , the whole city at a common-hall did make an agreement , that eight , ten , or twelve , of every ward should be chosen by their wards , and in their names , and in their steads , elect the mayor and the sheriffs of the city . as in the sixth year of king edward the second , lib. d. fol. 3. which if you please i desire may be read ; that you may not think i speak without book . the act was read. and in the twentieth year of edward the third , in the year 1347. there is an act of a common-hall recorded , wherein 't is said that there gathered together on simon and iu●es day , the whole commonalty into guild-hall , london , so that the whole hall was full with the commonalty . the act read in these words . and it is agreeed that from henceforth there shall come the mayor , the aldermen , and also out of every ward of the city of london , twelve , eight , or six , according as the ward shall be great or small , of the richest and wisest of every ward ; and such twelve , eight , or six , with the mayor and aldermen , shall intermeddle , and chuse a mayor and sheriffs , for the year following . i conceive this is sufficient to prove , that it is the citizens of londons right to chuse the mayor and sheriffs of london ; for accordingly they did meet together , the whole body of the free-men ; and finding that inconvenient , the commonalty did agree at a full hall , that such a select number should be chosen by every ward , and sent to the election of the mayor and sheriffs , as appears by the act that hath been read ; and 't is probable , that this was not the first time that such an agreement was made , but that this was made after the commonalty had upon some occasion reassumed the power of electing to themselves ; for according to this agreement , it was the practice of the city of london for near two hundred years before it was put into the hands of the livery-men of each company ; in 19th . of edward the first , lib. c. fol. 62. the election of the mayor and sheriffs , is said to have been by the mayor , sheriffs , and aldermen , and twelve men of every ward . in the 19th . year of edward the first , blun was chosen mayor of the city of london , by the common-counsel and aldermen , and by the assent of twelve honest men of every ward of the whole city . my lord , it is apparent that twelve men were chosen by every ward , that did elect the lord mayor and the sheriffs . and the very same words are in the 31. of edw. 1. where martin and burford were chosen sheriffs ; and in the thirty second of edward the first , where iohn blun was so chosen mayor . lib. c. fol. 111. and 112. and in the first year of edward the second , fol. 112. picot and dury were so chosen sheriffs . i humbly submit it to your lordship , whether you will see these records . i may quote more , as in the third of edward the second , lib. c. fol. 113. &c. it was the continual practice from year to year , that the twelve men chosen by every ward , did elect the lord mayor , and the sheriffs ; there is a whole jury of witnesses in the records to this purpose . and my lord , where this usage may seem to have ceased , because in other records 't is said they were elected by the lord mayor , sheriffs , and aldermen , and the whole commonalty ; we shall make it appear that this is meant the selected men of the wards ; though however those records are clear for us : for if the choice was by the whole commonalty , it was either by themselves , or these deputies . yet we find one record in the twenty first of edward the first , lib. c. fol. 6. where 't is said , first , that there was assembled the whole commonalty , and then 't is explained in these words , that is to say of every ward , the richest and the wisest . the record was read. mr. wildman . i produce this record for this end , to shew that where the election is said to be by the commonalty of the city , it is to be understood the select number of every wards representatives ; for it is supposed every one is included ; and therefore 't is said to be by the commonalty . i pray my lord observe these words in this record , the whole commonalty , that is to say the more able and discreet men of every ward . and to confirm this , if there be any need of it , we can produce another record in 113. fol. libro c. where election is said to be made by the commonalty summoned thereunto : yet in page 112. of the same , it is said men of every ward did choose : whence i collect that by the expression of the commonalty summoned hereto , is understood the twelve men from the wards ; so that it appeareth clearly in my humble opinion , that it was the practice of the city for near two hundred years , to choose by their representatives , before it came to be the usage of the city , to choose by the livery-men of the companies . and my lord , if it were needful to strengthen this , we can shew by * records , that parliament men where chosen by the lord mayor , aldermen , and twelve men of every ward ; these were the representers of the wards , that joyned with the lord mayor , and the court of aldermen , in such elections ; and the commissions given to the parliament-men , are in the name of the whole commonalty of the city , which admits they were all there in their persons or in their deputies , to choose them , and give them their commissions : else the commonalty is abused in having their names used in the commissions . now my lord , i shall take the boldness to conclude from all this evidence of the common-councel of london , though i much honor their power , and would be infinitely loth to detract from it : yet my lord i must crave leave to affirm , that it being the liberty of all the free-men of l●ndon ; by themselves or deputies , to chuse the lord mayor and sherifis ; and this being confirmed to them by magna charia , as unalterable : and all the people having declared at a full common hall that they had put it into the hands of twelve men which were their deputies , or representatives to elect the chief officers of of this city ; this my lord being the case , i say , i humbly , affirm , that it was not in the power of the common-councel by that act 15 edward 4 to take away the free-mens right , not to say who should be the peoples deputies to make their elections , they being by the people deputies themselves , and deputed to another power ; so that my lord , i now conclude that it was the ancient undoubted right of the citizens of london by themselves or their deputies , to make their election of their mayor and sheriffs , and other chief officers of the city ; and i conceive the petition of the freemen of the city of london , which i now indeavor to inforce , amounts to no more then a modest humble claim of their common right , that elections might be future be made by the deputies of every ward , which was the ancient custome of the city before the great charter ; and all their charters , that of king iohn , and since , say that the election shall be according to the ancient custom of the city . mr. wildman . and if the king at any time sent writs , or made-proclamation for the quieting the elections when there was disturbances , and prohibited the access of people : yet the more honest and discreet men of the several wards are mentioned as bound to come to the election , and 't is commauded that they chuse prout moris est , according to their custom ; and i conceive it hath been proved that it was their custom to chuse by the representatives of every ward . i shall say nothing for the conveniency of this way of choice that i plead for , because we claim it as our right : and we expect that the arguments against us will be chiefly from pretended inconveniences s and when those arguments are produced , we shall endeavor to answer them . mr. mainard . i suppose to satisfie your consciences what is the right in that which is indeavored by these gentlemen to be defended , which they have taken very great pains about , in collecting what hath been said to you ; i shall endeavour gentlemen in the first place to remove that which seemeth to lie in my way , and so come to that which i have to say in answer to what hath been spoken by you . the gentleman that first spake , taking occasion to make an apology for his own inability to perform the work in his hands , he was pleased to say that which i conceive you do not believe ; he would make as if he wanted parts , when certainly he shewed very great skill in the very entrance of the business ; and when the fact was but a little stated , he would have laid hold of ▪ you all , and so of making you judges , he would have made you parties ; a●d indeed it is well that you are both judges and parties ; they said , and doubtless they are ingenious , that they desire you to proceed according as you should be satisfied in conscience , the which for my part i doubt not but that you will ; there was much said how much it did behove you in point of danger ; but what that danger is i understand not ; but he tels you he urged it out of zeal ; also he tels you much of some secret absolom ; but for my part i understand not what , nor who he means hereby ; i will take no advantage of any mans affection nor inclinations at all ; but the man which that gentlemen spake to the business in hand , was that he cited many precedents and records for the practice of what he now desireth my be effected ; but truly i do extreamly much misunderstand those presidents and records that he produceth , if that they are not as full against them , as any thing can be said . i shall first offer the weight of their reasons , which they urge without president ; which deals most candidly , you shall judge ; for i shall involve the former in the latter , mr. price in mr. wildman ; and first , that that was urged by mr. wildman by way of reason was this , that it is a principle of common right , that just subjection cannot be but by assent , and there is no way whereby this assent may be but this he speaks of . i do deny his major . i shall deny his first proposition ; there is , and may be just subjection without assent ; and certainly the experience of all generations in the world evidences this truth , that there may be just subjection without assent ; and there be but few governments but are established without assent : it is true , where the assent is , the easier is the subjection born . but what doth he mean by assent ? a vertual or personal assent ? if he means personal assent , why then when should there be any such assent ? but to say no man nor people shall be governed but by assent , we deny ; for is not a lawful conquest a lawful title in some cases ? the matter is not to make the business impossible without assent . but to that which they deliver , i can no way assent . he tels you that the several wards must have representatives to elect the chief officers of this city , and he tels you the first records were lost and imbezeled ; but it is not right placed . but gentlemen , what doth he conclude ? he tells you there were records , and he tells you without all question , if that they were extant , they would speak for them ; although he nor none else know the contents of them . but saith he , the liberties of london are ancienter then the great charter ; and the liberties of london being confirmed by that law ; therefore any law made against that , is void and null : and therefore the common-counsel cannot change them . mr. wildman . i said that wherein the great charter was declarative of the common-law , i. e. right reason , it was unalterable , and any liberty of london of that nature , such as is that we now plead for , ought also to be unalterable . mr. mainard . you said this , that our city liberties are ancienter th●n magna charta ; and that they are confirmed by magna charta , and therefore cannot be altered by any law , much less by the common-counsel . i shall appeal to the whole auditory for the argument ; then what ever magna charta hath confirmed cannot be by any law repealed ; and when this comes to generals , this may be of very sad consequence ; i see laws are edged tools ; those that understand them , make good use of them : and those that do not understand them , will finde that they are sharpe , and will cut ; now he comes to the presidents which i did tell you before , and hope to make it clear , that the presidents cited do overthrow that which they bring them for . i shall offer unto you , that which according to the best of my judgment , is matter of reason , and proof of that which hath been affirmed by them . i shall not beg any favour from you , in regard i sp●ak for that which is dear to you all , which is the peace , prosperity , and well government of this famous city : we shall first lay before you the fact , and from thence proceed to the question . from the fifteenth of e●ward the fourth , there hath been a succession of election this way , and that cannot be denied by any , which is nigh two hundred years . if any man lay claim to any thing , he either doth claim of right , or prescription . now if a man should come and put you to prove your right , when you have had possession of an estate 150 years past , you would think your self hardly dealt withal . now we shall prove that there hath been 180. years possession of election this way , and it hath by the blessing of god brought with it peace , prosperity , and plenty to you ; and i hope you are not so ungrateful , but to acknowledge it ; but it is told you , and much pains is taken to perswade you by these gentlemen that this must be removed ; but under favour upon little grounds . you see here are but two , and these two differ in what they would maintain . now all truths stand one with another ; saith one , this is lawful ; saith another , this cannot be changed ; either you must conclude the present is lawful or unlawful ; if lawful , why is it desired to be changed ? but judge you the consequents of this ; if you deny this way now establisht to be lawful , then the whole city of london for above two hundred years never had one lawful mayor , and all actions performed by them may be questioned . now in the fourty one of queen elizabeth , there being a difference in the city about election of officers , all the judges of england were caused to meet together about this very thing ; and it was expresly resolved by them all , that such elections were lawful , and london is named in the resolution ; and it is said they found it a question of very great advice , and those judges were very grave , pious , and godly men , for some of them , as popham and anderson , and pyriam also a famous man ; so that gentlemen , fifty years ago this question was on foot , and all the judges of the land did then give their resolutions , that it would be matter of very great inconveniency to alter it , and they gave it as in right of law to belong , as it had been before ; and if it be not lawful , then this city hath forfeited its charter , and is lyable , when they that are above in power and authority at any time shall be pleased , to be questioned for it ; i do apprehend that the foundation of your right doth not depend upon any charter ; those charters you have , are matter of confirmation , and not charters that do give you your right ; the antientest record that you produce , is from king iohn , but the first year of richard the first is the utmost bounds of memory . if that it be not by prescription , why then are many customs of the city void ? for there are many customes and usages for which there is no charter , nor is it possible there should be ; and therefore it must of necessity follow , that mayors was time out of mind ; and the truth is , mayors were in use before the charter ; they were indeed called portwards and portrifts ; but the name was changed in richard the first 's time , and from thence they were called mayors , and the charter was granted in the name of the mayor ; so that though the officers name be changed , it is the same officer still , the power the same , but not the name , if they were not by custome ; for you must know what is by custome , is not by charter , and what is by charter is not by custome . now then what is the charter ? the barons of themselves may choose a mayor ; this charter being of this antiquity , it shall be construed according to usage , and that is a rule in law , and that is your consequence ; for if we shall be forced to find out the meaning of words , you shall be to seek ; for citizens in those times were called barons . but we shall now come to answer their objections , and to make those objections we have to say on the other sides . those records that they produce , say , we shall all choose , and if that you hold your selves to the letter , then you are tyed to an impossibility , that is every citizen none excluded , and then yon will reduce your selves to an absolute impossibility ; but say they , we would have a representative made out of every ward , and so they with the mayor and court of aldermen , should choose the chief officers of the city ; but this doth no more stand as an objection against the present choice ; for if you look to the words of the record produced , it doth not bear it ; for doth the charter grant you any such representative ? taking it for granted , the right is founded upon charter , and and not upon custom : and i take it to be by ancient custom before the charter , or else the charter would not bear it , that they should choose a mayor , and not telling them how and when ; for this general grant was made because it was their custom ; but an objection is made , that in this way which we now choose , all do not choose . but i answer ; all do choose , though not by their own votes ; you say , when did we give our right to the livery men to give vote for us ? i answer a man seeth with his eye , ye we say the man seeth ; a mans hand moveth , but it is the man that moveth it ; so though every part doth not do every thing in the city , yet the whole doth every thing , and the city doth choose , though every member thereof be not at the choice ; so that the question is whether you do believe this was lawfully done by those that do it . now if lawfully why then they are the cities representatives ; as for example for the parliament , every member thereof cannot give his vote for the passing of all things : for many times , many of them are in the country when many acts are past , and yet we say the parliament doth it ; as in election of parliament men in the country , the writs run , that the people shall choose ; and yet we all know that none choose but such as are free-holders , although there may be many as good men as free-holders , yet they have no vote : and yet this act is accounted the act of all the commons in england , though they come in but by some parts , and some have no vote in the choice of them ; we may not depart from this ; for by this we hold all we have ; so if this be a lawful choice , why then the law supposes that where there is a continuance of a lawful possession , there all lawful meanes is supposed to maintain the possession . if that all the city should meet together , and set down this order , if that it be once settled , that for ever hereafter these and these shall chuse ; then you make those your trustees , and it supposeth such an ancient custom was . and truly , gentlemen , the choice as now it is , is no otherwise ; for the aldermen they are chosen by the ward , and so are the common council . i will put you a case , which to my understanding , is like this . in the 28. year of edw. the 1st . there was a statute made , wherein the king grants to the people , that they shall chuse the sheriffs , or conservators of the peace ; whenas there was nothing more clear , that none but the freeholders should chuse them . mark the parallel ; and yet this is an act of parliament that hath its beginning at that time : and yet that is accounted the choice of the people . i shall now come to examine that which i told you of , the presidents which they produced ; which i was bold to tell you , that every one of them made against them . that which is desired is , that every ward should chuse them representatives , and that those representatives , together with my lord mayor , and court of aldermen , should chuse the chief officers of the city . and in proof to this , i shall appeal to your memories , and to the words of the presidents , whether one president that they produce , prove that those 6 , 8 , or 12 men that were summoned to chuse , were chosen by the ward . you shall see what a pass you will come to , if you go according to their meaning of those presidents . says the first president , they were summoned from each ward . they did not summon themselves . pray then who summoned them ? why , it was the mayor that summoned them : the mayor summoned whom he would ; somtimes 6 , somtimes 8 , somtimes 12 , at his pleasure ; and he summoned somtimes the honest men , somtimes the rich men , and somtimes the wise men ; and they came and made election of the mayor . there is not the least tittle in all the records that they produce , that they were chosen by the ward . it is one thing to say , 12 men that were summoned from such a ward , came , and another thing to say , 12 men that were elected by the ward , came and chose : and yet so it is said , that at that convention there should be 6 , 8 , or 12 of the honestest , wisest , and richest men of the ward chose . if that there should be such a summons 〈◊〉 out , that all the richest , and all the wisest of such and such a ward should come , what a kind of summons is this ! and how shall you judge of these persons ? &c. but it appears the mayor sent out his process and summoned them , and so a law is made , that none should come but those who are thus summoned : as it appears in the election of blunn mayor , and all along no mention made of electing the persons , but summoning them to appear . otherwise this must be understood to be the common council of the city of london , for they have had several terms ; and a man may very well say , when the right is in the commons to do this , or that , that when it is done by their trustee , it is done by the commons . now the common council are often so called , the commons of this city . now how will you understand that these 6 , 8 , or 12 men were only chosen for this end , to chuse the chief officers ? there is nothing less in the * record : only master wildman fancies that the ward met upon this occasion , and elected them ; and then the mayor should summon them . so that , i say , there could not be stronger presidents than what they have produced , that make against themselves . i shall now conclude what inconveniences would follow in point of law , in case they had their desire . secondly , you put your selves upon this hazard , that if you part from that which is warranted by charter , and warranted by the possession of 200 years , and warranted by the resolution of those 12 judges , i say , then you will forfeit your charter which you have so long enjoyed . thirdly , it will be inconvenient to you , in regard of your liberty in the ancient laws of england . no man dwelt in any ward , but was sworn to appear upon all summons to courts . your wards have courts of inquest : and over them you have the sheriffs court ; and this court , which is above that : and no man can live out of those jurisdictions . your wards in the city are like your hundred-courts in the country . and heretofore , in all wards , every one was to be summoned , assoon as one was 12 years old , they were to be summoned to give an account of their life . in a ward you know there are many that are not free-men ; and there are many free-men that have their habitations abroad . now if you admit of all to come to choice , why then foreigners that live in the ward , shall have more freedom than free-men that live out of the ward ; and it may so fall out , that in some wards there may be more strangers than free-men . so that in this way of choice by the ward , oftentimes those that are citizens may be excluded , and those that are foreigners may be included . but you may say , we will exclude those that are not free-men from choice . but was there ever any such thing done in this world ? the next thing that will follow it will be this , popularity . gentlemen , you must remember that i told you that the ward consisteth of every inhabitant thereof : and when you are in such a populous place as this city is , and when that they shall all meet together , what breaches of peace and insurrections may come ! i speak not of that which is without president : and such meetings cannot be , in any wise mans apprehension ; but this will follow . but truly i do not look upon this as the greatest danger ; but there is this in it also : the foundation upon which this is grounded , which the doctrinal part of the law , in this case is undermined , and the example of such a thing as this : for after this example , truly all the government or corporations of this kingdom will receive such shakings , as i blush to mention , when they shall consider the ancient government of this city , so backt with lawful authority , put into a new way . there is not a more dangerous thing in my understanding . heretofore when the prer●●●tive did lie upon you , you did shew your selves constant to your own interest . truly this is a meer design to betray you ; and it will shake you all to pieces , if you look not to it ; for it is an earth-quake under you , and will blow you up . as for that principle mr w. asserted concerning just subjection , because he left it , lest he should reduce things to an uncertainty , i shall say nothing . mr. hayles . my lord and gentlemen , first , it is agreed to by them , that the power of the choice of my lord mayor is not meerly by charter , but by prescription too ; that the charter is a confirmation , and not the original : for we do say , that there was the same office of mayor many years before k. iohn : so that your officers of the city have been time out of mind , and not barely by the charter . and if it were not so , that would overthrow all your courts and franchises . secondly , this is agreed to on both sides , that without all question the common council shall have a vote in election of the mayor ; in this we agree : but the dispute is , whether or no the livery and assistants of the companies shall come in with their voice , or whether there shall be a new device , that the citizens shall meet and chuse 12 men of each ward , as they do in the choice of the common council ; and so they shall elect the mayor . thirdly , we agree in this , that is , that the way of election hath been by the mayor , aldermen , common council , and livery men , and hath been used for about 180 years . and they affirm that this was grounded upon an act of common councel . these three things are agreed unto on both sides . but now the great heat is against the livery men ; and the reasons they give against them are these three : first , they argue from point of inconveniency . that is , because the mayor and aldermen do not chuse the masters and wardens of the companies , therefore they should not chuse the mayor , and officers of the city . the second reason they give , is in point of right . i shall say no more of that than what hath been said already : you have had a choice of mayor and sheriffs , for near 200 years , by the aldermen , common council , and livery , to argue election out of convenience , that you have been under 200 years . to alter it upon m. prise's opinion , i think you will not , you having found it every way so convenient and profitable to you . but if so be there be any inconveniency in this , a popular choice will be very much more inconvenient . i pray consider but this one thing : if so be the people should come hereafter , and dispute the validity of this choice you plead for , and say , what do you tell us of representatives ! we will all choose our selves ; what imaginary grounds can there be to say , these fears are but imaginary ? how will it be , when it will come to be thus ? they will say , we will go and chuse a mayor our selves ; there is nothing of right in this , but meerly imaginations : if you allow of 10 , or 12 , they may say , why not 50 , or 100 , or 200 ? but for point of right you have heard what hath been said of these 3 heads . but , saith m. wildman , the foundation of all power is in the people first : if that shall be a ground to let in all the generality of citizens into an actual choice of officers , will there not be the same reason for apprentices , and foreigners , to plead for votes in your election ? a foreigner is under the power of the mayor , and apprentices live under the command of the mayor . the next reason is , they would endeavour to prove that this course of election they plead for , was heretofore usual . i shall say but two words to that . first , they insist upon the charter , and that of king iohn : the words are , they shall elect a mayor . and they produce some presidents of 31 edw. 1. and 1 edw. 2. i shall repeat one word or two of that my brother maynard omitted . first , you will remember we proved a constant usage of near 200 years in this way of election ; and their pretence is but for a few certain years , that the choice was in that way which they desired . a second thing shews their pittiful mistake . the common council are agreed to have a choice : why if they examine it , they will find the common council are men chosen by the ward . they do find here and there mention made , that the mayor was chosen by the aldermen , and about 6 , 8 , or 12 men summoned . and here they think , that they must needs be representatives chosen by the ward ; whenas in truth , these might very well be the common council of the ward . i think there is nothing left for me to say to that . what i shall offer , shall be out of record , and never mention the conveniences nor inconveniences . i shall read the records unto you , that they produce , and i will take hold of some words of them . the words are these : there shall come out of every ward twelve , eight , or six men , according to the greatness of the ward . and according to the wards of london , the common council men were sent , some more , and some less . and this is very obvious , that where there is such a description of the number for each ward , there must needs be meant the common councils . so that of necessity these words extend to the common council men , or else the common council must be excluded . and again , from a record edw. 3. they argue the commonalty to be the 12 men , when they are the liveries . so they mistake in their application . we are not to dispute who may alter the custom ; but they say , this is your custom , and they say , that is . we will admit , that that which is by a fundamental law or charter , cannot be altered by an act of common council . but if your present choice be not lawful , then all bargains made since edw. 1. by your officers are void , and you have no power to judge ; for you are no common council . ( m. wild spoke last for the city liveries to the same purpose as the other : he had no new argument , only an observation from 28 edw. 1. ) m. prise : i humbly conceive i may answer him to what hath been objected against what i delivered according to reason . you say that i did declare , that just subjection cannot be but by assent . under favour , that was not offered by me : but i affirm that just subjection cannot be but by right of assent . secondly , they urge that we differ upon our grounds . the one saith that it is lawful , the other saith not . and the reason is , because they that grant it have no power to grant it : but for my part i did not assert any such thing . as concerning the resolution of the judges that you so much speak of , in some cases it is considerable , and in some cases little weight is to be given to the●r resolutions . for we all know , in the case of ship-mony , they gave in their resolutions , that it was according to law. and we also know , that this was afterwards condemned by the parliament , to be contrary to law and illegal . secondly , the resolutions of those very judges you so much extol , do no way refer to the business . we offer to grant a select number may lawfully choose ; but the liveries are not so . and the opinion of the judges only say , that a select number may choose . thirdly , whereas it is said the charter is declarative ; to that i answer . the practice succeeding doth declare what the custom then was ; and we have no mention of any masters , or livery-men of companies in election . and for exposition of the charter , if that we tie you to the letter of it , you say we tie you to an impossibility : but we only plead for the representatives of wards , to chuse , not all personally : and therein is no impossibility . and besides , in 21 ed. 1. it is expounded what was meant by those words . we proved the charter gave it the city , and the city gave it the common council , and the common council gave it to the livery ; and if they gave it for good , if they find it prejudicial , ye may take it away again . whereas they say that by the number of 6 , 8 , or 10 , is doubtless meant the common council ; how do you know the common council-men did consist of so many in every ward ? and then for the exposition of the ward moat : whereas they say some foreigners may chuse , yea , they may infer as well , foreigners may be chosen . to that i answer , many men may be summoned together about business , & some of them may have a right to some things there in hand , & some may not . we have a president : once one that was no freeman was chosen to be a sheriff of london , and because he was no freeman , therefore the election was null . so though it be granted , that every particular man of every ward , be summoned to come to the ward-moat , yet it doth not follow that he hath a right to all the work to be done in that court. again for the popularity and consequences which they so much plead , that will every whit reflect upon this honourable court ; for every member of this honourable court is chosen by that party which they call popular : therefore let them speak of that till to morrow morning all will reflect upon you . that which is now pleaded for is custom . thirdly , that this hath been the practice for 180 years , i do not deny ; but i do not grant it . suppose we do grant it , and yet we bring a practice for within 12 years , that was another practice ; whether an intermission of practices do not rend that which is called custom , i humbly offer . for my part i did not offer the argument of conveniency in relation to the present practice ▪ but according to this principle i argue against the unreasonableness of this priviledge , that these gentlemen would have to this right , and not by authority of this court. again they say , that if election be by the ward , men will plead thus : why not 50 , or 100 , as well as 6 , 8 , or 12 ? again they urge , that livery-men were called the commonalty ; but how aptly , and how fitly , we offer unto you to determine . major wildman's reply . may it please your lordship , and this honourable court , to give me leave to make some answers to what the learned gentlemen on the other side have pleased to object and take exceptions at what was affirmed . i shall not ( my lord ) endeavour ( as that gentleman did ) captare benevolentiam , to take the affections of the people , before i begin to debate the matter in question . i shall not tell them that i will not insinuate into their minds any thing but what will stand upon the foundation of truth ; but offer my thoughts , and freely submit to your judgment : yet i hope to answer particularly m. maynard's exceptions . he was pleased , first , to take exception at that general principle that i averred , from whence i said might be deduced the right of all the wards to chuse the lord mayor and sheriffs by their representatives : though the gentleman might have pleased to remember , i did say i would wave th●se principles of common right , lest he should say we intended to bring all things to an uncertainty , by unravelling the bottom of government to its first principle ; and therefore i insisted upon nothing but what we claim as our written right . the second thing the gentleman was pleased to except against , was that which he only imagined in his own brain , misreciting my words , like a man created by his fancy to ●ry his skill upon : for he supposed i did say , that if we had the records that are now lost , we doubted not but that they would prove the assertion we maintain : whereas i said , if we had the records of those times , that are lest , they would shew us what the rights of people then were . and that i conceive to be without execption . the next thing he takes exception against , is , what i said concerning magna charta ; and would make this court believe that i had thought all that great charter was unalterable : but the truth is , i did only say , that magna charta , the great charter of england , was unalterable , according to the principles of the gentlemen of the long robe : i only spoke it upon their bottom . i said , if i should believe sir edw. cook in what he said upon the statute of 42 edw. 3. i must then say , that an act of parliament made contrary to that part of the great charter that was declarative of the common law , was null of it self ; for he said that part of it was unalterable . thus i gave them only their own authority , and made it no assertion of mine absolutely : tho , under his favour , i think a man may assert , that what is founded upon the true common law of england , as sir ed. cook saith , which is right reason , no authority whatsoever ought to alter : ( i speak not of circumstances ) for if we should aver that , we should aver contradictions in the very terms , and say , that right reason of right may be altered from right reason , i shall let pass what the gentleman was pleased to say of the laws being edge-tools , and of men cutting themselves with them . i believe he met with an argument for the peoples right that was an edge tool in his way , and he was loth to break his shins over it , and therefore he past over the argument with a grave caution of the sharpness of the law , that he might divert your thoughts from it : but the gentleman coming a little nearer to the matter , lays down his maxim , wh●ch is this , that ever since the 15 ed. 4. these liveries have had the choice . and then he argues thus : saith he , the case would be very hard to have your titles of land , after 190 years possession , to be questioned : and is it not as hard , that the right of the liveries to elections should now be questioned ? under the gentleman's favour , the case is very different . i suppose no man pleads for the like title to a power or authority over the people , that men have to their lands , nor upon the same grounds . if the titles were alike , it were just to buy and sell authority , or places of trust and government , as we buy and sell lands or ●orses in smithfield ; and this our common law abhors . if we speak of people that are arrant meer vassals , like the slaves in argier , authority over them is indeed bought and sold ; but i hope we are not to be so esteemed , and yet the ju●●ice of those bargains is not clear . but certainly mens titles to land ; and to a power of government , are , or ought to be of a different nature : and i shall make bold to assert , that 't is no hard case , that the right of any number of men claiming a power in or about government by succession only , should after 190 years possession be questioned . suppose m. maynard could have made good the livery mens claims to the election of the chief officers of the city by custom , ( but then he must have more than doubled the time of the usage he spake of , ) yet i humbly conceive that the exercise of any power about government is not made just by continuance of time , unless it were just in the original . if long usurpation of a power , in or about government , could give a right to that power , all the foundations of just government were overturned , and by consequence it were not right or just to take away an usurped power if the usurpers be grown old . next the gentleman is pleased before he comes to his material arguments , to insinuate strange , huge , dreadful , monstruous consequences that would ensue in case any man shall deny his assertions , he is pleaded to say , what strange consequences would ensue , if we should say , for 190 years all the lord mayors or sheriffs of the city of london have been unlawfully chosen ? but suppose that which he suggests , that the mayors have been chosen unlawfully so long , 't is time then to provide for a lawful choice , and the continuance of the un●awful will breed more of m. maynard's monstruous consequences ; and if it be unlawful , 't is not forbearing to say so that will amend the consequences . but now the gentleman comes to his position , and saith , that this government that is now is lawful . the gentleman might have pleased to have spared that ; i did not yet assert that the government that is now is unlawful , yet he may take some answers to his arguments , or rather authorities for the legality of it . the 1st . ground he builds upon for the lawfulness of this government is the opinion of the judges , which makes a huge cry. but by the way , the question is not now concerning the government , but only concerning the choosers or electers of the governours ; the government may be the same still , though the manner and way of electing these governours may be altered from what it is at present . yet to that opinion of the judges , which makes the great noise in the court ; oh ( saith he ) 't is the opinion of all the learn'd iudges , and then he paraphrases upon the goodness , honesty , learning , and fame of the judges that were named in the book produced . it may be those gentlemen of the long robe were black-swans ; yet the argument from authority is none of the strongest , 't is not a very good consequence , that the thing is just because good men thought so . yet under favour the opinion of the judges i take to be not the most certain or unalterable amongst men , nor the most unbyassed by their own interest , i believe if a man should go to the 12 judges , he shall scarce find 4 or 3 of the 12 of the same opinion in a dubious case ; yet if there were more that agreed , the late opinion of the judges in the case of ship-mony may inform us how free the judges opinions are from the byass of private interest in such 〈…〉 how fit 't is for us to depend upon them ; but however the opinion of the ●●ges produced by mr. maynard , i crave leave to affirm to be against him in this case , at least not for him . i desire it may be read . the case of corporations , touching the election of governours in the fourth of the lord cooks reports , fol. 77 , 78. in the same term at serjeants-inn in fleet street , it was demanded of the chief justices , popham , and anderson , and periam , chief baron , & of the other justices , that where divers cities , burroughs , & towns are incorporate by charters , whether by the name of the mayor & commonalty , or the mayor & burgesses , & of the bailiffs & burgesses , &c. or the aldermen & burgesses , or the provost & sheriffs , or burgesses , or the like ; & in the said charters it be prescribed that the mayor , bailiffs , aldermen , provosts shall be chosen by the commonalty or burgesses ▪ & of the ancient & usual elections of mayor , baiiffs , provosts , & by a certain chosen number of the chief of the commonalty , or of the burgesses , commonly called the common council , or by other name , & not in general by all the commonalty or burgesses , or not by so many of them as will come to the election , shall be good in law , forasmuch as by these words of the charters the election shall be indefinitely by the commonalty , or all the burgesses . and which question being of great importance and consequence , was r●ferred by the lords of the council to the justices , to know the law in that case ; for that divers attempts were now of late in divers corporations , contrary to the ancient usage , to make popular elections ; & it was resolv'd by the justices upon great deliberation , and upon conference had amongst themselves , that such ancient usual elections were good , and well warranted by their charter , and by the law also ; for in every of their charters they have power given them to make laws , ordinances & constitutions , for the better government & order of their cities or burroughs , & by force of which , & for avoiding popular confusion , they by their common assent constitute or ordain , that the mayor , bailisfs , or other principal officers , shall be chosen by one certain select number of the principal of the commonalty , or of the burgesses , as is aforesaid , & prescribe also how such selected numbers shall chuse ; & such ordinances & constitutions was resolved to be good , & allowable , & agreeable with the law , & their charters , for avo●ding of popular disorder & confusion ; & although that no such constitution or ordinance can be sh●wed , yet it shall be presumed & intended in respect of such special manner of ancient & continual election , which special election is not begun without common consent ; that at the first la●e ordinance or constitution was made , such reverend respect of law doth give to ancient & continual allowance & usage , as it had been within time of memory . and the custom of most faithful antiquity is to be esteemed ; the things which are done contrary to the custom & usage of the ancients either please , or seem right , & the frequency of the act premiseth much , and according to that resolution the ancient and continual usages have been in the cities of london & norwich , and other ancient cities & corporations . and god defend that they shall be now innovated or altered , for that many and great inconveniences will arise upon the same ; all which the law hath well prevented , as appears by that resolution . first , my lord , observe , that the question here resolved is not our question , the question here resolved was this , whether an election of a mayor , not made by all the commonalty in a corporation , or at least as many as would come , was good in law ? but our present question is only this , whether the commonalty of this city ought not to have their representers to chuse the lord mayor ? so that we do grant , that an election not made by all the commonalty may be good . now , my lord , observe the judges resolution of the question ; they resolve that an election made by the mayor and aldermen , and a certain chosen number of the choice of the commonalty , is good in law. we concur with the judges , keeping close to their words ▪ a certain chosen number of the commonalty ; & to those other words of theirs , viz. such ancient usual elections ; that is to say , such ancient elections by the chosen number of the commonalty are good in law. now we deny that the present election of the the ld. mayor by the livery-men is the most ancient usual way of electing , and that the livery-men are a chosen number of the commonalty , i mean , chosen according to any right of choice , that right being in the commonalty . but , my lord , 't is very observable in this opinion of the judges , upon what ground they judged such elections valid in law ; the ground is this , for 't is to be imagined or supposed , say they , that such ancient and continued elections did not begin without common assent . hence 't is evident , that the judges imagined that all the citizens had the right of choice in them , and that they had agreed that a chosen number of themselves should choose in their stead ; so that the judges in their opinion took the chosen number of the chief of the commonalty , that did elect the chief officers to be the represent●rs of the whole commonalty . now if your lordship please to remember we produced an act of the common hall of london , made long before the liveries made any claim to be the choosers , and at an assembly , when the guild hall was filled with the commonalty , wherein they did assent , that there should be a certain number of every ward proportionably that should be the electers of the mayor and sheriffs ; so that the way we propose , of several men of every ward , representing the wards to elect , is founded upon a common assent . they produce no one act of a common hall , that should make it appear , that it was ever assented unto by the commonalty , that the livery-men of the mysteries should be the choosers of the mayor . now my lord i humbly offer it to this honourable court , whether this opinion of the judges about elections produced by mr maynard as the pillar whereon they build the lawfulness of the liveries elections , do not rather speak them to be unlawful , in my humble opinion , this that those learned gentlemen flourished like goliah's sword against us , ●●ays themselves . after mr. maynard had produced the authority of the judges as he supposed for his cl●ents case , he argues from consequences , saith he , if this present way of electing by the liveries were not lawful , mark the consequences , your charter , saith he , is forfeited ; this i confess is a big bellied word ; but how will this assertion agree with what m. maynard , m. hales , and m. wilde all affirmed , that the charters of the city did not originally give the city those liberties that are mentioned in the charter , but that the charters were only d●clarative of cities rights , shewing what their rights were before the charters ? now if the charters give not the city their rights , certainly you cannot forfeit your charters , unless the learned gentlemen shall please to say . you shall forfeit the declaration of your rights , ( for the charters are no more by their own confession ) and if your forfeiture be no more you may enjoy your liberties still , notwithstanding such a forfeiture as they pretend . but suppose a man should say what i did not yet say , that the present way of electing the mayor is unlawful , is it any more than this , that the citizens have suffered their right to be taken from them for many years , & others to enjoy it unlawfully , and how will this consequence be deduced from thence , that the city hath forfeited their rights ; i confess i understand not by the law that a body politick or corporation , as such , is under harder laws in our nation , than the members of the common-wealth severally ; now no man in england can forfeit his rights without a legal conviction of some crime for which the law censures him to forfeit his rights ; & i know no reason why the city should have such hard measure , that in case the free men have suffered the companies to usurp their right , that therefore all the cities rights should be forfeited . mr. maynards next argument for the liveries elections , was this , that 't is founded upon a constant usage , time out of mind , so that , saith he , the city now prescribes unto this way of electing ; and yet the gentleman was pleased afterwards to confess , that to make a title by prescription there must be a constant usage since rich. the firsts time , and they only produce an act of a common councel for the liveries electing about 174 years since , and will suppose that that act of common councel was in confirmation of what was the custome before , whereas they produce no one footstep of a record before that time to prove that it was the usage to chuse by livery-men , but on the contrary it hath appeared that the election hath been 400 years since by a select number out of the several wards , which cannot be any way supposed to be meant of livery-men , they not coming as men from several wards , but as men from several companies . the next thing the gentleman said , was this , that he hoped we would grant that we did both depart from the charter it self ; for , saith he , if we found the way of electing upon the charter , the charter running to the citizens indefinitely , it must be understood of all the citizens and barons ; and , saith he , you grant , it is impossible they should altogether make the election , so we both depart from it . under his favour i must be bold to deny it ; we depart not from the charter , for we say , that the charter giving a right of choyce to all the citizens , they may proceed in their elections , either by themselves personally , or their deputies ; and they finding it inconvenient to meet personally , may depute others to make their elections ; and an election so made , is truly said to be made by the citizens . so that in case that way of electing were admitted which the pertitioners propose , it were directly agreeable to the charter ; for , then indeed the citizens should chuse , because they chuse every one of them by their deputies , as all the people of england make laws in parliament , because every mans deputy is , or ought to be , there in parliament . next mr. maynard answers an objection ; if , saith he , it be objected , that in the way of election that is by the livery men , all are not represented ; saith he , it is true , if you take it in some sence ; but , saith he , if you take it in the sence of the law , therein they are represented , and it is the city makes these elections ; saith he , the law saith so ; as , saith he , in case a mans hand moves , it is the man that moves , or his eye sees a colour , it is the man that sees . i hope the gentleman will please to confess a vast difference between a body natural , and a body politique ; because he may truly say , if a mans hand moves , all the man moves , therefore will he say that what a few , or one member of the city doth , is the cities action ? if so , if one in the city commit treason , all the city are traytors . i believe , gentlemen , you would be loath to admit of such a law. but to confirm this assertion , the gentleman produced something out of that which he called articuli super chartas , where he saith , the king granted to the people to chuse sheriffs , and yet the people did not chuse them all in general , it was the freeholders chose them . mr. maynard , if he pleaseth , could have told when the people in general were restrained from electing parliament-men , and other the sheriffs also , and upon what pretence it was put upon freeholders onely , and how it served the kings ends to procure that statute of restriction ; if i forget not the time , it was in the 8 of henry 6. chap. 7. but however mr. maynard should have proved this to be just , before he can prove the other to be just by this . now the gentleman is pleased to come to examine the presidents we produced , and saith , he will turn our own swords into our own bowels ; and endeavors to do it thus ; first , saith he , you prove that the wards did send several persons to these elections 400 years since , but you prove not that the wards chose these persons ; you read indeed records that said these persons were summoned to the election , but who summoned them ? certainly the mayor summoned them , and he summoned whom he would . i verily believe this would be a very bitter pill for the citizens to digest , to ●ay the lord mayor should summon when he pleased , and whom he pleased , out of every ward to come to the election , the government would be turned topsie turvy , if that were admitted ▪ then he that should be once lord mayor , might be for ever lord mayor , if he could make but a friend or two in every ward , and if this be imagined to have been the custom of the city , i wonder who summoned those that chose the first mayor . but the gentleman is pleased to make his argument thus ; saith he , it is not named in the record you produce , that these men were elected by the wards , though summoned from the wards ; therefore saith he , they were not elected . it is a new kind of logick that must make this argument good ; 't is not recited in the record that they were chosen , therefore they were not chosen ; i might as well say that in your summon to a common coun●el , your being chosen by the wards is not recited , therefore you gentlemen of this court were not chosen . i confess i am not very well verst in the acts that are in this court , but i think there is no act of the court recorded , wherein it is said , there were present the common councel that were chosen by such wards , shall i therefore conclude that they were not chosen by the wards ? i must first learn a new logick , before i shall ●are so to conclude . the second thing he objected against the presidents , was this , those twelve men of the wards that are said to elect the mayor , saith he , must needs be understood to be common councel men ; truly , besides the answer of mr. price , that it was not probable , because the number of common councel would then have been far greater , than now it is , when the city was far less ▪ to let that pass , i only answer thus , that if they please to look in 22 of henry the sixth , it is in lib. k. fol. 214. it is said in the writ that came down from the king to prevent disturbances at that election of the mayor , that none should be there but they that have an interest to be there , those that were in common-councel , and the more discreet and able men of the wards , so that besides the common-councel , there were others that were wise and able discreet men in the wards that were to come to the elections , which probably were those that were chosen by the wards . if your honour please the record may be read . the former answer serves to mr. mayards observation of the election of the parliament men for the city , wherein it is said only six of a ward were called to be there , but not chosen ; i propose it to him , whether it is probable that the lord mayor had power to pick six men out of a ward to chuse the parliament men for the city , or whether this be a good argument , because they are said to be summoned by the lord mayor , and not said to be elected , therefore they were not elected . i hope the gentlemen of the long-robe have better arguments . the last thing that mr. manard avers , is , the inconveniencies in point of law that would ensue upon that which we pray for , which he calls an innovation . but i humbly crave leave to aver , unless i could see his confutation , that it is an antient right of the citizens of this city . those inconveniencies in point of law , he saith , are these , the hazard of forfeiting of charters . i conceive that to be answered before , that if a city should depart from a just way , if their charter were but the confirmation of their right before , there is no forfeiting of that charter , for the charter gives them not that right . the next argument he draws from every mans living in a court-●eet , and that at twelve years old he ought to meet there , and he saith from thence , if there should be representers of the wards chosen , to make the choyce , it might be that those that are no citizens might meer to chuse a mayor , and citizens that live without should not chuse . i think under his favour the common practice will answer to that , when the wards meet for the choyce of aldermen , or common-councel men , none but citizens have their votes in it , there is no danger that those that are aliens should either be chosen or choosers . his next argument against this petition is this , saith mr. maynard , it will tend to popularity , if this should be admitted , that the wards should choose ; and i leave it , saith he , to the court to judg what the consequent of that would be ; all mens educations , saith he , are not such as make them fit for government , or fit to choose governors . truly if it please the honourable court but to consider who they are that are now the electors , this arrow of the gentlemans returns upon himself : i could say more of it , if i should not be thought to reflect , because i have a reverend respect to all kind of trades ; but if i should speak of all the several companies , the bricklayers , bowyers , fletchers , turners , coopers , tallow-chandlers , &c. if i should speak of the education of most of the livery-men of forty companies of the city , and compute their number , and tell you upon what terms most are admitted to be of the liveries , that is , for a small sum of money ; i conceive the court would quickly judge which way of election tends most to popularity , as he calls it , and who proposeth most men that are unfit for government to choose the lord mayor and sheriffs . will any man suppose that the educations of all the handicraft men of the liveries render them so able and discreet , that they are fit for government ? i submit it to the court. as for the great word mr. maynard was pleased to add about the ill consequents of this change that would be to other corporations , saying , that this is an earthquake comes under them . i shall conceive his oratory in this to be of the earthquakes nature , a swelling vapor , unless he will be pleased to shew me how the liberty of the city , or any one citizen , is undermined by what is proposed , only i must observe to the court , that where arguments are wanting , their room is commonly supplied with words and pretences of huge strange consequences , that will ensue , if their desires be crossed ; but the arguments from a consequence , i believe they well know their strength is not of the first degree ; but however to suppose an ill consequence may ensue upon a city , or company of persons exercising their right , and thence to conclude they must not enjoy it , is a way of arguing that i understand not . i confess mr. hales is pleased to deal very ingenuously in laying down those principles wherein we agreed , which was , that the liberties of the city were by prescription , and that the charters were but declarations of what our liberties were , and that the common-councel-men ought to have a vote in their elections ; but i said not they ought , but that they might have their votes if they were chosen to that purpose : but he was pleased to say that the lord mayor , aldermen , and common-counsel , were a kind of a representative of the city , and therefore he would thence aver , that there is no inconvenience to the city , seeing they have such a representative . i shall answer mr. hales thus , if a man should say the parliament represent the common-wealth , and seeing we have a representative , what matter if that 200. or 300. men more went into the parliament and voted with them , the people of england surely would not think themselves well dealt withal , nor think those acts so passed to be valid . mr. hales is pleased also to pursue mr. maynards mode of imagining strange kind of consequences that may ensue upon this , and saith he , how if the people will say , when you brought it to the representatives , we will not be bound to representatives , but we will come and chuse personally ; what then ( saith he ) would be the consequence of this ? truly if mr. hales will suppose that the people will not be bound by any government , not by acts of parliament , he may fill his fancy with bad consequences : and why may it not be supposed as well , that all the people in england should say , we will go and make laws our selves in parliament , as well as that the people should not be willing to be bound in the wards to chuse the lord mayor and sheriffs by their representatives ? i shall let pass also , what mr. hales was pleased to urge concerning that principle of a just subjection of peoples to governours , to be founded upon an assent , because he was pleased to confess very ingenuously , that i waved those arguments that might reduce government to an uncertainty , or to the first principles of general common-right . but saith mr. hales , if that principle be allowed amongst a free people , that subjection to their governours ought to be by meer assent , sath he , we must consider there is a personal and a virtual assent , and it shall be conceived to be a virtual consent , where there hath been an usage time out of mind for the people to be subject to any form of government . of which nature he endeavoured to prove the way of electing the lord mayor and sheriffs by the livery-men of the several misteries ; whereas if mr. hales please to remember , they do all aver the usage of this way of electing , but to have been for 174. years that they can prove . as for any suppositions that it was before , i think there is enough answered to that , there being no ancient records that mention the choise to have been by the livery-men , who come not as sent from wards . and though mr. hales is pleased to ballance the records produced on one hand and on the other , and saith thus , that they produce for one hundred seventy four years , to shew that this hath been the way of electing which now is ; but saith he , those records produced to prove another way of electing , is but a short time . if he please to remember there is no foot-step or mention made of any livery-man , or of any of the mysteries having a power to elect , until that 15. of edw. 4. and we find from edward the first , about 200 yeers before , that there were twelve men in the wards that were electors , which we may well think to be the representors of those wards , and chosen by them for that purpose ; and no foot-steps of the discontinuance of it , from that time produced ; but we may well say that all the records that mention the communaltyes choise , are to be interpreted by the former records , untill that record comes wherein mention is made of livery-men , there being no mention made of them formerly , under that , or any other name as such . that which he was pleased to alledge , that it was the common-counsel-men that were those twelve men , is answered before in mr. maynards , and therefore i pass it over . but mr. hales seems to think it hard measure that we should exclude the livery , because there is no mention made of them . i shall only answer , that it is as hard for them to say , because the common-counsel men are not mentioned to joyn with the 12 of the wards , therefore they were excluded . but saith mr. hales , it is the usage that shall explain what is meant by the communalty , and what is meant by those more able and discreet men in the city that are chosen ; we desire but to stand to the explanation of the record ; we produced an ancient record that had these words , viz. the whole communalty ; that is to say , the more able and discreet men of the ward ; we would fain have him produce a record where it is said , the whole communalty , that is to say , the livery-men , at least any time before that of edward the fourth . as to the arguments from the consequences , if this government were not right , then saith mr. hales , all the purchases you have made since that time you altered the way of elections , is null . i must humbly crave leave not to submit to his judgment in that , till he give me better reasons ; for i suppose it is grounded upon that of forfeiting a charter , which was answered before ; for though the body corporate have not had their officers rightly elected , yet the body is not thereby dissolved , and therefore their purchase may be good , and without fear of forfeiture . the arguments mr. wild was pleased to use , were but to inforce what his brethren had said , that by the 12 electors of the wards must be meant the common-counsel , because ( saith he ) no mention is made of the common-counsel ; but it hath been proved that in an election mention is made of the common-councel , and of other honest men of the city , before any mention is made of livery-men ; and though no mention were made of the common-counsel , yet to say they were not mentioned , therefore they were not called to that assembly when the election was made , is no good consequence ; upon the grounds before asserted , mr. wilds objection that we would endeavour to introduce a novelty , falls to the ground ; for we conceive the way of twelve men out of the wards , to be far more antient than the way that is now practised . and as for mr. wilds arguments concerning the danger that would ensue upon the multitude coming to elections , upon the same ground he may say ; the wards must not chuse their aldermen nor common-councel men , if the citizens should be deprived of their right upon that ground , that it is popularity , or they may be divided , and fall to blows ; upon the same grounds they may take away the liberty of chusing common-councel men and aldermen , and all their common freedoms ; and if these fears shall affright men from the claim of their right , they may be told next that the sky may fall , and therefore they must not go abroad . as for the last objection of mr. wilds , that in this way of popularity 't is possible a choice may be made of unfit men . i shall only offer this to the consideration of the court , whether it is more probable that a whole ward meeting together to chuse a small number of men that should represent them in the electing their superiour officers , should chuse more unfit men for that election , then a company it may be of coopers , tallow-chandlers , or other manuel occupations should admit to the livery , who admit all that will give so much money to be of the livery ; who are the likeliest men to send fittest men for the choyce , i humbly refer to the honourable court , though it is strange to me to hear that the fear of popularity , or of giving way so much to the liberty of the people , is so much insisted on , now we are come into the way of a common wealth ; it is a little dissonant to the present constitution . now i shall humbly submit to the court , what hath been offered in answer to that which the gentlemen on the other-side have objected ; and humbly crave leave to be still of opinion , that i see nothing of strength objected against our assertion , viz. that the liberty of electing is the right of the citizens of london in general , and so declared by the first charter we find upon record ; and if it be the liberty of the citizens in general to chuse , every man must chuse either by himself or deputy , and they all agree it is impossible they should all chuse personally ; why they should not then chuse by their representatives , i humbly leave to the judgment of this honourable court. mr. maynard . we have taken up a great deal of time and patience , i will repeat nothing of what hath been said , only i think mr. wildman fears nothing of a popularity ; for the matter , the measure is before you , how long one , how long another , we differ upon the records recited , we think they are for us , they think the contrary ; it lies in your judgments , and the measure of time how much it is ; i am sure they cited no presidents before edward the first 's time , and none since edward the third's time ; somwhat was spoken of henry the sixth ; i will not enter into a particular recapitulation , but there hath been nothing of that i apprehend we have said , but hath been answered only by the by ; and that which is the strength of that we rely upon , hath been let go , and some generals taken hold of only ; i shall give you but this observation , that it is like enough the mayor and sheriffs , the chamberlain who is the keeper of all the wealth of the city , and the great trust of the city reposed in them , will much depend upon this string ; two gentlemen have here argued ; and observe it , the one grants what the other will not ; we all agree , and how they will agree when a great many comes together . i leave it to you to judge . mr. hales . onely this , gentlemen , some two or three little mistakes there have been : i think not that they are wilful . first of all , whereas they would offer it to you , that the words of all the commonalty , should be intended of the twelve men of the wards , that is mistaken : for , gentlemen , it was in a case of a choice of aldermen , which is made by the wards , and is not made by twelve men , as the very record it self speaks ; and therefore that is misapplied . it is in case of a choice of aldermen , which is made by the wards in their bulks ; and not in twelve men . and then next of all , for the continual usage , they mistake in that , for that usage , they give an instance in the third of king edward the first , till some later time in edward the second , and in the twentyeth of edward the third : but from the twentyeth of edward the third , not any instance at all of electing men out of wards . that which they say now they are driven to it , now they would indeed exclude the common-councel from having any voice of right . we say , you do well . if the common-councel have no right , then may the livery-men have no right neither ; for their rights will stand and fall upon the same bottom . we say only this : for that record of henry the sixth's time , it 's nothing at all to the purpose ; for that is this , that all those that were in the common-councel , together with other persons that were called in , either from the wards or city , be it which it will : there is no man doubts but most of the liveries they live in the wards ; and therefore it is not an argument that they were not persons that were of the wards . and whereas we have no footsteps of the livery in record , it is true , the stiling of the record is not of the liveries ; your elections are not said to be by the liveries at this day , but by the commonalty , as it was neer two hundred years ago ; and yet in truth done by the common councel and liveries , so that all is one . mr. wild. my lord , i shall only desire mr. latham may read this record in the twentyeth of edward the third ; it is that whereupon i built my argument ; that is , thus it was agreed by all the commonalty of the city , that the lord mayor for the time being shall be chosen by twelve , eight , or six out of every ward , according to the greatness or bigness of the ward . that must of necessity be the common-councel . mr. maynard . one thing i forgot in that , that your livery-men come not by number ; common-councel-men they are summoned by a certain number ¶ here the record was read . mr. hales . this is that we say , and here we leave it . we say , that that reason that these gentlemen do use upon their presidents in edward the first 's time , and edward the second 's time , is to exclude the common councel , as well as the common-hall ; and we say , that upon the same reasons they may exclude the one as well as the other . there is no mention made of the common-councel to have a voice in any of the elections in records , and therefore they would exclude them . we say , they do the record and themselves wrong ; for though it's truth , there is mention made of the mayor , aldermen , and some others , it is not exclusive ; for some others there might be , and yet notwithstanding it is agreed that the common-councel may make an election , and vote , and are not excluded ; and therefore the livery-men may do the same . and when as it hath gone on so long , and not been contradicted , we hope you will continue on that continued course . mr. wildman . my lord , we still insist upon it , that those presidents produced , being for twelve men out of every ward , cannot probably be conceived to be the common-councel ; for how can we conceive that the common-councel , at that time when the city was not a fourth part of what it is , should consist of as many or more then it doth now ? but by the record now read , it appears , that it was agreed that so many men of every ward should come to the election ; and then further agreed , that every alderman of every ward should cause such a number , a smaller number than the other , to be chosen , to be of the common-councel ; and 't is not said that they should be the electors . the record speaks of two things agreed unto : first , that one number of men should be elected for the wards ; secondly , that another number of men should be chosen by the wards , to consult , as the record saith , de arduis negotiis , to consult about the hard matters that concerned the city . but suppose i should grant the learned gentlemen of the other side that which they so much contend for , viz. that the twelve men of the wards , mentioned in the records to be the electors of the mayor , were the common-councel ; and that , as mr. wild would have it , the twelve , eight , or six of every ward , that the common-hall agreed in the 20 of edward 3d. should be the chusers of the mayor , that those were the common-councel ; suppose this , what advantage to their cause will the gentlemen gain from thence ? the conclusion from thence would be ▪ that the common-councel were the only electors of the mayor ; and what becomes of the compa●●es liveries , for whose power in electing they plead ? and if it were the common-councel that were the electors , it doth establish our foundation , which is this , that all those who are chosen by the wards , and do represent them , ought to chuse the chief officers of the city . and if the wards would trust the common-councel onely to be the chusers now , and declare it in the choice of them , we should not oppose it . m. maynard . gentlemen , i forget one word , that m. wildman was pleased to deliver for law , that you may believe , if you think good , that there is no forfeiture of charters . now what the parliament may do under favour , is no question ; but no doubt but there is forfeiture of charters . and he saith , twelve iudges there are , and but few of them agree . you must be sure , that it is the judges part to judge your actions at last . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70490-e3390 * lib. c. fo. 41. edw. 1. * 2 ed. 1. fol. 41. to the honourable house of commons assembled in parliament. an abstract of the generall grieuances of the poore free-men and iourney-men printers oppressed and kept in seruile bondage all their liues by the vnlawfull ordinances of the master and wardens of the company, which they fortifie only by a warrant dormant. stationers' company (london, england) 1621 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a72819 stc 16786.10 estc s123628 99899007 99899007 151070 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a72819) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 151070) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1997:42) to the honourable house of commons assembled in parliament. an abstract of the generall grieuances of the poore free-men and iourney-men printers oppressed and kept in seruile bondage all their liues by the vnlawfull ordinances of the master and wardens of the company, which they fortifie only by a warrant dormant. stationers' company (london, england) 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1621] against the 'unlawfull', i.e. monopolistic, ordinances of the company; this and stc 16786.8 presented before 29 may 1621--stc. imprint from stc. another issue, with heading altered, of stc 16786.8. reproduction of original in the guildhall library, london, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng stationers' company (london, england) -early works to 1800. printers -england -london -early works to 1800. printing -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2008-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-11 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the honovrable hovse of commons assembled in parliament . an abstract of the generall grieuances of the poore free-men and iourney-men printers oppressed , and kept in seruile bondage all their liues by the vnlawfull ordinances of the master and wardens of the company , which they fortifie only by a warrant dormant . with their most humble petition , ffom the beginning of printing his maiesties progenitors by their prerogatiue royall did priuiledge such persons as they pleased soly to print some peculiar bookes , leauing the rest in generall to the printers . and for this art of printing was the key that opened the doore of knowledge and learning ( which is the honour and support of all states and kingdomes ) his maiesties progenitors were pleased to incorporate a selected number , and to indow them with a large charter and many great priuiledges which was graciously intended for the generall good of the whole company , but by the innouations brought in by the masters and their ordinances , the benefit is conuerted to them in particular , and the petitioners vtterly ruined thereby . the lawes of the kingdome authorise all persons , that haue serued an apprentiship according to the statute , lawfully to set vp and vse that trade to which they haue serued . but the petitioners are depriued of that benefit ( which all honest and loyall subiects inioy ) by ordinances of the masters of their company . and made perpetuall bondmen to serue some few of the rich all their liues vpon such condissions , and for such hire , and at such times , as the masters thinke fit : for their trade of printing ( but as seruants ) they must not vse , so as they take all possibiltie of aduancement ( be they neuer so exquisite in their qualitie ) from the petitioners , and make them vncapable of maintenance for them their wiues and posterities . the masters obtained a decree 28. eliz. prohibiting the petitioners to set vp any presse or presses wherewith to print vpon paine of sixe moneths imprisonment without bayle or mainprise , and his presses and other instruments to be defaced . the decree was obtained vnder colour of granting the petitioners diuers bookes in priuiledge to bee printed for their benefit , and diners ordinances for the petitioners continuall and full imployments , and other orders profitable for them . but the decree obtained , they obserued none of their contracts : those being instituted without penalty . but all that tended to the petitioners preiudice , and their masters particular profits , were inioyned vnder great and grieuous punishments . whereas his maiestie was graciously pleased to grant in priuiledge the printing of diuers bookes vnto the petitioners the poore printers ( they by their ordinances haue disposed them wholly to their owne particular benefit , the petitioners hauing no share or benefit of his maiesties most gracious and free bountie , intended chiefely to the poore petitioners . and with the profit of his maiesties gift , they haue purchased and drawne into their hands diuers other priuiledged bookes , conuerting them likewise to their owne ends . in like maner vnder a false pretence of relieuing the poore , they haue obtained almost al into their hands , what either his maiestie : or his progenitors euer granted in priuiledge , of which the petitioners and poore sort of printers expecting benefit , reape indemnity and preiudice , and his maiesties subiects in general are abused by their exactions . for they keeping multiplicity of apprentisies , ( who after their apprentiships , like the petitioners , become for euer more seruile then before ) print bookes most by their apprentises , whereby the petitioners haue not halfe imployment sufficient to worke as seruants ; but the petitioners are in worse case , then when the priuiledges were in strangers hands , which had no prentises . besides the masters of the company haue raised the prizes of bookes , print in worse paper , and with dimne and bad letters . the stationers to whom these priuiledges were neuer intended by his maiesties most gracious gift , or the grant of his progenitors , are the chiefe ingrossers of these priuiledged coppies , with some few printers . and further , the stationers by an agreement among themselues will retale no new copies , vnlesse they be of their owne . for be it neuer so religious , learned , or profitable , if it be a printers , either by purchase , or by free gift , they will not sell the same : but the printer must loose his labour , his paper and expence , if he will not sell them at their rate : by which meanes the stationer hath all the profit both by printing and booke-selling . if the petitioners infringe any part of the former decree , or any of their owne ordinances , or but seeme to question their right in the benefits graciously giuen them by his maiestie , or complaine of their vnconscionable and lawlesse proceedings , they by vertue of a warrant dormant , presently breake the petitioners houses , imprison their bodies , seize their goods , and deface their presses and printing instruments , without legall proceeding or euiction by information . and by this meanes dispose of all things amongst themselues , so a few are raised to great and infinite estates , and all the petitioners thereby made absolute beggers . reasons why the petitioners should be relieued in this high and most honourable court. the decree and their ordinances barre them all reliefe in any court of iustice , or any other court of equity , but this onely . the decree and their ordinances are absolutely contrary to the lawes of this kingdome , and against the lawes of god and nations . the masters haue in nothing performed their contracts made at the obtaining the decree . the petitioners are depriued of that freedome that all other loyall subiects inioy , and they ought to haue . his maiesties bounty extended to charitable vses , but is conuerted to their priuate endes and benefits . the petitioners most humble request is : that the decree may be dissolued . that the petitioners may inioy that liberty and priuiledge that euery honest and loyall subiect ought to inioy . that they may haue equall share of what his maiestie graciously gaue for their charitable vses . and such other priuiledges distributed amongst the whole company as of right belongs , wrongfully by them now vsurped . the petitioners shall beseech the iudge of all iudges , to crowne you all with eternall honour . londons mourning garment, or funerall teares worne and shed for the death of her wealthy cittizens, and other her inhabitants. to which is added, a zealous and feruent prayer, with a true relation how many haue dyed of all diseases, in euery particuler parish within london, the liberties, and out parishes neere adioyning from the 14 of iuly 1603. to the 17 of nouember. following. muggins, william. 1603 approx. 55 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a07877 stc 18248 estc s121897 99857056 99857056 22724 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a07877) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 22724) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1321:2) londons mourning garment, or funerall teares worne and shed for the death of her wealthy cittizens, and other her inhabitants. to which is added, a zealous and feruent prayer, with a true relation how many haue dyed of all diseases, in euery particuler parish within london, the liberties, and out parishes neere adioyning from the 14 of iuly 1603. to the 17 of nouember. following. muggins, william. [34] p. printed by raph blower, at london : 1603. dedication signed: vvilliam muggins. mostly in verse. signatures: [a]² b-d⁴ e² . "a true relation of al that haue bin buried of all diseases ..", quire e. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -poetry -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -poetry -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-03 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion londons mourning garment , or funerall teares : worne and shed for the death of her wealthy cittizens , and other her inhabitants . to which is added , a zealous and feruent prayer , with a true relation how many haue dyed of all diseases , in euery particuler parish within london , the liberties , and out parishes neere adioyning from the 14 of iuly 1603. to the 17 of nouember . following . at london printed by raph blower . 1603. to the right worshipfull , sir iohn swinnerton knight : one of the worshipfull aldermen , of the honorable citty of london : vv. m. wisheth earths happines , and heauens blessednes . right worshipful and graue senator : if my knowledge and learning , were answerable to my good will and affection : this my poore labour now mourning in a sable weede , should be as great and precious , as to the contrary it is weake , and slender . and knowing that the vertuous minde , respecteth not so much the valewe of the guift , as the good will of the giuer , emboldeneth me to presēt this smal pamphlet to your worships view ; most humbly crauing pardon for my rash attempt , which if to your wonted clemmencie i doe obtaine . i shall liken my selfe to a poore debtor owing much , freely forgiuen of all his large reckonings and dangerous accounts , and bound in duty to pray for your worships long life , with increase of honor . your worships at commaund , vvilliam mvggins ¶ londons mourning garment , and funerall teares . with heauy heart , and sighes of inward cares , with wringing hands● explayning sorrows wo , with blubbered cheekes , bedewde with trickling teares with minde opprest lamenting griefs that flowe , london lament , and all thy losses showe : what al ? nay some , all were too much to tell , the learned homer could not penne it well . ay me poore london , which of late did florish , with springing march , the tidings of a king : and aprill showers , my blossomes so did nourishe , that i in maie , was calde a famous thing , yea townes and cities did my glory ring : nay thorowe the worlde my golden fame so grewe , that princes high , crost seas , my seate to viewe . and like to agamemnons gallant trayne , throughout my streetes , with stately steps did goe , where them with welcomes , i did entertaine ; pleasing their liking , with each seuerall showe , where they in me , much treasure did bestowe , honouring the church with prayers , the change with golde , where princes bought , and beauteous virgins solde . to adde more glory to my prosperous state , my soueraigne lord , most high and mighty king , made oft repayre , both moining , eu'en and late , to me both gainefull , and a pleasant thing : my heart was glad , my voice sol , fa , did sing , my head did muse , not strucke with sorrowes sad , but how to make , my crowned soueraigne glad . and as a bryde , against her nuptiall day , doth deck her selfe , with fayre and rich attyre , accompanide with damsells fresh and gay , to plight her faith , to him she did desire euen so did i with zeale as hot as fyer . prepare my selfe against this day of ioye , to giue him welcome , with vive le roye . my magistrates were all so ready prest in skarlet rich , this potent prince to greet : my wealthy free-men also wrought their best , preparing pageants in each famous street● my marchant-strangers laboured hands and feete , and scattered coyne , like ivpiters showres of golde , hoping with ioy this cesar to behold . and as those men the wealthiest in my bower , was neuer sparing in this good intent , so did my artisauts with all their power , for loue or gaine , to worke were ready bent . pigmalion foorth his skilfull caruers sent ? cunning appelles with his pencill drew prospectious strange , for king and peeres to veiw . but oh , a sudden qualme doth crosse my heart twixt cup and lip are dangers oft we see , vnwelcome death approcheth with his dart , yelping , oh , london , thou must yeeld to mee : i must hau● rootes and branches for my fee. the fruits full ripe and blossomes that might grow are mine , not thine , the fates decree'd it so . drown'd in deepe seas ( poore lady ) thus i lye , vnlesse some speedie helpe a comfort yeeld : is there no wife nor widdow that will hye , and reach a hand that hath some sorrowes felt , my griefes are more then i my selfe can welde , helpe some good woman with your soules-sigh deepe , for you are tender hearted and can weepe . vvhat none ? nay , then i see the prouerbe old is true , the widdowes care is st●dious where to loue , sith women are so fickle , men to you , london laments , will ye her plaints remoue . i heare no eccho ; men like women proue , vvidowers for wiues , widdowes for husbands seeke , before the teares are dryed from their cheekes . to children then i will my sorrowes shew , vvhole parent● lately in the graue were layde ; their hearts with sighs will cause fresh teares to flow , and reach a hand for sorrowing londons ayde . come children mourne , i cry but am denayde , their parents riches so inflames their brest , that they long since did wish them at their rest . vvhere , or to whom , may i my voyce set forth ? men mourne for men , where friendship long hath bred : fye no ( good lady ) there is found small troth , the liuing friend deceiues the friend that 's dead , robbing his children with a subtill head : by reason he executor , made the drowne by wresting law , the riches are his owne . oh ( helplesse lady ) whither shall i ●lye , to find true mourners in this sad lament ? to aged people ; no , their heads are dry , they cannot weepe , long since their teares were spent : to middle age ? ( alas ) their wits are bent to purchase lands and liuings for their heires , or by long life , ●o gainé which other spares . the louing seruant may yet helpe at neede , that now hath lost his master and his stay , sending foorth sithings till the heart doth bleed : oh , london , thou in vaine to him doest pray , his power and wits he bends another way : his masters custome , shoppe , and trade to get , is all the teares , the blithe yong man can let . is there none then , that will take londons part ? and help to sing , a welcome vnto wo ? is there none founde , that feeles a present smart ? nor none a liue , that can c●use teares to flow ? if any be ? then freely them bestow . two mourne together , swage e●h others grief , weepe on a while , and i will be the chiefe . i heare no answere yet in these estates , let me but study , where , and whom to seeke , oh , now i haue bethought me , come on mates , for you and i , must mourne it by the weeke : and neuer will , new teares , be long to seeke● for parents loue , vnto their children deare , in iudgment sounde , nothing can come more neare . the loue of pare●ts , are like graftes that grow , euer encreasing , till it proue a tree : the loue of children , like the melting snow , euer decreasing , till an ende there be , dayly experience , proues this true we see , loue to the children , euermore dependes : but to the parents , seldome re-discendes . and now i haue , with trauel , griefe and paine , founde foorth two mourners , that will agents be : choose which of vs , shal settle to complaine , or if you will , leau● all the chardge to me : onely i with you , to abandon glee . and to my voice , prepare your glowing eares , with sighes and groanes , and sometimes scalding teares . and if to high my warbling notes ascendes , iudge me not bolde but zealous in my loue : if that too lowe , thinke that with sigh●s for friendes , my voice is hoarse , yet i againe will proue , the vtmost power , i can for to remoue , your too forgetfull , sorrowes which are drye , and place them now , a fresh in memory , art thou a father , or a mother deare ? hadst thou a sonne , or daughter of thy side : were not their voice , sweete musicke in thy eare , or from their smiles , could'st thou thy countnance hide . nay , were they not , the glories of thy pride ? i doubt too much , thy loue on them were set , that whilst thou liuest , thou canst not them forget . remember well , you dames of london cittie , as for you men , i le leaue you for a while , because small paines , deserues the lesser pity , and you are stronger , sorrowes to begyle : a space we will , your company exile , and bid you farewell , till another day , when time and place , will giue you cause of stay . and now my harts , olde widdowes and yong wiues , you that in silence , sit so sad and mute : you that wring hands , as weary of your liues , heare london speake , she wil expresse your suite . i know your sighes , is for your tender fruite . fruite in the budde , in blossome ripe and growne , all deare to you , now death hath made his owne . and as the greedy wolfe , from harmeles ewes , robbs them of lambes , sucking their tender tett : and in his rigour , no compassion shewes , but gormondizing , kils them for his meate . euen so deaths fury , now is growne so great , the tender lambe , will not his fury stay . both lambes and ewes , he swalowes for his pray . witnes i ca● , poore london for my part , what palefac't death , within fiue monthes hath wrought● seauen hundred widdowes , wounded to the hart , with their sweet babes , which they full dearely bought● some dead new borne , some neuer forth were brought , you mothers weepe , if euer you bore any , to thinke how sore , death did perplexe so many . not yet content , he rageth vp and downe , and secretly , his heauy visage shewes : in euery streete , and corner of the towne , emptyeing whole hou●es , soone whereas he goes , taking away , both olde and young g●d knowes , the weeping mother , and the infant cleare , the louing brother , and the sister deare . oh , mothers sigh , sit and shed teares a while , expell your idle pleasures , thinke on woes : make not so much as countenance of a smile but with downe lookes , which inward sorrow showes , and now a fresh , remember all your throwes , your g●ipes your panges , your bodies pincht with paine , as if this instant , you did them sustaine let not so much , forgotten be of you , as the least qualme , that then your harts opprest : no nor the smallest , dolor did ensue , as heauy wincks and too too little rest ; remember al , the sorrowes of thy breast , which in the bre●ding , bearing and deliuery , you did indure , with paine yet willing againe bethinke you , at that instant hower , the little diff●r●nce , was twixt li●e and death : when as the insant , with his naked power , laboured for life , to haue his right●ull birth , and with the sickly , mother gaspt for breath , the one ne●e dead , as nigh to death the other , sore to the babe , worse trauell for the mother . if any mother , can forget this smart , her for a woman , i will neuer take : and out of londons , fauor may she part , and all such brutish , strumpets for her sake : for such light hus-wiues , i a wish will make , that neuer any , may approch my citty , euer to want , a●d no hart them to pittie . and now ●eturne i , to you honest wiues , who grieuing sits , and sighing send forth teares , which to your husbands , lyue chast and true liues , and with your children , passeth forth your yeares , to you that londons , lamentations heares . and are true parteners , in my pla●nts and mones , experience shewes it , by your inward gro●es . the child new borne , the mother some de●le well are all the griefes , and sorrows at an end : no cares and troubles , yet i haue to tell , though child be swath'de , and sickly mother mende , the feeble infant , many a fret doth send . which grieues the mother , till she weepe againe , to heare and see , the infant in such paine . and with her seeble , hand and weakely strength , she playes and d●llyes , for the babyes good : and to her milke-white , brestes doth lay at length the prety foole , who learnes to take his foode . his onely meanes , to nourish life and bloud , he fed● , she paynd , he drawes , poore mother yeelds , whose louing brests both shutes and prickings feeles , and when the babe doth gather strength a maine , most strongly labouring at his mothers dugge . she patiently endureth all the paine , su●fering his lipp●s her nipple still to lugge , and with her armes most closely doth it hugge , as she should say , draw childe and spare not mee , my brests are thine , i feele no paine with thee . though that poore heart her brest doth ake full sore , and inwardly sell prickings shee indures , till eyes gush teares , and lippes reach kisses store ; which in true mothers gladsome ioyes procures , and to more a●dent loue them still allures : that toares and kisses greet the babe together , like to sunne-shine when it is dropping weather , ymmagin heere , the pretty lambe doth cry , the mother strong , and times of custome past : will , she then leaue it , to the worldes broad eye , no , whilst her life , and vitall powers last , the mothers loue , to child is fixte so fast . she stills it straight , and layes it to her brest , with kisses more , then venvs could disgest and with h●r armes , she heaues it high and lowe , as if a cradle , it sweete foole lay in : doubt you not to , she kisses did bestow , and if it smile , a fresh she doth begin . on prety looke , a hundred kisses winne my more then sweete , vnto her child she saith , i would not for , a kingdome wish thy death . now is her minde , full straight with inward ioy● as if all things , she thought should come to passe : vttering forth sighes , vnto her prety boy , shall death haue thee , and lay thee in the grasse , i le rather goe , to earth from whence i was , fell death goe seeke , for crooked age and olde , my child is fayre , vnfitting for the molde . i hope to see , more comfort and more ioy , of this sweete babe , which cost my life almost : i pray thee grimme death , doe not him annoy , goe get thee further , to some other coast. to kill an infant giues small cause of boast . there 's many liuing , that would gladly dye , take them away , but spare my childe and i. chast london wiues● me thinkes i see you all , each seuerall mother , hau●ng greefes to shewe , and with your greefes , i see the teares doe fall , the onely phisicke , women can bestow , oh , that i could , but ease your hart sicke woe , london would spare , no labour cost not time , to wipe the water , from your blubbered eyen . but i a skilfull surgeons part will play , first search the sore , then minister things meete : vnto yovr memories , i your plants will lay , causing a fresh your heauie eyes to greet . then gentler salues , i meane perswasions sweete ; this is the surgery wounded london layes to all her patients , that her hests obayes . one tender mother cryeth loude and shrill , wringing her hands , my children both are dead : sweet louing henry , and my eldest gyrle , ah besse , my wench thou hadst thy mother sped with sorrowes , that will neuer from my head . thy forward wit to learning and to awe , a sweeter daughter neuer woman sawe . thy flaxen haire , thy collour red and white , thy yeeres full ten , thy body straight and tall , thy countnance smilling , neither sad nor light , thy pleasant eyes , thy hands with fingers small , thy manners milde , thy reading best of all , with needle pregnant , as thy sampler shewes , patient in death like sucking lambe she goes● my hopes were that i might haue kept thy life to see more yeeres , and be a beutious mayde ; to see thee match't , and be a london wife , to see thy childe-bed , and be safely layde , to see thy children in the streete haue playde : to cheere my age , as should a louing daughter , but thou art gone , and i must follow after . my little henrie , oh , that prety foole ; that oft hath made my sorrowing heart full glad , his words were mamma : sit , here is a stoole , some bread and butter i haue nothing had ; i le busse you well , ( good mamma ) be not sad , vp on cock-high , i will sit in your lappe , where oft ( poore sweeting ) he hath caught a nappe . and if sometimes , he hearde his father chide , as housholde wordes , may passe twixt man and wife : vnto my husbande , presently he hyed as he should say , i will appease the strife ; and with his childish ●hirth , and pleasvres rise . abates the heat , and makes vs both to ioy : to see such nature , in the little boy . but death , oh death , that hater of my wealth hath slaine my d●ughter , and my little sonne : both of them proppes , vnto my wished health both to haue kept . i woulde barefoote haue runne : fel atropos , her fatall stroke hath done ; with the eternall . i beleue they rest , oh , happy babes , for euer they are blest . step after step , i see an other come , casting her handes , abroade , as shee were wood : seeming to tell a heauy tale to some , but silly dame , thou art not vnderstoode ; speake mildely , lowly , not with chafing bloude : for hastie speach , hath seldome reason showne , when soft deliuerance , makes the matter knowne . i am a widdow poore , christ shew me pittie , feeble and weake of yeeres , three score and ten : i had two daughters , married in the cittie , both of them well , & vnto honest men ; they had my loues , and i had ●heirs againe : with them i hop't to spend my aged yeeres , and to be buried , with their funerall teares . to them i gaue , that little i possest , with them to dwel , as long as life ensured : three monthes with one , my custome was to rest , then , with the other , i like space endured : with vs the diuel , no iarres nor brawles procured . but liued and lou'de , as quiet as might be , i bore with them , they dayly honouring me . but now alas , a heauy tale to tell , as with my chickins , i at pleasure slept : comes the great puttocke , with his tallantes fel , and from me quite , my youngest chicken swept ; then to the other , he full nimbly leapt , seazing on her , as hee had done the other , oh greedy death , could'st thou not take their mother ? my age is fitter for the yawning graue , their yeeres more tender in the worlde to stay : my bones are dry , and would their porcions haue , their lymmes were nimble , and a while might play ; my bloude is colde , theires hote , mine weares away . they both were matched , & fruite might bring foorth store i olde and withered , and can yeelde no more . thou cruel leane , and ill deformed death , thou great intruder , and vn-welcomde guest : thou palefac't hog , thou shortner of long breath , thou mighty murdrer , of both man & beast : vvhy doest thou not , inuite me to thy feast ? and on my body , shew thy fury great that lackes house , lodging , sight , & what to eate . vvith lamentations , and with teares good store , ymmagin now , you heare a mothers griefe : shee most of all , her sorrowes doth deplore , vttring foorth woordes , as helples of reliefe , she is depriu'de , of all , both lesse and chiefe ; aswell her children , as her husbande good , vvith labouring seruantes that did earne their foode . ah my sweet babes , what woulde not i haue done ? to yeelde you comfort , & maintaine you heer● : early and late , no labour woulde i shun , to feede your mouthes , though hunger pincht me neere ; all three at once , i woulde your bodies cheere . twaine in my lappe , shoulde sucke their tender mother , and with my foot , i woulde haue rockt the other . me thinkes i see them still , and heare their cryes chiefly a nights when i on bed am layde , which make fresh teares goe from my watry eyes , when i awake and finde i am deceiued ; sweet pretie babes , christ hath your souls receiued ; faire babes to mee , you nere shall come againe , but where you are , i trust aye to remaine . your louing father tooke a great delight , o●ten in armes to haue those children small , and now he hath them euer in his sight , not one or two , the heauens possesse them all , father and babes obayde when christ did call . they all are gone , i onely left with breath , to byde more sorrowes in this wretched earth . poore and in want yong widddow left am i , kindles and friendlesse , lacking meanes to liue , had but my seruants stayde their worke to plye their labour , would some comfort to me giue , my hopes are like to water powrde in syue . onely i trust god will increase my health , that i may worke and hate dishonest wealth . many more sorrowes might i here repeate , of grieued mothers for their children deare , but times are precious and worke too great for my hoarse voice to shew and vtter here , onely i pray you listen and giue eare to londons sorrowes , which so many are , my clacking tongue cannot them hal●e declare . and as with paine i did endure to tell your too too heauie and vnwelcom'd woés , wherein poore london labour'd to do well , but wanting giftes , the best she can she showes the willing minde , that all she hath bestowes , must needes be reconed for a friendly part , deseruing thankes , with as cheerefull a heart , excuse me then , and heare me too , a while , for many sorrowes compasse me throughout : neuer since brvte set footing in this isle , nor nere since it was walled round about : more blessed newes , nor happy spring cold sprout ; then did to london , in this present yeere , when englands cesar came this citie neere . all went as●aunt , happy that marchant was which had rich wares to please his chapmans eyes the finest shagges , wrought stuffes , and purest glasse , rare cloth of gold , and silkes of euery dye : who for his money could know where to buy , both went and sent to fetch in wares good store , not doubting sale for that and three times more . and as they thought a while it did continue , doings waxt quicke , and wares a pace did sell , great men of honours with their retinue , approch't my citie minding here to dwell , houses and chambers were let deare and well , there was no corner in me did remaine , but the true owner might imploy to gaine , with icarvs , i soring then aloft , bathing my limbes in heat of highest sonne , till waxen wings with melting heate were soft , and had no power me from the waues to shunne , downe must i fall , my glorie quite vndone , he sits aboue that looketh downe below , comm●nding powers his iustice here to show . and with king davids chance doth me correct , spreading his plague , where pleaseth him to strike ; because in health his lawes i did reiect , trusting in menes , in man , in horse , and pike : boasting of riches , beautie and such like . neuer redeeming of swift passing times , but still committing new and vgly crimes . and to the ende , none dwelling in my cittie should thinke themselues more safer then the rest , iudging their slights and not gods lasting pittie , to be the cause why they with health are blest ; gods iudgement vpon all degrees are prest , from poorest begger , to the wealthiest squire , from yongest infant , to the oldest syre . for if the aged people hee should spare , they would attribute to themselues too much , and say their bloudes are drye , their bones so bare , the pestilence ●heir bodies cannot touch . if middle age should scape , their wits are such , that through their dyet● or by letting blood , they wonne the victorie , and the plague with-stood . the frolicke youths would iudge the strengths the meane , boasting of ioyntes , armes , legges and sinewes strong , the little infant being weake and leane , wants substance for the plague to worke vpon . these are excuses , but effects haue none ; gods messenger ( the plague ) doth feare no states , but strikes both lowest and the highest mates . now for the rich which haue of golde such store , feeding their bodyes with dilicious fare , keeping great fires , stirre not out of doore , vsing perfumes , shunning infected ayre ; shall they escape ? no , the plague will them not spare : because they shall not thinke their heaped treasure , can keepe them longer then it is gods pl●asure . if rich men dye , and poorer people stay , they will exclame with hate and deadly ire , saying with surfects they cousume the day , wallowing in ease like dirtie swyne in myre , iudging thei● scarcitie and their thinne atyre the onely phisicke , poysons to with stand , but they like others haue giuen death their hand . if any then should scape deathes heauie sight , and claime a pardon for a longer day ; the zealous preacher and the godly wight , which for themselues , and sor their hearers pray , might hau● some fauour in this world to stay : but god saith no , they sh●ll yeeld to their kinde , lest they prooue haughti● which remaine behinde . there are a people that doe leawdly liue , swaggering and swearing , prone to euery sinne , sh●ll those men scape ? no , they account shall giue of all the vices they haue wallowed in . such wretched caytiffes , made the lord beginne , to strike poore london● with thy heauie rod , for pleasing sathan , and offending god. what should i say my sorrowes are so many , one for a thousand i cannot repeate , within my liberties scarce any , which haue no● felt gods wrath and mightie threate , either by death , or sicknesse fell and great , if parents scap'de , the children had their part , if both remaine , their seruants felt some smart . the sicke bequeather of his wealth by will , not onely dead , but his executors too , and eke the scriuener that did make the bill , all in one fort-night haue payde death their due , the like vnto the landlord doth ensue , both wealthy father , and succeeding heire , with their poore tenants ended haue their care . the ioyfull brydegroome married as to day , sicke , weake , and feeble before table layde , and the next morrow dead and wrap't in clay , leauing his bride , a widdow , wife and mayde . which sudden change doth make her so dismayde , that griefes and sorrowes doth perplexe her heart , within three dayes she takes her husbands part , much might i speake of other sad laments , and fill your eares with new and seuerall woes , spending a weeke , repeating discontents , which needlesse is , where all both sees and knowes , how many thousands death and graues inclose : making me ( london ) which long time hath slowrish't scorned of those which i both fed and nourish't . and thos● that haue my glory most set forth , boasting that i for beautie did excell ; now to approch vnto me are so loath , as if my presence were a swallowing hell : within their houses they refuse to dwell , and to the countrey flye like swarmes of bees , where wealth and credite many of them leese . but most of all my sorrowing heart doth grieue , for such as worke and take exceeding care , and by their labour knowe not how to liue , going poore soules in garments thinne and bare , the bellie hungry , of flesh leane and spare . pawning and selling clothes , and what they ●aue , to seed their children which for foode doe craue . and when poore hearts their hunger once is stayed , the day insuing brings the like distresse : the painefull parents working all their trade for new supply , fell famine to suppr●sse , but all in vaine their woes are nere the lesse . their worke being made , abroade poore soules they trott , from morne to noone , from noone to night , god wott . offering their wares , and what they haue to sell , vnto such trades-men as haue small pittie , but they like nabals , will not with them mell , vnlesse for halfe the worth they may it buy : the rich man laughs , the poore in heart doth cry , shedding foorth teares in sorrow to his wife , this world doth make me wearie of my life . the wife doth weepe , the needy seruantes play , the children cry for foode where none is bought : the father saith , i cannot sell to day , one iot of worke , that all of vs haue wrought ; in euery shoppe , i haue for mo●ey sought . and can take none , your hunger to sustaine , teares part from him , the children cry amaine . vvhat shall we doe ? a counsell straight they take , meate must be had , our people must not starue , wi●e , take such thinges , & goe without a loate , in hovvndes ditch , pawne them , our great neede to serue , they wil make sure , if that a day we swa●ue ; all will be lost , our garments are their owne , though for a pound we giue a shilling lone . besides the bill a powling groat will cost , and euery moneth our pawne must be renew'd , so was my lease to griping vsurie lost , the first beginner of my sorrowes brew'd , and euer since want vpon want insew'd . my bedding forfeite for a thing of nought , my brasse and pewter , want of conscience bought . if now our clothes which clad out naked skinne , should thus be lost , as was our other good , alas , ( poore wife ) what case are we then in , such shamefast beggers neuer asked food . if honest labour could this griefe withstood , we would haue reckoned day and night as one , to worke for meate , rather then make such mone . o you of london , now heare london speake , especially you magistrates of might , and wealthy citizens , whose store is great , i gently wooe you to haue good fore-sight , and cast your eyes vpon the needy wight , though feare of sicknesse driue you hence as men , yet leaue your purse , and feeling heart with them . remember all , your riches are but lent , though in this world , you beare such power and sway : remember too , how soone your yeares are spent , remember eke , your bodies are but clay , remember death , that rangeth at this day . remember when , poore lazers woes did end , the full fed glutton , to hell , did discend . remember rulers , of each publycke charge , the seuerall branches , of your priuate oath : remember them , that vse a conscience large , and on themselues , the needyes stocke bestow'th , he robbes his god , and his poore neighbours both . he that graunts blessings , to the poore that lends , giues treble cursings , to those it miss-spends . remember likewise , god hath plac't you heere , to be as nursing , fathers to the poore , let then your kindnes , now to them appeare , giue much and be , no niggards of your store : g●d in his wisedome , gaue it you therefore . put foorth your tallents , and gaine ten for fiue , so shall you in , the heauenly cittie thriue . one other boone , doth mournefull london craue , of you on whom , her weale and woes depende when in the senate , house with counsell graue , you sit debating , causes how to end . make some decree , poore working trades to mend , at least set downe , some order for their good , that each man may , with labour earne his foode . restraine the number , of deuouring drones , that sucks the hunny , from the laboring bees . catching by peece-meale , in their bribes and lones , mens whole estates , which are of poore degrees : and brings them quickly , on their naked knees , fower groates a month , for twenty shillings lent , ys like windes tempest , till the house be rent . the number , numb●rlesse of houses vaine , which beere and ale , forsooth make shewe to sell : vnder which couller , doth such vyces rayne my cheeke doth glowe , my toongue refraines to tell , offending god , and pleasing sathan well , like wicked sodome , doth my subburbs lye , a mighty blemish , to faire londons eye . reforme these things , you heads of london citie , punnish lewd vice , let vertue spring and grow : then gods iust wrath , now hot will turne to pittie , and for his children , you againe doe know : your former health , on you he will bestow , the plague and pestilence , wherewith he visites still , to end or send , are in his holy will. you see the runner , in his race is tript , well when he went , dead ere his iourneyes done : you see how soddaine , beauties blase is nipt , which sought all meanes , deaths danger for to shunne , you heare what successe , followe them that runne : most true report , doth tell vs where and how , the countreys plauge , exceedes the citties now . sith then it resteth , in gods mighty power , who when he please , can bid his angell stay : or if he will , destroy you in an hower a thousand yeares , being with him as one day , why should you not , to him for mercy pray . desiring pardon , with a contryte heart , and from your former , wickednes depart . yf this you will , incontinently doe , the lorde in pittie , will his iudgments cease , and many blessings will he powre on you : health and long life , honour & happie peace , your foes shal quaile , your friendes shall still increase , your vviues shall flourish like a fruitfull vine , your children prosper , and your griefes decline● your termes shall holde , your men of worth shall stay , your marchants trafficke , and great riches gaine , your trades-mens sorrows shall bee done away , true loyall seruants shall with them remaine : your artisants shall neuer more complaine , their honest labour so shall thriue and speede , that they shall giue to others that haue neede . and i that long haue beene a loathed dame , shall frolicke then with myrth and inward glee , renowned lady , now must be my name , o famous london , who is like to thee ; thy god is serude by men of each degree , thy churches filde , thy preachers burne with zeale , thy glory shines , o blessed common-weale . my crowned cesar and his peerlesse queene , comes now tryumphing with their princely sonne , deck●t with rich robes the like was neuer seene , nor neuer none more welcome to london , me thinkes i see the people how they runne , to get them roome this happy sight to see , that this may come say all amen , with mee . finis . a godly and zealous prayer vnto god , for the surceasing of his irefull plague , and grieuous pestilence . o lord god almightie , the father of mercies and god of all consolation , we miserable distressed creatures , wounded with th● multitude of our grieuous sins , repayre vnto thee ( the phisition of our soules ) for balme to cure our sores . o lord , we acknowledge and confesse our owne vnworthinesse : great is thy goodnesse towards vs , and great is our ingratitude towardes thee . thou hast opened the windowes of heauen , and powred out thy blessings vpon vs , as out of a store-house or treasurie : thou hast giuen vs of the fatte of the earth , and fed vs with the dewe of heauen : peace and plentie haue beene our portion , and inheritance these many yeeres : the sword hath not deuoured vs , hunger and famine haue not come neere vs : the knowledge of thy word hath florished amongst vs : and whereas other nations sit in darkenesse , and grope at noone day , being ouerwhelmed with the fogges & mystes of error and supersticion , wee still inioy the fruition of thy glorious gospell , and the sunne of righteousnes still shineth cleerely in our climate : whose sweete influence might hau● caused vs ( had we not bene barren trees ) to haue brought foorth much fruite . but alas , in vaine hath the doctrine of thy sonne christ iesus , dropped as the deaw : in vaine haue the sweet distilling showres of thy mercies beene powred out vpon this land. for we haue not yet brought forth the first fruites of the spirit : we haue had the first , and the latter raine ; but we bring foorth the fruit of righteousnes , neither first nor last : our wine is bitter as the wine of sodom , and our grapes as the grapes of gomorrah : wee are become as the seede of the wicked corrupt children , disobedient seruantes , a rebellious people , & now that we are rich , and are waxen fat , we spurne with the h●ele , like the vnruly heifar , we are sicke of long prosperity , & haue surfeited of peace and plentie : fulnes of bread hath caused vs to ●●n against thre , & we haue wearied thee with our iniquities , they are too sore and heauy a burthen for vs to beare . therfore is thy visitation come amongst vs , & thine hand i● sore against vs : therefore hast th●u armed thy selfe with displeasure , like a man of warre , thou hast prepared thy instruments of wrath , thou hast whet thy sword , thou hast bent thy bow , thou hast put thine hand to the quiuer , thou hast shot ●ut thine arrowes of indignation against vs , like a gyaunt refreshed with wine , hast smitten vs , and wee are wounded at the heart . woe vnto vs , for the voyce of lamentation and mourning is heard in our cities , as when thou slewest the first borne of egypt . our houses are left desolate , and men abhorre their owne inheritance . wee are one afraid of another , men hardly trust themselues , yea , scarcely the clothes of their backes . where are our solemne meetings , and frequent assemblies : men stand a farre off : the streates and high wayes mourne : trafficke ceaseth : marchandize decayeth : the craftes-man and cunning artificer is ashamed of his pouertie . these things doe we iustly suffer for our sinnes , at thy hands ; o god , and yet still we goe forwards in our sinnes , like the swift dromedorie in his ●ourse : or like the asse in the mountaines , which draweth in the ayre at her pleasure , we haue not comforted the weake and feeble knees , we haue not wept with them that weepe . we haue not had that sympathy , and fellow-s●lling of each others miserie , which ought to bee in the members of christ , nay , often times while one prayeth in the bitternesse and anguish of his spirit , another blasphemeth in the pride and presumption of his heart . heare one groueleth on the ground , gasping & gaping after life , there another walloweth in th● sincke of sin , and puddle of iniquitie , vomiting vp his own● shame . o god , how displeasing a spectacle is this to thin● eyes : how harsh musicke ( and distempered harmony ) is it to thine eares . therefore thine hand is stretched out , to smit● off the withered brāches of those trees which are corrupt . o lord , thou knowest that it is not in man to direct his owne wayes . turne vs vnto thee , and we shall be turned . draw thou vs , and we wil run after the smell of thine oyntments . touch our ●linty hearts , and our eyes shall gush out with water , as the stonie rocke which moses smote : then wilt thou repent thee of this euill , when wee haue repented vs of our sinnes : then wilt thou turne from vs thy fierce wrath , when wee haue turned from our iniquities : then will we offer vp with the calues of our lips a sacrifice of prayse and thankesgiuing , when thou hast raised vs vp , out of the pit of our grieued desolatiō , then shalt thou put myrth and gladnesse into our heartes . most mercifull father , let it be ynough that we haue hitherto borne the stormes of thy displeasure , now let thy angry angell hold his destroying hand : let vs not all dye in our sinnes for whom christ dye● , that wee might liue vnto thee , take away thy cup of indignation from vs , and let vs drinke no more of the dreg● of thy furie ; saue the remnant that are left with thy preseruatiues of grace , send thy good angell vnto the ●ings court , and giue him charge ouer his maiestie , that the arrowes that flye by night touch not his sacred pers●n , nor come nere his princely progeny . let treacherie , and conspiracie blush and be ashamed and confounded at their presence : let prosperitie attend them on the right hand and on the left : lord giue vnto the nobles , & senators of this land , the spirit of wisedome , counsell and vnderstanding : the spirit of true fortitiude , courage● and magnanimitie . inspire the ministers of thy gospel with knowledge of thy word , inflame their hearts with a feruent zeale for thy glory : giue vnto all superiors , discretion & moderation : vnto all inferiors , loyalty and obdedience . more perticulerly , for our selues , wee pray thee blesse our downe sitting and our vprising , blesse our going foorth , and our comming in : saue vs from the noysome plague and pestilence , which i● the rod of thy furie , and the hammer of thine indignation , which breakest in peices like a potters vessell irrepentant sinners , therefore suffer vs not , we beseech thee , to walke any longer in the stubburnesse of our owne hearts , least we hoard vp vengeanc● for our selues in the day of wrath . o lord illuminate our vnderstanding● , reforme oure irreguler disordered affections , mortifie our sinnes , let them dye in this nights rest , that to morrow whē we awake , we may shake off sinnes , and liue vnto righteousnesse , neuer fea●ing to goe foreward from grace to grace , from vertue to vertue , vntill we haue arriued at the hauen of rest : whither christ bring vs , which bought vs for his mercies sake : to wh●m with the father and the holy ghost , be all honour , power , and dominion , for euermore . amen . finis . a true relation of al that haue bin buried of all diseases , in euery seuerall parish ; aswell within the cittie of london , & liberties thereof , as also in the out parishes neere therevnto adioyning , from the 14 of iuly last past , 1603 , to the 17. of nouember following . albones in woodstreet 174 alhallowes lumbarstr . 107 alhallowes the great 278 alhallowes the lesse 220 alhallowes bredstreet 27 alhallowes staynings 121 alhallowes the wall . ●11 alhallowes hony-lane 14 alhallowes barking 411 alphage at cripplegate 168 androwes by the wardrope 282 androwes eastcheape 104 androwes vndershaft 159 annes at aldersgate 140 annes black fryers 240 auntlins parish 34 austines parish 91 bartholmew at the exch : 76 bennets at pauls-wharf . 190 bennets grace-church 39 bennets finck 93 bennets sherhogg 26 buttols billinsgate 18 christ church parish 323 christophers parish 36 clements by east-cheape 46 dennis back-church 105 dunstones in the east 222 edmunds in lumbard-st 72 ethelborow within bishopsg 156 s. faithes 101 s. fosters in foster-lane 93 gabriel fan-church 66 georges buttolph-lane 35 gregories by paules 260 hellens within bishopsg . 95 iames by garlick-hith 136 iohn euangelist 9 iohn zacharies 131 iohns in the walbrooke 133 katherines cree-church 391 katherines colemans 180 laurence in the iury 86 laurence pountney 157 leonards foster-lane 239 leonards eastcheape 50 magnus parish by the bridge 107 margrets new fishstreet 81 margrets pa●tens 51 margrets moyses 67 margrets lothbery 99 martins in the vintry 242 martins orga●s 89 martins iremonger lane 25 martins at ludgate 19● martins outwich 38 mary le booe 26 mary bothaw 39 mary at the hill 1●9 mary abchurch 120 mary woolchurch 48 mary colchurch 10 mary woolnoth 85 mary aldermary 75 mary aldermanbery 78 mary stayning● 49 mary mountawe 47 mary sommersets 193 mathew friday-street 16 maudlins in milke-street 32 maudlins by oldfishstreet 128 mighels bassie shaw 135 mighels cornehill 119 mighels in woodstreet 151 mighel● in the ryall 99 mighels in the querne 59 mighels queene-hith 128 mighel crooked lane 139 mildreds poultry 79 mildreds bredstreet 39 nicholas acons 32 nicholas cole-abbay 139 nicholas olaue 80 olaues in the iury 40 olaues in hartstreet 186 olaues in siluer-street 111 pancras by soperlaue 18 pete●s in cornehill 132 peters in cheape 45 peters the poore in broadstr , 44 peters at pauls-wharfe 95 steuens in colman-street 339 steuens in the walbrok 22 swithins at london-stone 116 thomas apostles 83 trinitie parish 116 vvithout the vvals of london . androwes in holborn 1178 barthelmew the lesse smith● 84 barthelmew the great smit● 200 brides parish 907 buttols algate 1465 buttols bishopsgate 1202 buttols without aldersg . 556 dunstones in the west 484 georges in southwarke 895 giles without creeplegate 2455 olaues in southwarke 2459 sauiours in southwarke 1858 sepulchers parish 2219 thomas in southwark 245 trinitie in the minories 39 clements without templeb . 624 giles in the fields 439 iames at clarkenwell 716 katherines by the tower 639 leonards shoredich 856 martins in the fields 458 mary whitechappel 1534 magdalens in barmondsey — streete . 578 bridewel precinct . 103 at the pest-house 134 the true number of al that haue bin buried , aswel within the cittie of london : as also within the liberties and subburbes thereof , of all diseases , since the first beginning of this uisitation , is 37717. finis . london and the countrey carbonadoed and quartred into seuerall characters. by d. lupton lupton, donald, d. 1676. 1632 approx. 86 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 79 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06473 stc 16944 estc s108946 99844598 99844598 9427 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06473) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9427) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 847:08) london and the countrey carbonadoed and quartred into seuerall characters. by d. lupton lupton, donald, d. 1676. [16], 143, [1] p. printed by nicholas okes, london : 1632. the first leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -social life and customs -early works to 1800. london (england) -description and travel -early works to 1800. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 ben griffin sampled and proofread 2004-11 ben griffin text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the right honorable lord , the lord goring , baron of hurster-point , and mr. of the horse to the queenes highnes . right honorable : your brothers real worth shewed to mee in the warres abroad , imboldned me to present this new borne babe to your protection , not doubting but to finde the same reality of worth in your selfe in the court at home , as i found in him in forraigne leagers : the subiect is new & merry , the fitter eyther for court or field . it was conceiued and perfected in ten daves space ; and how desires tuition vnder your lordship . it is the emblem of my affection , and so hopes to be lou'd & lik'd the better & sooner ; it is the first , but not perhaps to bee the last . i had thought to haue presented it vnto your lordship , before this time in print , as i did in the manuscript , had not eyther some maleuolent spirit , or enuious planet crost me in my designes . i wish that it may bee esteem'd nere the worse , though from so meane a hand , and so vnworthy a person as my self . lend it a fauourable sm●le to comfort and cherish it , and it shal be the highth of my desires ; thus presenting my selfe , it , and what is , or shall be mine , to your honor. i humbly take my leaue . your honors obliged : d. lupton . to the reader . if courteous , i loue thee ; if otherwise , i feare not , deale by me , as thou wouldest haue others doe to thy selfe : if the matter prooue as pleasant , as the subiect is new , i doubt not thy approbation : 't is one comfort , thou canst not say , i am the first foole in print , nor as i thinke , shall bee the last . friends perswasions preuaile much , had they not , i had not showed my self in this kinde : i am in presse , do not ouer-presse me with preiudicate opinions . i desire thy smile and benigne aspect ; yet feare not much thy frown . if thou sayest , 't is idle , know it came not into the world to worke much ; like it and loue it if thou please , leaue it is thou wilt ; t is all i say , if thou louest mee , and my childe , i loue thee , and thine as thou art mine . d. lupton . in commendation of the author . take in good part what here i offer , t is my maiden louing proffer ; i wonder at thy strange deuice , that thus thou shouldst charactize : and how alone that thou shouldst finde , these two new subiects to thy minde . braue ouerbury , earle , nay none found out this plot but thou alone . but most of all , i wonder yet , how in ten dates thou finish'd it , the mirth , the wit , the stile , the phrase , all giue thee a sufficient praise . hee that thy booke shall buy and read , shall finde i 'ue spoken truth indeed . thine iohn barker . to his louing friend , d. lupton . feare not momus , though hee carpe , nor zoylus though hee snarle or barke ; mirth is the subiect of thy booke , citty and country here may looke , wonder at thee , and praise thy paine , that labour'd hast sans hope of gaine ? thy wit and learning i commend , to thee applause , i freely lend : the wise will like , i wish the rest to spare their censure , it is best : they le hurt themselues with their owne tong , their snarling can do thee no wrong . per samuel perkings , philomath . the table . of london . 1. the tower. 2. st. paules church . 3. the bridge . 4. of the thames . 5. exchanges old and new. 6. cheapeside . 7. innes of court , and chancery . 8. smithfield 9. bridewell . 10. ludgate and counters . 11. newgate . 12. turnebull-streete . 13. hounsditch and long-lane . 14. charter-house . 15. christs-hospitall . 16. paris-garden . 17. artillery garden . 18. bedlam . 19. play-houses . 20. fencing-schooles . 21. dancing-schooles . 22. fisher-woemen . 23. scauengers and goldefinders . 24. of the countrey . 1. hospitality . 2. enclosures . 3. tenants by lease . 4. tenants at will. 5. country schoole masters 6. country vshers . 7. country chaplaines . 8. ale-houses . 9. apparators . 10. constables . 11. 〈◊〉 or weekely newes . 12. london and the countrey carbonadoed and quartred into seuerall characters . she is growne so great , i am almost affraide to meddle with her ; she 's certainely ● great world , there are so many little worlds in her : she is the great bee-hiue of christendome , i am sure of england : shee swarmes foure times in a yeare , with people of al ages , natures , sexes , callings : decay of trade , the pestiletice , and a long vacation , are threescar-crowes to her ; shee seemes to be a glutton , for shee desires alwayes to bee full : she may pray for the establishing of churches , for at the first view , they are her chiefest grace : she seemes contrary to al other things , for the older she is , the newer and more beautifull . her citizens should loue one another , for they are ioyn'd together ; onely this seemes to make them differ ; they liue one aboue another : most commonly he that is accounted richest liues worst . i am sure i may call her a gally-mophrey of al sciences , arts , & trades : she may be sayd to bee alwayes with childe , for shee ●owes greater euery day then other ; she is a mother well stored with daughters , ●t none equall to her for ●reatnesse , beauty , wealth : she is somewhat politicke , ●r she inlarges her bounds ●ceedingly , in giuing way 〈◊〉 make cities of common ●ardens ; and it 's thought ●r greatnes doth dimi●sh her beauty . certaine● shee is no puritaine , for ●er buildings are now conformitant ; nor shee 〈◊〉 no separatist , for they ●re vnited together : shee ●ath a very great desire t is ●ought to bee good , for she is alwayes mending : she may be called a great book faire printed , cum priuilegio regis : she is the country-mans laborinth , he can find many things in it , but many times looseth himselfe ; he thinkes her to bee bigger then heauen , for there are but 12. caelestiall signes there , and he knowes them all very wel , but here are thousands that he wonders at : well , she is a glory to her prince , a common gaine to her inhabitants , a wonder to strangers , an head to the kingdome , the nursery of sciences , and ● wish her to bee as good 〈◊〉 great . 2. the tower. fowre things make it to be remarkeable . ma● , antiquity , scituation , strength , an head fitting so great a body , a royall residence hath graced it : it stands principally , now for defence , offence , and punishment of offenders . anger it , and you shall heare it thunder farther then you can see it . time seemes to bee a little angry with her , for shee striue to ruine her beauty , ●ere it not supported by 〈◊〉 hand of maiesty . gold ●nd siluer the 〈◊〉 of our land receiue their a● lowed formes from hence● a coronation day is brau● ly exemplified here . it i● faithfull , for what is put i● here is surely safe : they tha● are within need not muc● feare , for they are sure t● be kept well , i cannot say● they shall presently be● forth comming . the me● that keepe it are no slug● gards , but are very ready for they watch and war● continually . i wish it may be my prospectiue for pleasure , but not my abode by compulsion , i had rather bee an honest poore man without it , then otherwise neuer so great , and 〈◊〉 in it : i thinke it to be 〈◊〉 changling , for shee still ●epes the old fashion , it ●ay bee sayd to bee the schoole of morall philosophy , for it ciuilizes lyons and other wild beasts : the officers ought to bee faithfull stewards , for they are much trusted , they had ●eed be wise , for they doe ●ot onely keepe themselues but others too . those that are in it are reserud , still , and well stayed men : those that keepe it , are well payd , for it keepes them : those that come to see it , rather ●dmire at euery thing 〈◊〉 ●eight any obiect . it is th●●ublick megazine for warlick● prouision , it doth seeme terrible to those that doe offend her prince , for her owne part she hath taken allegiance , and withall loyalty intends to keepe it . this land hath affoorded this place many brethren , strong fortified castles ; but through rebellion , through times malice , and the frownes of princes , they cannot bee knowne almost but by their ruines , this kept her obedience to her rulers , and so escaped as yet destruction . to conclude shee is the glory & strength both of city and kingdome . 3. of s. paules church . oh domus antiquae , a fit obiect for pitty , for charity ; further reported of then knowne , it is a compleat body , for it hath the ●hree dimensions of longi●ude , latitude , and profundity , and as an excellent o●er-plus famous for height . it was a maine poynt of wisedome to ground her ●ppon faith , for shee is the more likely to stand ●ure : the great crosse in the middle , certainly hath bin , and is yet ominous to this churches reparation . s. paul called the church , the pillar of truth , and surely had they not beene sound , they had fallen before thi● time . the head of this church hath beene twice troubled with aburning feuer , and so the city to keep it from a third danger , let it stand without an head . i can but admire the charity of former times , to build such famous temples , when as these ages cannot finde repaire to them , but then the world was all church , and now the church is all world : then charity went before , and exceeded preaching ; now there is much preaching , nay more the● euer , yet lesse charity ; o● fore-fathers aduanc'd the church , and kept their land : these times loose their lands , and yet decay the churches : i honor antiquity so much the more , because it so much loued the church . there is more reason to suspect the precise puritaine deuoyd of charity , then the simple ignorant fraught withgood workes . i thinke truly in this one point , the ends of their actions were for good , and what they aimed at was gods glory , & their owne happines . they builded temples , but our degenerating age can say ▪ come , let vs take them into our hands and possesse them : amongst many others , this cannot be sayd to bee the rarest , though the greatest . puritaines are blowne out of the church with the loud voice of the organs , their zealous spirits cannot indure the musicke , nor the multitude of the surplices ; because they are relickes , ( they say , ) of romes superstition . here is that famous place for ser mons , not by this sect frequented , because of the title , the crosse. the middle i le is much frequented at noone with a company of hungarians , not walking so much for recreation , a● neede ; ( and if any of these meete with a yonker , that hath his pockets well lined with siluer , they will relate to him the meaning of tycho brache , or the north-star : and neuer leaue flattring him in his own words and sticke as close to him , as a bur vppon a trauailers cloake ; and neuer leaue him til he and they haue saluted the greene dragon , or the swanne behind the shambles , where i leaue them . ) well , there is some hope of restoring this church to its former glory ; the great summes of money bequeathed , are some probabilitles , & the charity of some good men already , in cloathing and repayring the inside , is a great incouragement ; and there is a speech that the houses that are about it , must be puld down , for paules church is old enough to stand alone . here are prayers often , but sinister suspition doubts more formall then zealous ; they should not be worldly , because al church-men ; there are none dumbe , for they can speake loud enough . i leaue it and them , wishing all might be amended . 4. the bridge . it is almost arts wonde● , for strength , length , beauty , widenesse , height : it may be sayd to be polypus , because it is so well furnished with legges : euery mouth is foure times filled in eight and forty houres , and then as a child it is still , but as soone as they be empty , like a lyon it roares , and is wondrous impatient : it is made of iron , wood , and stone , and therefore it is a wondrous hardy fellow . it hath changd the forme , but as few doe now a dayes , from worse to better : certainely it is full of patience , because it beares so much , and continually : it 's no prison , for any one goes through it : it is something addicted to pride , for many a great man goes vnder it ; and yet it seemes something humble too , for the poorest peasant tread vpon it : it hath more wonders then arches , the houses here built are wondrous strong , yet they neyther stand on land or water : it is some praeiudice to the water-mans gaines ; many goe ouer here , which otherwise should row or sayle : it helpes many a pennilesse purse to passe the water without danger or charges : nothing afrights it more , then spring-tides or violent inundations : it is chargeable to keep , for it must be continually repayred : it is the onely chiefe crosser of the water , his arches out-face the water , and like iudges in the parliament are plac'd vpon woole sackes : one that liues heere neede not buy strong water , for heere is enough for nothing : it seemes to hinder the water-bearers profit , for the inhabitants easily supply their wants by buckets : he is a setled fellow , and a maine vpholder of houses ; hee is meanely plac'd , for there are diuerse aboue him , and many vnder him , & his houses may wel bee called none-such , for there is none like them , and to conclude , he pertakes of two elements , his nether parts are all for water , his vpper for land ; in a word , it is without compare , being a dainty streete , and a strong and most stately bridge . 5. thames . this is a long , broad , slippery fellow ; rest hee affects not , for he is alwaies in motion : he seemes something like a carrier , for he is stil eyther going or comming , and once in sixe or eight houres , salutes the sea his mother , and then brings tydings from her : he followes the disposition of the vvind , if that be rough , so is the vvater ; if that calme , so is this : and hee loues it , because when the vvinde is at highest , then the vvater will best show her strength and anger : it is altogether vnsteedy , for it commonly is sliding away . mans vnconstant state , and vncertayne frayle condition , is truely resembled by this , alwayes either ebbing or flowing , beeing in a trice high and low : he will not be a martyre , for he will turne , but neuer burne : resolution is absolutely his guide and counsellour , for he will run his course ; hee cannot be sayd to be a wel or spring without water , for he is puteus in exhaustus . merchandize hee likes and loues ; and therefore sends forth ships of trafficke to most parts of the earth : his subiects and i●habitants line by oppresion like hard land-lords at land , the greater rule & many times deuoure the lesse : the city is wondrousl● beholden to it , for shee is furnished with almost all necess●ries by it : he is wondrously crost , hee is the maintainer of a great company of water-men ; he is a great 〈◊〉 , for he works as much in the night as the day . hee is led by an vnconstant guide , the moone : he is cleane contrary to smithfield , because that is all for flesh , but this for fish ; his inhabitants are different from those vpon land , for they are most without legges : fisher-men seeme to off●r him much wrong , for th●y rob him of many of his subiects ; he is seldome without company , but in the night , o●●ough weather : h● meets the sun but followes the moone : ●e seemes to complaine a● the bridge , because it hath intruded into his bowels , and that makes him roare at that place : to speake truth of him , he is the priuiledg'd place , for fish and shippes ▪ the glory and wealth of the city , the high way to the sea , the br●nger in of wealth and strangers , and his busines is all for water , yet hee deales much with the land too : he is a little sea , and a great riuer . 6. exchanges old and neu● the one of these came from antwerpe , the other from a stable ; the one was dutch , yet made denison ; the other was not lo at the beginning , but did exchange his name and nature . the merchants are men generally of good habite , their words are vsually better then their consciences ; their discourse ordinarily begins in water , but ends in wine : the frequenting of the walkes twice a day , and a careles laughter , argues that they are sound : if they visit not once a day , t is suspected they are cracking , or broken : their countenance is ordinarily shap'd by their successe at sea , eyther merry , sad , or desperat : they are like ships at sea , top and top gallant this day , to morrow sincking : the ●ea is a tennis-court , their state● are bals , the winde is the racket , and doth strike many for lost vnder line , and many in the hazard : they may seeme to bee acquainted with athens , for they all desire newes : some of them do keepe two brittle vessels , their shippes and their wiues : the latter is lesse ballast , and that makes them so light : the merchants respect the former most , for if that sinke or be ouer-throwne , they fal , but the fall of the latter , is oftentimes the aduancing of their heads : conscience is sold here for nought ; because it is as old sermons , a dead commodity : they wil dissemble with , and cozen one another , though all the kings that euer were ●nce the conquest , ouerlooked them . here are vsually more coaches attendant , then at church-doores : the merchants should keepe their wiues from visiting the vpper roomes too often , least they tire their purses by attyring themselues . rough seas , rockes , and pyrats , treacherous factors , and leaking ships affright them : they are strange polititians , for they bring turkey and spaine into london , & carry london thither . ladies surely loue them , for they haue that which is good for them , farre fe●cht , & dear● bought : they may proou● stable men , but they must first leaue the exchange . it is a great house full of goods ; though it be almost in the middle of the citty , yet it stands by the sea. there 's many gentle-women come hither , that to helpe their faces and complexions , breakes their husbands backs , who play foule in the countrey with their land , to be faire ; and play false in the city : the place to conclude , is thought to bee a great formal●st , and an hazardable temporizer , and is like a beautifull woman , absolutely good , if not too common . 7. cheapeside . t is thought the way through this streete is not good , because so broad , and so many go in it ; yet though it be broad , it 's very streight , because without any turnings : it is suspected here are not many sufficient able men , because they would sell all : and but little honesty , for they show all , and some think , more some time then their owne : they are very affable , for they 'le speak to most that passe by : they care not how few be● in the streets , so their shop● bee full : they that bring them money , seeme to bvsed worst , for they are sure to pay soundly : their bookes of accounts are not like to their estates ; for the latter are best without , but the other with long crosses ▪ there are a great company of honest men in this place , if all bee gold that glisters : their parcell-gilt plate is thought to resemble them selu●s , most of them haue better faces , then hearts ; their monies and coines are vsed as prisoners at sea , kept vnder hatches . one would thinke them to bee good men , for they deale with the purest and best mettals , & euery one striues to work best , and stout too , for they get much by knocking , & especially by leaning on their elbowes . puritans doe hold it for a fine streete , but something addicted to popery , for adorning the crosse too much . the inhabitants seeme not ●o affect the standard ; the kings and queenes would bee offended with , and punish them , knew they how these batter their faces on their coynes . some of their wiues would bee ill priso●ers , for they cannot in●re to be shut vp ; and as bad nunnes , the life is so solitary : there are many vertuous and honest women , some truly so , others are so for want of opportunity ▪ they hold that a harsh place of scripture , that women must be no goers or gadders abroad in going to a lecture many vse to visite a tauern : the young attendant must want his eyes , and change his tongue , according as hi● mistresse shal direct , though many times they do mistake the place , yet they will remember the time an houre and halfe , to auoyd suspition . some of the men are cunning landerers of plat● and get much by washing that plate they handle , and it hath come from some of them , like a man from the brokers that hath casheer'd his cloake , a great deale the lighter . well , if all the men be rich and true , and the women all faire and honest , then cheapeside shall stand by charing-crosse for a wonder , and i wil make no more characters . but i proceede . 8. innes of court , and chancery . these were builded for profit , grace , pleasure , iustice : the buildings grace city , the men grace the buildings , iustice & learning grace the men : these places furnish our land with law : here nobility , learning , law , gentrey , haue their residence ; here are students and professors ; here are students that will not be professors ▪ here are professors & students : here are professors yet not students ; & here bee some that are neyther students nor professors : many hold , that for an excellent custome , in the temple , immunity , from danger of serieants or such like proling vermine . some liue here for profite , others for grace , some for pleasure , some for all , yet most for profite and pleasure : they that meane to liue by law , desire not so much the theory as the practicke part : though many here follows the law , yet all keep it not , but some transgresse : they are the seminaries of iudge ment and iustice ; hee that is most expert in the law , is the most fitting for publicke imployment , and the magistracy ; these cause caesar to haue his due , and giue the subiect his right : that land is likely to flourish where religion and iustice are honour'd and practis'd : take away iustice , and religion wil halt ; remooue religion , and iustice will degenerate into tyranny ; let moses and aaron rule , and our israel will prosper : these places moralize , ciuilize the younger , aduance the learned : their founders intended the stablishing of peace , and confirming of religion : many things that begin with blows , & would end in blood , are by these professors mediated , and christian agreement made ▪ their number , vnity , great imployment , makes the● admired , to conclude , the● are rich megazines for law , store-houses for policy , bulwarkes of equity , let them euer flourish , as long as they are deo , regi , patria ; for god , their king and country . 9. smithfield . you may haue a faire prospect of this square fellow , as you passe from the streights of pie corner ; this place is wel stored with good harbours for passengers to put into for flesh & drinke , and fish it is admirable ; but fish harbour appeares now but two dayes in seauen aboue water : here thrice in a week one may see more beasts then men . butchers that haue money make this their hauen , or rendeuouz : men that are downe-fled , and better fed then taught , may see many like themselues , boght here for the slaughter : butchers surely cannot indure cuckolds , because they kill so many horn'd beasts . some i suppose , may bee sayd to buy themselues , such as trafficke for calues : though the place besquare , yet here is much cheating in it : here land-pirates vse to sel that which is none of their own : heere comes many horses , ( like frenchmen ) rotten in the ioynts , which by tricks are made to leape , though they can scarse go ; he that lights vpon a horse in this place , from an olde horse-courser , sound both in wind and limbe , may light of an honest wife in the stews : here 's many an olde ia●e , that trots hard for 't , that vses his legs sore against his will , for he had rather haue a stable then a market , or a race : i am perswaded that this place was paued without the consent of the horse-courses company : this place affords those leather blacke-coates , which run so fast vppon wheeles , they shake many a young heire out of his stocke and meanes : the men that liue here , may be said to be wel fed , for here 's meat enough ; this place 〈◊〉 what rich countrey england is ▪ and how well it breedes beasts , a man that considers their number and greatnes and how soone consumed ▪ may thinke there are a world of mouthes , or else that englishmen are great eaters . well , i will speake this of smithfield , it is the greatest , fairest , richest , squarest market place of this great city or kingdome . 10. bridewell . here comes many that haue beene at many a dance , but neuer affected the bride-well ; heere 's a pallace strangly metamorphosed into a prison : in the outward court were carts not for the husband-man , but for those that haue vsed the vnlawfull game of venery ; it seemes to be contrary to nature , to make those draw which were made to beare , a strange inuention to haue such a new punishment , for such an old sinne . me thinkes the house complaines , oh quam a dispari domino : it may be sayd of it , that it hath beene eminent , great , and maiesticall , so much may bee sayde of it yet , that the court is where it was : it should maintaine vertue , for it punishes vice , they are seuere gouernors , for they are most vpon correction : when men haue here done their work , they are sure of their wages , a whip : they are temperate here , for they eate not ouer much ; for their drinke , if all were to follow their course , it would make male cheape , for it's water . it may be sayd of this , as of the palatinate , would it was restor'd in statu qu● prius : some say there are many idle persons in it ; strange ! yet work so hard : it ' is thought there 's scarse a true fellow in it , for they all lye hard : there 's none can say hee workes for nothing , for they are all s●e of payment . it 's the only remembrancer of aegypts slauery , they haue task●maisters to holde them to their worke : their whippemaister is like a countrey pedagouge , they many times whippe better , then himselfe , and both take a pride in their office , they inflict that vppon others , which they deserue themselues : they that come out of it neede not feare purgatory , for it's thought to be a place of more ease . this is a two fold comfort vnto them , that they may once come out , and then they can scarce light of an harder maister , or a worse seruice : they may be papists , for they fast often , haue their bodies afflicted , are shut vp from the world , seeme wondrous penitent , onely they pray not so often . i leaue the place , wishing they may come out , amend , and neuer more come into it . 11. ludgate and counters . i le ioyne all these together , because their natures are not much diferent , some of the officers make the places worse then they would be , if a man cannot by monies or good security pay his debts , yet hee may l●e for them here ▪ the prisoners are like apprentices , desire hartily to bee freemen : certainly , they haue beene men of great credite , for they haue beene much trusted : they hate three persons , an extream creditor , a cunning lawyer , and a biting serieant : these three are all fishers of men , the creditor ownes the net , the lawyer places and spreads it , the serieant ●als and drawes it to a purse : the serieant seemes to bee most of trust , for hee hath the whole businesse put into his hands , and if he can , concludes it : the lawyer next to him , for hee is trusted with the bonds : the creditor himselfe is of least note , for he will not be seene in his owne busines : yet the creditor is lord of the game , the lawyer is his hunsman , the serieant his blood hound , the yeoman his beagle , and the debtor is the wild hare ; if hee be taken , most commonly hee is tamed in one of these m●ses : a serieant is worst when most imploied , & a lawyer when most trusted , the cre ditor when without pitty , and the debtor when prodigality and ill courses haue procured this cage . the attourney and serieant may be termed hang-men , they procure and serue so many executions : these places are fullest when men break their bonds , & make forfeitures ; they may bee called dens , the serieant lyons , and the debtor the prey . it is a● ancient gate , yet not affected by citizens , though a closet for safety . for the counters , they teach wandrings nitingals the way vnto their nests , and learne them to sing the counter-tenor : the counters seeme very courteous , for they will open almost at any houre in the night , they would not haue men lye in the streets : wel , they are places that are too full , the more pitty that men eyther haue not better estates , consciences , or manners , to pay their debts , & li●e vprightly and orderly . 12. newgate . it may well answere to the name , and thanke the city for her care and charges : it is now well fac'd and heāded , charity helps much to a decayed estate : but that saint pauls is a church , and so to beare no anger or grudge , it would enuy the prosperity of the gates , and be angry with the citizens for not thinking vppon her old age and pouerty . newgate is generally a place of safety , and few comes hither , but by merit : the captiues are men that once would not , now must liue within compasse , they should be men of worth , for the keeper will not , dare not loose one of them . when they are forsaken euery where , then this place takes them in , for feare their heeles should bee as quicke as their hands haue beene : hee layes them in irons , that he may be the surer of them : they are , or may be supposed to be sound men , for they seldome break out : as long as they stay heere , they cannot be sayd to bee vnstayd fellowes or vagrants , for they are sure of a place of stay : they are quicke-sighted , for they can see through iron grates : some of them seeme to be eminent men , for they are highly aduanced ; they are like fish , haue a long time nibled away the baite , but are now caught : certainly they are no libertines , and are conuicted of free will : they are vncharitable , for they seldome loue their keeper ; they haue the power of life and death in their owne hands , and put many to be prest to death . by seeking others goods they procur'd their owne hurt . they liued without any thought of iudgement , now it is the onely thing they feate : they hold a triangle to be a dangerous figure . of all places they hold holborne-hill an vnfortunate place to ride vp . it seemes they goe that way vnwillingly , for they are drawne : they cannot misse their way to their iourneys end , they are so guarded and guided . lice seeme to bee their most constant companions , for they 'le hang with them for company : it seemes these men were not made for examples , for at their confession they wish all men not to follow their courses : and most are easily perswaded , for ther 's very few dare do as they haue done . well , i passe from them , thus much you may bee sure of , once a moneth you may heare , know , and see if you please ; whether they liue , or dye 13. turnebull-streete . it is in an ill name , and therefore halfe-hang'd : here may bee some probability of honesty , little or no demonstration , especially a priory . heere are lasses that seeme to hate enclosures , for they would lay all open , they may seeme good subiects , for they loue standing or lying for the common : they hold it was a good age , when woemen practis'd astronomy . they seeme to bee p●ritans , for they loue priuate conuenticles : they are not altogether vnpractif'd in the law , for they know and loue feelings : the aspect here is the conjunction , and they hold a noune substantiue , a preposition , an interiection & coniunction the best parts of speech . they haue learn'd thus far in their ac●idences , that femin● ludificantur viros . they seeme to bee no whit addicted to pride , for they desire to be below : they loue not lent , because they delight more in flesh : they seeme to bee well-wishers to lawyers , and to the citie , for they loue terme-times , and pray against the decay of trading . their chiefest desire is to bee well mann'd , they keepe open houses : it is hazardable to trust them because they are much addicted to lying : they affect a cannoneire well , because hee will force a breach , and enter the passage . they ioue not to wrastle , they had rather take a fall , then giue one . when this streete was builded , surely mars and venus were in a coniunction . here are very few men , but they are well arm'd : nay the woemen haue receiued presse-money , & haue performed the seruice : woemen though the colder vessels by nature , yet these are the hotter by art : they may bee thought to be great schollers , for they pertake of all the liberall sciences , for grammar they know the syntax●s , and the figure cal'd apollo p. for logic● they haue skill in the antepraedicaments & the fall●cies ; for musicke they a● not affected with vnisons ▪ but are skilfull in chroches and quauers , & loue ela● because the highest note and makes them squeake for retoricke , they kno● the metonomia adiuncti , and apostrophe ; for arethmeticke , the loue addition , and deuision ; for astronomy , they know the motion of venus , and are obseruers of mars ; for their skil in geography , they know the tropickes and the torrid zone , and ●o being thus experienc'd in these sciences , they are much frequented and sought too . i wish all in this streete to take heed of their cellars , least they fire first , and to lay their trading downe , or else it will lay them downe . 14. hounsditch and long-lane . these two are twinnes , they haue both set vp one profession ; they will buy a mans suite out of his hands , but it shal be hang'd or prest for 't . a man that comes here as a stranger would think that there had beene some great death of men and woemen , here abouts he sees so many suites & no men for them . here are suites enough for all the lawyers in london to deale withall : the inhabitants are men of many outsides , their faults are not seene easily , because they haue so many cloakes for them : they should be well affected to the romane church , for they keepe , & lay vp old reliques : they are beholden to the hangman , for he furnishes their shops : and most of their creditors wish that they may furnish his three corner'd shop , which often comes to p●sse ; and as many say , the oftner the better : broke currs they are in two respects , most of them were broke before they set vp , & currs for biting so sore euer since they set vp : his shop is a hell , he the diuell in 't , & torments poore soules : the iayler & broker are birds of a feather , the one imprisons the body , the other the cloaths , both make men pay deare for their lodging : the broker seemes somwhat the kinder , for he layes the cloaths in lauender : he is much of a seruing mans nature , liues much vpon the reuersion of cast cloathes : the seruing-man hath them the cheaper , but the other keepes them the better , they many times do make a bargaine : hee loues those birds best , that oftnest cast their feathers : to conclude , he is no tradsman , if the whole bunch of them be weighed , you shal not scarse finde a dramme of honesty , for a pound of craft . 15. charter-house . this place is wel described by three thinges , magnificence , munificence , and religious gouernment : magnificence is the ●erminus a quo , good orders the terminus mediari , munificence and charity the terminus ad quem : the first showes the wealth of both founder and establisher : the second showes the ●eanes to make the good thing done , durable : the third demonstrates his in●ent that thus establisht it : had it beene great without good gouernment , it had long ere this time come to ruine : or had it bin great & yet deuoyd of charity , it would haue bin laught at & derided ; but now charity showes it is well gouerned , and the good gouernment keeps it firme , and make● it famous : souldiers and schollers , i thinke , beginne their loue here , that they continue hereafter firme & solide , by liuing together ▪ callings both honorable , & here bountifully maintayned : it is a reliefe for decaied gentlemen , old souldiers , and auncient seruingmen : t is to bee pittied , that such religious , charitable houses , increase not in number : this one place hath sent many a famous member to the vniuersities , and not a few to the warres : i wil not censure as some do , that many places are heere sold for monies , nay the reuersions also : i le rather ex●ort the gouernors to discharge a good conscience , ( and not to suffer their men , or any other whom they affect , to get thirty or forty pounds for the promise of the next vacant place for a youth to come in , ) and to obserue their first institutions ; and those that so suppose , i wish them that they speake not that with their mouthes , which they know not in their hearts . the deede of this man that so ordered this house , is much spoken of , and commended : but there 's none ( except onely one ) that as yet , hath eyther striuen to equall or imitate that , and i feare neuer will : there 's many that will not doe any such good workes , and giue out that they smell something of popery , and therfore not to be imitated : well , i durst warrant thus much , let the ouer-seers liue religiously , gouerne ciuily , auoid bribery , keep their cannons directly , and this house shall stand to vpbraid this iron age , and see many brought to beggery for prodigality , when they shall be satisfied , and haue enough : well , this is my opinion of it , that the founder is happy , and so are all his children that liue here ; if they degenerate not , and ●rne from fearing god , obeying their prince , and from liuing in loue amongst themselues . 16. christs-hospitall . the former place and this are much of one nature , yet some difference there is ; charter-house is the younger for time , but exceedes for reuenews : it was erected by one , this by many citizens . christs-hospitall is principally for childrens education , that are fatherlesse and motherlesse , the other for mens and childrens too . the former is for any , as well as citizens , the latter not , that onely , it is for children ; seemes to be conformable to christs will , suffer little children to come vnto mee : none that are in this place can be sayd to bee without portions , for they haue education : the cities charity is the lesse , for shee relicues but her owne . it 's a good means to empty their streetes of young beggars , and fatherlesse children : she doth no more then the lawes of the land seeme to enioyne , to keepe those that were borne within her : it 's a good policy to p● them young to this place , because they may learne vertue before vice : and ordinarily , if youth be wel seasoned , it is the more hopefull to be good in age . the city doth deserue very great commendation for this action , because it 's rare to see so great a company ioyne together , for the good of the poore , and last out . you may easily know the children that belong vnto this place , by their azure liueries , and their sable head-peeces : this house may be termed the childrens common-wealth , and to speak truth , it 's well gouerned by good lawes , i wish the city not to be proud for her charity , nor to be weary of wel doing ; and the hospitall to remember their benefactors , and the children to liue and learne well , for feare of correction . 17. paris-garden . this may better bee termed a foule denne then a faire garden . it 's pitty so good a piece of ground is no better imploied : heere are cruell beasts in it , and as badly vs'd ; heere are foule beasts come to it , and as bad or worse keepe it , they are fitter for a wildernesse then a city : idle base persons ( most commonly ) that want imployment , or else will not be otherwise imploy'd , frequent this place ; and that money which was got basely here , to maintaine as bad as themselues , or spent lewdly ; here come few that either regard their credit , or losse of time : the swaggering roarer , the cunning cheater , the rotten bawd , the swearing drunkard , and the bloudy butcher haue their rendeuouz here , and are of chiefe place and respect . there are as many ciuil religious men here , as thei 're saints in hell. here these are made to fight by art , which would agree by nature : they thriue most when the poore beasts fight oftenest : their imployment is all vpon quarrels as vnlawfull , as vnseemely , they cause the beasts first to fight , and then they put in first to part them : it 's pitty such beastly fellowes should bee so well maintain'd , they torment poore creatures , & make a gaines and game of it . the beasts come forth with as ill a will , as beares to the stake . a beare-ward and an atturney are not much vnlike , the atturney seemes the more cruell , for these baite but beasts ; but these men , their clients : the beareward striues to recouer the hurts of his beasts , but the atturney regards not the dammages of any , and they both follow the trade for profit . well , i leaue the place , and when i intend to spend an houre , or two , to see an asse and an ape , to losse and charges , i may perhaps come hither : but as long as i can haue any imployment elsewhere , i will not come to see such a great company so ill occupied , in so bad a place . 18. artillery . this place is the cities campe , and mars his schoole : here are foure braue flowers in this garden , manhood , courage , actiuity , armes . the vse and expert skill of warre may be seene here in peace : decency , nimblenesse , skill , vniforme order , and experience , the fiue qualifications gracing military discipline , are vsually here to be view'd . in their exercising how many little bodies may you see , that by their proportionable motion make a great body ? and that suddenly alterede into any forme : here are braue martiall blades , that at three words , and three motions will giue fire : here are more armes then heads or feete : yet when one moues , like wheeles in a iacke they all moue . they are men that must not encroach into one anothers ground , but as they are com manders , so they must keep distance ; & they seeme not affect confusions , for they all striue to keepe order : ●is no maruell why souldiers desire so to fight , for they are alwayes in diuisions . you may know by their marchinge where euer either the best gentleman , or the ancienest souldier is plac'd , for hee is euer in the right before , or left behinde : they are strange men ; for in tenne yards space of ground they can all turne their faces about : there 's thought to bee no steadinesse in them , for like fortunes wheele , they many times suddenly alter & turne : they are generally men of good order and ranke , they then are at compleatest view , when their length and breadth agree , ten euery way . they are most dislik'd , when they are either out , or off their files . they vse to put their worst peices in the middest . they seeme to bee suddenly angry , for one word moues them all . obedience and silence they must practise , to doe as they are commanded , and to harken vnto their charge . a good souldier must be like a true maide , seene but not heard : hee 's more for actions then words . the city did well to prouide mars a garden , as well as venus an house . no question , but when these meete , they will be at push of pike , and often discharge . before i leaue this honourable place , i may speake this of it : that 's excellent the oftner vs'd , the best when 't is fullest , and most eminent wisedome , courage , experience , policy , bee the foure coronels ; and the foure regiments consist of patience , obedience , valour , and constancy ; and their colours deo , regi , gregi , legi , for god , their king , law , and countrey , flourishing all in the field of honor and victory . 19. bedlam . heere liue many , that are cal'd men , but seldome at home , for they are gone out of themselues : nature hath bin a steppemother to some , and misery and crosses haue caused this strange change in others : they seeme to liue here , eyther to rectifie nature , or forget miseries : they are put to learne that lesson which many , nay all that will be happy , must learne to know , and be acquainted with themselues : this house would bee too little , if all that are beside themselues should be put in here : it seemes strange that any one shold recouer here , the cryings , screechings , roarings , brawlings , shaking of chaines , swearings , frettings , chaffings , are so many , so hideous , so great , that they are more able to driue a man that hath his witts , rather out of them , then to helpe one that neuer had them , or hath lost them , to finde them againe . a drunkard is madde for the present , but a madde man is drunke alwayes . you shall scarce finde a place that hath so many men & woemen so strangely altered either from what they once were , or should haue beene : the men are al like a shippe that either wants a sterne , or a steresman , or ballast ; they are all heteroclites from nature , either hauing too much wildnesse , or being defectiue in iudgment . here art striues to mend or cure natures imperfections and defects . certainely , hee that keepes the house may be sayd to liue among wilde creatures : it 's thought many are kept here , not so much in hope of recouery , as to keepe them from further and more desperate inconueniences . their faculties and powers of their soules and bodies being by an ill cause vitiated and depraued , or defectiue . the men may be said to be faire instruments of musicke , but either they want strings , or else though beeing strung are out of tune , or otherwise want an expert artist to order them : many liue here that know not where they are , or how they got in , neuer thinke of getting out : there 's many that are so well or ill in their wits , that they can say they haue bin out of them , & gaine much by dissembling in this kind : desperate 〈◊〉 that dare make a mocke of iudgment : well , if the diuell was not so strong to delude , & men so easily to be drawne , this house would stand empty , and for my part , i am sorry it hath any in it . 20. play-houses . time , place , subiect , actors , and cloathes , either make or marr a play : the prologue and epilogue are like to an host and hostesse , one bidding their guests welcome , the other bidding them farwell : the actors are like seruingmen , that bring in the sceanes and acts as their meate , which are lik'd or dislik'd , according to euery mans iudgment , the neatest drest , and fairest deliuered , doth please most . they are as crafty with an old play , as bauds with olde faces ; the one puts one a new fresh colour , the other a new face and name : they practise a strange order , for most commonly the wisest man is the foole : they are much beholden to schollers that are out of meanes , for they sell them ware the cheapest : they haue no great reason to loue puritans , for they hold their calling vnlawfull . new playes and new cloathes , many times help bad actions : they pray the company that 's in , to heare them patiently , yet they would not suffer them to come in without payment : they say as schollers now vse to say , there are so many , that one fox could find in his heart to eate his fellow : a player often changes , now he acts a monarch , tomorrow a beggar : now a souldier , next a taylor : their speech is loud , but neuer extempore , he seldome speaks his own minde , or in his own name : when men are heere , and when at church , they are of contrary mindes , there they thinke the time too long , but heere too short : most commonly when the play is done , you shal haue a ligge or dance of al trads , they mean to put their legs to it , as well as their tongs : they make men wonder when they haue done , for they all clappe their hands . sometimes they flye into the countrey ; but t is a suspicion , that they are either poore , or want cloaths , or else company , or a new play : or do as some wandring sermonists , make one sermon trauaile and serue twenty churches . all their care is to be like apes , to immitate and expresse other mens actions in their own persons : they loue not the company of geese or serpents , because of their hissing : they are many times lowzy , it 's strange , and yet shift so often : as an ale-house in the country is beholden to a wilde schoolemaster , so an whoore-house to some of these , for they both spend all they get . well , i like them well , if when they act vice they will leaue it , and when vertue , they will follow . i speake no more of them , but when i please , i will come and see them . 21. fencing-schooles . heere 's many a man comes hither , which had rather work then play , though very few can hit these men , yet any one may know where to haue them , vpon his guard : his schollers seeme to bee strangely taught , for they do nothing but play ; his care seemes to be good , for he learnes men to keepe their bodies in safety . vsually they that set vp this science haue bin some low-countrey souldier , who to keep himselfe honest from further inconueniences , as also to maintayne himselfe , thought vp on this course , and practise it : the worst part of his science is , hee learnes men to falsifie : hee is glad to see any nouice that reads his orders with his hat on , for then he hopes for a forfeiture ; there are many blows giuen and taken , yet little or no blood spilt , the more he beates , the better man he is held to be , he will make many daunce about his schoole , as a beare about a stake . a little touch vpon your elbow , is commonly his first acquaintance and salutation : he hath his discourse ordinarily of single combates , and then will show you his wounds , and cause you to heare his oaths which are his familiar retoricke : he is for the most part a potter and piper and if he be well in age or not , you may know by the sanguine complexion of his nose , and the number of pearles that are vsually about it , accompanied with rubies and saphires , show that hee is some ieweller . his schoole is an introduction to blowes , and hee makes many mans head to ●ee the pillow of his cudgell : one must not trust to his lookes , for he lookes at one place , and strikes at another : you must bee sure to keepe him off , for hee is most dangerous when neerest to you : hee seldome strikes downe right , but either back● wards or forwards : he that loues fighting in earnest , let him goe to the wars ; he that loues to fight in iest , let him come hither . 22. dancing-schooles . they seeme to be places consecrated , for they that vse to practise heere , put off their shoes , & dance single-sol'd ; they are not exceeding men , for they teach and delight in measures : they seeme to be men of spare dyet , for they liue vpon capers : their trade is not chargeable to beginne withal , for one treble violl sets it vp : they should bee good players at cards , for for they teach men to cut and shuffle wel : their schollers armes are like pinion'd prisoners , not to reach too or aboue their heads : their heeles seem to hinder their preferment , & that makes them to rise vppon their roes : whatsoeuer their actions bee , they must carry their bodies vpright : the schollers are like courtiers , full of cringes : and their master seemes to bee a man of great respect , for they all salute him with hat in hand , and knees to the ground : the number of fiue is the dauncing a , b , c , both maister and schollers seeme to loue newes , for they both consist much of currantoes : their eyes must not see what their feet do , they must when they daunce , be like men that haue the french disease , stiffe in the hammes ; they are guided by the musicke , and therefore should be merry men . what they may seeme to intend , is that they hope to dance before gentlewomen : but in the next iigge you shall bee sure to haue them turne like globes all round . they like a fiddle better then a drumme , and hold venus to bee a more auspicious planet then mars . when they are in the schooles they are antickes , when they are out , i thinke you will iudge as i doe , they loue the faeminine gender more then the masculine : generally , these schooles learne men to begin merrily , leaue off sighing , and therefore they are players of tragedies , not comedies ; i thinke hee that seldome dances , liues well ; but he that neuer , liues best . when i intend to shew my bodies strength , and my mindes weakenesse , i will bee one of their proficients : i had rather haue my body not dance here , for feare my soule should not like the musicke : giue me that place whereall is musicke , but no dancing . 23. fisher-woemen . these crying , wandring , and trauailing creatures carry their shops on their heads , and their store-house is ordinarily . bilings gate or the bridge-foote , and their habitation turnagaine-lane , they set vp euery morning their trade afresh . they are easily set vp and furnish't , get something , and spend it iouially and merrily : fiue shillings a basket , and a good cry , is a large stocke for one of them . they are merriest when all their ware is gone : in the morning they delight to haue their shop ful , at euen they desire to haue it empty : their shoppe's but little , some two yards compasse , yet it holds all sorts of fish , or hearbs , or roots , strawberries , apples , or plums , cowcumbers , and such like ware : nay , it is not destitute some times of nutts , and orenges , a●d lemmons . they are fre● in all places , and pay nothing for shop-rent , but onely finde repaires to it . if they drinke ou● their whole stocke , it 's but pawning a petticoate in long 〈◊〉 or themselues in turnebull-streete for to set vp againe . they change euery day almost , for shee that was this day for fish , may bee to morrow for fruit ; next day for hearbs , another for roots : so that you must heare them cry before you know what they are furnisht withall , when they hau● done their faire , they meet in mirth , singing , dancing , & in the middle as a parenthesis , they vse scolding , but they doe vse to take & put vp words , & end not till either their money or wit , or credit bee cleane spent out . well , when in an euening they are not merry in an drinking-house , it is suspected they haue had bad returne , or else haue payd some old score , or else they are banke-rupts : they are creatures soone vp , & soone downe . 24. scauengers and goldfinders . these two keep al clean , the one the streetes , the other the backe-sides , but they are seldom clean them selues , the one like the hang man doth his worke all by day , the other like a theife , doeth their's in the night : the gold-finders hold the sense of smelling the least of vse , and do not much care for touching the businesse they haue in hand , they both carry their burdens out into the ●ieldes , yet sometimes the tha●es carries away their loads : they are something like the trade of the barbars , for both doe rid away superfluous excrements the barbers profession is held chiefe , because that deales with the head and face , but these with the excrements of the posteriorums . the barbers trade & these haue both very strong smels , but the gold-finders is the greatest for strength , the others is safest & sweetest : the barber vseth washing when hee hath done , to cleanse all , and so do these : the barber vseth a looking glass , that men may see how he hath done his work , and these vse a candle : they are all necessary in the city : as our faces would bee foule without the barber , so our streets without the scauenger , and our back-sides with out the gold-finder : the scauenger seemes not to be so great an officer , as the gold-finder , for he deales with the excrements chiefly of beasts , but this latter of his owne species : well , had they beene sweeter fellowes i would haue stood longer on them , but they may answer , they keepe all cleane , and do that worke which scarse any one but themselues would meddle withall . the country carbonadoed and quartred into characters . 1. of the countrey . this is the circumference of london : it is the embleme of the city in folio , and the city of it in decimo sexto : the country iustifies that verse to be true , that anglia , mons , pons , fons , ecclesia , faemina , luna . it doth now of late begin to complaine that the citty offers her wrong in harboring her chiefe members of nobility , and gentry : her gentry for the most part of late are growne wondrously vndutifull that will scarse otherwise then vpon compulsion , come and liue with their mother & maintayner : shee allowes these more meanes a great deale , then shee did their grandfathers ; yet these young storkes flye from her ; the other alwayes liu'd with her , and lou'd her : she doth much suspect their faith & loue towards her , because she being as beautifull , as bountifull , as healthy , and as rich , as euer , should be thus fleighted of her yonger sonnes , yet three times or foure in a yeare , perhaps they will vouchsafe their mother their presence , but it is to be suspected , that either a publicke proclamation , or a violent plague , or to gather vp their rackerents moouethem from the city , or else the pleasure of hawkin or hunting , or perhaps it is to show his new madame some pritty london bird , the credit of his fathers house , but his owne discredite to let it stand for iack-daws to domineere in : well , this country is the map of the world , the bea● ty of lands , and may wel be cal'd the rich dyamond gloriously plac'd ●t may be emblem'd by these 9. particulars , a faire great church , a learned colledge , a strong rich ship , a beautifull woman , a golden fleece , a delightfull spring , a great mountaine , a faire bridge , & a goodly m●n , to conclude , it is the life of the city , & the store-house of al christendome , for peace , war , wealth , or religion : they that will know more , must eyther trauayle to see , or reade the desription of it by geographers . 2. hospitality . this true noble hearted fellow is to be dignified and honor'd , wheresoeuer he keeps house : it 's thought that pride , puritans , coache● and couetousnesse hath caused him to leaue our land : there are sixe vpstart tricks come vp in great houses of late which he cannot brook peeping windowes for the ladies to view what doings there are in the hall , a buttry hatch that 's kept lockt , cleane tables , & a french cooke in the kitching , a porter that lo●kes the gates in dinner time , the decay of blacke-iackes in the cellar , and blew coates in the hall : he alwayes kept his greatnesse by his charity : he loued three things , an open cellar , a full hall , and a sweating cooke : he alwayes prouided for three dinners , one for himselfe , another for his seruants , the third for the poore : any one may know where hee kept house , other by the chimnies smoak , by the freedom at gate , by want of whirligige iackes in the kitchin , by the fire in the hall , or by the full furnish'd tables ▪ he affects not london , lent , lackaies , or bailifes , there are foure sorts that pray for him , the poore , the passenger , his tenants , and seruants : hee is one that will not hou●d vp all , nor lauishly spend all , he neyther rackes or rakes his neighbours , they are sure of his company at church as wel as at home , and giues his bounty as wel to the preacher , as to others whom hee loues for his good life and doctrine ●hee had his wine came to him by full buts , but this age keepes her wine-celler in little bottles . lusty able men well maintayned were his delight , with whom he would be familiar : his tenants knew when they saw him , for he kept the olde fashion , good , commendable , plaine : the poore about him wore him vppon their backes ; but now since his death , land-lords weare and wast their tenants vppon their backes in french , or spanish fashions . well , wee can say that once such a charitable practitioner there was , but now hee 's dead , to the griefe of all england : and t is shroudly suspected that hee will neuer rise againe in our climate . 3. enclosures . the land-lords that inclose their villages , are affraid that either the townc , or the land would runne away , or rebell against them . therefore they b●leaguer it with deep trenches and thorn-roots for palliz●does : they could not make th●ir trenches so easily , if all wer●●ue within : but the person he is like a false canoniere , that came by his place by simoniacke meanes , and perhaps is sworne , either not to molest the enemie at all : or else if hee doth giue fire , either to shoote ouer , or short , or vpon the side , neuer direct : or else he is poore , couetous , hopes to haue some crackt chamber-mayde , or some by preferment , and so giues leaue to the exacting landlord to doe as hee pleases . in this businesse the landlord he is as lord-general , the person is as his horse that he rides , galls , spurres on , and curuetts with as h● pleases : turnes him and rules him any way , by a golden bit , a strong hand , and ticking spurres . the bayliffe is his intelligencer , which if hee was either strapt , or hang'd outright it was no great matter for his newes . the surueyor is his quartermaster , which goes like a beare with a chaine at his side , his two or three of the parishoners , who walke with him , and helpe him to vndoe themselues . the poore of the parish and other places are his chiefe pioneres , who like mouldy worps cast vp e●rth ▪ the parish hee eyther winnes by composition , or famishes by length of time , or batters downe by force of his lawlesse engines : most of the inhabitants are miserably pillaged and vndone , he loues to see the bounds of his boundlesse desires ; hee is like the diuell , for they both compasse the earth about : enclosures make fat beasts , & leane poore people ; there are three annoyancers of his flocke , the scab , thieues , and a long rotte : husband-men hee loues not , fot he maintaines a few sheph●ards with their curres . hee holds those that plough the land cr●ell oppressors , for they wound it hee thinkes too much , & therefore he intends to lay it downe to rest : well , this i say of him , that when hee keepes a good house constantly , surely the world will not last long : there 's many one that prayes for the end of the one , and i wish it may bee so . 4. tenants by lease . there compasse ordinarily is three prentishippes in length , one and twenty yeares . once in halfe a yeare they must bee sure to prepare for payment . new-yeares day must not passe ouer without a presentation of a gift : if the land-lord bee either rich , good , religious , or charitable , hee feasts their bodies ere christmas runne away . if they see the ladies or gentlewomen , or my ladies parrat , babone , or monkey , you may know what their talke is of with wonder when they come home againe : many fill their tenants bodies once , but empty their purses all the yeare long . they take it for no small grace , when the groome , or the vnder-cooke , or some such great officer conuay them to the buttry to drinke , they haue done knights ●eruice , if they haue drunke to the ●ppermost gentlewoman : and it 's a maruaile if they they stand not vp to performe this point of seruice , or else blush a quarter of an houre after ; they ●eeme merry , for most eate simpering : they dare not dislike any meate , nor scarce venter vpon a dish that hath not lost the best face or piece before it come thither , many of them suppe better at home , then they dine here : it 's their owne folly . hee seemes to bee a courtier compleate , that hath the witte or the face to call for beere at the table : their land-lord fetches their charges out of them ere halfe the yeare passe , by getting them to fetch coale , wood , or stone , or other burthens to his house . the land-lord , bayly , and other informers are so cunning , that the tenants shall but liue to keep life and soule together , if through pouerty and hard rents they forfeit not their leases . you may know where they liue ordinarily , for leases runne now with this clause vsually i● them , they must not let or sell away their right to another . well , he that hath a good land-lord , a firme lease , and good ground , prayes for his owne life , and landlords ▪ and wishes hee had had a longer time in his lease . 5. tenants at will. these are continuers onely vpon their maisters pleasure ▪ their owne behauiour , or ability . they are men that will take short warning a quarter of a yeare , they are like poore curats in the countrey that stand at the old parsons liber●m arbitrium . they must study how to please before they speake ; when they are discharged , they are like souldiers casheir'd , both want a place of stay or preferment , as they depart suddenly , so they are sure to pay extremly : they are not vnlike courtiers , for they often change places : their land-lords loue to bee vppon a sure ground with them , for vsually they 'le haue their rents before hand , if they come not to bee censured for inmates they may abide the longer , they must alwaies bring security where they intend to stay : london is one of the freest places for their aboad , without questioning them what they are , for if they pay for their lodging and other charges , they neede not remooue : they are like vnto seruants gone vppon a discharge , and they should reckon their places of abode , no h●ritage : if they be imploy'd in worke , and if they will stay at it , they are then most likely to hold their house the longer : they are a degre aboue a beggar , and one vnder a tenant by lease : many of them will not stay too long in a place , lest they should being ▪ ill , be too wel known : vppon their iournies many prooue true carriers , for they beare their goods , children and some houshold st●ffe : wel , they are tenants at wil , but whither good or bad , you that would know must aske their land-lord or them . i wish that yet they may come to be snailes , haue an house of their owne , ouer their heads . winter 's the worst quarter to them to shift in . 6. countrey schoolemaisters . if they be well gound & bearded , they haue two good apologies ready made ; but they are beholden to the taylor and barber for both : if they can p●ouide for two pottles of wine against the next lectu●e-day , the schoole being voyde , there are great hopes of preferment : if he gets the place , his care next must be for the demeanure of his countenance ; hee lookes ouer his schollers with as great and graue a countenance , ( as the emperour ouer his army : ) he wil not at first be ouer-busie to examine his v●her , for feare hee should prooue as many curats , better schollers then the chiefe master . as he sits in his seate , hee must with a grace turne his muc●atoes vp ; his scepter lyes not farre from him , the rod : he vses marshall law most , and the day of execution ordinarily is the friday : at ●ixe a clocke his army all beginne to march ; at eleauen they keepe rendeuouz , and at fiue or sixe at night , they take vp their quarters : there are many set in authority to teach youth , which neuer had much learning themselues ; therefore if hee cannot teach them , yet his lookes and correction shal affright them : but there are some who deserue the place by their worth , and wisdome , who stayd with their mother the vniuersity , vntill learning , discretion , and iudgement had ripened them , for the well managing of a schoole : these i loue , respect , and wish that they may haue good means eyther here , or somewhere else : these come from the sea of learning , well furnished with rich prizes of knowledge , and excellent qualities , ballasted they are wel with gra●ity and iudgement , well ster'd by rel●gion & a good conscience ; and these abi●ities make them the onely fit men to gouerne and instruct tender age ; he learnes the cradle to 〈◊〉 seueral languages & ●its them for places of publicke note : being thus qualified , 't is pitty hee should eyther want meanes or imployment . 7. country vshers . they are vnder the head-maister , equall with the chiefe schollers , and aboue the lesser boyes : hee is likely to stay two yeares before hee can furnish himselfe with a good cloake : they are like vnto lapwings run away from the vniuersity , their nest , w●th their shels on their heads . metriculation was an hard terme for him to vnderstand : and if he proceeded it was in tenebris : the chancellors seale and lycense for the place , is a great grace to him : at a sermon you shall see him writing , but if the diuision of the text be expressed in latine termes , then hee could not eyther heare , or not vnderstand , and só oftentimes looses the diuision of the text : it 's no small credite for him to sit at the neather end of the table with the ministers ; he seldome speaks there amongst them , vnlesse like a nouice he be first asked , and then hee expresses his weaknesse boldly : he goes very far , if he dare stay to drinke a cup of ale when one houre is past : his discourse ordinarily is of his exployts when he went to schoole : hee hath learn'd enough in the vniuersity , if hee knowes the figures , and can repeate the logicall moods : vsually he makes his sillogismes in baralipton , if hee can make any : hee holds greeke for a heathen language , and therefore neuer intends to learne it : for lati●e , his blacke cloathes are sufficient proofes to the country-fellowes , that he is wel furnisht : for hebrew it would pose him hard to make a difference in writing betwixt hebraeus and ebrius ; in a word , he is but a great schoole boy with a little beard and blackecloathes , and knowes better how to whippe a scholler then learne him : if hee had beene fit for any thing in the vniuersity , hee had not left her so soone : yet i confesse there are some that deserue better preferment then this , yet accept of it ; but its pitty that virtu● and learning are so slightly regarded , and that so rich a iewell should bee no better plac'd . 8. country chaplaines . they must do as marygolds , immitate their master , as these do the sun : they are men of grace before and after dinner and supper ; they are men that seeme desirous of preferment , for they rise before their lord and maister : their habite is neate , cleanly , if not too curious it s wel . in a well gouern'd house , they performe praier twice a day , to be commended for , because it showes and teaches zeale , godlinesse . their sermons are not long , but generally good & pithy ▪ their lords respect and fauour , makes the seruants to respect and loue them ; graue modesty and learning , with an affable carriage , winnes them regard and reuerence : the more priuate their persons be , the mo●e publicke their prayse : their studies generally are their best closets , and their books their best counsellors : such as these deserue to bee made o● ▪ but there are others of the same profession , yet much different in nature , who striue to satisfie and please , euen by smothering , counter●etting , or immitating , their maisters faults , and loue the strong beere cellar , or a wine-tauerne more then their studies : whose ambition is to bee conuersant with the gentle woemen , and now and then to let an oath slippe with a grace ; whose acquaintance and familiarity is most with the butler , and their care to slippe to an ale-house vnseene , with the seruants . their allowance is good if it bee 20. marke , and their dyet . if they bee married they must be more obsequious and industrious to please , if they come ●ingle , it 's a thousand to one but they either bee in loue or married before they goe away : i honour both lord and chaplaine , when they are godly , and religious ; but i dislike , when either the lord will not bee told of his faults , or the chaplaine will not , or dare not : i loue the life when zeale , learning and grauity are the gifts of the preacher . but i dislike it , when by respects conniuency or ignorance with pride keepe the chappell . if they be wise , they will keepe close , till they haue the aduouson of a liuing , the better they are liked of their master , and the more store he hath of liuings , they haue the more hopes of a presentation . it 's a great vertue in their patrone if hee doe not geld it , or lessen it before they handle it . 9. ale-houses . if these houses haue a boxe-bush , or an old post , it is enough to show their profeshion . but if they bee graced with a signe compleat , it 's a signe of good custome : in these houses you shall see the history of iudeth , susan●a , daniel in the lyons den , or diues & laz●rus paint●d vpon the wall ▪ it may bee reckoned a wonder to see , or find the house empty , for either the parson , churchwarde● , or clark , or all ; are doing some church or court-businesse vsually in this place . they thriue best where there are fewest ; it is the host's chiefest pride to bee speaking of such a gentleman , or such a gallant that was here , and will bee againe ere long : hot weather and thunder , and want of company are the host●sses griefe , for then her ale sowres : your drinke vsually is very young , two daies olde : her chiefest wealth is seene , if she can haue one brewing 〈◊〉 another : if ei●her the hostesse , or her d●ughter , or maide will kisse handsomely at parting , it is a good shooing-horne or bird-lime to draw the company thither againe the sooner . shee must bee courteous to all , though not by nature , yet by her profession ; for shee must entertaine all , good and bad ; tag , and rag ; cut , and long-tayle : shee suspects tinkers and poore souldiers most , not that they will not drinke soundly , but that they will not pay lustily . shee must keepe touch with three sorts of men , that is ; the malt-man , the baker , and the iustices clarkes . shee is merry , and halfe made , vpon shroue-tuesday , may-daies , feast-dayes , and morrice dances : a good ring of bells in the parish helpes her to many a tester , she prayes the parson may not be a puritan : a bag-piper , and a puppet-play brings her in birds that are flush , shee defies a wine-tauerne as an vpstart outlandish fellow , and suspects the wine to bee poysoned . her ale , if new , lookes like a misty morning , all thicke ; well , if her ale bee strong , her reckoning right , her house cleane , her fire good , her face faire , and the towne great or rich ; shee shall seldome or neuersit without chirping birds to beare her company , and at the next churching or christning , shee is sure to be ridd of two or three dozen of cakes and ale by gossiping neighbours . 10. apparators . spirituall busines is their profession , but carnall matters are their gaine and reuenewes . the sinnes of the laity holds them vp , ember-weekes , visitations and court-dayes shew their calling and imployment , then shall you see them as quicke as bees in a sommer day : surrogates , the arch-deacon , and the chancellor , they dare not offend : they liue vpon intelligence ; they haue much businesse with the church-wardens and sides-men , they ride well furnish't with citations , and sometime excommunications : they are glad if they can heare of any one that teaches schoole , or read prayers in that diocesse without a speciall licence , they are to peccant wenches , as bad scar-crowes , as bailiffes be to desperate debtors . the curate must reade prayers on wednesdayes and fridayes formaliter , sub paena of a further charge : they are sworne to their office before admitted , but being admitted , oftentimes they dispense with the oath : sometimes they haue eyes , and are tongue-tyed ; sometimes they haue tongues , and are blind : but without fees they will see too much , and speake more ; and fetch men into their courts with a coram nomine . yet though they doe much abuse their office , they make many affraide to sinne , either for feare o● shame , punishment , or charges : whatsoeuer shift a man or woman make for monies , yet they are sure to pay for their faultes here . and if hee bee any thing in age , th●n in the court hee weares a furr'd gowne , and ordinarily cryes peace , peace there , when in his heart he means no such matter . 〈◊〉 are like a company of stragling sheepe , or vnruly goates , for they will neuer agree , or bee vnder one shephard . most commonly when they go to the visitation , they ride on poore iades , and their accoutrements an old saddle , one stirrope , a spur without a rowell , a blacke boxe , and an office seale : if the wench that 's in fault , want monies to pay her fees , they 'le take their penny-worths in flesh : well , their office is none of the best , and yet is it oftentimes too good for the maister . when all wenches prooue honest , they may begge , but as long as venus rules , they will bee sure to finde imployment . 11. constables . there names imply that they should be constant and able for the discharge of their office : they haue the command of foure places of note , the stockes , the cage , the whipping post , and the cucking-stoole : they appoynt & command the watch-men with their rusty bils to walke circuit ; and doe also send hue and cryes af●er male ▪ factors . they are much imployed in foure occasions ; at musters , at pressing foorth of souldiers , at quarter sessions , and assizes : their office many times make them proud and crafty : if they bee angry with a poore man , hee is sure to be prefer'd vpon the next seruice : the ale houses had best hold correspondency with them : they are bug-beares to them that wander without a passe . poore souldiers are now and then helpt to a lodging by their meanes : they 'le visit an ale-house vnder colour of search , but their desire is to get beere of the company , and then if they be but meane men , they master them ; and they answere them , come pay , with this vsuall phrase , yo● ●re not the men wee ▪ 〈◊〉 for ; and demand of the hostesse if shee haue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in her h●uing got their de●re , they 〈◊〉 with this comple●ent ▪ 〈◊〉 if 〈◊〉 businesse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pl●ces vp● 〈◊〉 , it is ▪ 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 king ▪ and so 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 of the hone● com●ny , & laughter 〈◊〉 them● . it 's a 〈◊〉 to one if they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ but they will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bills 〈◊〉 sixe● ▪ and 〈◊〉 downe layd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such matter ; a fine tricke to get money by their place . they should seeme to bee either very poore , or couetous , or crafty men ; for they put their charges alw●ies vpon the parish : if an accompt happen to bee among the pari●hioners when such a thing , or such a thing was done ; they 'le answere , in the same yeare , o● there abouts , i was constable , in thinking thereby to set forth their owne credit . i lea●e them , wishing them to bee good in their offic● , it is not long they h●ue to stay in it . 12. currant●es ●r ●eekly newes . these commonly begin with vienna and end wi●h antwerpt : the spanish & french affaires must not be left out : the three names that grace their letters , are the sweds , tillies , or imperialists : ordinarily they haue as many leyes as lines , they vse to lye ( as weather-beaten souldiers ) vpon a booke-bi●ders stall , they are new and old in si●e dayes : they are busie fellows , for they meddle with other mens affaires : no pope , emp●rour , or king , but must bee touched by their pen : nay they vse to interline some great exploit at sea betwixt the hollander and d●nkerker , or else betwixt the hollander and spaniard , at the cape or the straights of magellan , and vsually they conclude with this phrase , the admirall or vice-admirall of our side , gaue a ●road side to the vtter ouer throw of the spaniard , with so many men hurt , such a rich prize taken , such a ship sunke , or fired : being faithfully translated out of the dutch coppy , with the first and second part , like ballads . and these are all conceites ordinarily , which their owne idle braine , or busie fancies , vpon the blockes in paules , or in their chambers inuented : they haue vsed this trade so long , that now euery one can say , it s euen as true as a currantoe , meaning that it 's all false . now swedens and the emperors war in germany , is their store-house , with how 〈◊〉 , hamburgh , leipsich , breame , and the other hans-townes affect the kings maiesties procee-●dings : if a towne be beleagured , or taken , then they neuer take care , but how they may send thei● leyes fast enough , and far enough : well , they are politicke , not to be descried , for they are asham'd to put their names to their books . if they write good newes of our side , it is seldome true ; but if it be bad , it 's alwayes almost too true . i wish them eyther to write not at all , or lesse , or more true ; the best newes is when we heare no newes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a06473-e30 lieutenant coronell goring . notes for div a06473-e1010 the lash . lice . syon col ledg ner● criplegat● . the petition of the most substantiall inhabitants of the citty of london, and the liberties thereof, to the lords and commons for peace together with the answer to the same, and the replye of the petitioners. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32848 of text r383 in the english short title catalog (wing c3881). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 45 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32848 wing c3881 estc r383 12952474 ocm 12952474 95975 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32848) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95975) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 733:23) the petition of the most substantiall inhabitants of the citty of london, and the liberties thereof, to the lords and commons for peace together with the answer to the same, and the replye of the petitioners. chillingworth, william, 1602-1644. reply of the london petitioners to the late answer to their petition for peace. england and wales. parliament. [2], 20 p. printed for edward husband, london : 1642. the reply of the petitioners, according to thomason, is by william chillingworth. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -sources. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. a32848 r383 (wing c3881). civilwar no the petition of the most substantiall inhabitants of the citty of london, and the liberties thereof, to the lords and commons for peace· tog [no entry] 1643 8662 12 0 0 0 0 0 14 c the rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the petition of the most substantiall inhabitants of the citty of london , and the liberties thereof , to the lords and commons for peace ▪ together with the answer to the same . and the replye of the petitioners . london , printed for edward husband , anno dom. 1642. to the right honovrable the lords and commons now assembled in the high court of parliament . the humble petition of divers inhabitants of the city of london , and the liberties thereof . sheweth , that the present sense of our miseries , and apprehension of inevitable ruine both of the church and common-wealth , make us to become humble suitors to this honourable assembly ( the likeliest means under god for our reliefe ) to consider our distressed estates , and to provide a speedy remedy for our present and future evills , earnestly desiring you to weigh the care and iudgement of our predecessors , who by a known law , setled and preserved our protestant religion , our liberties , and properties , with a right understanding between king and subjects , which produced peace and plenty in our streets . and to reflect with serious thoughts upon our present distempers , violating religion by papists and sectaries , engaging our nation into a civill , bloody , and distructive warre , invading our lawes and liberties , endangering all our lives , and utterly disinabling us to relieve our distressed brethren in ireland : we beseech you likewise to consider the effects of cont●nued wa●re , as the destruction of christians , the unnaturall effusion of blood ; fathers against sonnes ▪ brothers by brothers , friends by friends slaine ; then famine and sicknesse , the followers of civill warre , making way for a generall confusion , and invasion by a forraigne nation , while our treasure is exhausted , our trade lost , and the kingdome dispeopled . these things weighed and enlarged by your wisdomes , we doubt not will be strong motives in us to desire a speedy peace , and a happy accommodation . wherefore we humbly crave , that ( not lending an eare to any fomenters of these present warres , under what pretence soever , nor remembring ought that may increase iealousies , or continue divisions between his majesty and his houses of parliament ) you will speedily tender his majesty ( according to his royall intimations ) such propositions for accommodation , as he may with honour and safety to the whole kingdome accept . for effecting whereof , we shall be ready to assist you with the best and utmost of our abilities , and whilest you endeavour peace , we shall send up our prayers to heaven for the blessing of peace upon you , and all those that desire it . an answer to the london petition . you gentlemen and citizens , both you and your request are welcome to vs , and cannot faile of a kind reception here , where your former merits , and your present good intentions are so well knowne . it is naturall in the patient to seeke cure of his disease , and to move the phisitian to use his best skill , and it is commendable in you under your sufferings to apply your selves to vs for ease ; and we hope it is not meere impatience urges you to seeke things impossible , or unjust : your prayers for peace are honourable , so was iacobs wife for children , yet when she cryed , give me children or i dye , she was to blame ▪ for she sought that of iacob , which iacob had no power to give , and she sought the same with such violence , as iacob ought not to have heard . but we will only conceive , that without all impatience , you seeke of us peace , so farre as we can procure it , and not absolutely , for it depends not so much upon us , as the king , and it is not in us to draw the king to a peace , except his majesty be as inclinable to it , as we are . and we will conceive also that you seeke not peace nakedly , except it come along with truth , righteousnesse , and honour , and of such a peace we are as zealous as you can wish us to be ; and for other peace , if we should wholly submit to the kings party , without all conditions for future security , such a submission to that party would be no redresse but an increase of your present sufferings . we are intrusted in this by the whole kingdome , and that trust we must not breake upon the solicitation of any part of the kingdome : you are a considerable part of london , but you are not whole london , and london is a considerable part of this kingdome , but it is not the whole kingdome , and we , according to our trust , must looke upon the whole kingdome : but it may be , that you see more than the whole kingdome , and may out of that sight offer some thing to us for the ease and reliefe of the whole kingdome ; in this we will not gaine-say you , it is possible that some cleere way & forme of a just , safe , and honourable accommodation may be opened , and discovered to you , which hath not yet been found out by us ; if this be so , we desire you cordially , and in a friendly manner to communicate your apprehensions , and understandings of this affaire to us , and by our sudden and full embracement thereof , you shall soon find how deere , and precious the face , the very name or sound of peace is to us : in the meane time we desire you to rest assured , that if there be any defect in us , it must needs be in point of understanding , it cannot be in point of affection . no men living can be in affection more devoted to safe peace then we are . and further , we desire you not to censure us of any defect at all , no , not so much as in understanding , except you can reveal to us some better way , then we have hitherto assayed . no accommodation can be , but we must leave something to the king upon trust , and if the accommodation be even , the king will not deny some trust to us ; but in this , helpe to advise us how farre we shall trust the king , and how farr we shall trust the kings party ; were the king utterly disingaged from all parties , perhaps we would wholly trust the king , and desire no trust at all to be left in us from his majesty : but we see in the kings party , some that have a strange power in his affection , yea a greater power farre than we have , and yet they are knowne to be deeply inraged papists , violently ingaged delinquents , and if you would wholly put your selves and the kingdome into the trust of such a party , we are bound to withstand it , as much as we can . the king protests to hate popery , and disavowes all thoughts of arbitrary rule , yet we know all , how farre he is addicted to papists , and malignant haters of parliaments : and since we cannot submit to the king , but we must submit to his party , who he preferres before us , what advantage is it to us , whether he be in heart the selfe same , as his party is , or not ? the truth is , we and the kings party are so diametrically opposite in religion and state both , that he cannot protect both , if they are his friends , we are his enemies ; if we are his friends , they are questionlesse his enemies ; if he shield them from our justice , he must expose us to their injustice ; either they must judge us , or we them , no middle way can be safe , nor deserve the name of accommodation ; it must prove inevitable confusion in the end . many yeares we have already strugled together , and they have all the while found more favour from the court then we ; but now we are more implacably exasperated by blood , one against the other , and they will not lay downe armes before us ; nor ought we before them ; and if both lay downe armes together , yet little safety will be to us ; for our religion and profession will binde us truly to performe , but theirs will bind them to betray us ; and since they are greater in the kings favour , and are loose from oaths , when we are discountenanced , and our hands are tyed from defence , what equality of treaty is there ? we will speake now to you , as we would to the whole body of england ; if you prefer their cause and being before ours , speake it out more plainly : if you wish better to us , and thinke better of us , be wary of such accommodation , as may render us upon unequall tearmes into their hands . you will say we have received other petitions with more favour , when they have more concurred with us in their votes , we confesse and justifie it : for when the people have encouraged us by petitions , answering to our votes , and have invited us to be more hardy in searching their wounds , fearing our too much tendernesse in their owne case , we could not but resent a better disposition and capacity of cure , then now we take notice of in such contrary petitions , as seeme to expresse a distrust of us , though indeed your professions be cleane contrary . yet to deale plainly with you , and all other petitioners : we love not to be sollicited at all by the people in any case whatsoever , except when we doe manifestly faile of our duty , either out of too much feare , or too much presumption . howsoever for the present goe peaceably home , and if you thinke us worthy of that trust which you have hitherto reposed in us , leave to us to consider of this your petition with all its circumstances , and assure your selves , we will condescend to the more hazzard , and depart something the more from our owne due in our demands from his majesty , for your sakes . and if you prefer your owne iudgements before ours , proceed to advertise us lovingly and fairely , wherein we may doe you more good , or how we may draw nearer to a prudent accommodation , and impart more particularly your open sence thereof . howsoever we desire you to addresse your selves to his majesty , in the same manner as you have done to us , unlesse you condemne us as more indisposed to peace then his majesty is ; and let your request be , that in this valuation of his party , and his parliament , he would be equally pleased to condescend , and depart from his former rigor of tearmes , as you expect from us , or else we must pronounce you in this unequall . and for the summe of all , let your desired accommodation be such , as shall maintaine us to be the kings legall parliament , and a legall parliament to be the kings highest court of iudicature , and the highest iudicature of the king fittest to determine all publike disputes , and best disposed to mercy , as well justice ; and policy , as well as law : and without more adoe your wished accommodation is perfected , and agreed upon . the reply of the london petitioners to the late answer to their petition . wee perceive , those arts which first caused , are the fittest means to continue this common calamity . if the people ( of honest affections generally , but weak reason , and so easily abused , and made to advance private ends with a publique conscience , ) yet at last faithfully instructed by the sense of miseries , begin to grow wiser , the great contrivers of these sad divisions , evidently discerne , the kingdom is in danger to be restored to happinesse , unlesse their long exercised malice , can still prevaile under specious pretences , to keep up that unfortunate misunderstanding between king and subject . no sooner had we , being the most considerable persons in the citty ( after too long patience , and a most just apprehension of pressures howrely growing upon us , so that of late , every new vote hath been looked upon as a new affliction , ) taken such courage to our selves , as humbly to expresse our unwillingnesse to be longer active in our own unhappinesse , and to sue unto you for remedy , being desirous to receive those great blessings of peace and plenty , and true religion established by law , from no other hand : but presently under-agents are imployed to continue ( if it be possible ) the distractions of this kingdom , and stifle our honest intentions in the womb . alderman penington seizes upon our petition , and commits one to prison , ( because it seems he was better affected to the quiet of his country , then was convenient for his ends , ) notwithstanding not any thing in the matter of it , was against any known law , and the manner of it had been so often countenanced by both your houses . out of these considerations , we the citizens animated by innocency , and a necessary care to prevent our otherwise unavoidable destruction , with sober courage , and honest stoutnesse recover our petition . next the lecturers undertake the work , and turne all the spirituall militia into weapons of the flesh , exhorting us to fight against the king in the feare of god , and under the mask of religion preaching down peace and holinesse . yet these virulent declamations prevaile not with us , who were more conscionably instructed , then to believe , we cannot expresse our love to god , unlesse we maintain enmity with men ; and who by sad experience have found the bitter fruits of their so much cryed-up reformation ; wherein the sonnes of peace are become the loudest trumpets of warre . this policy being now worn out , and the journey-men-rebells at a stand , it concernes the maisters to take the ruine of the common-wealth into their own managery . an answer is cast out , which seems to carry in it the authority of the house , but presents really the subtilty of those , who have hitherto craftily abused the peoples affections into those miserable distempers . their words are softer then oyle , but poyson of aspes is under their lips ; for the designe of it is by a seeming meek complyance with us , who from our soules desire and sue for peace , to send us away , contented to ingage our selves in a most unnaturall warre . it is full of sophistry , and such eloquence , as is described in catiline , ( the fire-brand of his country ) which was first to disturbe a state , unable to compose and settle it . we and our request is said to be welcome . certainly both ought to be so really , and deserve to be entertained with the greatest thanks and alacrity by all honest men , as aiming at the publique interest , and common good of the kingdome . what ever astronomers faine of the celestiall bodies , 't is to be feared , many inferior orbes in a state have particular contrary motions to that of the whole . if a kind reception were truly meant , what can be the cause , we should meet with such opposition , such difficulties in the accesse ? it requires no deep understanding to look through the matter : it costs nothing to give good words , and you manage this affaire very prudently , if instead of a grant , you can satisfy us with a complement . but your petitioners are wiser , then to desist upon empty courtship , when our suit is of so high concernment , as the kingdoms preservation . it is commendable in us , to come as patients to their phisition . ] what doe they deserve then , who hinder us from seeking a remedy for our distempers ? he who forces sicknesse upon us , may thereby hasten his own death . we must not out of impatience seek things impossible , or unjust . ] our request is neither vaine , nor wicked ; it desires both what can , and what ought to be done . it is very easily effected : if you withdraw the fuell , a fire is soon extinguished ; so if you , i doe not say , correct , but even not foment ill humors , the wound will heale of it selfe . the subject is in so ready a way of recovery , doe but apply the great charter , and the petition of right , and he is restored to health and strength ; that is , take not our estates from us by force , and without our consent , and we aske not peace , ingage the kingdom in warre if you can . we expect not physick from you , only prescribe us a good dyet , that is , let us live by certain and known rules , and we shall not want letting blood . if peace be to be compassed by these means , the desire of it cannot be unjust . your prayers for peace are honourable , so was iacob's wife for children , yet when she cried , give me children , or i dye , she was to blame , for she sought that of iacob , which iacob had not power to give . ] there is great difference between rachells impatience , and our humble request , addrest to you as the fittest means under god to convay unto us the fruits ( not of the womb , but ) of good government , peace and plenty . that we live , it is the bounty of god , that we are destroyed , may be the fault of men . we desire no more , then what good patriots may , and ought to performe , that you would be pleased , not to neglect those means , which most probably will conduce to the kingdoms preservation . and she sought the same with such violence , as iacob ought not to have heard . ] there was not any thing in our addresses , which could make this observation pertinent . but the doctrine is so reasonable , we could wish , you had declared it sooner , as being forced to take notice , the contrary position was once taught , and made the rule of former actions ; that some things must be done to satisfy the people . we cannot be ignorant of the many tumults , dismissed with thanks , though they ( as iacob with god ) did even wrestle with you for blessings . this cleare opening your selves against violent petitioners , will satisfy the world in the innocency of those members , who absented themselves from the house out of this consideration . peace depends not so much on us , as the king , and it is not in us to draw the king to a peace : ] we humbly desire you not to be wanting in your duty ; and we have had frequent testimonies of his majesties peaceable inclinations . his withdrawing his forces from our city , after great advantages , clearely demonstrates , he came up to london with an army , not so much to fight , as to appeare in such a condition , as you might without losse of honour consent to a peace . we must remember with what cheerfulnesse he entertained the messengers of peace at colebrook , how gratious a reply he returned to the message , without any mention of former unkindnesses , and such indignities , as private men could hardly have digested . after this , though provoked with new injuries , and most unreasonable imputations of breach of faith , and delight in bloud ; as if he were only sensible of our misery , he seeks to continue the treaty by a message from reading , ending with the same gratious close as that from colebrook . this as yet hath not been thought worthy any answer . we will conceive also that you seek not peace nakedly , except it come along with truth , righteousnesse and honour . with truth ; ] we readily embrace this limitation , as being perswaded the breach of peace in the church , by sectaries unpunished , we wish , we could not say countenanced and encouraged , hath begot and nourisht warre in the state . therefore to deale plainly , if you mean by truth the protestant religion established by law , ( to which you know his majesty conformes in constant practice even beyond the strictnesse of most subjects , ) let the penalties by act of parliament appointed be indispensably exacted from all offendors : if you mean some of your own private opinions , speak them out clearely , and i doubt not but the kingdom will entertaine peace , without that which you call truth . with righteousnesse , with honour . ] it is very obvious , how peace and righteousnesse may kisse each other , but how without forfeiture of this , any can take up armes against their soveraigne , ( to whom they have sworn allegiance ) we cannot comprehend . it is no diminution of your honour to provide for the kings , ( as you are obliged by oath ) and to yeeld him all those rights , with which the law hath invested him . these are no hard conditions : if you like them , you will have no reason to prolong our miseries by civill dissentions ; if they displease , confesse it roundly , and we are confident , we shall have no long warre . if we should wholly submit to the kings party , without all conditions of future security . ] you are required to submit to the king , not to any of your fellow subjects . there cannot be greater security , then the lawes of the land , ( and such only your ancestors claimed ) the benefit of which you shall enjoy , and by which only you are to be tryed . if you challenge security of any higher nature , and think not your selves safe , till you have all the power in your selves , we make no doubt all well-affected people will cleerely discerne , this is nothing else , but under the name of free subjects , to take upon you the power of kings . we humbly desire you to informe us plainly , what provisions you will have made for your safety , and to open your selves in this point , whether there can be any possible security in monarchy . vnder this forme much must of necessity be committed to the trust of one . if therefore you will not entertain peace , as being unsafe to you , because there is a possibility this one may faile in performance of trust , you clearly tell us , this kingdome shall not be quiet , till you have changed this ancient , and well founded monarchy into a popular state , and till the supream disposall of all is placed in you . by this the people will understand at last what it is they fight for . we are intrusted in this by the whole kingdome . ] this must be meant of the house of commons , and by the same logicke that the king is denyed his rights , the lords may loose theirs , and this might breed an under-civill warre betweene your two houses . the trust committed to you by the people , who are the third estate , cannot give any power , to entrench upon the other two , or either of them . the performance of this trust is to be regulated according to the lawes , so that if you doe any thing against law , you are accomptable for such actions , and the people is no way concerned in it , as having no legall authority in such a case . it is not possible , the people should give unto you , what they had not in themselves , a priviledge to breake the lawes . you are but a part of london , and london but a part of the kingdome . ] it is very true ; so the porters were but a part , the women were but a part , and the beggers were but a part , all which had the happinesse to thinke as you did , and so deserved thankes for it . we challenge no greater priviledge then was allowed to them , to present our desires ; to approve or disallow belongs unto you , according as the greatest reason shall direct . yet thus much we shall take the boldnesse to say , though you chance to affect warre , you must give us leave , to love and pray for peace , and not to engage our estates or persons , ( for such right in this case the law gives us ) if we conceive it an unreasonable warre ; for we shall be unwilling to contribute a part , only that we may bring the whole in danger . and it may be necessary to tell you , we are much the best part of london , and london much the most considerable part of the kingdome , and we have great reason to presume , that the most to be valued in other parts also , will second our desire , though you perhaps may have different apprehensions of their affections . for indeed the causes of liking and disliking warre , are not the same in you , and the rest of the kingdome . you sit in the midst of us encompassed with safety , whereas others are exposed to the hazard . their hay , their corne , their household-stuffe , their flocks of sheep , and heards of cattell , and horses are subject to the plunder , which makes them disrellish those distractions . it is no marveile , if the active men amongst you find in warre a more pleasing tast , since they have put themselves into good preferment by severall commands , and the kingdomes misery , is become their patrimony . so while their trade flourishes , they have no deep sense of the universall decay of ours in severall callings . we doe not much wonder , if men that stand upon the shore , delight in tempests , as often as the wrack is to be shared amongst them . but it may be that you see more then the whole kingdome . ] this is a pretty kind of rhetoricke , to endeavour to baffle our reason , by pressing on our modesty . we compare not with others , ( though we might tell you , in some things we that are standers by , might perhaps see more clearly , then you , who are playing your game : ) whether in this cause our understanding be weaker or not , it concernes not us to determine ; since this we know , we are bound to practise , according as that informes us in our duty , and that god ( however some undervalue the spilling of christian blood ) will call us to a severe accompt ; and most miserable is he , who shall be found guilty of shedding the blood of his brethren unjustly . you shall soone find , how deare and precious the face , the very name or sound of peace is to us . ] many dayes are not passed over since the name would not be entertained with patience . you know who said , i like not dawbing ; and that other expression , i hate the name of accommodation . certainly it was lesse cunningly carryed . but it seemes , it was beleeved the people was irrecoverably mad , and that they would never be weary of misery ; or at least , that they were so much in your power , that he which should dare to mention peace , should suffer the injuries of warre . this part would have beene better acted then : it would have given much more satisfaction , if you had embraced the name of peace with all cheerfulnesse , and broken of the thing by perplexed disputes , and sending unreasonable propositions . now it will be a worke of greater difficulty , to over-rule our understandings , since we have evident grounds to suspect your affections . we heartily wish , we may prove false prophets , but we cannot command our feares ( which worke naturally , and make judgement of the future by what is past , ) from presaging , you will keep up the warre still , but in a more plausible way ; and under a seeming desire of peace ( having perceived the disadvantage of your open error , ) use unfit meanes to effect it , by proposing unreasonable conditions , so hoping to avoyd the envy , and yet preserve to your selves the benefits of these divisions . the sense of the following discourse is this , no accommodation can be , because something must be left to the king upon trust , and something to you . ] it will be very easie to assigne the bounds of these severall trusts . it is done to our hand ; for his majesty requires no new trust to himselfe , nor will he deny an old trust to you ; the lawes and customes of this land determine both . but he must not be trusted , because he is not utterly disingaged from all parties . here is a plaine declaration , what the issue is likely to be . as long as the king hath any power left , so long you will suspect his faith , and the people must be miserable , so long as you please to be fearefull . certainly , the meanest understanding can quickly apprehend this to be a most seditious principle , and all true lovers of their country , will looke upon it as the seed-plot of rebellion to all ages . for all men cannot be prefer'd , and pretences will never be wanting of a king's engagement to a party , as often as ambitious persons , who thinke they have equall deserts , find they have not equall preferment . such men commonly , when they cannot attaine to great offices , in the discharge whereof , they promise to the people some extraordinary good , they out of indignation , manifest their abilities in hurting the state . you object to the king , he hath a party . alas ! this is his unhappinesse , and your fault . he desires and ought to have the whole . but if you will obstinately persist in this lay-schisme , and admit of no condition of reconciliation , except he will remove those servants , which in his afflictions he hath found honest and faithfull to him , and preferre you in their places , he hath small encouragement to bestow such favours , ( not yet deserved by you ) and cannot satisfie his conscience in such an ill requitall of their tryed loyaltie . the next is a stale calumny against papists and delinquents . though reason be not lesse concluding , because old and often repeated , yet slanders loose their credit by time , because most men can confute them by experience . his majesty hath fully satisfied the world in this point ; and the most considering part even of the people , having long time in vaine expected proofes , are now growne more stayd in their beleef , then to be led away by a bare confidence , and boldnesse of defaming . wee and the kings party are so diametrically opposite in religion and state , that he cannot protect both . ] the same justice may governe both , if you will returne from whence you are swerved , and submit to the common rule of law , which ought to be the measure of our actions . we most earnestly beseech you , ( that we may not perish , while we are detained in generalls , ) you would be pleased to tell us , what religion you would have . if the publike forme of worship , established already , and sealed with the bloud of many martyrs herein can be no ground of difference ; they professe and practise it , and will become suitors to you , that you will severely punish all persons whatsoever that transgresse against it : if you meane some other religion , ( as you doe , if there be any reall disagreement amongst us ) let us know what it is , perhaps the kingdome will renounce their old faith , and like your creed better . however , let not the people be blindly ingaged to fight against their king in defence of their owne , and his religion , and to maintaine that , which he and they approve off , and only you dissent from . if they are his friends , we are his enemies ; if we are his friends , they are questionlesse his enemies . ] it becomes not us to decide , who are his friends , who his enemies , nor to publish our thoughts , which may perhaps be guided by that common notion , to fight for , or against ; to endeavour to preserve , or destroy . friendship and enmity here are not to be taken for affections , but for a civill vertue orvice , and to be understood in a law notion . they only are to be esteemed his friends , who are obedient to lawes ; & transgressors , his enemies . so that a king is enemy to none , as not punishing out of hatred , but justice . that some men have found more favour then others ▪ ( we may guesse at the cause of your discontents , by this frequent complaint ) can be no just ground to disturbe a state . the kingdome will never be free from rebellion , if subjects may be allowed to give law to the princes courtesies . either they must judge us , or we them , no middle way can be safe . ] the tryall of this land is well known , which is per judicium parium , by verdict of pears , it being a way of proceeding equally indifferent to all ; where none have cause to feare wrested explications , or obscure consequences , verdicts being brought in , in capitall causes , according to evident and knowne law . we make no question all uninterested persons will quickly be satisfied in the present difference , in case of treason , which can be the only sub●ect of this debate , ( and yet this seemes to be the maine ground of distance . ) for certainly our lawes have provided for the tryall of it , and the house of commons never heretofore challenging a power of judicature , and the lords not using to censure any in this nature under the degree of baron , therefore it undeniably appeares , they are to be referred to the ordinary tryall of the kings bench . they will not lay downe armes before us , nor ought wee before them . ] cleare satisfaction hath beene offered you by his majesty in this point , that the armes should be returned to those hands , in which they are by law intrusted . the king is invested with the sole power of trayning , arraying , and mustering , it being most consonant to reason , as well as grounded on law , that he which is bound to protect , should be enabled to compasse that end . little safety will be to us , for our religion and our profession will bind us truly to performe , but theirs will bind them to betray us . ] of all men living we should least have expected , you should make advantage of this argument ; the breach of faith in your souldiers being most infamously notorious . witnesse farneham castle , where after hands shaken with two of your captaines , and time given upon the reputation of gentlemen and souldiers , to draw up propositions of surrender , the commanders being retired , and the souldiers forbid to shoot , you brooke in upon them against the lawes of truce , tooke them all prisoners and plundred them , not affording any benefit of the former agreement ▪ witnesse winchester , where after composition set downe in writing , you against it , rob'd them , stript them and kill'd many in coole bloud , insomuch that some of your commanders , more sensible of honour , openly exclaimed against your barbarous cruelty , scarce to be paralell'd amongst the storyes of germany . witnesse yorkeshire , where , after the gentry had very prudently setled a peace and security in that county , by mutuall covenant not to injure each other , the lord fairefax is bitterly reproved for breaking your priviledges , by presuming to agree to the happinesse of his country , when the house , or rather the committee had resolved to ingage the whole kingdome in misery , and he is accordingly commanded not to regard his promise . the truth is , ( and you have declared it to the world in print ) that you might perswade him not to be honest , you tell him plainly he was not wise , and therefore injoyne him not to stand to that covenant which was made with so much disadvantage : witnesse mr marshall , and dr downing . the king in extraordinary mercy pardoned and dismissed 300 prisoners ( though guilty of high treason , and taken in actuall hostility against him , ) onely taking security ( at least as he then thought it was , having not yet learnt , that the religion of that party , is not capable of laying any obligation against interest ) for their future innocency by oath , they swearing , never after to beare armes against his majesty . these being returned are satisfied in conscience , they swore unlawfully , as binding themselves not to advance the good cause , and for this consideration , as also it being taken in their owne defence , their lives being endangered upon refusall , ( so that being now safe they were againe free ) they are formally absolv'd from their oath by these two city popes , and preached into new and perjurd rebells . good god that these men in so short time , should be guilty of so many publique violations of faith , ( one of which , even amongst the ancient heathen , would have stained an age , ) and yet that all the people are not yet undeceived ! it cannot be , but all such as have any sense of true piety ▪ will upon full information detest these foule proceedings , and abhorre that religion , which is made but an art to dispense with honesty . certainly you cannot believe , that you religion binds you truly to performe : men of such perswasions could not so grossely equivocate themselves into disloyalty , and raise an army to desttroy their king in his own defence . if you preferre their cause and being before ours , speake it out more plain●y . ] we most humbly thank you , and shall ( if necessity require it ) make use of this freedom . the rule by which our liking will be guided , is this , we shall acquit that party , which doth not intrench upon our liberty , by imprisoning any of us without cause , and maintaining the legality of it , and professing to measure it according to pleasure , so that , if they think it convenient to doe so , it shall be a crime to question it ; our property , by taking our estates from us without our consents ; our religion , by committing our most painfull and conscientious professors , and publique thwarting our long beleeved preachers by new sectaries , with great care and cunning planted in our severall congregations . we love not to be sollicited by the people in what case soever , except when we doe manifestly faile in our duty . ] your minds are much changed of late ▪ you did love it dearely . and such care hath been taken , to entertain you with this your delight , that , least good affections should not be able to shew themselves for want of understanding , ( as commonly your well meaning friends were defective in that part ) your sense hath been put into their papers , and you have lent them a head , that they might expresse their good hearts . it cannot be so sudainly forgotten , that when reason formerly hath gainsaid proposalls , the affections of the people have been judged the fittest measure of votes . here is yet a possibility of failing by this confession , and so you have overthrown the strongest , and most popular argument of your innocence , the authority of the doer . if we , or any part of the kingdome shall conceave you faile of duty to your soveraigne , you have by this granted us full liberty to sollicite you when we think fitting . we desire you to addresse your selves to his majesty , in the same manner as you have done to us , unlesse you condemne us , as more indisposed to peace then his majesty is . ] we have had frequent evidences of his majesties peaceable inclinations , in his many messages continually by you rejected , and we have observed how long and how much he hath suffered formerly , that he might have prevented ( if malice could have been wearied ) this unnaturall warre . we thought a petition to him for peace not so seasonable , because he out of his detestation of the effusion of his subjects blood , had himselfe ( in his message from nottingham ) even sued to you for it . we extremely wonder , we should now be put upon this course , for which formerly you have punished others . it was then a crime to think of making any addresses to his majesty , and the authors have suffered for it , before it was known what they meant to have desired . concerning the matter of the petition you would frame for us , ( that art hath formerly done good service , and must not now be forgotten ) that he would depart from his former rigor of termes , we must freely acknowledge , we have not yet met with any harsh proposalls from his majesty , and we believe , if any such were , they would have been named , you not using to dissemble any advantages , nor to be over nice in respect to his regall dignity . what ever conditions have come to our hands , seem as reasonable in sense , as mild in language . notwithstanding he hath been frequently tempted to use harsher expressions , by that freedom you have taken of accusing him , in such words , as we should count it incivility to use towards our equalls . too oft they were so below the respect due to a king , that they were unfit to be given to a gentleman . inbriefe , that you may not flatter your selves with an opinion , we shall easily be put off with generalities , which signity nothing , we shall take some paines in this businesse , which so highly concernes us , and with our utmost care , and all due respects , descend to particular propositions , such as we according to our apprehensions shall conceave reasonable . and that we may ( as much as in us lies ) remove all those rubbs out of the way to an happy accommodation , which some with designe and study purposely cast in ; we shall for the present make one proposition , which carries in it much equality , and ( if we mistake not ) will take off all exceptions , which seem to stand betwixt us and happinesse in this agreement : that is , that as his majesty doth readily consent to all the rights , which belong to both houses ; so you would with as much forwardnesse , grant what ever rights belong unto him : and that time may not be wasted in doubtfull disputes , while the kingdome lies at stake , that you would make the reigne of queen elizabeth ( acknowledged by all to be happy and glorious ) the measure by which to determine them . this we conceive a more equall way , then for two of the estates ( especially when the major part by fear of tumults and armies is absent ) to judge by no rule but their own votes of the rights of the third : to whom if it may be allowed to be sole arbitrary iudges both of iustice and policy , both of what is due to you , and fit for you , both from king and subjects , the accommodation that is left can only be this ; that , so you may have all that your selves desire , you are contented to endure peace , and such an one indeed you had hard hearts , if you would not accept . if this appeare more reasonable , we shall not need to trouble our selves with those involved conditions by you prescribed , the meaning whereof we doubt in some , the truth in others . that you are the kings legall parliament . that the two houses are distinct parts of the parliament , we acknowledge , and the king never denied it . that you have not the power of the whole in right ( though it hath been executed upon us in fact ) you your selves must confesse , unlesse you will say , that you can make an act of parliament without the king . wherein we desire you to declare your sense plainly . if you shall not pretend to this , we request the subject may not suffer under illegall names , that is , that an ordinance of either or both houses , may not have the vertue or power , since you will not justify the name of law in it . that you are the kings highest court of iudicature . ] we conceive , the house of commons , and much more the committee , hath power of accusing only , not of judging ; this belongs to the house of lords ( an appeale being made from an inferior court , and writs of error being legally exhibited ) who are presumed to passe sentence according to the known law , and not according to reason of state , because this would place an arbitrary power in them , and enable them to overthrow ( the birth-right and inheritance of every english man ) our lawes by policy . since there cannot be imagined a more absolute power , and government according to bare will , then to determine the same action right or wrong , as they shall please to call it necessary or convenient . that you are fittest to determine all publique disputes . ] if it be understood in relation to lawes , the only allowed rules of decision , it is granted without any inconveniences . if you will maintain it in the largest sense , which the words may seem to beare , we are confident , the people will abhorre the doctrine ; for by this rule you must maint●ine , it is in your power to depose not a king only , but monarchy it selfe , if this chance to be the subject of your disputes . that you are best disposed to mercy , as well as justice . ] we desire you to expresse these words in plain english , and to tell us clearely , whether you doe challenge to your selves a right of pardoning whom you please ( which yet hath been acknowledged this very parliament a prerogative only belonging to the king . ) but if this be the meaning , we shall lesse wonder , that persons highly corrupt , and most known offendors in publique offices , have been protected from your iustice , by the prerogative of your mercy , and that policy should so farre over-rule law , that it should be delivered , for sound state doctrine , that former faults ought not to be lookt upon , if the party accused hath done good service for the present . if this free opening our apprehensions find a gratious acceptance , and ( as is by us infinitely desired ) prosperous successe , we shall render you our most humble and hearty thankes ; if our further endeavours shall be necessary , we will not be wanting to our own and the kingdoms preservation . finis . a sermon preach'd febr. 14, 1698, and now publish'd, at the request of the societies for reformation of manners in london and westminster by john howe ... howe, john, 1630-1705. 1698 approx. 61 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44696 wing h3041 estc r22726 12744227 ocm 12744227 93192 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44696) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 93192) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 984:4) a sermon preach'd febr. 14, 1698, and now publish'd, at the request of the societies for reformation of manners in london and westminster by john howe ... howe, john, 1630-1705. [2], 51 p. printed by s. bridge, for tho. parkhurst ..., london : 1698. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -sermons. 2004-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon preach'd febr. 14. 1698. and now publish'd , at the request of the societies for reformation of manners in london and westminster . by john howe , minister of the gospel . london , printed by s. bridge , for tho. parkhurst at the bible and three crowns in cheapside , near mercers-chappel , 1698. a sermon for the reformation of manners . rom . xiii . 4. for he is the minister of god , to thee for good — the temper of this our present assembly ought to be not only serious , but also mournful : for the occasion it hath reference to , is both very important , and most deplorable , and requires to be attended to , as with very intense consideration , so with deep sorrow . even rivers of tears running down our eyes , as the words are , psal. 119.136 . could not more than equal the sadness of the case , i. e. the same there mentioned ; because men ( as is meant by the indefinite they ) kept not god's law. that there should be such disorders in the intellectual world ! that reasonable creatures should be so degenerate , that 't is become hardly accountable why they are called so ! they are said to be constituted and distinguish'd by reason , but disdain to be govern'd by it , accounting their senses and their vices , their better and wiser directors . with us the case is yet worse ! that in a christian city and kingdom , the insolencies of wickedness are so high , tumultuate at such a rate , and so daringly assault heaven , that the rigor of laws , the severity of penalties , the vigilancy and justice of magistrates , with the vigorous assisting diligence of all good men , in their several stations , are more necessary than sufficient to repress them . the same considerations that should excite our zeal , ought also to influence our grief ; and the more apparently necessary it is , that all possible endeavours be used for redress , and the stronger and more convictive arguments can be brought to evince it , the deeper sense we ought to have of the evils that create this necessity , and the more feelingly we should lament them . and if this be the temper of this assembly and of all other , upon this occasion , this would give us measures , and set us right , as to the whole business of such a season . no body will then think it should be the business of the sermon , to please curious ears , or of the hearers to criticize upon the sermon , or that it ought to be my present business to complement the worthy persons that have associated on this account , how laudable soever their undertaking is . but it will be the common agreed business of us all , to take to heart the sad exigency of the case , to be suitably affected with it , and quickned to what shall appear to be our duty in reference thereto . and tho the words i have read do more directly respect the part and office of rulers , yet since there is that relation between them that govern , and those that are under government , that the duty of the one , will plainly imply , and connote the duty of the other . i shall so consider the words , as they may have a direct , or collateral reference to all sorts of hearers ; and do point out the duty , as well of them that live under government , as of them that govern. we are therefore to take notice , that the text admits , either of an absolute consideration , or a relative . absolutely considered , 't is an assertion ; relatively , it is an argument . as the introductive particle , for , shews . 1. for the absolute consideration of the words , as they are an assertion , we are to see what they assert . the person spoken of under the term he , is any ruler , supream or subordinate , as in that parallel text , which we may take for a comment upon this , is exprest , 1 pet. 2.13 , 14. submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lord's sake , whether to the king as supream , or to governours sent by him , for the punishment of evil doers , and for the praise of them that do well . the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , used in this context admit of the same extent . so among others , that great man grotius understands this place also , not only of kings and princes , but whosoever are the tutores status publici , ( borrowing that expression from seneca ) any that are to take care of the publick state , by whatsoever name they are designed . indefinitely , any magistrate whatsoever . that which is said of such a one , contains an account of the original , and the end of his office and power . the original of it , that he is the minister of god , which signifies he is , as such , to act only by his authority , deriv'd from him , as v. 1. there is no power but from god , and the powers that be , are ordained of god. which also implies , that such power is to be used for god. and that consequently god is to be the ruler's first and last : and he is to be subordinate to god , both as his principle and end. acting by his authority , he is by consequence to act for his interest . his minister , or servant is to serve him . but besides what is thus imply'd of the general and vltimate end of the magistrates power , in what is more directly said of the original of it ; we have also a more explicit account of the end of it , viz. the next , and more particular end , which is twofold . the end for whom , indefinitely exprest . for thee , i. e. for every , or any one that lives under government ; and by consequence , the whole governed community . for all the parts make up the whole . and further we have the end for what , viz. for good , the good of each individual , and of the whole community , as comprehending all the individuals . thus we see what the words contain absolutely considered , as they are an assertion . 2. we are to consider them relatively as they are an argument . so the particle , for , shews their relation , and directs us backward , where we shall see what they argue . and we find they are brought in to enforce the duty before enjoyn'd , which is twofold . primary , and more principal . conseqvential , deduced from the former . i. the primary duty is that v. 1. let every soul be subject to the higher powers , or to the powers that are above us . some blame the comparative expression , sublimioribus , higher , for which there is no pretence , from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that only signifies the powers mention'd , to be over us , whether in an higher or lower degree . let them be less or more above us , we are to be subject to them . ii. the subsequent duty is double , 1. that they are not to be resisted . a doctrine which from the terms of the context is capable of being so stated , as neither to be just matter of reproach or scandal to the wise and good , nor of sport and laughter to another sort of men. but that is not my present business . 2. that they are not to be ( unduly ) dreaded , or apprehended as a terrour , i.e. not otherwise , than ( in the design of their appointment ) they are so , viz. to evil works , and the workers of them , not to the good , v. 3. a fear of reverence is indeed due from all to their character , and the dignity of their station : a filial fear , that of children , for they are the fathers of their country ; not a servile , or that of slaves , except from such as are so ; evil doers , who are slaves of the vilest and more ignoble sort ; to their own lusts , that inslave their minds , which might otherwise enjoy the most generous liberty , under the meanest and more oppressive external servitude . the text , according to its immediate reference , is but an amplification of the reason alledg'd , why the magistrate is not to be look'd upon with terrour and affright , by any but such as resolve upon a profligately wicked course of life , not by such as intend only a course of well-doing . for , if thou be such , he is the minister of god to thee for good . his sword is only formidable when it fetches its blow from above , when it is bathed in heaven , as we may borrow the words , isa. 34.5 . when it is weilded according to divine appointment , and god and he concur in the same stroak . when it is otherwise , 't is true that the fallible or unrighteous humane ruler , may for well doing afflict thee , and therein do thee wrong , but he can do thee no hurt , even tho the stroak were mortal , luke 12.4 . for our lord forbids the fear of what is no worse . so said socrates of them that persecuted him to death , they can kill me , but cannot hurt me . who is it that can harm you ( saith a great apostle ) if ye be followers of that which is good , 1 pet. 3.13 . and 't is added , v. 14. if ye suffer for righteousness sake , happy are ye — and hath any man reason to be afraid of being happy ? but tho this be the more immediate reference of these words [ he is the minister of god to thee for good ] and is therefore [ not to be unduly feared , ] they do yet ultimately and more principally respect the grand precept first laid down , of being subject to the powers over us . which is evident , for that upon this very ground , and the intervening considerations , which further illustrate it , this same precept is resumed and prest upon conscience , and a necessity is put upon it , on the same account , viz. that because the magistrate , is the minister of god for good ; and is to be a terror to evil-doers , and hath a sword put into his hands for that purpose , which he is not to bear in vain , but must be the minister of god in this kind , viz. as a revenger , to execute wrath , upon such as do evil . that therefore we must needs be subject , and that not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake . this is therefore the principal relation of these words viz. as an argument to prove that he , the magistrate , is the minister of god to us for good ; that therefore we ought not only not to resist him , when he is doing his duty , nor be afraid of him when we are but doing ours ; but that we also ought to be subject to him ; and that , not only that we may escape wrath , but that we may satisfie conscience . this is therefore the relation , according whereto we shall consider these words , viz. as they are an argument to inforce the required subjection . which subjection that we may the more fully apprehend , 't will be requisite with the more care , to consider the propriety of the word , used to express it . it is a word that carries order , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the bowels of it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v. 1. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v. 4. and with the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it signifies order under another , as of inferiours under superiours . it imports therefore not to be subject only , but subordinate and subservient . and the form wherein it is here used , admitting of its being taken not strictly in the passive sense , but in the middle , whereupon it may be indifferently capable of being render'd actively , viz. not only to be subordinate , but by your own act , and with your own design , subordinate your selves to the magistrate , come into order under him , as he is god's minister invested by him with power for such and such purposes . this without straining , carries the sense yet higher . and whereas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a word of known military import , and signifies the order of an army formed for battle , wherein every one knows his own rank , place and station , 't is as if it were said , take your place , come into rank , that you may , under the commander's conduct , in acie stare , stand in order of battle ; as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 renderd to resist the ruler , is ex adverso in acie stare , to stand in rank , or in battalia against him . you are not only not to resist , but you are to assist , and in your place and station stand by him , whom god hath deputed to be his minister , as he is to promote common good , and be a terrour to them that do evil . this was the just claim and demand of that excellent prince , psal. 94.16 . who will rise up for me against the evil-doers , and stand up for me against the workers of iniquity ? this according to lexicographers of good note , is the import of that word , which we lay such weight upon , and accordingly very valuable expositors understand this place . by this time therefore you may see what place and order these words i pitch'd upon have in the series of the apostles discourse ; and thereupon what aspect they have upon the design for which we are met . pursuant whereto , they admit of being thus summ'd up . that for this reason , and under this notion , as the magistrate is to be a terror to them that do evil , and therein god's minister for good to them over whom he is set . it belongs to every soul , or to all persons under his government , to be each one in his station , and according to his capacity , actively and with their own design , subordinate and subservient to him herein . in speaking to this i shall shew . i. that the magistrate is god's minister , upon the mention'd account . ii. that therefore such duty is incumbent upon all that live under government . the former whereof is a doctrinal proposition ; the other the vse of it . 1. that the magistrate is the minister of god , for the good of them over whom he is set . this we are to consider by parts . that 1. he is god's minister . hereof none can doubt , who doubt or deny not the being of god. his being god's minister signifies his deriving his power from him . who else can be the fountain of power , but he who is the fountain of all being ? 't is true , the governing power hath not been always derived the same way ; but it hath been always from the same fountain . when god was pleased to have a people within a peculiar sort of inclosure , more especially appropriate to himself , he was very particular in signifying his will concerning all material things that concern'd their government . what the form of it should be . what persons should govern ; or in what way the power and right to govern should descend and be convey'd to them . what laws they should be govern'd by . what the methods should be of governing according to those laws . since , it is very evident , much is left to the prudence of men , always to be directed by general rules of equity , and , as these allow , by immediate interpositions of his own providence . i resolve this discourse shall be involv'd in no controversies ; and therefore shall not determine , nor go about to dispute , as to what is so left , how much or how little that may be . but it is plain and indisputable that the governing power he reserves and claims to himself , i. e. not to exercise it himself , immediately , in a political way , but to communicate and transmit it to them that shall . so that in what way soever it is deriv'd to this or that person , or under whatsoever form , the conferring of it he makes his own act , as we find it said to nebuchadnezzar , dan. 2.37 . the god of heaven hath given thee a kingdom . and he is told , c. 4.32 . the most high ruleth in the kingdoms of men , and giveth them to whomsoever he will. and so much you see is in this context asserted to him over and over . two things are plain in this matter . that it is the mind of god there should be such a thing as magistracy and government in this world. and again , that men shall be governed by men ; by some of other of themselves ; who shall be , as the text speaks , god's ministers . as he is the original of the governing power , the administration shall be in them . and of the mind of god in both these there is sufficient indication by the very law of nature . how is it conceivable such sentiments should be so common , if they were not from a common cause ? he seems to me to have determin'd well if it be considered in what way the course of nature is now continued , and by whom all things consist , that makes the governing power to be from god , as the author of nature . and that tho government as it is such and such be juris humani , it is juris divini , absolutely consider'd , or as it is government . it was most apparently a thing worthy of god , when he peopled this world with such a sort of creatures as man , to provide for the maintaining of common order among them , who without government were but a turba , a colluvies , as a noted heathen speaks on a different account , a rout of men. had man continued in unstained innocency , 't is concluded on all hands there must have been a government among them , i. e. not punitive or coercive for which there could have been no occasion , but directive , and conservative of superiority and inferiority , as it is also even among the angels of heaven , where are no inordinate dispositions to be represt . much more is government in the severer parts of it , necessary for lapsed man on earth ; the making of restrictive laws , and governing by them . and , that god should design the governing of men by men , was also most agreeable to the perfections of his nature , especially his wisdom and his goodness , considered in comparison to the imperfection of this our present state. when the government over israel was a theocracy , god used the ministry of men in the management of it . that it should be his ordinary stated course to govern by voices or visions , or by frightful appearances such as those on mount sinai , had been very little suitable to this our state of probation ; as his accurate wisdom we find hath determin'd . and was less agreeable to his benignity and goodness , which would not amazingly terrifie , where he design'd more gently to admonish and instruct . hence had he regard to their frailty who so passionately supplicated , let not god speak to us lest we die . and this his compassionate goodness we are led to consider , being next to treat of the end of this his constitution , viz. 2. that the magistrate is god's minister to men for their good. next to the sweet airs and breathings of the gospel it self , where have we a kinder or more significant discovery of god's good will to men ! here we are to stay and wonder , not to assent only but admire ! to behold the world in a revolt ! the dwellers on earth in arms against heaven ! and the counsels that are taken above are how to do them good ! how god-like is this ! how suitable to magnificent goodness ! or beneficent greatness ! being secure from hurt by their impotent attempts ; and when revenge was so easie ; to study not only not to harm them ; nor also how they might less harm and mischief themselves , but how to do them good ! this was every way great , and most suitable to the greatness of god , wherein it falls into conjunction with so immense and absolute goodness as doth beyond what any created mind would ask or think . this imports not implacableness , or destructive design towards the generality of mankind , but great benignity even to every soul in as full extent as the command runs to be subject to the higher powers . this is we find another medium by which god testifies , or leaves not himself without witness , besides what we have elsewhere , that he gives men rain from heaven and fruitful seasons . the most compassionate eye of god beholds men under the power of vicious inclination , bent upon destructive ways ; whereas by the course of nature , which he hath fix't , he should give them ordinarily competent time , as he hath given them breath and being and all things , acts 17. that they might seek after him and labour to feel and find him out ; they live in a contemptuous neglect of him , and are cruel to themselves , oft shorten their own time , live too fast , and make too much haste to dig their own graves , and turn their habitation into a charnel-house ; yea even bury themselves alive in stupifying sensuality and vice , he though provok't hastens not their destruction more , by sudden revenge . he animadverts not upon them by flames , and thunderbolts , nor amazes them by astonishing appeaances . his terrors make them not afraid . he only cloths some from among themselves with his authority , who shall appear on the stage with them , as gods among men , resembling themselves in humane nature , and god in power , as they should in other godlike excellencies ; if men would so far co-operate towards their own welfare as they ought ; that by such gentler methods some stop might be put to the stream , and flood of miseries wherewith otherwise unrestrained wickedness is continually ready to deluge the world. the magistrate is herein an instrument of good , and of wrath at once . these two things disagree not , to be a minister for good , and to execute wrath. this latter is said in conformity to vulgar apprehension . because when men afflict one another , 't is usually the effect of wrath , when a fixt , though most sedate and calm resolution to punish , hath the same effect , this most different cause is call'd by the same name . in this allusion is wrath ascrib'd to god , the most serene and dispassionate of all beings . and hence , they who represent him among men in authority , ought in this respect to be god-like too . magistratus non debet irasci . judges ( as cicero most aptly speaks ) ought to be legum similes , like the laws themselves , which are moved by no passion , are angry with no man , but keep one steady tenor , so as neither to despite an enemy , nor indulge a friend . to this temper it well agrees , to design good ( as in lancing a tumor ) where one does a present hurt . two ways may punishment be a proper and apt , tho it be not always an effectual means of doing good . 1. as it may work the good of the offenders themselves . to which it hath in it self , a tendency , if the disease be not so strong and stubborn as to defie the remedy . as it puts them upon reflecting , and should awaken in them their considering power . as in the matter of treason against a rightful power , deliberasse est descivisse , to deliberate whether to be loyal , or no , is to revolt . so it is in the just and glorious rupture that is to be made of the bonds of vice , whereby men are held as slaves under the vsurped power of the devils kingdom . if once they come duly to consider , they will disdain so vile a servitude . when they meet with a check in their way , it may occasion them to check themselves , and consider their ways . no external means do any good to the minds of men otherwise than as they themselves are engag'd , drawn in and made parties , in some sense , against , but ( as we are compounded , in an higher and nobler sense ) for our selves . this comes in , as one , among external means of that kind , as do give some present vneasiness , but in order to after advantage . it afflicts 't is true , and no affliction is , for the present joyous , but grievous , but yields afterwards , a peaceable fruit. when the magistrates power is call'd a sword , it signifies its business is to wound ; but as wounds are generally painful , some are sanative , healing wounds , and so are these designed , and apt to be . they vex a while , but vexatio dat intellectum . it rouzes the understanding , and is most apt to do so to good purpose , in plain and undisputed cases ; and where there is no pretence for conscience in the cause one suffers for . where indeed a formed and fixed judgment of conscience , once hath place , for the practice which exposes a man to suffering , mulcts , and prisons , gibbets , and faggots , are very improper means of illumination ; or of publick vtility , if the civil peace , and the substance of religion be not hurt by such practice . and the sincerity of that conscience is much to be suspected , that is ever altered by such methods . but no man will pretend it is against his conscience , not to be drunk , not to debauch , or to be sober , chaste and vertuous . therefore a man's way lies open to that consideration which is most immediately to influence his practice , to correct a lewd , and begin a regular good course . he needs not be detain'd with any subtle disputes , or be put to solve perplext doubts , or answer specious arguments and objections . it is obvious to him to bethink himself , what a strange sort of anomalous creature am i become ; whom the law of mine own nature remonstrates against ? how degenerate a thing ! that have forsaken my own noble order of intelligent creatures , to herd with brutes ! that have made my self unfit for humane society , otherwise than as one that must bear a mark , wear a disgraceful scar from the wound of a sword , not that of a publick enemy , or my own , but a sword drawn in defence of the sacred rights of god , and to vindicate the honour of mankind ! and hereupon , if the crime be not capital , with the concurrent use of other appointed means , and the blessing of god upon all ( from whence only the good issue can be hoped for ) may a vicious person be so reclaimed , as to become of great use in the world. yea , and if the crime be capital , such as that the criminal survives not the punishment , but the sword of justice must cut him off from the land of the living ; our charity will not let us doubt but there have been instances wherein a prison and arraignment , and the sentence of death have been the blest effectual means to the offendors , of their escaping the more terrible sentence , and of obtaining eternal life . but however , tho the ministry of civil justice doth often fail of its most desirable effects , as to the particular persons that suffer it ( as even the ministration of the gospel of grace proves also ineffectual to many . ) yet 2. it is not only apt , but effectual to do much good to others , and generally to the community . punishment is justly said to be in its proper design medicinal to the delinquents : yet not always in the event * . but the common good , it may serve , when contumacious offendors perish under the deserved infliction of it . this was the thing design'd by the righteous judge of all the earth , when he gave so particular directions how to punish offendors in such and such kinds , that others might hear and fear and do no more so wickedly . and in all equal government , 't is the design of poenal laws that the terror might reach to all , the punishment it self , but to a few . and when the utmost endeavours that can be used , shall have had that happy success to reduce a vast number of offenders to a paucity , we should rejoyce to see that there needed to be but few examples made in such kinds . in the mean time , where this sword of the lord , in the hands of his ministers of justice , is unsheathed , and used according to the exigency of the case , it is an apt and likely means to have an happy effect for the good of the community , both as it may put a stop to the prevailing wickedness of men , and may avert from a nation the provoked wrath of god. 1. as it may give some check to the daringness and triumph of vnrebuked wickedness , which indeed , naturally carries in it a pusillanimous meanness , and a vile abjection of mind , so as no where to insult , but where it meets , in those who should oppose it , a timorous fainting and succumbency . it so far resembles the devil , whose off-spring it is , that being resisted it flees . when men find that while they dare to affront the universal ruler , and offer indignities to his throne ; there are those , that , cloathed with his authority , and bearing his character , dare to vindicate the injury : when they feel the smart and cost of open wickedness , it will , no doubt , become at least , less open , and seek closer corners . they will not long hold up the head , in so hopeless and deplorate a cause , that can afford them no support , no relief to their abject sinking spirits , in suffering for it . what encouraging testimony of conscience can they have , that not only act from no direction of conscience , but in defiance of it ? what god can they hope , will reward their sufferings which they incur by highest contempt of god ? and if such gross immoralities be somewhat generally redrest , as more directly fall under the magistrates animadversion , how great a common good must it infer , inasmuch as those evils , in their own nature , tend to the detriment , decay , and ruine of a people where they prevail ? they darken the glory of a nation which how great a lustre hath it cast abroad in the world , from the romans and spartans , and other civilized people ! when their sumptuary , and other laws , were strictly observed , that represt undue excesses ; and when temperance , frugality , industry , justice , fidelity , and consequently fortitude and all other vertues excell'd , and were conspicuous among them . it were a great thing we should have to transmit to posterity , might we see england recover its former , or arrive to the further glory which it is to be hoped it may acquire in these kinds ! yea and the vices which are endeavoured to be redrest , are such as not only prejudice the reputation , but the real welfare of any nation . profane swearing tends gradually to take away the reverence of an oath ; which , where it is lost , what becomes of humane society ? and more sensual vices , tend to make us an effeminate mean-spirited , a desident , lazy , slothful , unhealthful people , useless to the glorious prince , and excellent government we live under , neither fit to endure the hardships , or encounter the hazards of war , nor apply our selves to the business , or undergo the labours that belong to a state of peace , and do consequently tend to infer upon us a deplorable , but unpitied poverty ; and ( which all will pretend to abhor ) slavery at length . for they are most unfit for an ingenuous , free sort of government , or to be otherwise governed than as slaves or brutes ; who have learnt nothing of self-government , and are at the next step of being slaves to other men , who have first made themselves slaves to their own vitious inclinations . thus are such liable to all sorts of temporal calamities and miseries in this world. besides , what is of so far more tremendous import , that the same vile and stupifying lusts , tend to infer an utter indisposition to comport with , or attend to the glorious gospel of the blessed god , and so to ruine mens hopes for the other world , and make their case unconceivably worse , in the judgment of the great day , than theirs of tyre or sidon , sodom , or gomorrha . but how much may a just , prudent , well-tempered vigilancy and severity do , towards the prevention of all this ? and so much the more , by how much publick animadversions , shall render the things men incur punishment for , not only in common estimate , vnrighteous , but ignominious things . that principle of shame in the nature of man , if by proper applications it were endeavoured to be wrought upon , would contribute more to the reforming a vitious world , than most other methods that have ever been tried to that purpose . 't is a tender passion , of quick , and most acute sense . things that are thought opprobrious , have so sensible a pungency with them , that ( tho all tempers are not herein alike ) many that can feel little else , reckon a disgrace , an unsufferable thing . and i little doubt but if punishments for grosser vices , were more attempered to this principle , they would have much more effect . this hath been too much apprehended by the vsurping god of this world. this engine he hath made it his business to turn , and manage to the contrary purpose , to drive or keep serious religion out of the world , yea to make men asham'd of being sober , temperate and regular in their conversation , lest they should also be thought religious , and to have any thing of the fear of god in them , and make them debauch , to save their reputation . a plain document to such as covet to see a reformation of manners in our days , what course ought to be endeavoured in order thereto . a great apprehension to this purpose that noble pagan seems to have had , who enquiring whence legislation had its rise , from some man or from god ; and determining from god , if we will give the most righteous judgment that can be given ; doth elsewhere write to this effect , that jupiter pitying the miseries of men , by their indulgence to vice , lest mankind should utterly perish , sent mercury to implant in them , together with justice , shame as the most effectual means to prevent the total ruine of the world. and so inseparable is the connexion between being wicked and being miserable , that whatsoever molestation and uneasiness tends to extinguish dispositions to wickedness , ought to be reckoned given with very merciful intentions . it is no improbable discourse which an ingenious modern writer , * hath to this purpose , ( for i pretend not to give his words , not having the book now at hand ) that tho the drowning of the world was great severity to them who did then inhabit it , yet it was an act of mercy to mankind . for hereby ( he reckon'd ) the former more luxuriant fertility of the earth , was so far reduc'd and check'd , as not , so spontaneously , to afford nutriment to vice ; that men in after time , must hereby be more constrain'd to labour and industry , and made more considerate , and capable of serious thoughts ; and that when also they should find their time by this change of the state of the world naturally contracted within narrower limits , they would be more awakened to consider and mind any overtures , should be , in following time , made to them in order to their attaining a better state in another world ; and consequently the more susceptible of the gospel , in the proper season thereof . if god were severe with so merciful intentions , what lies within the compass of these ministers of his justice , appointed for common good , ought certainly to be endeavoured ; in imitation of him , whom they represent . 2. the administration of punitive justice , when the occasion requires it , tends also to the common good , as it may contribute towards the appeasing of god's anger against a sinful people , and the turning it away from them . what may be collected from that noble instance of phinehas's heroical zeal , upon which a raging plague was stay'd , compar'd with the effect which ahab's humiliation , and nineveh's repentance had in averting temporal judgments , would signifie not a little to this purpose . but i must pass to the second head of discourse proposed , viz. to argue and enforce from hence the duty incumbent upon all , under government , as their several stations and capacities can admit , to be , in due subordination , assisting and serviceable to the magistrate , as in executing punitive justice , he is the minister of god for good . and this ( as hath been said ) is to be the vse of the former part of the discourse , which will answer the design of the apostles discourse , and agree to the natural order of the things discoursed in this context . for [ the magistrate is the minister of god for good , to us ] is a doctrine . and [ let every soul be subject or subordinate to him , accordingly ] an exhortation which was at first propos'd , and is afterward resumed and prest , v. 5. as of absolute necessity from that doctrine . wherefore 't is necessary that we be , or we must needs be subject . there is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 put upon it , a cogent ineluctable necessity , arising even from hence , viz. from this doctrinal assertion as it is propos'd , and as it is afterward applied to this purpose , we are not to be dispens'd with in the case , but we must every one do our parts , in subordination to the magistrate , and that not only for wrath , but for conscience sake . we shall therefore shew , i. what duty we who are in private capacities are exhorted to . ii. shew the strength of the apostles argument , as it is propos'd in the text , and amplify'd in what follows , to engage us to that duty . first , for the duty we are exhorted to , that we may understand what it is , i shall only premise some few plain things , and then leave it to your selves to judge , and conclude what it is , and cannot but be . 1. it is plain , private persons are not to do the magistrates part , are not to invade his office , or usurp his authority , they are to act but in subordination to him , as their charge given them plainly imports . 2. they are not only not to oppose him . as the former would be too much , this would be too little . the arguments us'd to enforce it , import much more . what because he is the minister of god for good , and to me , am i therefore only not to oppose him ? can it be thought there should be such an apparatus of argument , to draw from it so faint and dilute an inference ? ought not every man so far to reverence god's authority as to endeavour it may not lose its design ? and ought not every man to co-operate to a common good , wherein each man claims a part ? 3. it is not only to save my self from punishment , by not doing the evil which would expose me to the stroke of the sword. for my duty , i am to do , not only for wrath , but for conscience sake , which plainly respects god and his authority and interest , which i am to obey and serve . and i am to endeavour not only that he may not be a terrour to me , as an evil-doer , but that he may be a terror to them that are such . 4. somewhat positive is manifestly carried in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to subject or subordinate my self to him , under this very notion , as the minister of god for good . is this doing nothing ? he is plainly said to be the minister of god for good , under this special notion , as he is the administrator of punitive justice , viz. as he bears the sword , and is to be a terrour to evil-doers . i am so to subordinate my self , as that herein he may effectually serve the end of his office , and not bear the sword in vain . now upon all this , judge you your selves what is it that is left to be my duty in a private capacity , that is less than the magistrates part ; more than the mentioned negatives , and yet so much , as whereby i am to take care to my uttermost , that he may do good in his office of punishing wickedness ? so as that his doing his duty must some way depend upon my doing mine , and be the effect of it , or of theirs who are in like circumstances , and so but under the same common obligation with me , so that ordinarily his duty cannot be done , without any care or concern of theirs or mine . what , i say , can it be less than to bring punishable matters under his cognisance ? otherwise , if no obligation lie upon private persons , to this purpose , he will only be to punish such wickedness as he beholds with his own eyes . and then how narrow will his precinct be ? what multitudes of magistrates must there then be ? and what a monster thereupon would the body politick become ! but here if any man ask me the question ( because what is to be done herein is to be done for conscience sake ) am i bound in conscience to discover to a magistrate all the evil that i know by any man that is justly punishable by law ? to this i shall only at present say , that cases of conscience can only be with judgment resolv'd in hypothesi , and with application to this or that person , when material circumstances , relating thereto , are distinctly known . i must have clear grounds if i will conceal such a man 's punishable fault , upon which i may judge , that more good is likely to be done to his soul , that the honour of god and the publick good , will be more served by the concealment , than by the discovery , and the government not hurt , or endangered . but if the crime be such as is national , and imports contempt of god and his laws , and in reference whereto , the offender expresses more shame of the punishment than of the fault , and i will yet , upon private respects , to him or my self , conceal it , i shall herein while i pretend conscience in the case , cheat my conscience and not satisfie it . and i add in reference to this case . let any man that would exempt his conscience from any sense of obligation to endeavour the punishment of offenders in the mention'd kinds , take great care he do not ground his concealment upon other , than very peculiar grounds , or not common to him , with any other man in a like case . is it because such a one is my friend ? or he may bear me a grudge ? or i may lose his custom , & c ? these are things so common , that guiding my self by such measures , is both to overthrow magistracy and conscience too . upon the whole , therefore , what is ordinarily a private man's duty in such cases , is sufficiently evident . therefore , secondly , let us see the force of the apostles arguings to engage us to it . 1. that the magistrate , as he is the dispenser of punitive justice , is god's minister . 't is the authority of god , that he is invested with . he hears a sword , which god hath put into his hand . is that authority to be eluded , and made to signifie nothing ? is that sword to be born in vain ? what an awe should this lay upon our spirits ? it is therefore to be serv'd for conscience sake , which hath principal reference to god. we need not here dispute whether humane laws bind conscience . no doubt they do , when they have an antecedent reason or goodness . if men command what god forbids , the apostles make their appeal to enemies as judges whom they were to obey . he is the minister of god for good , not for hurt , or for no good . 't is a perverting of god's authority , to do mischief by the pretence of it , a debasing it , to trifle with it . but the question is out of doors , when humane laws are but subsidiary to divine , and enjoyn the same thing . and as that celebrated saying of st. austin is applied by him to the former case of a supposed contradiction of the proconsuls command to the emperor 's for disobeying the inferiour , 't is equally applicable , as fortifying the obligation , to obey both , when they are co-incident . and this consideration can be insignificant with none but such as say in their hearts , there is no god , that think this world hath no vniversal sovereign ruler , or no lord over it ; and it might as well be supposed to have no intelligent maker , to have become what it is by chance . an imagination which the most vicious that make any use of thoughts , begin to be asham'd of , and have therefore thought fit to quit the absurd name of atheist , for the more accountable , as well as more convenient name of deist . but then it 's strange , they should not see the consequence from maker to ruler , and from god's having made this world , to its being under his present government , and liable to his future judgment . or that , from any just apprehension of the nature of god , they should not collect so much of the nature of their own souls , as to judge them capable of subsisting out of these bodies , and in another world , and consequently , of their being liable to a future judgment , for what they have been , and done in this ! or that a being of so much wisdom and goodness in conjunction with power , as to have made such a world as this , and such a creature as man in it , should not have made him for nobler ends than are attainable in this world ! if any of themselves had power enough to make such another sort of creature , and furnish him with faculties capable of such acquisitions and attainments only to fetch a few turns in the world , and form plots and projects in it , that must , with himself , shortly come to nothing ; they would have little cause to boast of the performance : they would have cause to be asham'd of it . to use so unconceivable a power , only to play tricks , that neither themselves , nor any one else should ever be the better for ! and tho they might , hereby , a while amuse the world , they would gain little reputation of wisdom , or goodness above other men , by being the authors of so useless a design , that would at length appear to have nothing of design in it . for finally it terminates in mere nothing . but the great god hath not left himself without witness . the illustrious characters of his godhead shine every where . he doth insist upon , and will assert his rights in this lower world. 't is a part of his creation , tho a meaner part . he rules in the kingdoms of men , and he that rules will judge . the jests and laughter of fools , will not overturn his throne . they that have taught themselves to turn his laws , and the whole frame of his government over the world into ridicule ; because 't is to be hoped they do not use to laugh always , should be advised by a wise and great man , in his time , then to judge of their jest , when they have done laughing , sometime they will have done . and should consider that he , to whom it belongs , will judge over their heads as he will over us all . and if his throne and government are as insolently as they are vainly attempted against by many , and the most connive , we shall all be taken for a combination of rebels against our rightful lord. it will be an heavy addition , to be partakers of other mens sins , when every one hath more than enough of his own . let me ask , would you not dread to be found guilty of misprision of treason against the government under which we live ? why doth the fear of the great god ? and the dread of being found accomplices against him , signifie less with us ? and what means it , that the charge of punishing great offenders is given to the community thou , every individual , as in the text , thee , all the individuals making up the community ? thou shalt not suffer a witch to live , exod. 22.18 . and so for the idolater , thou shalt bring forth that man or woman , and stone him — deut. 13.13 , 14. chap. 17.2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. is it that all the people were magistrates ? no , but that it was not to be supposed , that so horrid impieties could long escape unpunish'd , but by the peoples , as well as the magistrates , neglect , upon which all would be taken as conspirators against the great lord of all . 2. take the other part of the argument , that the magistrate is god's minister [ for good to us . ] is it enough for us not to hinder ? are we not all oblig'd in our stations to promote our own , our neighbours , and the common good ? our own , as we keep our selves from being accessaries . our neighbours , offending , as we contribute our endeavour , that they may be less wicked , and ( which we should further design ) that they may become good . our unoffending neighbours : for if grosser wickedness rule without controul , who that are pious , sober , and vertuous can long live , in peace , by such ill neighbours : we are for this directed to pray 1 tim. 2.1 , 2. for rulers , even all that are in authority , that we may live peaceable and quiet lives in all godliness and honesty . and what we are to pray for , we do that ludicrously , if we endeavour it not too . besides that the untainted , as yet , are liable to worse hurt , by the contagion of their example . and the common good is many ways to be serv'd , as hath been shewn . how laudable an excellency among noble-minded pagans was love to their country ! and even in this way to serve the common good was reckon'd by them a praise-worthy thing . he ( saith one of them ) that doth no harm is honourable , but he is worthy of double honour that prevents it . and he that assists the magistrate in punishing it , is most honourable , and far excels all his other citizens . so far were they from thinking it an ignominious thing , to bring offenders to punishment , and especially for impieties , or whatsoever signified a contempt of religion . such regard they had to the honour of their gods , who were no gods. shall we reckon the true and living god to deserve from us , less regard to his violated honour ? the common good , which in this way we are to promote , is so common , as all good men can , without scruple , concur in the design . and blessed be god , they so generally do so . we have the greatest encouragement hereto by considering the immediate fountain of the magistrates power and office , our glorious and ever blessed redeemer and lord , to whom all power is given in heaven and earth , by whom kings reign , who is head of all things to the church , and through whom , the divine goodness flows towards a lost world. this infers an obligation upon all that bear the christian name , to serve the proper ends of this branch of his power , as they have , in general , to acknowledge him for lord and christ. they who , therefore , make it their business to promote this design do not , herein , serve the interest of a party , but the interest of the vniversal ruler , of our blessed redeemer , and of mankind . and they who are agreed , with sincere minds , upon so great and important an end , as the serving this most comprehensive interest , are agreed in a greater thing than they can differ in . to differ about a ceremony or two , or a set of words , is but a triffle , compar'd with being agreed in absolute devotedness to god , and christ , and in a design , as far as in them lies , of doing good to all . an agreement in substantial godliness and christianity , in humility , meekness , self-denial , in singleness of heart , benignity , charity , entire love to sincere christians , as such , in universal love to mankind , and in a design of doing all the good we can in the world , notwithstanding such go under different denominations , and do differ in so minute things , is the most valuable agreement that can be among christians . they that are thus agreed , are more one , and do less differ in the temper and complexion of their minds , from one another , than they who are never so much agreed in being for or against this or that external form , or mode of religion ; but are full of envy , wrath , malice , bitterness , falshood , do differ from them all , and from all good men. and i doubt not , when god's time comes of favouring zion , we shall have churches constituted by congregating what is of one kind , such as ( for the main ) are of one mind , spirit , character , and temper , and severing whatsoever is of a different kind , and quite alien hereto . and cease to have them constituted by what is unnecessary , much less by what is inconsistent with their very being . pride , ambition , vain glory , and a terrene spirit , with carnal self-design , will not always prevent this . heaven will grow too big for this earth ! and the powers of the world to come , for those of this present evil world. in the mean time let us draw as near one another as we can . and particularly unite in the most vigorous endeavour of carrying on this excellent design , which is now before us . and let it be with a temper of mind , agreeing with god's kind design towards men , in appointing the magistrate to be his minister to them , i. e. for the doing them good . let it be with minds , full of all goodness , in conformity to the original first good , from whom , as such , this constitution proceeds . despond not , as apprehending the stream is too strong , and there is no good to be done . that is to yield the day to victorious wickedness . it is to give vice the legislature , to let it be the law of the age , and govern the world : and it is to give up our selves and our nation , to perish , as a lost people . let us not be lost , before we are lost . much good hath been done in this kind heretofore . there was a time when ( at antioch ) the severity of the magistrate was much regretted in the reign of that great prince theodosius , and upon an ill occasion , the contemptuous subversion of his statues . this cost chrysostom divers orations or sermons to the people while yet presbyter there . in one whereof he asks them , what hurt had the terror of the magistrate done them ? it hath shaken off our sloth , made us more honest , diligent , industrious . he had told them above , and tells them after , they ought to give god thanks for it , that now there was not one drunken person , or one that sang lascivious songs to be seen . their city was become as a chaste matron , where great wantonness before did generally appear . your exp●●ience hath told you , much hath been do●● . you are still getting ground . god hath , we are to hope , effectually engag'd the government in this blessed design . in subordination thereto , go on with alacrity . let me finally set before your eyes , the instructive practice of that excellent prince jehosaphat , in a like case , 2 chron. 19. when he was bringing back the people to the lord god of their fathers , v. 4. and had set judges in the land , warning them to take heed as being to judge not for men , but for the lord , v. 6. which shew'd they were not mere matters of meum and tuum only , they were to judge in , but matters immediately relating to the interest and honour of god , for he distinguishes the judgment of the lord , and controversies , v. 8. he charges all to whom he spake , as they were severally concerned ( and they were not concerned all alike ) to do their work , v. 9. in the fear of the lord faithfully , and with a perfect heart ; and concludes as i do , with these words , v. 11. deal couragiously ; and the lord shall be with the good . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a44696-e180 suar. de leg. lib. 3. c. 3 , 4. * aquin. sum. 1 , 2 dae . q. 87. plato . de leg. lib. 1. in protag . * dr. woodward's essay . ld. verulam's instaur . mag. plat. de leg. lib. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hom. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a general bill of all the christnings and burials, from the 17. of december, 1678 to the 16. of december, 1679 according to the report made to the kings most excellent majesty, by the company of parishclerks of london, &c. worshipful company of parish clerks. 1679 approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42601 wing g492 estc r42047 23292135 ocm 23292135 109530 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42601) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109530) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1701:10) a general bill of all the christnings and burials, from the 17. of december, 1678 to the 16. of december, 1679 according to the report made to the kings most excellent majesty, by the company of parishclerks of london, &c. worshipful company of parish clerks. 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1679] place and date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher 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elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -statistics, vital. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense a general bill of all the christnings and burials , from the 17. of december , 1678. to the 16. of december , 1679. according to the report made to the kings most excellent majesty : by the company of parish-clerks of london , &c. blazon or coat of arms of city of london   buri . pl. s t alban woodstreet 30   alhallows barkin 118   alhallows breadstreet 26   alhallows great 54   alhallows honilane     alhallows less 15   alhallows lumbardstreet 20   alhallows staining 36   allhallows the wall 70   s t alphage 48   s t andrew hubbard 15   s t andrew undershaft 56   s t andrew wardrobe 63   s t ann aldersgate 39   s t ann blackfriers 106   s t antholins parish 11   s t austins parish 15   s t bartholom . exchange 29   s t bennet fynck 18   s t bennet gracechurch 18   s t bennet paulswharf 49   s t bennet sherehog 1   s t botolph billingsgate 15   christs church 113   s t christophers 14   s t clement eastcheap 11   s t dionis backchurch 39   s t dunstans east 92   s t edmund lumbardstr . 37   s t ethelborough 26   s t faiths 43   s t gabriel fenchurch 12   s t george botolphlane 15   s t gregories by s t pauls 80   s t hellen 30   s t james dukes place 20   s t james garlickhithe 40   s t john baptist 19   s t john evangelist 4   s t john zachary 16   s t katharine coleman 51   s t katharine creechurch 78   s t laurence jewry 60   s t laurence pountney 26   s t leonard eastcheap 18   s t leonard fosterlane 46   s t magnus parish 39   s t margaret lothbury 43   s t margaret moses 5   s t margaret newfishstr .     s t margaret pattons 13   s t mary abchurch 25   s t mary aldermanbury 33   s t mary aldermary 37   s t mary le bow 25   s t mary bothaw 2   s t mary colechurch 3   s t mary hill 18   s t mary magd. milkstreet     s t mary magd. oldfishstr . 25   s t mary mounthaw 11   s t mary summerset 37   s t mary stainings 13   s t mary woolchurch 3   s t mary woolnoth 29   s t martins ironmongerl . 13   s t martins ludgate 36   s t martins orgars 32   s t martins outwich 19   s t martins vintrey 61   s t matthew fridaystreet 15   s t michael bassishaw 36   s t michael cornhil 34   s t micha●● crookedlane 42   s t micha●● queenhith 51   s t micha●● quern 24   s t micha●● royal 17   s t micha●● woodstreet 17   s t mildr●d breadstreet 24   s t mildr●d poultrey 40   s t nicho●as acons 9   s t nicho●as coleabby 27   s t nicho●as olaves 11   s t olave ●artstreet 64   s t olave jewry 16   s t olave silverstreet 33   s t pancr●s soperlane ●4   s t peter cheap 6   s t peter cornhil 33   s t peter pa●lswharf 9   s t peter poor 32   s t steven colemanstreet 126   s t steven walbrook 29   s t swithin 32   s t thomas apostle 21   trinity par●sh     s t vedast dias fosters 48   christned in the 97 parishes within the walls 1876 buried 3074 plague 0 s t andrew holborn 937   s t bartholomew great 89   s t bartholomew less 25   s t bridget 413   bridewel precinct 23   s t botolph aldersgate 245   s t botolph aldgate 681   s t botolph bishopsgate 465   s t dunstan west 341   s t george southwark 375   s t giles cripplegate 1466   s t olave southwark 954   s t saviour southwark 614   s t sepulchr●s parish 727   s t thomas southwark 105   trinity minories 21   at the pesthouse     christned in the 16 parishes without the walls 4023 buried 7481 plague 0 christs church 159   s t john at hackney 88   s t giles in the fields 1245   s t james clerkenwel 416   s t kathar . near the tower 181   lambeth parish 337   s t leonard shoreditch 423   s t magdalen bermondsey 598   s t mary islington 132   s t mary newington 199   s t mary whitechappel 924   s t paul shadwel 475   rotherhith parish 197 2 stepney parish 1749   christned in the 14 out-parishes in middlesex and surrey 3769 buried 7123 plague 2 s t clement danes 621   s t paul covent garden 177   s t martins in the fields 2147   s t mary savoy 103   s t margaret westminster 1004   whereof at th● pesthouse     christned in the 5 parishes in the city and liberties of westminster 2620 buried 4052 plague 0 the diseases and casualties this year . abortive and stilborn 66● aged and bedridden 1141 ague and feaver 2763 apoplexy and suddenly 103 bleeding 2 bloodyflux , scowring & flux 61 burnt and scalded 13 bursten and rupture 35 calenture 2 cancer 52 canker and thrush 91 childbed 300 chrisomes and infants 274 cold , cough and chincough 11 colick and wind 133 consumption and tissick 3675 convulsion 2837 distracted and lunatick 12 dropsie and tympany 252 drowned 69 evil 67 executed ●0 falling sickness 2 flox and small pox 1967 found dead in the streets , &c. 5 french pox 104 frighted 1 gangrene and fistula 40 gout and sciatica 24 grief 14 griping in the guts 2996 hang'd and made away themselves 19 headmoldshot 7 jaundies 67 imposthume 99 kild by several accidents 74 leprosie 1 lethargy 49 livergrown 20 measles 117 megrim 3 murthered 14 overlaid 100 palsie 26 plague 2 plannet 4 plurisie 16 poisoned 4 quinsie 17 rickets 394 rising of the lights 116 st. anthony's fire 3 scurvy 47 shot 2 smothered 1 sores , ulcers , &c. 50 spleen 8 spotted feaver and purples 160 stone and cut of the stone 68 stopping in the stomach 327 strangury 5 surfeit 466 teeth 1034 vomiting 27 worms 38 christned males 6247 females 6041 in all 12288 buried males 11154 females 10576 in all 21730 plague 2 increased in the burials this year 1052 decreased in the plague this year 3 an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament concerning the election of common-councel men, and other officers in the city of london. die mercurii 20. decemb. 1648. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83034 of text r211106 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[59]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83034 wing e1820 thomason 669.f.13[59] estc r211106 99869843 99869843 162955 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83034) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162955) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[59]) an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament concerning the election of common-councel men, and other officers in the city of london. die mercurii 20. decemb. 1648. england and wales. parliament. reynardson, abraham, sir, 1590-1661. city of london (england). lord mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, [london] : [1648] place of publication and imprint date from wing. besides the ordinance of 18 december, it is also ordered that no person who took the engagement for a personal treaty is to be elected to any office -cf. steele. includes an order from the mayor (also dated 20 december 1648) requiring the publishing of this ordinance, together with the one dated december 18 'of this instant moneth at your elections' (wing (2nd. ed. 1994) e1955). ordinance of 18 december signed: jo. brown cleric. parliamentorum. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. london (england) -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. a83034 r211106 (thomason 669.f.13[59]). civilwar no an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament, concerning the election of common-councel men, and other officers in the city england and wales. parliament. 1648 292 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament , concerning the election of common-councel men , and other officers in the city of london . die mercurii 20. decemb. 1648. whereas there is an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament , bearing date the 18 of december , 1648. for the choosing of common-councel-men , and other officers within the city of london and liberties thereof for the yeare ensuing . the said lords and commons do further declare and ordaine , and bee it hereby ordained by the said lords and commons , that no person whatsoever that subscribed , promoted , or abetted , any engagement in the yeare 1648. relating to a personall treaty with the king at london , shall be elected , chosen , or put into any of the offices , or places expressed in the aforesaid ordinance under the penalty contained in the same , upon the other excepted persons , and to bee levyed according to the provision of the said ordinance , and the lord major for the time being is hereby required that this ordinance with the other bee published at all elections , and strictly and punctually observed according to the true intent and meaning hereof . jo. brown cleric . parliamentorum . by the major . these are to require you to publish this ordinance with the other . dated the 18. of this instant moneth at your elections , and that the same be strictly and punctually observed according to the true intent and meaning of the same , this 20. day of december , 1648. michel . to the alderman or deputy of the ward of printed by richard cotes , by the major for as much as the gathering together of persons old and young ... on the lord's day ... when they should be exercised publicly or privately in the duties of religion ... city of london (england). this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a49056 of text r39654 in the english short title catalog (wing l2883b). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a49056 wing l2883b estc r39654 18460929 ocm 18460929 107738 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49056) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107738) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:11) by the major for as much as the gathering together of persons old and young ... on the lord's day ... when they should be exercised publicly or privately in the duties of religion ... city of london (england). 1 broadside. printed by richard cotes ..., [london] : 1649. second part of title taken from first eight lines of text. "dated at london, the 14th aprill, 1649." order for better observance of lord's day. place of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. eng sabbath legislation -england. great britain -religion -17th century. london (england) -history -17th century. a49056 r39654 (wing l2883b). civilwar no by the major for as much as the gathering together of persons old and young ... on the lord's day ... when they should be exercised publicly corporation of london 1649 328 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the major . for as much as the gathering together of persons old and young , upon the exchange , and into the fields for sports and recreations , into victualling-houses , and taverns upon the lords-day , and fast-days ; mispending their time there , when they should be exercised publickly or privately in the duties of religion . and for as much as the setting open of shops , and selling of vvine , beer , ale , flesh , fish , fruit , and other victual upon those days , and receiving and entertaining of persons upon those days to drink and tiple , tend very much to the dishonor of god , the encrease and spreading of prophanenesse , the scandall of godly and religious men , and the government of this city . the right honorable the lord maior therefore doth require all persons of what nation or quality soever , to forbear to walk or gather together upon the exchange , or into the fields , for sports and recreations ; or into victualling-houses , or taverns , or to set open any shop , or house , for vending or putting to sale any vvine , ale , beer , or other victuall or commodity whatsoever , upon the said days , except in case of necessity : and all parents and masters of families , to command their children and servants to forbear accordingly : and all constables and other officers to search for , and apprehend such persons as transgresse in any of the aforesaid particulars , and to bring them before his lordship , or some other iustices of the peace , to the intent that they may be proceeded against ; according to the laws in those cases provided . dated at london , the 14th . aprill , 1649 . printed by richard cotes , printer to the honorable city of london , 1649. by the major. to the alderman of the ward of [blank]. whereas the city of london, and the liberties thereof, is exceedingly pestered with rogues, vagabonds and sturdy beggars, aswel men as women, ... city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88478 of text r211366 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.15[22]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88478 wing l2882l thomason 669.f.15[22] estc r211366 99870096 99870096 163097 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88478) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163097) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f15[22]) by the major. to the alderman of the ward of [blank]. whereas the city of london, and the liberties thereof, is exceedingly pestered with rogues, vagabonds and sturdy beggars, aswel men as women, ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, printer to the honorable city of london, [london] : 1649. title from caption and first lines of text. signed and dated at end: 22th of march, 1649. sadler. a blank is left after the words "ward of" in title. an order for the apprehension of rogues. annotation on thomason copy: "ffaringdon within" written into blank in title. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng social problems -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88478 r211366 (thomason 669.f.15[22]). civilwar no by the major. to the alderman of the ward of [blank] whereas the city of london, and the liberties thereof, is exceedingly pestered with rog city of london 1649 380 1 0 0 0 0 0 26 c the rate of 26 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the major . to the alderman of the ward of _____ whereas the city of london , and the liberties thereof , is exceedingly pestered with rogues , vagabonds and sturdy beggars , aswel men as women , which wander abroad about the streets and lanes thereof , to the dishonour of the city , and grievance of the good inhabitants of the same : these are therefore at the instance of the corporation for setting the poore on worke within this city , straightly to charge and command you , in the name of the keepers of the liberties of england , by authority of parliament ; that forthwith upon sight hereof , you call before you your deputy , and all the constables within your ward , and give straight charge unto the said constables , that from henceforth from time to time they doe apprehend and take all manner of rogues , vagabonds and sturdy beggars , both men and women whatsoever , which shall be found begging or wandring idlely abroad in any part of your ward , and them from time to time either to punish at the whipping-post according to the law , and so send them away by passe to such place as the law doth require ; or otherwise to carry and convey them and every of them to bridewell , where order is already taken for their imployment and setting on worke : and that all and every the said constables be from time to time assistant unto the marshalls of this city and their men , and every of them , for the conveying to bridewell of all such rogues , vagabonds and sturdy beggars , as they or any of them shall find or take up in any the streets or lanes of this city , or the liberties thereof , as aforesaid . whereof see you fail not , as you will answer the neglect of your duty therein , and the contempt of this precept , at the sessions to be holden for the city . dated at the guildhall london , this 22th of march , 1649. sadler . printed by richard cotes , printer to the honorable city of london , 1649 ▪ the floating island, or, a new discovery relating the strange adventure on a late voyage from lambethana to villa franca, alias ramallia, to the eastward of terra del templo, by three ships, viz. the pay-naught, the excuse, the least-in-sight, under the conduct of captain robert owe-much, describing the nature of the inhabitants, their religion, laws and customs / published by franck careless, one of the discoverers. head, richard, 1637?-1686? 1673 approx. 89 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43159 wing h1253 estc r9532 12091009 ocm 12091009 53878 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43159) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53878) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 72:13) the floating island, or, a new discovery relating the strange adventure on a late voyage from lambethana to villa franca, alias ramallia, to the eastward of terra del templo, by three ships, viz. the pay-naught, the excuse, the least-in-sight, under the conduct of captain robert owe-much, describing the nature of the inhabitants, their religion, laws and customs / published by franck careless, one of the discoverers. head, richard, 1637?-1686? [4], 39 p. s.n.], [london : 1673. pseudonyms of richard head: franck careless and samuel swiftnicks. cf. bm. attributed to richard head. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). place of publication from wing. reproduction of original in library of congress. "mimic voyage imaginaire, exploring london, low-life, taverns, prisons, etc."--cambridge bibliography of english literature. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -social life and customs -anecdotes 2008-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 john pas sampled and proofread 2009-01 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the floating island : or , a new discovery , relating the strange adventure on a late voyage , from lambethana to villa franca , alias ramallia , to the eastward of terra del templo : by three ships , viz. the pay-naught , the excuse , the least-in-sight , under the conduct of captain robert owe-much : describing the nature of the inhabitants , their religion , laws and customs . published by franck careless , one of the discoverers . — longis erroribus actus qui mores hominum — printed in the year 1673. to the reader . reader . let me beg thee not to cavil with the name of this ensuing treatise , since the nature of it is not to reflect on any perticular person ; and therefore it is expected that you will be less offended at any thing herein contained , than at the late theatrical entertainments , which are the severe anatomies of these licentious times , and the harsh characters of the follies of some janties , who ( one would think ) should be deterred from the commission of them , if for no other reason than to avoyd the hard censure of this o're critical age. it is well observed by the remarker of the humours and conversation of the town , that all are content to be taken in pieces at a playhouse , and to be exhibited for divertisement on the stage . i hope these my reflections may be accompanied with as little exception , or displeasure my intent herein was not grounded on private revenge , occasioned by any animosity to one or more persons , but following the just laws of writing , i have insisted on those errours and fopperies , which may convey insiruction and admonition to others . i have only lasht the debauchery of a fop-jaunty suburbian ; it being indeed a shame the city should be made by every cap'ring fancy , the continual subject of insufferable abuses . i will step ere long into the country , aed observe what vices are there most predominant , whether they are communicated from us to them , or have their derivation from their own sourses and fontinels . i question whether there be among them that innocence in affairs and pastime , which is pretended ; but that under every hedge and little village , vice and vanity walk as bare faced as in holborn , strand , &c. but i only promise you this description with this proviso , that you like my present discovery . it was pen'd last long vacation , when all i had to do , was to hide my self from the inquisition of my cruel creditors ; for which purpose i lodg'd in ram-alley for the benefit of the temple walks , which i call the rum stampers under the blowers , and for the daily converse of such as were equally indigent and indebted as my self : in which place to divert my self and boon associates , i formed this supposed voyage from lambeth to the bridge on one side , and back again the other , recounting all remarkables between the two shores ; the one whereof ( on the city side ) i call the christian , on southwark side the turkish or barbarian . towards cape-verd ( or greens-wharse near chairing-cross ) i have somewhat sharply censur'd the idle humors of some ; but i protest none but such who deserve the severest censure : men that are so onely in appearance , and gentlemen by their gaudy apparel ; who having little to live on but their shifts , imploy all the time they can spare from drinking and whoring , in racking their wits to indulge their sensuality by any means whatever . coming to ramallia ( which i call villa franca , because there is a place so named in the indies , which is a sanctuary to all persons whatsoever ) i say coming thither under the pretence of describing the nature of the inhabitants of that famous kingdom , ( which is now different from what it was ) i give an account of the condition of a poor debtor , and what shifts he is forced to use to preserve his liberty . as for their laws ( which i have comprehended in some few cases ) i hope none will cavil at , since they were never intended to be cavil'd with ; and he that shall put himself under the administration of them , shall ( i hope ) reap loud laughter , instead of long vexation : in short , if this meets with a total dislike , very shortly i shall endeavour to please you better , farewell . the nevv discovery : or , a voyage from lambethana to villa franca , alias ramallia . the term being ended , and a long vacation ensuing , a council was held of indigent persons , and such who were both indebted and insolvent : wherein it was debated what course might be the most expedient , for the present relief , and future prevention of such insufferable mischiefs , which dayly threatned the utter ruine of the poor and distressed society , called the owe-much , or bankrupt . then did this council of safety sit , when the scrivener at temple-bar had no other imployment , but making of pens , writing of blank bonds , or texting of bills for letting of chambers in chancery lane . the vintners and cooks were now possest with a humility more than usual ; with the one you might drink , and with the other eat , without the perpetual din of an ill tun'd jarring bell , or the incessint hauling of a peek-wide mouth , half roasted with the scalding hot dripping of its own greasie substance . now had the hostlers of holborn , and the strand , more than ordinary care to lay up their guests boots , not so much out of observance to their masters ( as they call them ) as out of fear of their slipping out of town , without their knowledg ; for they well knew that a country attorney could no longer indure the unwholsom air of an eight peny ordinary : and now was the time when we ( as well as others ) thought it fit to withdraw , or hide our selves from the horrour of a dreadful judgment , and irremediless cruel execution . i robert owe much , by the unanimous voice of the whole society , was elected president of this council , in that my name did so correspond with my debts ; they knowing i owed as much as the whole company besides : the names of the persons then present , were solomon trust-all quondam mercer . oliver pride draper . giles sweeting confectioner . luke vander goose taylor . james standish stationer . tobias bottom weaver . william whiting colour-man . timothy mould button-seller john bushel meal-man . jonathan sawyer house-carpenter . samuel dash vintner . humfry holland linnen-draper . various were our consultations for the general good , without any result , till at length one james standish , a man very fluid , and a notable penman stood up ; and having before bound up his opinion in some studied expressions , unclasping his thoughts he thus opened his meaning . the speech of james standish stationer , at a special meeting of the society of owe-much . friends & brethren , the old saying , solamen miseris socios habuisse dolore pleads not greater antiquity , than comfort for to be miserable alone is insufferable ; our affliction is so much the more extenuated , by how much others are interested therein ; now therefore in civil policy it concerns us to be so much the more industrious , as we are become numerous above former ages ; and no endeavour can be so beneficial , and honourable , than the enlarging of our territory by discovery , and plantation in parts habitable and agreeable with our debitory disposition , where we may disperse our colonies with more conveniency and advantage , than at this present : for which purpose it will be very requisite , that immediately two ships be fitted out , viz. the least in sight , and the excuse , and that the paynought ( that approved , and well appointed pinnace ) shall accompany them ; and that the charge and command of them be committed and confirmed on robert owe-much , who shall man them with persons best qualified in the art of insolvency , the greater part whereof the said robert hath known , and tryed to be men of much trust , being his own creditors , and creatures of his own making , and that he requite some of them , by bestowing on them employments under his command ; for example , let his mercer be made master of the least in sight , and his baker , boat-swain ; as for his vintner , because he bestowed many a shot upon him in his prosperity , let him be made master-gunner in adversity ; and that he may make his enemies to smoak , let his tobacco-man be gunner's-mate ; let his taylor ( having the best stomach for action ) be made steward and have charge of the victual for the voyage . i think a purser we need not , since it is held among us to be a very foolish thing to keep accounts , where there is no purpose of payment . this speech was generally approved of , nemine contradicente ; and thereupon many hands were set at work for the fitting out these ships for the discovery . the winter season being over , and the spring advancing , we got all things in a readiness ; and on munday , being the first of march ( and s david's day ) the wind at west south-west , we sailed fron lambethana , keeping our course east and by north : we sailed few leagues , before the weather grew hazie , at length the air became very thick and foggy , insomuch that the pinnace lost sight of the admiral , and could not have recovered her , but for a leek that was placed in her stern , in the place of the lanthorn , by the sent whereof the pinnace recovered sight of her again by break of day the next morning . the second day the weather was very variable , and stormy ; this day we met with a western brigantine who kept us company in peaceful manner , till by an unhappy accident , the fleet had like to have been utterly ruined , and thus it was . one of our ships crew was a welch-man , who in honor of his country and s. david ( whose festival was the day before ) told many wonderful , and incredible things , in praise of his heroick country-men : but more especially he averred that the welch ( the antient brittish stock ) were never conquered by the romans ; t is true ( said an unlucky crack ) but you may thank your policy for that ; for when caesar had slain the major part of the flower of your youth , and still pursuing his conquests ; and that you saw no remedy but that the rest of you must likewise fall into his hands , ye then raised a long bulwark , not so much to oppose , as to surprize him , for ye took a vast number of your long bearded goats , and fastned them at a convenient distance , causing nothing to appear above the rampire , but their heads and beards , and then retired your selves into the mountains ; caesar about to make an assault , was hindred by the dismal cry of the poor goats , one ecchoing to the other baw , baw ; whereupon that valiant commander withdrew , saying , let it suffice we have slain the youth , and let us not fall on their old doting grandsires , who now cry to us for mercy : this story did not create so great a laughter in us , as it did fury in the western brigantines , who thinking we had cry'd baw in derision to them , discharged upon us a broad-side of stones , repeated so often , that had we not been excellent sailers , we had not escaped without considerable loss . the third and fourth day we spoon'd onward for most advantage , and met with several fisher-men , but not an hollander among them , it seems they have other fish to fry . the fifth day about eight a clock we met with a floating hulk without a man in her ; we boarded her , but for our lives we could not rummage her hold , as we would ; however we made a shift to carry off some eels , but no other fish , though there was variety and plenty , which fresh provision was a great refreshment to our sickly landmen . the enemy from the turkish shore perceiving this , made out to us , but their oars came short of our sails . the next morning about ten a clock , my pylot ( which formerly had been a spectacle-maker ) descryed a sail making towards us ; coming up , we vilely suspected him by his flag to be the water cannibal of troy-novant . whereupon i called a council aboard , to consider what was to be done in this imminent extremity . some advised , that it was most fit to make to land , if any knew where to touch without-hazard : others of more undaunted spirits , and higher resolution , advised to run the risk of an engagement , and to draw our number out of sight into the hold , the more to encourage the enemy to a nearer approach ; which opinion was generally approved of , and allowed . presently i gave order for the sublimation of every spark aboard , and for the exhilerating their spirits , that an extraordinary allowance be made instantly ; viz. that one ounce of tobacco be divided between every two ; and as for liquors , let every man that hath them drink what he please out of his own guarde vines . looking about me , not without some fear , rais'd by the apprehensions of danger , a taylor ( who had formerly been a creature of mine ) addrest himself to me , whose conscience being more tender than his stomach , would needs be resolved in two points concerning his souls health , before the fight should begin . the first was , whether the cause , and quarrel they were to undertake , were justifiable or not , since that he ever held ludgate , more worthy than newgate , in divers respects ? and the next was , whether ( in case he should miscarry in the action ) limbus patrum & infantum were not under his own shop-board ? my chaplain over-hearing the taylors conscientious propositions ( although he was formerly a vinegar man , yet still a fellow of excellent sharp apprehension ) and straining to answer these scruples , he could not be heard for the insufferable noise of a confectioner , and sugar-baker , who nothing but bawled up and down ( to the great disheartning of our men ) sweet meet must have sour sauce , i see ; whereupon to still their clamouring . i was forced to command bushel ( the meal-man ) to sow them up in two sacks , and to let them breath no otherwise , than through the holes the rats had eaten , and so keep them prisoners till the fight was ended . the enemy approaching nearer and nearer , every one applied himself to his charge ; and now just as the master-gunner was ready to let fly ( i do not mean for fear ) we perceived our supposed assailant to be a friend , coming from the canaries , and bound for fox-hall ; the men were all very jolly , though some of them a little sea-sick ; they need not hang out any colours , what was in their faces was sufficient to declare them what they were : whether they arrived safe to their intended port i know not , and indeed it is doubtful ; for all of us judged the vessel to be over laden , of which they themselves were not insensible , for we perceived them ever and anon to cast over board . leaving this canary-man , we stood away still to the eastward , but night coming on , and our pilot careless , it hapned that the excuse was stranded : whereupon the whole fleet was forced to wait upon her till the next tide , at the approach of which she got off , with greater fear than damage . having again doubled the former allowance ( for the better encouraging our men ) we sailed onwards , and in two watches we discerned firm land , lying upon the savoyans eastward from lambethana . i immediately man'd out my long-boat and sent it ashore , who in a little time return'd , and inform'd me , that they believed it a spacious continent , fit for plantation at four degrees westward from terra del templo . hereupon i resolved to take most of my men with me , and make a further discovery ; i soon found the nature of the climate , it being very temperate , & all accommodations most excellent , as long as we had silver to barter for their commodities , of which they had plenty of all sorts . the inhabitants little differ from europeans , and are ( like them ) very covetous , being over greedy of silver and guinny gold , for which we might purchase any thing necessary , or desireable , either on the coast , or brought down from the up land countries . the palace is a very stately fabrick , and hath been formerly employed for charitable uses , and still serves as an excellent refuge , and sanctuary for such , who are either forced by banishment , or voluntary exile , to desert their native or long lov'd habitations , where they may live obscurely , and yet take their pleasure abroad in the countries round about , by the means of those several convenient avenues belonging thereunto , viz. for sporting on a brave river , the stairs ; for the land , the great gate butting norwards and seperated but by a very small channel from excestria . to the eastward there is an outlet which leadeth two ways , the one on the left into the dutchy , the other turning a little on the right , into somersetania ; by the first you have a conveyance into the country called maypolia , and so have the whole country before you to make choice of , by the last a safe passage by water , or a conduct short and commodious through the provinces of white-hart into hortensia ( vulgarly called covent-garden ) from whence you may travail through the whole kingdom . the slavonian-women supplied us with fish , and fruits of all sort , which they bring down in abundance from the vpland countries ; in so much that we could not fear want of provision , so long as we had money ; nor question our security , whilst we did put our selves under the protection of this place , or of the dutchy liberty . there have been some private assaults to infringe the ancient priviledges hereof , but the enemy most commonly came off with considerable loss ; some hardly escaping with their ears . some have endeavoured to surprize the place by a special warrant and a staff , under the pretence of detecting fellons , traytors , &c. but when it hath been discovered , that this was only a stratagem to betray a poor debtor , into the merciless hands of his cruel creditor , the beacons have been instantly fired , and by only saying , an arrest ; the whole country hath been alarm'd , and the treacherous underminers of this countries antient priviledges have been all shamefully put to flight : i cannot but commend the inhabitants for so doing , they acting herein both charitably and christianly ; although some conceited zealots may accuse them of heathenism , for imitating ethnick customs in the strange elevation of a may-pole , which say they , is the same with those antient wooden pyramids dedicated to the honour of the goddess flora. here among the savoyans we left , humfrey holland , linnen draper , and luke vander-goose , taylor , with several others , to winter it , and the rest returned aboard with me ; hereupon i presently order'd our anchors to be weighed , having before given notice , by loosing my fore-topsail , that i intended to depart speedily : here we were in a little time under a fresh gale of wind , steering due east ; but the wind chopt about in our teeth , which made us alter our course for cape-verd , or greens wharfe , where landing we forraged it quite through on both sides . this country is very pleasant ; the inhabitants near the shore , are a borish clownish fort of people , having few sparks of civility among them , and yet but a little way from them , their neighbours i may call them , are great pretenders to good breeding . now since i have toucht in general on the character of the inhabitants , give me leave to discourse in particular , their humors , natures , and dispositions . my stay being not long in this place , i shall lay down my observations as brief as i can , and therefore the first thing i shall acquaint you with is , as some of them are over affected with fashions , and fine cloaths , so they are extraordinary conceited of their own ingenuity . in the speculation of their own good parts ( as well male , as female ) every thing appertaining to them , seems far better then it is , like a microscope multiplying any minute thing to forty times its bignes ; so opinionative they are , that where ever they appear , they conceive all mens thoughts very idle , that are not busied about them : in short , they know themselves so well , that they do not know themselves at all . they are great pretenders to wit , nothing being now more a la mode , than to be accounted ingenious , if for no other reason , than that this age hath out-done all former ages in producing a society of virtuosi ; and yet for all this , they look not on learning as the fewel to the fire of that wit they pretend to , and so having but a little , spend upon the main stock , and in a little time become bankrupts . they are hugely addicted to quibbling , and will dart out on a sudden , that which if taken , whilst warm , may be laught at ; but if suffer'd to cool , worth nothing . some of them when they have arrived to the height of writing a song , or poem ( i speak of the women , as well as the men , for in this witty age , womens wit doth pester too the stage ) i say if their fancy sore so high , as to be guilty of a measur'd line , they never go without it , and in all companies read it , as if they were inspired or raptured ; then rail at the ignorance and foppery of some late ingenious drammatick writers ; and although they can give no reason for their censure , yet they think it commendable enough they have done it , and thereby have added much to their own reputation . i observed among these witty men , that nothing must stop a jest when it is coming , nor friend nor danger , but out it must , though their bloods follow after . in short , they think their life is but to laugh , and i think to be laughed at , being wits in jest , and fools in earnest . another sort there are , whose whole delight consists in whoring , drinking , and dancing : if any mischief escape these men , it is not their fault , for they laid as fair for it as they could . they think that day mis-spent , in which they go sober to bed ; and if they have not made some new bawdy discovery that day , they can give no account on 't . there is nothing that they hate more than a serious , or a melancholly thought , and if at any time it seise them , it sends them to be drunk again , delighting in no other company but wine , wenches , and chyrurgeons . another sort of people i observed , whose soul and its faculties consisted in rigging or dressing themselves to the best advantage ; and that they might not lose either the benefit of nature or their extraordinary labour , they omit no opportunity to visit such publick or private places , where a good shape and habit is best shown : the pointing of their discourse is new studied oaths , being as curious of them as their fashion : their talk is generally of ladies , and such like pretty toys , and do take a wonderful delight in repeating some passages in plays , which with a grace they utter , even to self-admiration . i wonder these people are not deafned with the continual noise of coaches , the dead of night being not exempted from their confused rattling ; since i have read that the fall of nile ( called the cataracts ) deafens with its noise the people seven miles round : these coaches are almost as numerous as the people . but they have another way of carriage called a sedan , which i should highly commend for its easiness , were i as gouty and pocky as their first founders . i will not detain you with more characters , onely i will tell you how afrighted i was upon my first coming ashore , meeting with a thing in glorious habit but with a face as black as hell ; i took her to be some she-devil had lost her infernal sweet-heart , and thought to have found him here in some carnal disguise ; had she cry'd bough as i came near her , she had undoubtedly frightned my wits from making these discoveries ; but let us leave her with a soul as black within , as her face is without , shrowded by that diabolical invention the vizard-mask , the absolute pimp to her secret leacherous contrivances . lastly you are to take notice , that this place ( besides other goodly beasts of all sorts ) is famous for harts , whose horns are of the comliest branch and spreading that can be ; whose dimension and extension is unfathomable , so that in memory of them , we agreed to call the lower part of this country harts born alley . to give this place its last encomium , let me tell you , that the constitution of the air agreeth best with such that are in a single condition : the youth here have an unlimited freedom , especially such who are known and try'd to be men of great natural parts , although they have but slender understandings : whereby some of them can afford to spend five hundred pounds per annum , although their whole generation before them never saw so many shillings of their own : and that their strength may be throughly discovered , and their native vigour known before they are admitted as menials for venerial service , some chamber-maid must take them to task , who shall make report what meer nature hath perform'd , without the help of jellies , or any such like provocations . likewise before they are admitted into this lulling , yet labouring employ , tobacco , and frequent drunkenness is absolutely forbidden by their mistresses , they well knowing how much the one exhausts the radical moisture , and the other weakens and debilitates the strongest constitution . men that are married live here very well too , provided they have obtain'd the gift of seeing , and not seeing when they please ; and such who give the greatest freedom to their wives to be courted abroad , shall have at home the greater in-some . this is held as a maxim among them , the handsomer the wife , the greater trade , and if she be a grain too light , with prudence and good management , it will add weight to her husbands concerns , and therefore an handsome woman standing at the door , will attract more customers than a gaudy gilded sign , fetter'd with a tun of iron , which cost the value of a rising scavenger's whole estate . but we have dwelt too long upon this subject , and in this place , and therefore it is time to give you a farther account of our voyage . from cape-verd we sailed , keeping our course due south , and about four days after our departure , we made land , but could not tell what part of the world it belonged unto , at length we espied floating timber , with deal boards piled on the bank-side , which made some of us conclude it was norway ; but that opinion was soon blown away by the sight of a monsirous tall bulky thing , which seem'd to us to wave his hat about his head , and that way induce us to come ashore ; whilst from his guts proceeded a confused hideous noise , but from the found we could not understand a word ▪ the more we stared hereon , the more did our admiration encrease ; fear made us stand at a distance , and yet we were so near that we could look into his very entrals , his belly being wide open , and could perceive a very strange motion within , whilst his arms were continually agitated circularly , we knew not what to think , but at length it was agreed on all hands , that this country must be denmark , and that this monstrous creature was one of the issue of the giant colbron , who there stood with his arms abroad , bidding defiance to all that past that way . fear did so wing our flight , and the wind so largely contributed its assistance , that in a little time we found our selves not in a condition to be harm'd or prejudiced by that giganttick scare-crow : had we had as much valour as there was in don-quixot , one assault would have prov'd him a meer airy flash , and could do nothing but cry , saw , saw . we were no sooner freed from this sight , but we encountred another , which appeared no less terrible than the former at first sight ; but approaching somewhat nearer , some of our men having seen it before , knew it to be a floating island , called the summer island , or scoti moria ; it is an island not so great , but that in less than four and twenty hours we sail'd it round ; it is much longer than it is broad , but how many leagues the length may be , i cannot tell , for i took not its dimension : it lies in the midst of golpho de thame-isis : the christian-shore lying to the norward , and the turkish-shore to the southward , bounded to the eastward with pont-troynovant , but to the westward thereof , you may sail up the streights till you go as far as maiden-head , and farther , crossing the equinoctial-line . in our circumferating this floating summer-island , we took special notice of its ingresses , but with our strictest indagation we could find but two , one lying to the southward , and the other to the westward , for the more convenient reception of the christian and barbarian amazons , who in the summer time constantly repair thither , to meet with their bully-huffs and hectors to generate withall . a council was held to consult which port was safest to land at ; the one we found guarded with knights of the blew-apron , with pet-guns mounted , and charged , and their noses like linstocks were ready to fire them ; hereupon we stood off , and made to the other port , whereupon we espied a white apron , as a flag of truce , displaying it self over the belly of a delicate woman , who came thither procreandi causâ ; that colour we looked on as the emblem of peace , and thereupon hoisting out my long-boat , i selected some of my principal men aboard , and went ashore , where i was received with all demonstrations of civility and respect . their language , i and my company understood very well , for it was the lingua franck which they spoke . the greatest thing that i wondred at was , that instead of treading on the surface of their earth , we immediately enter'd into the bowels of their country ; it somwhat startled us to think where we were going , and now i thought of aeneas his descent to hell , and wisht we might escape but half as well . my myrmidons followed me close at heels , but oh how we shook when we heard the thunder from above , and we had lightning too before we went from thence . i askt them the reason of this sudden thundring noise , hearing not the least without ? sir , said one , the naides are above playing at nine-pins , and you may make one if you please : i in modesty refused , as thinking my self unfit company for gods and goddesses . looking about me i saw a lovely face , and every thing ( to outward view ) thereunto corresponding , i presently imagined her one of the cyprian dames waiting gentlewoman , who had given her lady the slip , to injoy her greater liberty and freedome ; upon which suggestion i accosted her , and found her pliable beyond expectation , and therefore gave her an invitation into my tent. i askt her divers questions , amongst the rest , whether she were an inhabitant of this isle ? she answered no , but a westmonasterian ; the resolution of my question made me more inquisitive than before , to know what this monasteria was , and where it lay : but according to the custome of lambethana , i thought it civility first to drink , before we entred further into discourse ; whereupon i called one of the baser sort of people to me , and bid him procure me some of the best liquors of their country , if they would take moneta carolina in exchange ; gladly , gladly , said this scoti morian , and in a trice brought me a liquor , that differ'd not at all in taste , from what is brewed at lambethana , and every whit as small : the vice roy of the isle condescended so low , as to bring me ( propria personâ ) a bottle of red stuff ; when i tasted it , methought i could have sworn it was claret , that 's flat : i bad him bring me some other wine , which he did , but i found it was a spaniard rack'd to death . i soon gather'd from this pittiful pimping vice roy , that his whole country could not afford one drop of strong liquor , but what was imported to him at extraordinary rates , by merchants of other countries ; nay , he had scarce any water in his whole dominion , but what flowed about it ; for which cause he had concav'd his whole isle , and turn'd it , as i may say , into a cellar to contain what comfortable liquors , and other things should be brought him : what commodities he returns in exchange i know not ; for i saw none , but what were wrapt up in silken petticoats , which like a pig in a poke you must buy , or not at all . well the inhabitants are a lazy sort of people , and not given to tillage ; and yet sometimes they will plow with another mans heifer . they are to be commended for lovers of pasture , and yet you shall not see a green spot in their whole land , but what covers the belly of the vice roy's lady , or his billiard-table . in short , they are a wicked people , delighting in , and living on the sins of others ; so lazy , that they will not work ; their whole employment is drinking ; tobacco serves to air them after a washing , and is their only breath and breathing while . the entertainment of the place i liked not , and therefore i resolved to hasten from thence , only i first desired to be satisfied as to the country aforesaid , called westmonasteria ; whereupon i demanded of this lady errant an information herein . sir , said she , it lyeth to the westward of pallatium regale , which place is too splendent for common eyes to behold , and too virtuous for vulgar breath to prophane . this westmonasteria ( although the place of my nativity ) i cannot describe perfectly , only i can tell you , it pleads great antiquity , and is very famous for a wonderful structure once called the temple of apoll , besides it is beautified with the stately structures of many noble-men . the gentry live in all manner of pleasure imaginable , but the plebeians delight is very uncertain , being always upon the extreams , having either too much business to do , or too little . for there are four seasons of the year , which are as so many marts for the westmonasterians ; the chiefest commodity that then is sold there , is only words , only the buyers and sellers bestow their money now and then in somewhat that is more substantial , to keep out the wind . these seasons are called terms , at which times there is great resort of people coming from all parts of that great and glorious kingdom , called formerly by the name of druina , of which troynovant is the metropolis . these people repair to a great and famous structure , called aula westmonasteriensis , and are distinguished by several names and titles : their habit is as strange as their speech , and both concur to amuze , and amaze the people . they are very litigious , and never better pleased than in a hurly burly of cavils and dissentions : ever more delighting to fish in troubled waters . one would think that there is a great analogy between the profession of these men , and a taylor ; for they are excellent at making suits , which some after endeavouring to mend , mar them quite : some know how to begin a suit , but are ignorant how to finish it . or they may in some respect be compared to the camelion , since no creature lives more by the air than they ; for as there are a sort of people ( according to report ) which can sell a wind to a sailer ; so these men will not part with their breath without a reward . having bauld themselves out of breath , and half swelter'd to death , some of them withdraw into hell , there to cool and refresh themselves ; one would think it a very improper place for that purpose , and yet 't is true , where such good entertainment is to be had , that this hell hath ever had a greater estimation than its neighbouring heaven ; i have been in 60th , and had rather eat barley-broath in the one , than drink canary in the other . she would have proceeded but that this amazon was called away , and so we lost the benefit of a further discovery : having paid the customs of this floating summer-island , we departed : i call it a summer-island , because it is never seen in this golpho de thamisis in the winter ; for cold frosty weather will be the ruine of it , and therefore as swallows and cuckoos are never seen in this country , but in summer , so this island always takes its choice of the summer season for its appearance . and as some fishes retire into the concaves of rocks , upon the approach of cold weather , so this scoti moria absconds or hides it self within some narrow gut of the inland-country , and crawls out again in fair and warm weather . not long after our departure , the air serene and clear , and the wind at west , we descried a sail ; hereupon i ordered the decks to be clear'd , and the hammocks to be cut down ; and having quarter'd my men most advantagiously for fight , we bore up to this supposed man of war , and hail'd her ; at first they return'd us very rough language , but in fine , they told us they were a people called sanguinarii , and came from holbornia , and were bound for vrsina , called by the natives the bear garden , in barbary . being desirous to make farther discoveries , we agreed to bear this ship company to this strange land : by the way we askt them what they intended to do with those smithfieldian lyons they carried with them ; they told us , that it was customary for the vice roy of vrsina frequently to issue out his proclamations , summoning , or inviting all strangers whatsoever to come freely into his territories , and there participate with him in such sports , as he hath appointed for the recreation of the people . this report incouraged us to proceed , and having a fair wind and a fresh gale , we quickly arrived at our intended port. landing , we forth with directed our course to the famous vrsina , in our way we overtook great droves of forreign nations , resorting to this place to act their parts with staff and tayl ; here were the barriers of holbornia , and chapel blanck ; the sanguinaries of the forum near nova janua ( by some called the whit ) and of the forum near via lactea , commonly called milk-street : hither also repaired the people of cheap orient , as also the smithfieldians , and fieldlanians , with ruffins , and ragga-muffins , all which , or most , are subjects unto a slavenian king , called brute . we had not travel'd far , before we espied a larg flag to give notice to strangers , where the games were to be celebrated ; coming to the gates of vrsina , we could not get entrance , till we had paid the tribute the vice roy was accustomed to demand . it seems this vice roy hath little other revenue , than what comes in by this tax or tribute ; and therefore , not so much for sport , as profit , he often publisheth his proclamations to congregate the people , and so concur with him in his bestial entertainments . before the sport begins , the vice roy treats at their own charge , whosoever will come into his cellar , where the charge and shot of five shillings is as quickly dispatcht , as the discharge of a pistol . the people being all placed in this amphitheatre , as many almost , and as strange beasts are let out promiscuously , as were formerly in the ark. there was a great and strong beast called by the name of one of the signs of the zodiack , taurus ; a creature far more terrible than the colchester bull of old : for as he stately walkt defying all opponents with his horns , so on a sudden came an cruption of fire from his side , with a report , as if his ribs had been converted into carbines : phalaris his bull was never half so hot as this appear'd , to all the spectators admiration ; at the same time two creatures ( which borrowed their names from two constellations , vrsa major , and vrsa minor ) to avoid the fire , ran full drive at two cornucopians ( vulgarly staggs ) who endeavouring to shun by flight the approaching danger of these ill shapen , terrible creatures , had like to have dismounted monsieur simea , that little dapper gentleman , who was carelesly acting his buffoonries in this amphitheatre ; his horse having more understanding than himself ( and being very apprehensive of the danger ) did presently rise before , and yerking out his hinder leggs to keep off the cornucopians from goring his sides , gave poor tom dove such a bang on the ribs , that he roar'd like the lyons in the tower : this noise alarm'd the canes and caniculi , ( a sort of dogs whose names i cannot well remember ) who came running in , and without asking what 's the matter , fell in tooth and nail ; luponi seeing this , was at his wits ends , not knowing what to do , or whither to fly ; but vulpone being the craftier of the two , skulkt into a by corner , keeping himself out of harms way , nor could any means remove him from his resolved station . the vrsinians , with bear-herds and others , did now begin to bestir themselves , being as much busied as their beasts , and every whit in as stinking a condition : after a great cry and little wool , with a great noise to little purpose , the company was dismist , and every man had permission to repair to his own country , excepting only such as were reserved for a prey , for the great white lyon , belonging to the king of marshelsia ; the cruelty of which tyrant we had sufficiently heard of , which made us with greater speed to remove out of his territories : whereupon we all went on board , not missing a man , and standing away to the eastward , we sailed so far , till we came to a ne plus ultra , and by the great fall and hideous noise of the waters , we concluded we were arrived near that gulph , which sir francis drake shot , when he went to visit the antipodes : as for my part i had not finisht my business in this world , and till that was done , i had no mind to visit another . all under my command were of the same opinion , and therefore we resolved to return ; and to favour our design , the wind veerd about to south and by east ; hereupon we shaped our course norwards , without discovering any thing remarkable for a great while , only we met with by the way some turks coming from jetland , and bound for cole-harbour . the nineteenth of june we met with several men-mermaids , swiming and sporting up and down : we were informed that they are amphibii , and will live both on the land , and in the water . here we only saw the males of these sea-wonders , but up higher in the straits mouth , there are female mermaids , which take their opportunities to delight themselves in swiming , but are mighty shie , and therefore choose the night for their pastime . whilst i was in a serious contemplation of these creatures , one of our men cry'd out , land , at which we were all over joy'd : and that we might be certainly assured hereof , our pilot ( the aforesaid spectacle-maker ) drew out his perspective , with which he confirmed our joys . hereupon we directed our course to this land , and in three watches we came to an anchor in white-fryars bay , and soon after landed , and were very civily received by the inhabitants , who attended us on the shore . we askt them the name of the country , who told us that formerly it had been called lupania , or by some vulpinia , but its later and truest appellation was villa franca , or ramallia ; but the dutch-men call it ramy-kins . the grumbling of our dissatisfied guts , would not permit us to ask more questions , and indeed if we had , we should not have been heard for their croaking noise ; which the inhabitants understanding without more ceremony conducted us to their metropolis or chiefe city , where by the governor and his assistants , we were very well entertain'd . the next day we were shown the antiquities , curiosisities , and strength of this city . and now give me leave to acquaint you with my observations . villa franca , or ramallia , lyeth contiguous to terra del templo , the fleta lying at some distance thereof to the north-east : in the description of this ramallia , i must look into terra del templo , but shall not pry into its court , nor any the standing houses , the house-keepers lodging nor into the menial precincts of the inns of court , farther , than they stand for refuge and relief of the neighbouring priviledges about them . and indeed ( since the general purgation by fire ) the first , and chiefest of all , which for advantage of ground ; for fortifications , for water works , posterns , passages , supplies , and provisions by land , or otherwise , is that so far fam'd and so fitly nam'd ramallia : in it are several garrisons of old soldiers , every one of the which is able to lead a whole army of younger debtors . they call their muster-role in the round church , which might more properly be called their corps du guard ; then they draw them out into the cloysters , and either exercise them there , or in the garden , which is an excellent military spot for that purpose ; but under the blowers in the rum stampers ( called the kings bench walks ) they pitch their set battles , where every evening that ground ( which was listed in , and level'd for their use ) is fil'd with men of desperate or undaunted resolution . the first work in ramallia , is rais'd and contrived in the form of a ram ; there is no other reason i can render for it , but that rams were of great use in the jewish discipline , for batteries , as you may read in josephus his history more at large . this work is of reasonable strength ; in former times it had a watch tower in the similitude of a coblers shop adjoyning , from whence all the forces about are called together , upon the least approach of the enemy . there is another , called the maiden-head , and is impregnable , where the enemy dares not come within shot , and is the nearest to the confines of terra del templo . there are other pretty contrived platforms , as teste royal , the falcon , mitre , &c. and these in the fashion and form of cook-shops ; where if a setter or spy chance to peep in at them ( though very dark ) they will make him pay for the roast , before he depart . to this ramallia , or ramy-kins , belongs a very great fleet , consisting of many sail , well man'd , and are a great preservation to the ramy-kins . this place , according to the late geographieal map , as well as the report of antient writers , cannot possibly be so besieged , but that they within may go in and out at their pleasure , without impeachment ; for at the middle-temple gate , they issue in spight of the devil ; at the inner-temple gate , they fear no colours in the rain-bow ; and at the postern of the ramy-kins , in case they cannot make over to fetter-lane , but discover ambuscado's , they need only draw their bodies within guard of pike , turn faces about , and retreat through the mitre . now admit they stand for rio del plata ( commonly called fleet street ) and be so intercepted that they cannot recover the ramy-kins , all that is required in that case , is but to mend their march ; fall downward , as if they gave way , suddenly discharge their right-hand file , and fall easily into sergeants inn ; where by antient treaty had between this famous place , and terra del templo , it was agreed , that the parties in such distress might ( paying a small fee ) have convoy and conveyance without the re-hazzard of any of their persons . if at any time they had a mind to forrage , they are no sooner out of the middle temple gate , but there is a threefold way to defend them ; the bell-inn , the bar gate , and shire-lane . the passage through the rum stampers under the blowers , is a most excellent safe way for close contriving and retriving : neither is the gardners wharsage ( as the tide may serve ) any ways inconsiderable . to speak the truth , the nature of ramallia is much alter'd in few years , neither is the place so much frequented as formerly by forreigners for refuge , the inhabitants slighting or being careless in the preservation of their antient priviledges . this place in former time was very populous , in such sort , that they were forced to send their people abroad into forreign plantations , of which they had , and have still some very considerable , for example , milford-lane , fulwoods rents , baldwins-garden , great st. bartholomews , the fryers , mountague-clese , with divers others ; i shall thus run them over , as i have nam'd them . milford-lane was at first taken by indigent officers and their companies , who coming hither and liking the scituation , did there erect divers works , both to the land and water side , for their security . as they came in by conquest , so they hold it by the sword , and not withstanding their title hath been much disputed heretofore , yet they have now commuted the matter , prov'd plantation , and have withal reduced it to a most absolute hance and free town of it self , without dependency . the chiefest benefit they have for securing their persons , is by water , for to the land there is little safety , when they are once without their works . fulwoods rents i could never well approve of for a place of refuge , it lies so on the main continent , and therefore requires the stricter watch , and yet with the greatest care cannot lie safe . at the upper end of these rents , and at the very portall of purpool palace westward , was a most excellent piece of work begun , which had it not been interrupted by those that play'd upon it from above ; questionless it had been the strongest and surest hold that ever was raised within the continent for this purpose . the back-gate into graies-inn lane , with the benefit of bauldwins gardens is of excellent use ; but the passages through certain inns on the field-side , are not attempted without hazard , by reason of the straggling troops of the enemy , who lie purdue in every ale-house thereabouts . the safest way of sally , is that through the walks , from whence the red-lyon in graies-inn-lane receives them with good quartering , and passes them through the back way into the main land. bauldwins gardens is a fortress of considerable strength , being much embellisht of late , and the pavement near the battlements is renewed , so that the defendants may march much more commodiously to the breast-works ; the canniballs or tenter-hooks have made several attempts to storm this fortress , but have commonly come off with considerable loss , and though notable shavers have not come off so trimly , but that they were forced to make their escape through the bog-house . there was a famous cittadel belonging to the ramy-kins , but long since surprized and taken in by the enemy , it still retains the name of great st. bartholomews , upon whose platform a whole army of borrowers and book-men might have been mustred and drawn out in length , or into what form or figure it had pleased them to cast themselves . what works , yea what variety of art and workmanship was within it ? what an excellent half-moon was there cast up without it , for defence to the eastward ? what excellent sconces , in the fashion of tobacco-shops and ale-houses in all parts of it . but alas these are demolisht , for the most part , the old soldiers discharg'd , and all delivered up into the hand of the enemy upon composition . the frequent assaults that have been made upon st. john of jerusalem , have rendred the place incapable of holding out longer , so that the band of borrowers there billeted are disbanded and dismist . the fryers augustine and cruciate , black , white and gray , had all their cowls pull'd or'e their heads , and were for the most part led into the city captive , where they remain to this day . it is believed by most of the sword-men thereunto belonging , that these places had ne'r been lost , had they not suffer'd those of the freedom to dwell among them , who increased and multiplyed after that wonderful manner , that by their general planting , they supplanted the nobility and gentry which upheld their liberties , and in the end engrossed all the power of office , trust and authority into their hands , and thereby did set open the gates to let the military men of the mace to enter and surprize all . the commanders of the city were only content upon treaty , to article and agree with those of the black-fryers , that not withstanding they so entred upon conquest , yet the old companions , especially the english feather makers , the scotch taylors , and the french shoo-makers , with some forreign forces , should enjoy their antient priviledges without molestation or interruption , or any other that will manfully fight for their antient rights and customs . to the northward of the black-friers , lies a very strong and formidable cittadel belonging to the enemy , standing on the brow of an hill , which scours all the whole country about . this cittadel is guarded like marselles wi●h bloodhounds , who almost daily bring in a great number of prisoners upon horses , called duce facias's . this place is so remarkable i cannot pass it by without a small description . it is much like the apples of sodom , better for sight without than in ; it s who●e prospect from within , are iron grates , where through every transen , the forlorn captives may take a view of the iron age ; there is one single entrance , which like hells gate , le ts many in , but few out , turn once the ward — et vestigia nulla retrorsum . the cimmerians in their dwellings resemble these in their lodgings , only their lights are different ; those receive some scatter'd beamlings by their mountain crannies ; these by their disconsolate loopholes : yet from above , the inhabitants may take a view of all those places which club'd to their restraint : and be reminded of the loss of time which brought them thither . the governour here of is careless whence they come , but infinitely cautious how they go away ; and if they go away without his favour , they are in great danger to break their necks for their labour . this place holds as much as the world ; all its inhabitants are either good or bad ; here is a good prisoner , and he makes contemplation his refection ; nothing can confine him , because he finds nothing fit to entertain him which earth can afford him : here is a fat sensual prisoner , who is content with any place that may belul his clowdy understanding in a careless sleep , freedom and bondage are indifferently equal to his fruitless pilgrimage ; here is the lean prisoner , who one would think had procured such a divorce from his flesh , as if he had only enter'd into covenant with his spirit ; whose weak exhausted feature proceeding from the defective reversions of a trencher , merits pity , bearing the characters of his renury in the dying colours of his physiognomy . to be out at elbows here is to be in fashion , it being a great indecorum not to be thread-bare . every man shews here like so many wracks on the sea , here the ribs of five hundred pound , here the relick of a shop well furnished , and a good portion with his wife . the company one with the other , is but a vying of complaints , and the causes they have to rail at fortune & fool themselves , and there is a great deal of good fellowship in this . the mirth of this place is but feigned , where over a large dose they endeavour to keep themselves from themselves , and so drown the torment of thinking what they have been . they huddle up their lives as a thing of no use , and wear it out like an old suit , the faster the better ; and he that deceives the time best , best spends it . in the next place , i should speak som what of mountagues close , but that i think it doth not properly belong to the ramy-kins , and therefore i shall desist , and give you an account what the nature and disposition of these people are which appertain to ramallia , or the ramy-kins , with the territories thereunto belonging , as also what those people are that fight against them . the manners and dispositions of the ramallians , with their religion , laws , and customs . they are a wandring sort of people who like the tartars , never abide long in a place , but remove often , carrying all that they have about them . they are very fearful and cautelous , and dangerous to be dealt withall ; and you cannot affront them worse , than to bring any mace by way of barter , for they hate it worse than a jew swines flesh . you may know them from any other people by these marks following . if any of them have occasion to walk into the imperial city , to be sure at the lanes end he looks behind him , and after he hath turned out of sight he mends his pace in an extraordinary degree of footmanship , till he hath gain'd some ground of the followers ; and then he makes another stand , to take notice whether any of them have arrived thither with more than ordinary speed , or precipitate himself at the coming about at the lanes end , which he knows to be the certain sign of the enemies besetting him . he loves variety of apparel , and hates ( if he have it ) to be known long in a suit ; ask him the question , and he will give you an account of all the taverns with back-doors , especially such which lead to the water side ; and envies the encrease of the moon more then the decrease of his fortunes . he is a great enemy to idleness , for he loves not to see one leaning on a stall , or looking about him , and cannot endure whistling after candle light . they may be paralel'd with the jews , who are a mixt people born in several places , yet coming from one stock , and are as much inhdels occasioned by the infidelity of others . they pray not in common form , but that the commons may meet in form asoresaid ; and no sin sticks so close to their consciences , as that they ever paid any thing to their creditors in part . as for their religion i can speak little of it ; only this , they believe liberty to be heaven , money the guardian angel that conducts them thither : they hold there is a local hell , which is placed in the center of a prison , and their creditors the devils which torment them ; they believe there are several purgatories , the principal whereof do lie in woodstreet and in grocers alley , where paying instead of praying gives deliverance . and now it is high time to relate who are the enemies to these ramy-kins or ramallians , who implacably assault them upon all occasions . within london there are two regiments of macemen , the one is encamped in the poultry , the other in woodstreet ; at both which places there are great numbers attending their colours , where they are ever ready to sally upon the alarm or signal given ; others of them guard their colonels person by turns ; the rest are appointed and exposed as followeth . some of the best able and most trusty of the cavalry ( as their service requires , and especially in term time ) are planted at teste royal , near chancery lane end , to make good that place , and to cut off such as issue out of the works on the other side , or come down from other parts to put themselves under the protection of terra del templo , and the places thereunto nearly adjacent . of these chancery-lane-end men , ( if the design do deserve it ) some two or three of them are drawn out to defeat the passage between the middle temple and bell yard , or the bar-gate , but this is upon especial occasion , and therefore seldome attempted , but when they have intelligence of some extraordinary booty coming that way . others of them are quarter'd in smithfield , where every monday , wednesday and friday they stand charg'd and cockt , ready to give fire at every poor butcher in the graziers quarrels ; and these are of their infantry . others are on every market day commanded for leaden-hall , where they serve one day under the tanner against the shoo-maker , another day under the butcher against the tanner , and sometimes the scrivener against both . others are appointed to several other markets , where rather than not be employed in service , they will bear arms against the very butter-wives ( enough to make their very hearts to melt with the very thought on 't ) who wont be satisfied without a greasing in the fist . the eldest sort of them , such as hold charge rather for their advice than ability , are laid at the exchange , where though the service be daily , and the nations against whom they serve are a stubborn stomachful people , meeting ever at dinner and supper time , yet the danger is but small , in regard they have the country round about to befriend them . the only desperveio's among them are severally appointed to the several gates , where they secure and keep clear the passage to the bars being the utmost extent of their works . for stratagems of war they are most excellent ; to gain a conquest by surprize , they sometimes wear a porters frock , and with a pretended letter effect their purpose . a lawyers or a parsons gown is somtimes of singular use , ( lates quod non patet . ) the habit of a country bumpkin somtimes will not do amiss , especially if booted and with dirt bedaubed ; they have a thousand tricks besides , but so cunningly intricate , that i cannot describe them . it may be expected that i should say something of the discipline of the bayliffs , but to say the truth , i hold them not worthy to be discoursed of , nor to be ranked with men of the mace , and therefore , by my good will , i will have nothing to do with them at any hand . it is time to return to ramallia , and give you a further account of that place ; i have already discourst the nature of the climate and the people , with a geographical description of that country and the plantations thereunto belonging , not omitting their strength within themselves , and the form of their adversaries without ; the next thing i shall treat of is the several schools of learning contained herein , as also an account of their laws and customs . as there are several schools , so there are several arts and sciences studied . some moody souls there are here , who will drink till they are maudling drunk , and then weep their liquor out as fast as they drink it , these men are said to study hydromancy . he that walks up and down a room smoaking whilst the rest of the company is sitting , is stiled a peripatetick . he that prattles perpetually , interlining every sentence with a causless misbecomming laughter , is a naturalist . he that in his cups falls into theological disputes , or builds castles in the air , studieth metaphysicks . he that cannot drink a little extraordinary , but presently vomits to ease himself and offend the company , is a young practitioner in physick . he that boasts of his travels , and impudently professeth to have been in places he never saw but in a map , is called a cosmographer . he that hath attained to the art of wheedling , and can by a word or two wind himself into credit among strangers ( for he that knows him will not trust him for a sarthing ) this man is ftiled a rhetorician . he that by the overflowing of his cups perpetually sings tunes a la mode , and so saves his reckoning , is one of the quire , or a musitian . he that can so insinuate or wriggle himself into the affection of some wealthy maid , wise , or widdow , as to have his necessities supplyed from time to time by a liberal and generous contribution , is a perfect logician , having gotten piscator in ramum by heart . he that by specious pretences and subtle perswasions hath gotten largely into a vintners score , and for some special kindnesses hath borrowed so much money of his wise to cancel the debt , without the least mistrust of an overflowing familiarity , is a merchant adventurer , and a singular good accountant . he that falls down on his back with a pipe of tobacco in his mouth , fast asleep , is a proficient in astronomy . lastly , he that reels in the streets , as if they were too narrow to contein him , is a geometrician . their military school . there is one very famous military school which is held in great estimation , in that it brings the students to a great proficiency in a very little time , and thus the students therein concern'd are rankt according to their qualifications . he that fl●ngs a bottle down stairs , to no other intent than to double the files , and inflame himself as well as the reckoning , is stiled marshal of the field . he that found out that crafty knack of calling for a gill of canary , and thereby meant a pint , and so an half pint a quart , by which the intemperance of a compacted jovial crew was muffled up from the knowledg of their serious relations , i say this man they call master of the ordnance . he that runs all the town over having no other bufiness than to find out so much liquor as will send him drunk to bed , is called scout-master-general . he that drinks three glasses in a hand , is master-gunner . he that in a hot dispute of headstrong resolute bacchanalians gets first drunk in the society , is made captain of a foot company , and he that is last drunk is lieutenant . he that is quarrelsome in his liquor , and upon the least occasion delivers his box about , is marshal of the regiment . he that will not fight upon just occasion given , but turns his revenge upon the innocent drawer , is a drum major , but he that draws upon every body is a serjeant . he whose indigency makes a meer hanger on , and being a low-country soldier , is made gentleman of the pikes . he that makes two pence serve for his expence in company , though the stay be very long , is lanspresado , or powder-monkey . he that will not let any small trifling thing escape his hands , but instantly secures them , as knives , handkerchiefs , gloves , &c. is termed a suttler . he that will drink eight and forty hours without sleep , or if he should chance to catch a nap , he lyeth rough , this man is called an old soldier . their court of admiralty or navy . office. he that bears briskly up in the turbulent waves of an ocean of liquor , is master or pilot of a ship. he that spills his liquor on the table , and then leans and lolls his elbows in it , is swabber . he that will never let the glass stand still ; but when it lies at his neighbours door , out of a covetous principle , steals it from him , is a dutch caper , or pirate . he that is suddenly taken with the hickup , is gunners-mate ; he that is perpetually smoaking , cook ; and he that belcheth or breaketh wind backwards , is trumpeter . in what manner the inhabitants hold their lands . we have already shown you what kind of philosophy and soldiery is profest and practised in ramallia ; we shall describe next , how the inhabitants hold their lands . imprimis , he that by impertinent foolish discourse or apish gesture makes himself a laughing stock to the whole company , is tenant in fee-simple . he that watcheth all opportunities to kiss his landlady , her daughter , or her maid , so that he stick to one only , is tenant in tail special . he that kisseth all that come nigh him without distinction of persons , is tenant in tail general . he that is half seas over ( i. e. three quarters drunk ) yet will run madding after mutton , without the consideration of its being sound or rotten , is tenant in tail , after possibility of issue extinct . he whose head is lop heavy by too large a grace-cup , and takes a nap , is tenant by the courtesie of england . if a parcel of merry wives frequently meet at a tavern or elsewhere to drown'd the troublesome thoughts of having pevish aged impotent husbands , they are tenants in dowr . he that hath heels much lighter than his head , holds in soccage ; and he that hath an head much lighter than his heels , holds in capite . he that drinks with his hat off , tenders in homage ; if on the knee besides , doth his fealty . he whose wife will not suffer him to be drunk , unless she may be drunk with him , either in the same company or elsewhere , is a free-holder he that sneakingly capitulates about the reckoning , till some franck generous soul hath discharged it , is a poor copy-holder . lastly , that mean spirited thing which suffers it self to be drag'd home by his wife from the alehouse , with railing reproachful speeches , is tenant at will , and deserves to be kick●d over his own threshold . i might enlarge my self upon this subject : let this suffice for any rational man to guess at the rest . i shall in the next place tell you what are the qualifications of their principal officers . the principal officers of ramallia , and their qualifications . as arts and sciences are not attained unto , but with great labour and study , so high titles are not commonly obtained without singular worth : but in this sensual drunken country the worst of men have the best preferment ; for be that drinks much and talks little , is a judge . he that will not drink an health by any means , and yet will make an hard shift but will go to bed intoxicated , is a justice of peace . he that continually clacks with his tougue , so that no other talk can be heard , is a barrester . he that forcibly puts his friend or acquaintance into the tavern or alehouse , is a counter serjeant . he that being proud of his parts , and very opinionative , will engross all the discourse to himself , is fore man of the july . he that bawls and wrangles in his liquor , is cryer of the court. he that drinks in hugger mugger , is a bencher . he that is lost in his own argument , is a mooter . he that scorns to baulk his liquor , is a hopeful young student . he that takes the tale out of another mans mouth , is a publick notary . he that talks he knows not what , a sollicitor . he that is tediously long in telling his own stories , is a register ; and he that is ever kind and complemental in his liquor , is a civilian . be pleased to take notice , that he who calls his landlady whore , puts in his declaration ; he that is melancholy or sottishly drunk is said to demur upon the plantiff ; he that payeth the whole reckoning suffering none else to pay a farthing , pronounceth judgment ; he that sumbleth in his pocket till the reckoning be paid , is quit by proclamation , and he that gives his landlord a bill obligatory , under hand and seal to stop his mouth for the present , is saved by his clergy . special cases in the law of ramallia , as they have been argued privately , between mr. simon spend-all , son to sir ferdinando sackbut ; and philip philpot , son and heir to giles spiggot . the first case . if a debtor at any time be frighted by a capias , or any other writ , and he fly for safety , it shal be free for him to enter forceably into the next tenement adjacent , without trespassing , especially if the door or window be checquered with blew or red , and all because when the landlord demanded quo jure , or by what right this entrance was made , it was answered libertate probanda ; in this case the landlord shall by a dedimus potestatem , give him entertainment if the defendant please usque diem clausit extremum , after the expiration of which time the defendant paying the fees of the house , shall remove himself by virtue of a habeas corpus where he list , but in default of payment , the landlord may stop him by a writ , called a ne exeat regnum , provided the defendants heels prevent not the attachment . the second case . if three gentlemen , boon associats and true topers , purchase twenty bottles of canary to themselves and the remainder over in fee to their servants ; if these men grow intokicated ( anglice drunk ) before their masters without issue , the remainder reverts ( i.e. returns ) as escheat to the donor , and the surviving purchaser ( his fellows being defunct to all out ward appearance ) goes away with the whole , which he may alienate to the next commer in , or to whom he pleaseth , non obstante the statute of alienation . the third case . if there be two brethren , the one whereof ( the elder ) is seized of a noble in credit , and shall be made dead drunk , the younger brother may enter as the next heir upon the noble in demesne , and presently convey it over in fee to the landlord ; but unless he please , the noble shall not descend , because the elder brother dyed not seized . a fourth case , very remarkable . in case of linnen , it hath been adjudged , that if three good fellows and constant companions have but one shirt between them , and that these three ( seeing none of their other shifts will do them any good ) jointly consent this shirt shall be sold , it shall be lawful for them to expose it to sale , vended and condemned for the common good of three , and that forthwith the money be spent in the cherishing that blood that retired from the extream parts , being chil'd with the fright of parting with so dear and near a friend . a fifth case . if any student having a mind to follow his book close call to a servitor to bring him a book , and he bring him a decimo sexto for a duodecimo ; an octavo for a quarto , or a vicessimo quarto for a pot folio ; although the student turn it over for instruction sake , yet if his choler be moved by a dislike of the volumn , he may lawfully knock it about the servitors ears , and may beat learning into his pate till he break the cover of the book , or his coxcomb , and afterwards justifie it by a decree made by the masters of brazen nose . a sixth case . if three poor scholars happen to visit a school in the suburbs , and having viewed the library therein , where are books of the old english character , and having studied a while , are called to an account for their learning , and thence arise a hot dispute , insomuch that the library keeper is soundly beaten for his pains , they may by force of common-law depart in the heat of that dispute , scot-free , and shot-free . a seventh case , no less admired for its antiquity as for its obscurity . after that old seignior john had heard of the unkind dealing of edmund towards marmaduke , when that nicholas came to intreat roger to go to nathaniel to certifie william that jeffery was at variance with anthony , not withstanding that joseph was arrested by henry at the suit of ralph , he comes unto robert to certifie randolph , that ambrose would be revenged of leonard for the love he bore to silvester , whereupon jaspar had like to have slain theophilus , which when edward espied , he made it appear both to luke and to francis , that rowland was the cause of this falling out , and all was because samuels bald nag was put into martins stable in the dead of the night , by thomas , andrew and ahsolon , and that they would not deliver him out to hugh unless james and giles became bound unto christopher , whereupon philemon drew his knife at oliver the hostler , and had like to have slain him , had not peter and john held his hands whilst gabriel and isaac ran for matthew and thomas the two constables of the town , but before they could return , oln father adam , by the help of philip , had so far pacified the parties as to come to a good agreement , or else compremise . quere , who is in fault ? the eighth case . it so hapned , that whilst jenkins was on the ladder thatching of an house , a sow that was bent on mischief , ran her head through the rounds of the ladder , nor could this be avoided , notwithstanding he was admonisht of the danger approaching , by alexander his faithful servant ; lewis observing this unlucky accident , cry'd out murder , the noise whereof a wakened jeremy out of a drunken sleep , who instantly laid hold on edgar , swearing bitterly if charles did not immediately run and setch endimion , walter should hold up his hand at the bar ; this so inraged george , that andrew with a quarter staff did let drive at josua in such sort , that had not richard interposed , hubert had undoubtedly been knockt on the head ; valentine was all this while eating hasty pudding for his breakfast , the sight whereof so sharpned benjamin's revenge , that snatching the pudding out of his hands , eating up the one half , he threw the rest scalding hot in the face of tobias ; hereupon moses and jacob rubbing their eyes did very much condemn the sauciness of simon ; at this up starts ezechiel and gregory , protesting they could no longer indure the leud and insolent carriage of phineas , which caused fredrick to acknowledg , that nehemiah was in the right ; how can that be , said ferdinando , since it is well known to zachary , that simon , humphrey and daniel were all concerned in the conspiracy of the aforesaid malitious sow , in the taking away the life of the poor thatcher . a ninth and last case . whilst martha was frying tripe for dorothies dinner , in came susan and assaulted barbarah a young widdow , jane hereupon took the frying-pan and threw it about the house , and it so hapned that a broad piece of tripe fell so exactly all over judiths face , that ann could not see the way out of door to call in jone to the assistance of frances , who by this time had her face so plaister'd with boyling hot custard , by the cruel dealing of lucy and elizabeth , that it was verily believed by alice and mary , that priscilla the virgin would go near to miscarry upon it ; hereupon sarah was much troubled that the patience of grizel should exceed that of elenors in suffering esther to knock down cassandra with a churmstick into the dripping pan , beatrice seeing this , did with violence thrust sisly up to the arm-pits in a pan of hot codlings , in the mean time deborah and thomasin had pull'd off each others head gear , and had so claw'd one the others face that they could not see how to put an end to the present difference . quere , what must be done in both these cases ? finis . the city remembrancer. or, a sermon preached to the native-citizens, of london, at their solemn assembly in pauls on tuesday, the 23 of june, a.d. mdclvii. / by edm. calamy b.d. and pastor of the church at aldermanbury. calamy, edmund, 1600-1666. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78766 of text r208432 in the english short title catalog (thomason e1676_2). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 90 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 46 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78766 wing c228a thomason e1676_2 estc r208432 99867386 99867386 119696 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78766) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 119696) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 209:e1676[2]) the city remembrancer. or, a sermon preached to the native-citizens, of london, at their solemn assembly in pauls on tuesday, the 23 of june, a.d. mdclvii. / by edm. calamy b.d. and pastor of the church at aldermanbury. calamy, edmund, 1600-1666. [16], 74 p. printed by s.g. for john baker, at the sign of the peacock in pauls church-yard., london, : 1657. annotation on thomason copy: "july 30". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng bible. -n.t. -acts xxi, 39 -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a78766 r208432 (thomason e1676_2). civilwar no the city remembrancer. or, a sermon preached to the native-citizens, of london,: at their solemn assembly in pauls on tuesday, the 23 of ju calamy, edmund 1657 14370 28 75 0 0 0 0 72 d the rate of 72 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-06 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the city remembrancer . or , a sermon preached to the native-citizens , of london , at their solemn assembly in pauls on tuesday , the 23 of june , a. d. mdclvii . by edm. calamy b. d. and pastor of the church at aldermanbvry . psal. 87. 4 , 5 , 6. — this man was born there , and of zion it shall be said , this and that man was born in her ; and the highest himself shall establish her . the lord shall count when he writes up the people , that this man was born there . selah . london , printed by s. g. for john baker , at the sign of the peacock in pauls church-yard . 1657. to the right honourable , right worshipfull , and all other citizens of london , who received their first birth in so renowned a metropolis , and were of late assembled together for the acknowledgement of this passage of divine providence towards them . much honoured and beloved in christ , it cannot be denied , but that god hath blessed this city above most cities in the world with blessings of all kinds , and more especially , with the blessing of the gospel . and although our sins are many , and great , and such sins may be found amongst us , for which god hath destroyed other great cities ; yet notwithstanding he hath hitherto preserved us , and dealt with us , not according to rule , but according to prerogative . he hath made london an exception from his generall way of proceeding with other cities , and hath spared us upon the account alone of free-grace ; even so father , for so it seemeth good in thy sight . o that this extraordinaryand distinguishing love of god , might at last lead us to repentance ! and thatin this our day we might know those things which belong unto our peace , before they be hid from our eyes ; that our preservationsfrom former judgements , may not prove reservationsunto greater , and that we may not ( by reason of our unthankfulness , and unfruitfulness ) drink the dregs of gods wrath , and at last be be made a spectacle of divine indignation , and an exampleto others , because we would not learn righteousnessby their examples . the chief design of this ensuing sermon ( now made publick by your intreaty ) is , to persuade the citizensborn in this famous city , by their prayers , unity , piety , verity , and charity , to seek the welfare and happinessof it ; and to be so holy and heavenly in their lives , that they may be accounted able , and worthy to stand in the gap , to hinder the judgements of god from falling upon it . it is not only not contrary , but very suitable to christian religion to seek the good ( in an especiall manner ) of theplace where we were born , or bred up . because jesus christ was bred in nazareththerefore he preached first in that place . this he did ( saith one ) as a recompence for his education . because paul was bred , andbrought up in jerusalem , and of the stock of israel , therefore he was in great heaviness , and continual sorrow of heart ; and could have wished himself accursed from christ for his brethren , his kinsmen according to the flesh . religion doth not take away natural affection , butperfects it , it doth not extinguish , but order and regulateit . it is your great dutyto study to be blessings andmercies , as to the placeswhere you were brought up , so also to the places where youwere born . it is reported ofalexander the great , that he loved his master aristostle , as much as he did hisfather philip ; because ( as he said ) from his father hee received his being , and from his master his wel-being . i will not dispute , whether we owe more to the place where we were born , or to the place where we were bred , sure i am . we owe much to both ; and it is our duty to endeavour to beblessings both to the one , and to the other . it is a providence not to be slighted , that you are citizens of no mean city , but this will little avail , if you be not a credit and an ornament to it . the excellency of a cityconsisteth in the excellencyof the citizens ; without which an excellent city is rather a bethaven , than abethel , rather an hell , than a heaven . human storiesrelate what great blessings some persons have been to the places , where they received their first breath . the lacedaemonianswhen they laied waste all baeotia , sparedthebes , because pindar ( that famous poet ) was born there ; and when alexander destroyed it , he commanded his souldiers to spare pindars family , &c. the persians when they waged war withall grecia , would not hurt the isle of delos , because it was the place where apollo was born , &c. o let it be your care , that you may be noah's , abraham's , lots , and daniels to the place where you were born ; that god by your prayers and tears may be moved to spare this great city ▪ & multiply his blessing upon it . for this end and purpose , your great study must be towalk worthy of the gospel , which you enjoy with much purity , power , plenty , and liberty ; you must not onely have it with you , but in you ; not onely be professors , but practisers of it ; not onely be fellow-citizens of london , but of the saints , and of the houshold of god . you must labour to be citizens and freemen of that city which hath foundations , whose builder and maker is god . for you cannotsin at so cheap a rate in london , as some may do in other places . when you sin , you sin against greater light , and love , against greater means , and mercies than others do . and therefore your sins will more provoke thealmighty , and bring downgreater , and more sudden desolations upon you ; you arecapernaum-like , lifted up to heaven , and if you slight the gospel as she did , you shall be brought down to hell , and it shall be easier for capernaum at the great day than for you . the great god expects , that you should be like hananiah who feared god above many . that you should be in the highest for me of christs school , taller by the head in gracethan men in other places . he looks that you should do {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , something singular and extraordinary ; he hath given you more than he hathgiven to others , and he requires more from you , the lord grant you may return more ! there were many eyes upon you , beholding what you would do ( after this following sermon was preached , in which you were earnestly excited unto good works ) at your publique dinner . give me leave to tell you freely and plainly ; you have not as yet sufficiently answered the expectation , either of others , or of many of your own company ; there were some little spots ( this year also ) in your feast of charity ; ( i mean ) some defects , and blemishes , not ( i hope ) for want of affection , but of observing a due method ; howsoever ; thus much i must publish to the world both for thehonor of god , and for your honor ; you havedoubled your charity this year , above what it was the last year ; you have bound out 30. boyes to be apprentices ; you have given considerable summes to ministers born in london , and ministers widows , in distresse , and to poor scholars in the vniversities ; and my hope is , that the next year you will double the summe above what you have given this year . i am verily perswaded , that , what god said of corinth , is very true of london , he hath much people in this city ; though there are many wicked amongst us , yet there are many , yea , very many , both born , andbrought up in london , who truly fear god ; and for their sakes ▪ god hath hitherto spared us . my prayers is , that god would increasetheir number ; that this city may be a city of refuge , for distressed christians ; not an oppressing , or a bloudy city ; but a faithful and holy citywherein ▪ god may delight to dwell , and that salvation may be appointed to her for walls and bulwarks . so prayeth ▪ your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and fellow servant in promoting the common good , edm. calamy . a sermon preached before the native citizens of london . the city remembrancer . act. 21. 39. but paul said , i am a man which am a jew of tarsus , a city in cilicia , a citizen of no mean city . we are here met this day , not only as christians , but as fellow citizens , to bless the name of the lord , that we were born not only in england , but in london ; that we are native-citizens of no mean city . for the better celebrating of this mercy , i have chosen this suitable text , which contains saint pauls just and necessary defence of himself against the unjust accusation of the chief captain of the roman band . the chief captain accuseth him for being an egyptian , a seducer , and a murderer . art not thou that egyptian which before these dayes madest an uprore , and leddest out to the wilderness four thousand men that were murderers ? in this verse saint paul makes his apology , which consisteth of three parts . 1. he describes his original ; he was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i am ( saith he ) a man which am a jew , i am not that wicked and cursed egyptian you speak on , but i am a jew , of a religious and noble extraction . for though the jewes are at this day the scorn and contempt of the world , justly odious to all good christians , because of their murdering of christ ; yet the time was when they were the only people god had upon earth , when they were a holy nation , when they were naturally holy , as it is , gal. 2. 15. we who are jews by nature , and not sinners of the gentiles . they were not sinners by nature , as the gentiles , but holy by nature ( i do not mean with the holyness of regeneration , but with a federall holyness ) they were all in covenant with god , and their very land was holy , it was immanuels land . the time was when they were not onely a holy , but a noble people : the honourablest nation under the whole heavens . for to them , as the apostles , saith pertained the adoption , and the glory , and the covenants , and the giving of the law , and the service of god , and the promises . whose are the fathers ( those noble and honourable patriarcks ) and of whom as concerning the flesh , christ came , who is over all god blessed for ever . jesus christ was not only the son of man , but the seed of abraham . this is the first part of pauls apology . he was a jew , of a godly and noble original . secondly , he describes the country where he was born ; he was not only a jew as to his original , but as to his country , he was a cilician , which is a province in anatolia , or asia minor , a country saith ammianus marcellinus , dives omnibus bonis , wealthy and fruitfull of all necessaries . he was born in a rich and fruitfull countrey . thirdly , he describes his native city , & the dignity and excellency of it ; he was a jew of tarsus , that is , born in tarsus of cilicia , so called , in opposition ( saith cajetan ) to another tarsus in bythinia . he was a citizen of no mean city , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . in these words , there is a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , where more is to be understood , than is expressed . he was a citizen of no mean city , that is , he was a citizen of a famous city . josephus calls it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , stephanus , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . it was urbs celebratissima , a most renowned and celebrious city . it was the metropolis of all cilicia . solinus saith , it was mater urbium , the mother of cities , diodorus siculus saith , that for the kindness it shew-to julius caesar , and after him to augustus caesar , it was called juliopolis . in this famous city was paul born . the words thus expounded , may be handled two manner of wayes . 1. relatively , as they are purely apologetical , and satissactory answers to the unjust accusations laid to pauls charge , by the chief captain . i shall not meddle with them in this sense , because it would lead me to a discourse . heterogeneal to the occasion of this dayes meeting . 2. absolutely , as they are an historical narraration of pauls extraction , countrey , and native city . in this sense i shall speak to them . i shall sum up all that i have to say into this doctrinal conclusion . doct. that to be descended from religious and noble ancestors , and to be born in a famous country and city , are considerable privileges , and passages of divine providence not to be slighted or disregarded . this proposition consisteth offour branches , of which i shall speak in order . 1. to be descended from godly and religious ancestors is a desirable privilege , and no small honour . this was pauls prerogative . he was a jew descended from the holy patriarcks . it is a great happiness when a man can truly say , o god , thou art my god , and my fathers god , as it is , exod. 15. 2. and with jacob , o god of my father abraham , and my father isaac . for god hath promised not onely to be the god of the righteous , but of their seed ; and david saith , that the generation of the righteous shall be blessed . there is a saying amongst some men , happy is the child whose father goeth to the devil . but this is a wicked and cursed speech , for god punisheth the sins of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate him . but i rather say , happy is the child whose father goeth to heaven . for god sheweth mercy unto thousands of them that love him and keep his commandements . god promiseth to bless isaac , and to multiply his seed as the stars of heaven , because that abraham his father obeyed his voyce , and kept his statutes and laws , gen. 26. 3 , 4 , 5. and the apostle commends marcus to the colosstans to be regarded and respected by them , because he was barnabas sisters son ; he was the sisters son of a godly man . 2. to be descended from noble and illustrious progenitors is a considerable privilege . this was also pauls prerogative , he was of the stock of israel , of the tribe of benjamin , an hebrew of the hebrews . the wiseman saith , blessed art thou , o land , when thy king is the son of nobles , &c. to be nobly born , is naturale medium & stimulus ad virtutem & gloriam ( as one saith , ) it is a natural help , and a singular incitation and provocation to riches and glory . when bathshebah would disswade solomon her son from intemperancy in drinking , she brings an argument from the nobleness of his birth , prov. 31. 4. it is not for kings , o lemuel , it is not for kings to drink wine , nor for princes strong drink . it is not fit for any to drink immoderately , much less for kings and princes . alexander scorned to run a race with any who were not kings , because he himself was a kings son . and because themistocles was a great general , therfore he would not stoop to take up a rich booty , but bids a common souldier do it . nobility is a great spur to vertue . the very heathen could say , fortes creantur fortibus & bonis , virtue when it is joyned with nobility is much more glorious and illustrious , than when joyned with poverty . it is like a diamond in a golden ring : it is much more beautiful , and much more useful and serviceable . and therefore it is reckoned as a great judgement , when the nobles are cut off from a nation , isaiah 39. 12. they shall call the nobles thereof to the kingdom , but none shall be there , and all their princes shall be nothing . 3. to be born in a rich , fruitfull and religious nation is no inconsiderable privilege . for that god which sets bounds to our lives which we cannot pass , doth also set bounds to our habitations , act. 17. 26. and hath made of one bloud all nations of men , for to dwell on all the face of the earth , and hath determined the times before appointed , and the bounds of their habitation . that one man is born in spain , another in france , another in turks , non fit casu sed à deo desinitur . it is not by chance and fortune , but by the wise ordering of god . when god first scattered men over the face of the earth , it was divino ductu & distributione , by divine guidance , and distribution , and as some think ( saith streso ) by the ministry of angels . as joshua distributed the land of canaan by a divine lot : so doth god by his providence , appoint in what places of the world every man shall dwell . it is no little happiness to us , that are now assembled this day , that wee are by nation englishmen . when julius caesar first came into britain ( which we now call england , ) hee thought he had found out another world . aristides a greek author cals it by way of excellency , the great island . charles the great stiles it ▪ the granary and storehouse for the western world . matth. parisiensis calls it , hortus deliciarum , puteus inexhaustus &c. a paradise of pleasures , a well which can never be drawn dry . iosephus saith , that if god had made the world round like a ring , as he hath done like a globe , britain might most worthily have been the gem of it . if all the world were made into a ring . britain the gem , and grace thereto should bring . there are four other considerations may be added in commendation of this fortunate island ( as it hath anciently been called ) of great britain . 1. it was one of the first nations that were converted from heathenism unto christianity ; the learned arch-bishop of armagh proveth by undeniable arguments , that ioseph of arimathea preached and planted the gospel in britain . the apostle 2 tim. 4. 21. makes mention of claudia , and pudens her husband , that this claudia was of the british nation , the same authour proves by an epigram in martial , claudia caeruleis cum sit ruffina britannis , edita , cur latiae pectora plebis habet ? &c. 2. the first king that ever professed christian religion , was king lucius born here in this nation . 3. the first emperor that ever owned christ and his gospell , was constantine the great , born in england . 4. the first king that ever renounced the popes supremacy , was king henry the eight ; and the first king that ever wrote against the pope , to prove him to be the antichrist , and the whore of babylon , was king iames of famous memory . and therefore i may safely say , that it is a providence not to be slighted and disregarded , that we are by nation englishmen . fourthly , to be born in a noble and famous city is a desirable privilege . paul reckoneth it as a mercy that hee was born in tarsus , and that he was a citizen of no mean city . there is ( i confess ) some contention amongst learned men , about the place of pauls birth . as seven cities strove about homers birth , so there are many places which challenge an interest in this holy apostle . hierome brings it as the common opinion of his time , that he was born in giscalis a town in iudaea , and bred up in tarsus . but in another place he recants this opinion and yet it is revived by beda , masius , and arias montanus . some say hee was born in graecia , others that hee was a citizen of rome . but ( as lorinus well saith ) paulo ipsi natale suum prodenti solum credendum est , wee must believe paul above all other witnesses , he saith expresly , that hee was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} born in tarsus , indeed he saith of himself that he was a roman , but how ? not by birth ▪ but because tarsus was invested with the roman privileges . there was a time when it was a singular prerogative to be a citizen of rome , haec vox civis romanus sum , saepe in ultimis terris , &c. this word , i am a roman citizen , relieved and rescued many in the utmost parts of the earth . it was terror mundi , saith cicero . it was not lawfull to binde or scourge a roman citizen ; the chief captain paid dear for this freedom ; but paul was free-born , because born in tarsus , which was a roman colony , and made free of rome by m. antonius . it is no contemptible prerogative to us here present , that we were born in london ; a city famous in nero's time ( which is almost 1600. yeares ago ) for concourse of merchants , and of great renowne for provision of all things necessary . ammianus marcellinus gives it a glorious title , calling it , augusta , a stately and magnificent city . this was 1200 ▪ years ago . cornelius tacitus 300. years before him , saith , that it was , valde celebre copiâ negotiatorum & commeatu , very renowned for commerce , and multitude of merchants . it is the metropolis and mother-city of the nation . if england be a paradise of pleasure , london is as the tree of life in this paradise . and surely if plato accounted it a great honour that he was a grecian born and not a barbarian , and that he was not onely a grecian , but an athenian , it must needs be an honour to us here assembled , not onely that we are englishmen , but englishmen born in the noble and famous city of london , that we are citizens of no mean city . if any here desire to be farther informed of the excellency of this city , let me intreat him to peruse a booke printed this year , & composed by mr. james howel , called londinopolis . thus you have the propositiō explained in all the four branches of it . but now i must adde , that though the things forementioned be considerable privileges , yet they are but outward and temporal privileges , common to the worst , as well as the best of men ; cateline was born in rome , as well as caesar ; caligula and nero , as well as augustus and trajan . they are but fleshly and carnal prerogatives , which a man may enjoy , and yet be under the wrath of god , and guilt of eternal damnation . they are the privileges of paul a pharisee , and of paul a persecutor ; they are such privileges , which after he was converted , he accounted but as dung and dross in comparison of , and competition with , the lord jesus christ . but yet howsoever , they are privileges , & passages of divine providence , not to be sleighted . and therefore in the application , i shall first improve this propositiō , as it is a desirable privilege ; & secondly , as it is but an outward , common , and temporal privilege . first , as it is a considerable and desirable privilege ; and upon this account alone it will afford us three profitable and seasonable exhortations . let us this day bless the lord for this mercy , that we are englishmen and londoners born ; and especially , that we were born in england since it became christian , and since it was reformed from popish superstition . there was a time when britain was tristissimum superstitionum chaos , when london was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( as paul saith of athens ) a city wholly given to idolatry ; when we offered our sons and daughters alive in sacrifice to those that were no gods , non ad honorem sed ad injuria●s religionis , not as an honour , but as a shame to religion . the time was , when we were drowned in popish superstition , when england was the popes vassail , and the popes asse ( as it was called ) to bear all his burdens ; but god out of his infinite mercy , hath freed us of those burdens , and we have enjoyed the protestant reformed religion , for an hundred years together . o let us bless god that we were born in england since it was reformed from heathenism and popery ; that we were born , not in egypt , but in goshen ; not in a valley of darkness , but in a valley of vision ; not in babylon , but in sion ; ( as you heard excellently the last year ) le● us bless god that we were born in london , not onely because of the excellency of the situation of it , and the many outward accommodations to be found in it above other cities ; but because of the abundance of the gospel of salvation herein dispensed . it is said of the isle of rhodes , that it is fo happy an island , that there is not one day in the year , in which the sun doth not shine upon it ; this is true of london in a spiritual sense ; there is not one day in the year , in which you do not enjoy the sun●shine of the gospel . this is the glory of london ; without this , london is no more than ligorn , or constantinople , or paris , or any other city . and this is one main end of our meeting this day , to praise the lord for this happy providence , that we were born in london , where we enjoy more of the purity , plenty , power and liberty of the gospel , than any other city in the world . besides this ; let us this day bless god that london is yet a city , and that it hath not long ago been made like unto sodom and gomorrha . it is most certain , that we are a sinfull city , a city laden with iniquity , a seed of evil doers , children that are corrupters , that are miserably apostatised , both in doctrine , worship , and conversation : as the sinnes of niniveh cried aloud to god for vengeance : so do the sins of london ; the pride , the hypocrisie , the covetousness , the injustice , the contempt of the gospel , the profanation of the sabbath , the drunkenness , perjury & whoredoms of london ; these and such like sins , cry to god for vengeance . now that god should not onely not destroy us , but multiply his blessings upon us ( as appears by our meeting this day ; ) that god should preserve us so many years from the man devouring plague ; & that in all the time of the late unhappy wars , god should preserve us from being plundered , from popular tumults and insurrections , from being burnt with fire , and turned into an heap of ashes ; this heightens the mercy of god , and makes it a blessing in folio . let us praise god exceedingly for it . this is a duty belonging to all that live in the city , but more especially to us who are native citizens . 2. let us labour to be a credit , and an ornament to the place where we were born ; as we are citizens of no mean city , so let not our conversation be low , and mean , but holy and honorable ; this was paul's commendation , he was a greater credit to tarsus , than tarsus was to him : therefore ignatius writing ( in one of his epistles ) to the tarsenses , calls them , pauli cines & discipulos , pauls fellow-citizens and disciples , as accounting it a great honor to them , that so famous a man , as paul , was born in their city ; thus austin was a greater credit to hippo , than hippo was to him , and hippocrates was a greater blessing to the island co● where he was born , than the island was to him . i here are some men who are curses , and plague ▪ soars , to the places where they receive their first breath , who viper ▪ like tear in pieces the bowels of the mother that bare them : such a one was nero , who set his own city on fire , and rejoyced to behold the flames of it ; such another was caligula , who wished , that all rome had but one neck , that he might cut it off at once : many such monsters there are in most cities , who are vomicae & carcinomata civitatis , diseases , impostumations , stains , and blemishes to the places where they are born ; who are citizens , but drunken citizens ; citizens , but adulterous citizens ; citizens , but covetous , and oppressing citizens ; but i hope better things of you here present this day . what must we do , that we may be ornaments to the place where we were born ? you must do two things : you must be just in your words , and actions towards men , and holy in your carriage towards god ; these are the two poles upon which the happiness of london turns ; then is a city happy , when justice and holiness meet together , when the men thereof make conscience of their duty to god , as well as to their neighbour ; and of their duty to their neighbour , as well as of their duty towards god , when there is a conjunction of holiness and righteousness ; blessed is that land , and blessed is that city , which is in such a condition ; happy london , if a minister could rationally pray jeremies prayer over it , the lord blesse thee o habitation of justice , and mountain of holiness . 1. you must be just in your words and actions towards men . there is a great complaint throughout the whole nation , against divers men professing godlinesse in this city , that they are false to their trust , unfaithful in their promises , unjust in their buying and selling : that they are very religious in the publique congregation , but very unconscienceable in their private shops ; that the faithful city is become an harlot , it was full of judgement , and righteousness lodged in it , but now her silver is become drosse , and her wine mixt with water ; now it is full of unrighteousness and un●ustice . this is a bloudy charge , and if true , renders y●u traytors and rebels , to the city of your nativity . remember this day , that god hates holinesse if it be not joyned with righteousnesse ; that an unjust holy man is an abomination to the lord ; that holinesse without righteousnesse is not holiness , but hypocrisie . 2. you must be holy in your carriage towards god ; you must not onely give man his due , but god his due ; you must not only have the gospel , but obey the gospel ; you must not onely be good citizens , but good christians . justice without holiness may make you good heathens , but will never make you good christians : an unholy justice is as odious to god , as an unjust holiness . remember the words of the apostle , without holiness no man shall see god ; though you be never so just towards your neighbours , if you be not also holy towards god , you shall never go to heaven . let us sincerely desire , and earnestly endeavour , and seek the good of the city wherein we were born . this was the great commendation of mordecah , fster 10. 3. he sought the wealth of his people ; not his own wealth , but the wealth of his people : such another was nehemiah , he sought the welfare of the children of israel ; he was a man of a publique spirit , he did not monopolize , and ingrosse all to himself ; he was a true common-wealth's man , not a private-wealth's man , he sought the good of the people of god , more than his own : such another was augustus caesar , it is said of him , that he found the city of rome weak and in rubbish , and left it adamantine and invincible : such must you be , you must seek the good of the place of your nativity , you must not onely labour to enrich , enoble , and greaten your selves , to make your selves happy ; but you must labour to enrich , enoble , greaten , and make london happy and blessed ; this you must do six manner of waies , 1. by your prayers ; you must pray for the peace of this our jerusalem , that peace may be within her walls , and prosperity within her palaces : for your brethren , and companions sake , you must say , and pray peace be within thee : for in the peace of london is your peace wrapt up , in the happiness of london , your happiness is involved . pray that the name of london , from this day may be jehovah shammai , the lord is there ; that the lord would make it an habitation of justice , and a mountain of holiness : pray that the sun of the gospel may not set in our daies , but that it may be continued to us , and our posterities for evermore . 2. by living together in love and union ; behold how good and how pleasant it is , for brethren to dwell together in unity ! it is like the precious ointment upon the head , that ran down upon the beard , even aarons beard , that went down to the skirts of his garments ; as the dew of herm●n , and as the dew that descended upon the mountains of sion ; for there the lord commanded the blessing , even life for ever . as long as ierusalem was a city compact together , and at unity within it self , so long it prospered ; but when it came to be divided into two sticks , into iudah , and ephraim ( the two tribes and the ten tribes ) these two sticks never left beating one another , till they were at last both of them destroyed . it is observed by learned men , that all englands enemies from without , were brought into the land by divisions from within ; intestine divisions brought in the romans , saxons , danes , and normans . tacitus saith , that the britains ( when caesar came in ) factionibus trahebantur , & dunt singuli pugnabant universi vincuntur , &c. the divisions of london at this day are very many , and very great . o that this dayes meeting might be some wayes instrumentall for the healing of them . that our feasting together may not onely in name , but in reality prove to be a love-feast . that he●●eforth we would cease striving one against another ; and strive together for the faith of the gospel . that wee would abstain from all dividing names , principles , and practices . that magistrates and ministers would joyn together for the publick good . that aaron and huz would hold up ( not weaken ) the hands of moses . alwayes remembring that sad speech of jesus christ , mat. 12. 25. every kingdom divided against it self , is brought to desolation , and every city or house divided against it self , shall not stand . thirdly , by your holy lives and conversations ; for holiness will not only preserve your own persons from hell , but the city wherein you live from ruine and destruction . here are assembled this day at least a thousand persons born in london ; now if all you were really holy , what a wall of brass would it be for the defence of the city ? for if god would have spared five cities , if there had been but ten righteous persons in them , how much more will he spare one city , wherein there are a thousand righteous men ? sin and iniquity brings down the judgements of god upon cities and kingdoms . there is a story of two men riding through a town in germany , burnt down by souldiers ; the one said to the other , hic fuit hostilitas , here the enemy hath been ; but the other wisely and christianly answered , hic fuit iniquitas , here sin hath been ; it was the sin of this place , which made way for the souldiers to come to destroy it . when phocas the murderer of the emperor mauritius had built a high and strong wall for his safety and defence , he heard a voyce from heaven saying to him , though thou buildest thy wall , as high as heaven , sin is within , and this will easily expose it to destruction . it is sin which causeth god to burn up cities ; and therefore you must by a holy life , seek the good of this city . fourthly , by your love to the godly , learned , and painfull ministry of the city ; contempt of the ministry is a city-ruinating-sin , it is a sin which brings destruction without remedy , 2 chron. 36. 16. they mocked the messengers of god , and misused his prophets , untill the wrath of god arose against his people , till there was no remedy . when hanun the ammonite abused davids ambassadors , this affront made him to stink before david ( as it is expresly said , 2 sam. 10. 6. ) and brought destruction upon him and all his people : ministers rightly called and ordained , are the ambassadors of jesus christ ; when you despise them , you despise christ ; when you starve them for want of maintenance , christ takes it as an injury against himself , and he will revenge their quarrel . one great reason , why god destroyed jerusalem , was , because she killed the prophets , and stoned them that were sent to her . and the reason why heidelberg that famous city was laid wast , was ( as i was told by a reverend and learned minister there dwelling ) for the contempt of the ministry . o let not this be your sin , lest you also perish as they have done . 5. by your constancy in the faith in these apostatizing dayes ; it will not , it cannot be denied , but that london is miserably infected and beleapred with errors and heresies ; and what is said of poland , and amsterdam , may be as truly said of this city , that if a man had lost his religion , he should be sure to find it ( be it what it will be ) amongst as here . we are a cage of unclean birds ; a receptacle for hereticks of all kinds ; heresie is gone forth from london , into all parts of the land . now you must know , that heresie will quickly bring ruine upon a city . pezelius upon sleidan , tells us , that the dissentions of the christians in the east , brought in the saracens and mahumetans : they were divided into ten severall religions ; and their divisions did armare saracenos in ecclesiae perniciem , did arm the saracens to destroy the christians ; and therefore if you would seek the good of the place of your nativity , you must be valiant for the truth , you must indeavour , according to the station in which god hath set you , to purge the city of these augaean stables , to hinder the growth of heresie : you must not be like children tossed to and fro , and carried about with every wind of doctrin . you must in malice be children , but in understanding be men . you must be stedfast and immoveable in the truth , that so at last god who is a god of truth , may delight to dwell in the midst of us ; and this city may be called as jerusalem was , a city of truth . 6. by your charity and liberality ; this doth especially concern such of you , upon whom god hath bestowed the riches of this world . a poor citizen may do good to his native-city , by his prayers and holy life , but you must also do good to it , by your bounty and liberality . charity is the queen of graces , without which all other graces are but cyphers and shadows ; faith without charity is nothing worth ; if a man gives his body to be burnt , and hath not charity , it profiteth him nothing . the protestant religion , as it teacheth us not to trust to good works , so also it teacheth us to be full of good works ; you have often heard us say , that though faith alone justifieth , yet the faith that justifieth , is never alone ; though faith justifieth separatim à bonis operibus , yet not separata à bonis operibus ; though good works be not necessary in the act of justification , yet they are necessary in the person justified ; though good works be not the cause , why we go to heaven , yet they are the way to heaven . thus wee preach ▪ let it appear this day , that you are real protestants by pract●sing this doctrine . let the proud papists trust to the merit of their works , but let us protestants trust in christ onely and his righteousness , and let us manifest the truth of our faith in christ , by our good works to the members of christ , alwaies remembring that laying of christ , whatsoever you do to any of the least of my brethren , you do unto me . you have many glorious precedents and put ternes left you by your predecessors , whose hearts god hath stirred up to build many famous hospitalls , and to endow them with large revenews , and to erect free-schools for the education of youth , and herein they become examples to you to follow their steps , and as you inherit their estates , so also to inherit their vertues . but i shall not press you any farther to charity in general ; i shall confine my discourse to one little piece and parcel of charity towards your fellow-citizens , that are in want and necessity . you are this day to dine together ; my hearts desire is , that this dinner may be a feast of charity . in the primitive times the christians had their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , their love-feasts , on purpose to maintain brotherly love ; these feasts jude calls ( according to our translation ) feasts of charity , because in such feasts the poor were alwaies remembred ; my humble sute is , that this dinner may be a feast of love and charity , that some real good may be done at it , that you may not onely feast as good citizens , but as good christians ; and therefore you have a sermon here this morning , on purpose to prepare you for this feast , that so it may not onely be a civil , but a religious meeting . the apostle jude tells us of spots that were in the primitive feasts of charity , these spots were certain wicked and heretical persons , which crept into their feasts , and defiled and polluted them ; i hope their will be no such spots amongst us this day . the last year there were spots in our feast of charity , mistake me not , i do not mean it in judes sense , i am far from thinking , that there were wicked and heretical men amongst us , my meaning onely is , that there were defects and blemishes in our last years meeting . the reverend brother that preach'd here the last year , hath told the world thus much in print ; but he addes very wisely and discreetly , and ( i hope ) truly , that this was not for want of affection , but of contrivance ; not for want of liquor , but vent , not matter , but method , not conception , but obstetrication ; you did not want a fountain of charity , but onely a chanel cut out wherein your charity might stream it self ; this channel is now cut out for you , there are indeed four chanels , four glorious designes proposed by the stewards , for to draw out your charity and liberality , towards your fellow-citizens ; give me leave to read them to you , as they were sent me in writing . 1. for the relief of ministers in distresse , born in the freedom oflondon . 2. for relief of ministers widdows in want , whose husbands were born in the freedom of london . 3. for putting forth of poor children to be apprentises , whose fathers are or were freemen , and which children were born in the city of london , or liberties thereof . 4. that relief may be made for poor scholars , students in the vniversity , and there resident , who are unable to subsist of themselves , and who were sons of freemen , and have been horn in london , or the liberties thereof . here are four famous chanels for your charity to stream in ; four excellent materials to build your liberality upon . and let me tell you , that you are obliged this day , both in conscience , and honour , and you can neither sasisfie god or man , unlesse you do something worthy your selves . to move you , consider , 1. that you miscarried the last year , and therefore you are the more ingaged this year . when i say you miscarried , i do not mean as to the faithfulnesse of the stewards , who were very carefull and exactly diligent in laying out the money that was gathered , ( in testimony whereof you have 32. poor youths here before you whom they bound out apprentises . ) but i mean in regard of the littleness of the sum that was gathered . and this miscarriage was not for want of affection , ( as is said of you in print ) but for want of contrivance , not for want of liquor , but vent , of matter , but method , &c. behold now a method propounded ! behold a vent for your charity ! let it appear this day , that that which is said of you in print is true . let the fountain of your liberality stream out in these four chanels . 2. you have most of you got your estates here in this city ; here is the place where god hath blessed you ; and therefore the light of nature teacheth you to seek the good of this city , where god hath prospered you in the first and chief place . and there are many of you whom god hath blessed with great estates . as you are citizens of no mean city , so you are no mean citizens . now god requires of you , not only to be charitable , but a suitable proportion of charity according as he hath blessed you . you that are rich in estate must not only do good works , but be rich in good works , alwaies remembring that saying of christ , to whom much is given , of them much is required . 3. your charity will be a pattern and president to other persons and places . for though you must not do good works to be seen of men , yet you must do good works , which men may see , according as christ saith , let your light so shine before men , that they may see your good works , and glorifie your father w●h is in heaven . 4. i might here take occasion to tell you what the kentish men have done lately in their meeting , and what the warwick-shire men have done ; but this would be too much to undervalue you ; you are the mother city , and it is not fit that the daughters should be examples to the mother , but the mother to her daughters . i perswade my self , that you will this day exceed all former patterns , and be your selves a pattern to all others . 5. i might also here take occasion to put you in mind of one of the last years stewards , whom god hath suddainly taken out of this world . he was a godly man , and of good esteem ; his name was mr. john wallington . the egyptians in all their great feasts were wont to have a death's head served in as one dish , that thereby they might be put in mind of their mortality ; and learn to be sober and temperate in eating and drinking . i could heartily wish , that the death of this precious christian might serve this day instead of a death's-head to stir up your charity , and liberality , forasmuch as you know not how soon god may take you from your estates , or your estates from you , how soon god may call you to give an account of your stewardships ; or whether ever you shall live to have such another publick occasion , to testifie the greatness of your love to christ , by your charity to his fellow-members . and therefore while you have opportunity , do good to all , but especially to the houshold of faith . but why should i use any more arguments ? for the city of london hath alwayes been one of the best places in the world , for deeds of charity . let me speak it to the honour of god , and of this city , that even at this very day , the city of london is a sanctuary for all the distressed christians of the nation ; and a man may sooner get a 100 l. at a collection in london ; than an hundred pence in many other places . as god hath given you large estates , so also hath he given to many of you large hearts . and therfore why should not believe , and confidently conclude , that you will this day answer expectation ; and that you will be charitable , though not to be seen of men , yet so , as that men may see it , and bless god for you . i shall adde onely this one word more . you are citizens of no mean city , and no mean citizens of this city ; and therefore let not your charity this day be low and mean , but transcendent , and superlative , suitable to the place where you were born , and to such persons born in such a place . so much for the use of this proposition , as it is a considerable and desirable privilege . vse 2. i shall now further improve it as it is but an outward , temporall , fleshly , and carnal privilege , common to the worst , as well as to the best of men . as it is the prerogative of paul , even then when hee was a persecuting pharisee ; as it is a privilege which a man may enjoy , and yet be in the state of damnation . and here likewise ( if time would permit ) i should exhort you unto three things very seasonable and profitable . 1. let us not rest satisfied in being the children of religious parents , but let us labour to inherit the virtues of our parents . there are many children , who are blots and blemishes to their parents , as manasseh was to hezekiah , conmodus unto marcus aurelius antoninus , of whom it is said , that he had been perfectly happy , had hee not begotten such a son ; and that he did injure his countrey in nothing but in being the father of such an ungodly child . hoc solo patriae , quod genuit , nocuit . there are many citizens amongst us , who are the wicked sons of very godly parents , let such know , that it is a fearful thing to sin against good education , and to walk contrary to those religious principles , which they suck'd in from their very cradle ; that that which is a great mercy in it self , is to them a great judgement ; and that their very parents shall rise up in judgement against them , and be instead of a thousand witnesses to condemn them . 2. let us not rest contented in being born of noble parents , but let those that are nobly born , labour to be nobly minded ; for it is the noble minde makes a man noble , and not the noble title . it is a notable saying of gregory the great , a king may command his subjects to call a lyon a lamb , but he cannot make a lyon to be a lamb ; a king may give a man noble titles , but he cannot make the man a noble man , because he cannot give him a noble and vertuous minde . and therefore you that are nobly born must labour to be nobly and vertuously minded . nobility without vertue is , but , as a scarlet-roabe upon a leprous body , and like a jewel in a swines snout . there are very many who are ignobly born , and yet prove noble ; such was the coblers son who grew to be a famous captain , and when he was upbraided by a noble man with his mean original , wittily answered , my nobility begins with me , and thine ends in thee ; and there are many who are nobly born , and yet prove ignoble , to the dishonour of their progenitors ; such were the children of alcibiades ; such was hezekiah's son ; such must not you be , you must labour to be a credit to your ancestors . and you must not account it sufficient to be born of earthly parents , though never so noble , but you must labour to be born of god , and to be born from above ; for as christ saith , except a man be born from above , ( for so it is in the original ) he shall never enter into the kingdom of heaven . it is not your being born from below , ( though your parents be never so high ) which will intitle you to heaven ; unlesse you be born from above , unless you be heaven-born christians . a true christian is of a noble extraction ; he is the adopted son of god , brother to jesus christ , heir of god , and co-heir with christ ; he is the noblest man in the world ; such must you labour to be ; and in comparison of this all outward nobility is , but as dung and drosse . 3. let us not rest satisfied in being citizens of this famous city of london , but let us labour to be citizens of the new jerusalem , to be citizens of that city which is made without hands , eternal in the heavens . heaven in scripture is often called a city , and it is no mean city , glorious things are spoken of thee , o thou city of the living god ; all earthly cities aremean and poor , in comparison of it , and not worthy to be named that day in which we speak of this city ; the scripture calls it , a better countrey , that is , an heavenly ; as far as heaven exceeds the earth , so far doth thiscity exceed all earthly cities . it exceeds them . 1. in its greatness and bigness ; and therefore it is called agreat city , revel 21. 10. and , that great city by way of emphasis ; the holy jerusalem descending out of heaven . our saviour christ saith , that in his fathers house there are many mansions ; who can tell how many ? for there are in heaven a great multitude , which no man could number , of all nations , and kindreds , and people , and tongues . if the sun be 166times bigger than the earth , how big is this blessed city ? 2. in its sublimity and altitude ; it is a city seated above all visible heavens , as the apostle saith , ephes● 4. 10. therefore it is called ; the highest heaven , and the third heaven , farre above the aëriall , and aetheriall heavens . and this sheweth the excellency of this city ; for in the composition of the world , the purest , and the most excellent things are situated in the highest places ; the earth as the grossest is put in the lowest room ; the air above that , and therefore purer than that ; the fire purer than the air ; the starry heaven above them , and therefore of a more pure composition , which aristotle calls , quinta essentia ; but the heaven of the blessed is above the starry heaven , and therefore of a far purer composition , and as zanchy saith , it is inter omnia corpora simplicia simplicissimum . 3. in its beauty and glory ; for this city hath no need of the sun or moon to shine in it ; but the glory of god doth lighten it , and the lamb is the light thereof . and herein also consisteth the excellency of this city because it is a place where we shall be filled with the glory of god , the lord god almighty shall be the everlasting light of it , and our god the glory of it . 4. it exceeds all other cities in the wealth and riches of it ; for it is a city of pure gold , and the streets of it are of pure gold , the walls of it and the foundations are garnished with all manner of precious stones , and the twelve gates of it are made of twelve pearles , &c. these expressions are all of them metaphorical , borrowed from things that are most precious , and of highest account with men upon earth , to set out the incomparable wealth and riches of heaven . and surely if the streets be of pure gold , o how beautiful are the inner rooms ! how rich is the chamber of presence of the great king of kings ! 5. in the pleasures of it ; there are many cities which are pleasantly situated , and wherein all earthly pleasures are to be enjoyed ; this famous city of london is deservedly stiled not onely the store-house of profit , but the garden of pleasure ; but heaven is a paradise of all pleasure , and therefore it is called paradise ; earthly paradise was omnium voluptatum promptuarium , a promptuary and store-house of all pleasures , and delights , much more is heavenly paradise : it is the garden of the lord , wherein the saints of god are satisfied with joyes and unspeakable delights . 6. in the privileges and immunities of it ; every city hath its privileges , and immunities to invite men to dwell in it , & to be free of it . but now the privileges , and immunities of heaven are unexpressible ; there we shall all be kings , crowned with a crown of righteousness , a crown of life , and a crown of glory . there we shall be free from all misery , from the wicked and their persecutions , from the devil and his temptations , and above all we shall be free from the body of sin and iniquity . 7. in the necessary accommodations of it ; a city is a place where all things necessary for the comfort of mans life are to be found . the whole countrey round about bring in their commodities to it . we use to say of cheap side in london , that it is the best garden in england . but now heaven is a city wherein we shall have a perfect possession of all good things . it is an happiness made up by the aggregation of all things desirable . 8. in the excellency of the inhabitants ; it is one of the greatest commendations of a city , when the inhabitants of it are godly and religious . but now in heaven there are none , but the souls of just men made perfect in grace . the people which dwell there are all righteous ; therefore it is called , a holy city , because it consisteth onely of holy persons . 9. in the safety and security of it . it is a great commendation of a city when it is safe and secure from enemies ; there is hardly any city in the whole world which enjoyeth this happinesse . but now in heaven , there is perfect safety and security . therefore it is said , that the gates of it shall never be shut . they that dwell there , are above the fear , and hurt of men or devils . 10. it exceeds all other cities in the work & imployment which the citizens of this city have . in earthly cities men turmoil themselves with wordly businesses , and are troubled about many things , drowning themselves in the cares of the world &c. but in heaven there is no work but to sing hallelujahs , and to be alwayes praising god , and rejoycing in his presence . 11. it exceeds all other cities in the durableness & eternity of it ; the pleasures of this city are everlasting , and the glory , honor , riches and privileges &c. of it , are everlasting . therefore it is said to be a city which hath foundations . the apost. tels us , that abraham looked for a city which hath foundations . this expressiō is put down in oppositiō to abrahams dwelling in tents & tabernacles . a tent is an house wch hath a covering but no foundation ; a tent is a moveable house , easily reared up , and easily pull'd down ; but now the heaven of the blessed is a firm and an enduring city , a city which hath foundations . this phrase signifieth two things . 1. the unchangeableness & unalterableness of this heavenly city . 2. the everlastingnesse and eternity of it . both of them are expresly mentioned by the apost. peter , 1 pet. 1. 4. where he calls heaven not only an immortal , and undefiled , but an inheritance that never fadeth away . all farthly cities decay in time , and need reparation : but this is a city which never fadeth ; a place which needs no reparation . and is as a flower that is alwayes sweet , and never withereth , as excellent after 10000000. years , as at the first moment of its creation . it is unchangeable and unalterable . and so also , it is eternal and everlasting . earthly cities have no foundation , and therefore are fading and perishing . they are like cities made of wax or snow , which quickly melt away , like nebucadnezzars image , whose head was of fine gold , and breasts of silver , but the feet which upheld it were composed of brittle clay , that is easily dissolved . earthly happinesse like the earth is founded upon nothing . and as the cities we dwell in , so we that dwell in these cities have no foundation , unlesse it be in the dust , as job speaks ; therefore the apostle saith , we have here no abiding city , but we seek one to come . heaven is a kingdom , that cannot be shaken . a mansion-house , as christ saith , in my fathers house are many mansions ; ( so called from their perpetuity . ) but we have no {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , no abiding city here . nature ( saith cicero ) hath not given a dwelling place to us here upon earth , but onely a lodging place , as a guest in an inne for a night and away . therefore it is , that the saints of god in all ages have acknowledged themselves to be sojourners , pilgrims , and strangers in this world , traveling thorough it , as thorough a strange country unto their mansion-house in heaven . in a word ; all earthly cities , persons , and happinesse are subject , first to alteration , and next to dissolution . the longest day hath its night , and the longest life its death . the famous monarchies of the world have had their periods . kings dye , and kingdoms dye ; and great and famous cities are in length of time ruinated , and demolished . we in this nation have seen strange alterations , changes , and dissolutions . all earthly cities are changeable , and perishing ; but heaven is a city which hath foundations : it is an unchangeable and everlasting city . lastly , this city excells all other cities in the builder and maker of it ; earthly cities are built by men , but the builder of this city is god : so saith the apostle , he looked for a city which hath foundations , whose builder and maker is god . there are some who think , that the heaven of the blessed is an uncreated place : but this a great error . for every thing in the world is either the creator , or the creature ; ●f heaven were an uncreated place , it should he a god and not a creature . we believe in our creed , that god is the creator of all things visible and invisible . and the forementioned text tells us ; that god was the builder and maker of it . here are two words used {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the last word signifieth , that god made it , summo artificio , to set out his skill and workmanship . when great men build great houses for their own dwelling , they build them according to their greatnesse . when ahashuerosh made a feast , to shew the riches , and glory ▪ of his kingdom , it was a most magnificent feast . solomons temple ( built by him ) was justly accounted the glory of the world , pliny calls it , orbis miraculum , the miracle of the world . when nebucadnezzar built a palace for his own dwelling , it was a sumptuous one . the heathens tell us of glorious structures made by earthly kings . of the temple of diana ; the sepulcher of mausolus ; the walls of babylon ; the capitol of rome , &c. and the pyramids of egypt , one of which was twenty years building , and three hundred threescore thousand men alwaies at work about it . if all the kings of the earth should joyn together to build a palace , surely it would be a rare building ; but if all the angels in heaven should joyn , and set their wisdom on work to build an house , surely it would be an angelical structure . much more when god himself who is an infinite agent , infinite in glory , power , and wisdom , shall make an house to shew his skill , wisdom , glory , and power , this house surely must needs be superlatively excellent ; such an house and such a city is heaven , whose builder and curious artificer was god . and therefore it is said , to be an house made without hands ; not onely without earthly hands , ( for so all the visible heavens were made ) but without hands , that is , after a more excellent manner than the other heavens ; the other heavens are said to be made by the hand of god , psal. 19. 1. psalm 102. 25. but this was made without hands , that is , after a more glorious , and a more unconceiveable manner than all the other heavens . q. but for what end did god build this glorious city ? a. for two ends . first , for his own dwelling-house . christ calls it , his fathers house . god indeed dwells every where in regard of his essence , but in regard of the presence of his glory , he dwells onely in heaven . this sheweth the surpassing excellency of this heavenly house ; it is an house fit for god to dwell in . secondly , god made this city , that it might be a place where the saints of god shall live in the embraces of god for ever . come ye blessed of my father ( saith christ , ) inherit the kingdom prepared for you , &c. it is a kingdom of glory , and happiness prepared for the saints before the foundation of the world . in a word . god made this city to be the habitation of angels and saints after this life , in which they shall see god face to face ; and be made like to christ in glory , and enjoy such pleasures and delights , which eye never saw , nor ear never heard , nor ever entred into the heart of man to conceive . but here i shall draw a veil , not forgetting what the ancient fathers usually say , when they speak of heaven , experimento opus est ; we shall never perfectly understand the excellency of this city , till we come to be dwellers in it . o let us all labour to be citizens and free-men of this blessed city . here are this day assembled , multitudes of citizens and free-men of london : how happy would it be if all here present , were citizens and freemen of heaven . if there were a city in this world , in which whosoever dwelt should be alwayes rich , and healthfull , and young and happy , what flocking would be to such a city ? such a city is heaven ; it is a city in which the saints of god shall all be kings , and shall bee perfectly and perpetually happy . let us bind our selves apprentices to god in this life ; and when our short time is out , he will make us freemen of that city , which hath foundations , whose builder and maker is god . wee must not think to be the devils slaves here , and gods freemen in heaven ; but we must be gods faithfull servants here , and wee shall be his freemen hereafter . heaven is not onely an excellent ▪ city , but a holy city , into which no unclean person shall in any wise enter . in earthly cities wicked men dwell , as well as righteous , and more wicked than righteous ; but in this city , the people shall all be righteous , as it is isaiah , 60. 21. this city is the inheritance of the saints , and of all the saints , and onely of the saints , and unless we be born again , we shall never enter into this city . and therefore let us pray unto god , that hee would make us meet & fit to enter into this holy and heavenly city ; that he that made us creatures , would make us new creatures ; that god by grace , would make us fit to enter into glory . in a word , let us make it appear this day , that we are not onely citizens of london , but of heaven , by our deeds of charity distributed to christs poor for christs sake . god hath entailed not only temporal and spiritual , but eternal mercices upon charity and liberality ; and therefore let us make to our selves friends of the unrighteous mammon , that when we fail , they may receive us into everlasting habitations ; let us lay up our treasures in heaven , where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt , and where theeves do not break thorough and steal . let me speak to you in the words of the apostle paul : charge them that are rich in this world , ( a man may be rich in this world as dives was , and poor enough ( as hee was ) in the other world ▪ ) therefore if you would not only be rich here , but rich in the other world , you must not be high-minded , nor trust in uncertain riches , but in the living god who giveth us all things richly to enjoy , you must do good , and he rich in good works ( not only do good works , but be rich in good works , ) ready to distribute , willing to communicate , laying up in store for your selves a good foundation against the time to come , that you may lay hold on eternal life . the world foundation is not here to be understood in the builders sense , but in the lawyers sense , who call the evidences upon which they ground their plea , their foundation . the merits of christ , are our onely foundation to build our hope of heaven upon ; but good works are the evidencing foundation . let us lay up for our selves in heaven a good foundation , by works of charity , that at the great day of judgement , jesus christ may say unto us , come yee blessed of my father , inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world : for i was an hungred , and ye gave me meat : i was thirsty , and ye gave me drink : i was a stranger , and ye took me in ; i was naked , and yee cloathed me ; i was sick , and ye visited me ; i was in prison , and ye came unto me . so much for this text , and for this time . finis notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a78766e-210 mat. 11 : 26 luc. 19. 42. luc. 4. 16. elton upon rom. 9. act 22. 3. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . rom. 9. 2 , 3. aristotelem ha●d minus quam patrem suum initio dilexit , quod a patre , ut viveret , a praeceptore , ut bene viveret , accepisset pezelius . ejus gratiâ lacedaemonii in reliquam baeotiam saevientes thebanis pepercerunt . ita & alexander quum thebas everteret , & in omnes saeviret sine discrimine , pindari vatis penatibus familiaeque parci jussit . cicero contra verrem . eph. 2. 19. heb. 11. 10 mat. 11. 23 neh. 7. 2. mat 5. 47. i received a note of these particulars from the worthy stewards of the late feast . act. 18. 10. zeph. 3. 1. nah. 3. 1. isa. 26. 1. notes for div a78766e-2550 vers . 38. first isa. 8. 8. rom. 9. cajetan . in locum . vbi minus dicitur & plus intelligitur . ciliciae totius princeps & caput . the words may be handled two wayes . relatively absolutely . doctrine . the first branch of the proposition . gen. 32. 9. gen. 17 , 7. psal. 112. 2. col. 4. 10. the second branch the proposition phil. 3. 5. eccl. 10. 17. gaspar streso in locum . et tu ea tibi accepe non es enim themistocles . the third branch of the proposition . streso in acta &c. gen. 11. in panegyric orat. to constantius . speed . this saying of josephus is quoted by speed in his history of great britain . 4. things in commendation of england . de britanni carum eccle●●arum primordiis . the 4th branch of the proposition . libr. de scriptor . eccl. in paulo . in ep. ad philem. beda in c. 21. act. masius in c. 19. josh. arias montanus , in apparatu &c. ebionaei apud epiphan. haeres . 30. act. 22. 3. act. 22. 27. cicero . acts 22. 28. speed . vse 1. exh. 1. cambden . act. 17. 16 cambden . matth : parisiens . nulla digs tam nubilis in quâsol in hâc insulâ non conspiciatur . solinus . isa. 1. 4. exh. 2. two things are to be done that we may be a credit , and an ornament to london . jer. 31. 23. heb. 12. 14 exhort . 3. neh 2. 10. invenit late retia● reliquit marmoream . six waies to make london happy . ezek. 48. 35. the 2d . way to make london happy . psal. 133. psalm . 122 3. 3. the third way to make london happy . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the 4th way to make london happy . luc. 20. 16. luc. 13. 34. scultetus , who afterward came over into england . the fifth way to make london happy . jer. 9. 3. 1 cor. 15. 58. zech 8. 3. the sixth way to make london happy . jam. 2. 14. 1 cor. 13. 3. mat. 25. 40 jude 12. jude 12. dr. horton . four several sorts of persons upon whom the charity gathered at the londoners meeting is to be bestowed . luc. 12. 46. matth. 5. 16. gal. 6. 10. vse 2. exhort . prorsus felicem futurum fuisse ( inquit ausoinius ) si hunc filium non generasset . exhort . 2. iphicoabes . genus meum à me incipit tuum in te desinit . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . joh. 3. 3. exho . 3. heb. 11. 10 , 16. heb. 13. 14 psal. 87. heb. 11. 16 heaven is a city , that exceeds all other cities in in twelves respects . joh. 14. 2. rev. 7. 9. rev. 21. 23 rev. 12. 5. isa. 60. 19. rev. 21. 18 , 19 , 21. 2 tim. 4. 8 rev. 2. 10. 1 pet. 5. 4. heb 12. 23 isa. 60. 20. rev. 21. 10 rev. 21. 25 heb. 11. 10 tectum habet , fundamentum non habet . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . job . 4. 14. heb. 12. 28 joh. 14. natura non habitandi sed commorandi diversorium hic nobis dedit . heb. 11 , 10 heb. 11. 10. nulla alia aedificandi pyramidis causa quam vana , & stulta ostentatio ut scilicet nec pecunia ipsa , nec etiam plebs otiosa esset pancyrolla . 2 cor. 5. 1. qeust . answ . 1. john 14. 2 2. rev. 21. 27. col. 1. 12. john 3. 3 col. 1. 12. isaiah 58. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. luc. 6. 38 luc. 16. 9 mat. 6. 20 1 tim. 6. 17 , 18 , 19. mat. 25. 34 , 35 , 36. orders to be vsed in the time of the infection of the plague vvithin the citie and liberties of london, till further charitable prouision may be had for places of receite for the visited with infection city of london (england). court of aldermen. 1625 approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06241) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28346) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1881:8) orders to be vsed in the time of the infection of the plague vvithin the citie and liberties of london, till further charitable prouision may be had for places of receite for the visited with infection city of london (england). court of aldermen. 2 leaves. by isaac iaggard, printer to the honourable city of london, printed at london : 1625. caption title. imprint from colophon. reproduction of original in: british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of 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represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -prevention. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-05 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ orders to be vsed in the time of the infection of the plague within the citie and liberties of london , till further charitable prouision may be had for places of receite for the visited with infection . that euery alderman call before him his deputie , and all the church-wardens , constables , parish clarkes , sextons and bedles within his warde , and giue them streight and earnest charge from time to time to inquire what houses in euery parish and precinct of that warde be infected . and that euery constable doe bring euery day true , distinct , and plaine certificate thereof in writing to the alderman or his deputie . and that the alderman or his deputie from time to time send the same certificates to the surueyers of the parishes , to whom it shall appertaine , to the intent that they haue vnderstanding thereby to see the orders in that behalfe executed accordingly . and here is to be noted , that euery house wherein any shall bee sick of the plague , is to be iudged and vsed as infected , as wel as where any dyeth thereof . and likewise euery house from whence any person infected shall be remooued to any house or place , shall bee iudged infected , if any eftsoones fall sicke in the same house . that in euery house infected , the master , mistresse , or gouernour , and the whole family and residents therein at the time of such infection , shall remaine continually without departing out of the same , and with the doores and windowes of the hall , shop , or other nether part of the house shut , by the space of xxviii . dayes from the death of the party dying of infection , and vntill the partie sicke , and not dying thereof , shall bee fully recouered , or their sore fully healed : and such person recouering , or healed , to tarry shut vp xx . dayes from such recouerie , or full healing . and that during all that time , no clothes , linnen , or other like thing , be hanged out , or ouer into the streete . and that none so to be shut vp , shal go abroad out of the said house , during the time aboue appointed , but one certaine person ( and not sundry at sundry times ) to be appointed by the surueyers of that parish , for prouision of necessaries for the said family . which person so to be appointed , shall during all the time of his , or her being abroad out of such house carry in their hand openly , vpright in the plainest manner to be seene , one red wand of the length of iii. foot at the least , to be deliuered to them by the surueyers at the charge of the parish , without carrying it closely , or couering any part of it with their cloke or garment , or otherwise : and in their going in the streetes and lanes shall alway keepe the way close by the chanell side , shunning as much as may be , the meeting and vsuall way of other people . and shall not in any wise come into any throng or presse of publike assembly , on paine of imprisonment by the space of viii . daies without baile or maineprise , in some of the cages next to the house so infected . prouided alway , that it shal be free to the owner of any house so infected , and his said family , residents , or any of them at any time within the said xxviii . dayes , to remoue and depart out of this citie , and the liberties thereof , into any other his , or her house , or abiding in the country , or to any house in the citie , without being shut vp in such house infected , so that euery such person so remouing , or departing , doe abstaine from returning into the said citie , or the liberties thereof , and from going abroad out of such other house in the city , during the said xxviii . daies , and on pain that euery person so returning , or going abroad within the said xxviii . dayes , shall suffer imprisonment , as is aforesaid . that the churchwardens and constable in euery precinct , prouide , and haue in readinesse , one , or moe sober discreet women , as the case shall require to be prouiders and deliuerers of necessaries for the infected houses , and to attend the persons sick and infected , at the charge of such householders of such houses , if they be able : and if not , then at the charge of the parish . and that such women once entring into charge of such prouision and attendance , shall carry red wands , goe by the chanell side , and forbeare assemblies , as is aforesaid . that such as haue welles or pumpes , shall cause euery morning before vi . of the clocke , and euery euening after viii . of the clocke , the same to be drawne , and x. buckets of water at the least to be powred to runne downe the chanell . and that euery morning and euening at the said houres the streets and chanels be made cleane , and swept by some one of euery house against the chanel , but so as the water be not in any wise swept out of the chanel to the sides of the streets nor the stones wet but within the chanel , excepted onely sprinkling for laying of the dust at the sweeping . and that the mud and filth of the streetes be at the said houres taked vp , and swept together in heapes out ▪ of the chanell , and not at any other time of the day . and that it be so drawne vp from the chanell , that the water powred downe the chanels may not carry away , or be mingled with such filth . that the streetes be made cleane by the scauenger and raker euery day , except sunday . that the alderman himselfe , or his deputie , doe often visite the warde to view whether the said orders bee duely obserued , specially touching cleanenesse of the streetes . that ouer the doore of euery house infected , in a place notorious and plaine for them that passe by to see it , the clark or sexton of that parish cause to be set one paper printed with these words , lord haue mercy vpon vs , in such large forme as shall be appointed . and that the constable of the precinct , and bedle of the warde , shall daily view & see that the said paper remaine there during the said terme of xxviii . dayes without taking away , blotting or defacing . and if any be taken away , blotted or defaced , that a new be set in the place thereof . and if the same be taken away , blotted , or defaced , with the consent of the inhabitant of that house , that then a new such paper shall be set in place thereof , and the shutting in of such house with the inhabitants , shall continue xxviii . daies more from such taking away , blotting , or defacing . and whosoeuer shall take away such paper , shall suffer such imprisonment as is aforesaid . that in or for euery parish there shall be appointed two sober ancient women , to be sworne to be viewers of the bodies of such as shall die in time of infection , and two other to be viewers of such as shall be sicke , and suspected of infection , which women shall immediately vpon such their viewes , by vertue of their oath , make true report to the constable of that precinct , where such person shall die , or be infected , to the intent that true notice may bee giuen both to the alderman or his deputie , and to the clarke of the parish , and from him to the clarke of the parish clarkes , that true certificate may be made as hath been vsed . and that euery of the said women , constable , or clarke , failing in the premisses , shall suffer imprisonment as is aforesaid . and euery woman so sworne , and for any corruption , or other respect falsely reporting , shall stand vpon the pillorie , and beare corporall paine by the iudgement of the lord maior and court of aldermen . they at their going abroad to beare red wands , goe neare the chanell , and shun assemblies , as before . that euery woman , or other appointed to any seruice for the infected , and refusing , or fayling to do that seruice , shall not haue any pension out of the hospitall or parish . that the lord maior cause publike proclamation to be made , that no person from the sixth day after such proclamation , shall keepe any dogge , or bitch , but such as they will keepe within their owne dores , without suffering them to go loose in the streets not led in slip or string , nor within their owne doores making howling or other annoyance to their neighbours . and that the common huntsman shall haue speciall charge to kill euery such dogge or bitch , as shall be found loose in any streete or lane of this citie or the suburbes thereof . and for the killing of euery such dog or bitch , and burying the same foure foote deepe at the least in the fields , shall haue two pence allowed by the hands of the chamberlayne of the citie . and if he be remisse and negligent , and wittingly spare and shew fauour in not killing any such dogge or bitch , he shall lose his place and seruice , and suffer imprisonment as is aforesaid . and if any dog or bitch kept within doores shal with howling or noyse be noyous to any neighbour , the alderman of the ward vpon complaint shall commit the offendor to warde , till order be taken vpon his submission by the alderman , and such dog or bitch killed . that no corps dying of infection shall be buried or remaine in any church in time of common prayer , sermon , or lecture . and that no children bee suffered at time of buriall of any corpes in any church , churchyard , or burying place , to come neare the corps , coffin or graue . and that all the graues shall be at the least six foot deepe . and that at the buriall dinners , or attendance on the corps , or other solemnitie of any dying of infection , there shall be no assembly of people in the house where such person shall die , within the time of xxviii . dayes after such death . that during the said terme of xxviii . dayes : no person be admitted to come into any such house infected , other then the persons of the same family , residing therein at the time of the infection , or such as for necessary reliefe of the same family shal be appointed by the surueyers , on paine that the house shall remaine shut in , and the same with the family be in all things vsed as infected , for other xxviii . dayes , from the time of suffering any other so to come into the same . that diligent care be had for amending of the pauements where any holes be wherein any water or filth may stand to increase corruption and infection . that whosoeuer shall go abroad with a sore running , shal be imprisoned in the cage for xxviii . dayes , & further grieuously punished by corporall paine , by the iudgement of the lord maior and court of aldermen . that no dunghils out of stables , brewhouses , or other places be suffered to be made in the street , or other open place of this citie or the suburbes thereof , on paine of imprisonment of the offenders , till the same at the offenders charge be remoued , and the offenders bound to the chamberlaine of this citie , neuer to commit the like offence againe . that restraint be made of enterludes or playes , assemblies of fencers , or other prophane spectacles , and of going with drummes , proclamations , or calling of people to the same within this citie and liberties thereof . and humble sute be made to the most honourable counsell , that the like restraint be in places of other counties adioyning to the said citie . that in euery parish there be appointed two substantiall and discreet citizens , or moe as need shall require , to be chosen monethly by the alderman of the ward , to be surueyers , which surueyers shall daily and diligently see the orders to be obserued , as is aboue said , and the surueyers , clarkes , sextons , and bedles , shall be sworne before the alderman to doe their diligence faithfully therein . and if any such person so appointed , shall refuse or faile to take his oth , or being sworne , shall neglect his duty therein , that forthwith the alderman commit such person to ward , there to remaine , vntill he be discharged from thence by the court of the lord maior and aldermen . that order be taken and treatie had with the colledge of phisicions , that some certaine and conuenient number of phisicions and surgeons be appointed and notified to attend for the counsell and cure of persons infected , and none to deale with the infected but those : and the same to deale with no other patients but the infected , during the time of infection . and for their counsell and trauell to be recompensed by and for the persons of hability at their owne charge : and for the poore at the charge of the parish . that whosoeuer shall by any subtilty or inuention defraud the good intent of any of these orders , shall receiue double as much punishment as he that openly or plainely offendeth . that the housholders of houses infected , be charged to aire the houses and things therein within the said xxviii . dayes , and that no clothes or other things about the persons infected be giuen or sold , but either destroyed , or well and sufficiently purified . on paine of punishment by discretion of the lord maior and aldermen . god saue the king. printed at london by isaac iaggard , printer to the honourable city of london , 1625. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a06241-e10 inquire what houses be infected . certificate daily to the alderman . surueyers of the parish . sicke dying remoued . house shut xxviii . dayes . sicke xx . daies after recouery . prouision . red wand . way by the chanell . assembly . cage . remouing . returning . prouiders . women . charge . housholders or parish . red wands . welles . pumpes . streets . scauenger . alderman visit wardes . lord haue mercy vpon 〈◊〉 . 2. viewers of bodies dead . 2. viewers of sicke . pillorie . red wands . pension . hospitall . dogges , &c. corps dying of infection . church , burial resort to houses infected . pauements . goe abroad with sore . dunghils . enterludes , playes , &c. surueyer , clerkes , sextons , beadles sworne . phisisians . defraud order . ayring houses , clothes . the dead tearme. or, vvestminsters complaint for long vacations and short termes written in manner of a dialogue betweene the two cityes london and westminster. the contentes of this discourse is in the page following. by t. dekker. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1608 approx. 109 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20054 stc 6496 estc s105243 99840972 99840972 5522 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20054) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5522) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 880:24) the dead tearme. or, vvestminsters complaint for long vacations and short termes written in manner of a dialogue betweene the two cityes london and westminster. the contentes of this discourse is in the page following. by t. dekker. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [54] p. printed [by w. jaggard] and are to be sold by iohn hodgets at his house in pauls churchyard, london : 1608. printer's name from stc. signatures: a-g⁴ (-g4). reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 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selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -social life and customs. westminster (london, england) -social life and customs. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-02 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the principall matters contayned in this discourse . a short encomiasticke speech in praise of charing-crosse . the sinnes of westminster . the sinnes of london . the buildings of westminster and london . the names of all the kings and queenes that lie buried in westminster . westminsters complaint . vacations and tearmes compared . a paradox in praise of going to law. a paradox in praise of a pen. londons answere to westminster . paules steeples complaint . the walkes of paules described . the stewes on the banke-side , and the suburbe-houses of iniquity at 〈…〉 compared together . a paradox in 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 . an inuectiue against 〈◊〉 . the originall of london . a description of 〈◊〉 bridge-fayre . a merrie lest of two london porters performed there , about burying of a londo●●● . to the very woorthy , learned , iuditious , and noble gentleman , syr iohn harrington knight . sir , the loue ( which your immortall ariosto tels to the world ) that you really beare to diuine , ( but now poore and contemned ) poesie , hath a long time made me an honorer of those bright ascending vertues in you , which those holy and pure flames of her haue kindled in your bosome . happy you are by birth , happy , by your bringing vp , but most happy in that the muses were your nurses , to whome you haue beene so tender , that they make you an elder sonne and heyre of their goodliest possessions . so that your loue to them , hath drawne from others , an honourable loue and regarde of you . the path which true noblenesse had wont ( and ought ) to tread , lyes directly before you : you haue beene euer , and are now in the way , which emboldens me to presume , that as our greatest commanders will not disdaine to instruct euen fresh-water souldiers in the schoole-poynts of war , so ( out of your noble disposition ) you will vouchsafe to viewe the labours of so dull a pen , as this that writes , vnto you . two citties haue i summoned to a parley , and of their great enter-view haue i chosen you to be arbiter . it is boldnes in me , i confesse , but it is the boldnes , of my loue , referring which ( and my selfe ) to your worthy censure , i rest. deuoted to you in all seruice , thomas dekker . westminsters speech to london . o thou goodliest queene , euen ouer the greatest citties ! how glad am i ( o london ) that wee two are met together ? for now will i poure my sorrows into thy bosome . thou art reuerend for thy age , ( as béeing now , two thousand seauen hundred and fouretéene yeares old , which is more then my selfe , am , by a thousand , six hundred and foure yeares ) for i am but one thousand , one hundred , and tenne yeares of age . ) thou art grandam almost to this whole kingdome : a blessed mother thou art , for no lesse then one hundred and thréescore emperours , kinges , and queens , hast thou borne in thy wombe . healthfull thou art of body , it appeareth by thy strength in holding out so long ; pure thou art of complexion ; it is séene by thy chéekes , the roofes of them are nothing wythered : rich thou art in the treasure of all thinges , witnesse the number of nations , that for thy substaunce , are thy dayly suitors : stored are thy breastes with wisedome , and the glory thereof shines in the gouernment of thy rulers . thou art full of pollicy , great with experience , renowned for learning ; thou art full of loue full of pitty , full of piety : yea , thou art ( o noblest daughter of brutus ) my eldest sister ; thou rather ( if our descents bee well looked into ) art my mother . unto whom therefore can my condolements better come than to thée . upon whose lap shall i lay my aking temples if not vpon thine ? one eye of heauen lookes downe vpon vs both ; one and the same handfull of earth , serues vs both to dwell vppon : the teares that fall from both our eyes , make vp one riuer , and that riuer serues againe for both our bodyes to bath in . since therefore wee are partners in all other thinges , why should wee not be sharers in our mothers affliction ! thou standest silent , i sée at these my spéeches , as beeing driuen into wonder , why i ( that haue alwayes kept company with the proudest , and beene euer iocond ) should now sinke downe into any kinde of complayninges . but to kéepe thée ( o my best and fayrest neighbour ) from tormenting thy selfe with thinking on the causes of this my grieuing : let mée tell thée ( thou nurse to many thousandes of people ) that i doe not pine , to see that auncient and oldest * sonne of mine , with his limbes broken to péeces , ( as if hee were a male-factor , and hadde beene tortured on the germaine whéele : ) his reuerend head cut off by the cruelty of time ; the ribbes of his body bruizes ; his armes lop't away ; his backe ( that euen grew crooked with age ) almoust cleft in sunder : yea , and the ground ( on which hee hath dwelt so many * hundreds of yeeres ) ready to bee pulled from vnder his feete , so that with gréefe his very heart séemes to be broken . i confesse ( thou brauest of citties ) that this graund-childe of mine , hath beene the tallest and hardiest of all the sonnes of my body : for thou knowest it aswell as i , that hee hath borne himselfe valiantly , ( and without shrinking ) in many a storme . many a tempest hath beene flung from heauen to shake him , yet still hath hee kept his owne footing . many astounding blow hath he taken on his head , yet for a long time did he beare them without réeling . so well beloued hath hee beene amongst the kinges and princes of this nation , that they would almost neuer passe , to these royall pallaces where i inhabit , and neuer repayre to their houses of parliaments , or to their places of kingly tryumphes , but they would of purpose take their way by him : yea , so greatly hath hee in times past beene helde in honour , that the knees of common people hath beene bowed before him , and the bare heades of the greatest prelates héertofore haue shewed to him a kinde of reuerence . yet it is not for his sake ( o farre renowed troynouant ) that my soule liues in sorrow : albeit , i see him now laughed at ●nd contemned . neither am i afflicted by beholding the vnrulynesse of those children that are vnder my kéeping . it were a madnesse in mee to trette at theyr wickednesse , because no sorrow of mine can amend it . i know it , and am ashamed to tell thée , that drunkennesse reeles euery day vp and down my streetes . fellowes there are that follow mee , who in déepe bowles shall drowne the dutchman , and make him lie vnder the table . at his owne weapon of vpsie freeze will they dare him , and beat him with wine-pots till hée be dead drunke . out swagger they will besides ( being armed with that french weapon ) a whole fayre full of butchers and tinkers , who commonly are the greatest fighters , and most profound swearers . as for that sin that is after serued in dinner , and after supper : or rather that sinne that is vp night and day , and can see aswell in darkenesse as in lights that monster with two bellies , ( lechery i meenne ) doe what i can , no whips are able to make it leape out of my iurisdiction . more mayden-heades i verily beléeue are cut off vpon my owne feather-beds ( in one year ) than are heads of cattell cut off in ( in two ) amongst the butchers that serue my families . but i feare ( o london ) that by dwelling so near thée thou hast infe●ted my houses with these two plagues , that now run ouer all the kingdome : for all the world knowes that euen thy shop-kéepers and poorest tradesmen lay by their owne occupations , and fall to these . other sinnes lies gnawing ( like diseases ) at my heart , for pride sits at the doores of the rich : enuy goes vp and downe with the begger , féeding vpon snakes . rents are layde vpon the racke ( euen my own sight ) and by my own children that i haue borne , whilst conscience goes like a foole in pyed colours , the skin of her body hanging so loose , that like an oxford gloue , thou wouldst swear there wer a false skin within her . couerousnes hath got a hundred handes , and all ●●●se hands do nothing but tye knots on her purse-strings , but prodigality hauing but two handes , vndoes those knottes faster , than the other can tie them . o thou darling of great brittaine , thy princes call thée their treasurer and thou art so . but more peeces of siluer and gold passe not through thy fingers , then oathes from the mouthes of my inhabitants . thou art held to be ( o london ) the lowdest swearer in the kingdome , because ( some say ) thou hast whole shoppes and ware-houses filled vvith oathes yet i feare , i haue those about me that for filthy mouthing wil put thée down , for i am haunted with some that are called knights onely for their swearing . ranckely doe these and other stinking wéedes grow vp in my walkes , and in my gardens , the sauours of them are pestilent to my nosthrils , and are able to kill me , yet much good wholesome fruits do i féed vpon , that are to my life a preseruation . so , that for the aches that these diseases bréed in my bones i doe not languish neyther . thou knowest and i confesse it , ( for if i should not , the whole world would swear it ) that thou possessest the more , but i the more goodly buildings : thy hauses are contryued for thrist and profitable vses , mine for state and pleasure : thou dwe lest vnder plaine roofes , i within royall pallaces : euery roome that thou lodgest in , is but called a chamber , and euery chamber i sleepe in , is a kinges court : in thine armes lie the sonnes of england to suck wealth , but in my lap sit the princes of england to be crowned , in my bosome doe they slumber whilest they liue , and when they dye , they desire to bee buried betwéene my breasts . to testifie this , all the annoyted kinges and queenes , ( except one , who receiued his crowne at glocester ) with all the wiues of those kinges , that haue raigned heere since that norman conqueror , would if they were now liuing speake on my side in that behalfe , for the full number of 21. kinges and two quéens ( being a payre of sisters ) haue receiued the glorious titles of maiestie , and were seen the very first day of their sitting on the english throne onely at my hands , and in my presence , of which that conquerour , and matilda ( his wife ) had the honour to begin , for till hys time , other places wer made happy by that dignity , as kingston , &c. which then were farre aboue me , but now can no way be my equall . to proue how much the rulers of this monarchy haue loued mee euen on their death-beds , their bodies which they haue ( as their richest legacies ) bequethed to my kéeping , are royall witnesses . i can shew thee ( o thou noblest of thy nation ) the bones not onely of most of those kinges before-named , but of some that liued here long before them . but because the graue is the vtter destroyer of al beauty , yea and so defaceth the lookes and the bodies euen of the goodliest princes , that men abhorre to behold them : also for that it is helde an acte most impious , and full of sacriledge to offer violence to the deade , i will onely giue thee the names of all those kinges , queenes , and princes royal bloud , that now lay their heads on my knées & must sléepe there till that day , when all that rest in graues , shal be summoned to awaken . of these , was sybert ( king of the east saxons ) the first , with his wife aethelsoda . sybert gaue me my first being in the world , and at his departure from the worlde , did i giue his body an euerlasting habitation . next vnto him did i lay harold ( sir-named hare-foot ) king of the west saxons . then edward the confessor , vppon whome king william bestowed a shryne of syluer and golde . and then these . aegytha , wife to that conquerour . matilda , wife to henry the first , and daughter to malcoline king of scots . henry 3. who builded a great part of that my famous temple , and whose sepulcher was adorned with precious stones of iasper , fetched by his sonne edwarde the 1. out of france . eleanor , wife to that henry . edmund second sonne to that henrie , the first earle of lancaster , darby , and liecester , wyth auelyne ( hys wife ) who was daughter and heyre to the earle of albemarle . besides him , all the children of the sayde henry the 3. and of edward , 1. ( being nine in number . ) edward the first , who offered to the shryne of edward the confessor , the chaire of marble , wherein the kinges of scotland had wont to be crowned , and in which the king that first made england and scotlande one monarchy , was now lately inthronized . eleanor wife to that edward 1. and daughter to ferdinando king of castyle . in memory of whose death , so many stately crosses ( as mon●umentes of his loue to her ) were erected in all those places where her body was set downe , when it was sent to bee lodged with mee . eleanor , countesse of barre , daughter of edwarde the first , edward 3. and phillip of henalt ( his wife . ) wiliam of windsore and blanch ( his sister ) children to edward the third . thomas of wood-stock , sonne likewise to that edward , iohn of eltham , ( earle of cornewall ) sonne to edward the second . richard 2. that vnfortunate king with anne his wife , daughter of vinceslaus king of bohem , which anne brought vp the fashion for women to ride in side saddles , which till her time rode as men . then that guttorum mastix , the scourge of the french , henry 5. to doe honor to whose victorious and dreaded name , katherine his wife , and daughter to the king of france , caused an image ( to the portraiture of hir husbande ) to bee made of massy siluer , all gilded ouer , which was layde vpon his monument : but couetousnes , not suffering euen hallowed places , and the shrines of the dead to bee frée from hir griping talents , the head of that image , which was al of massy siluer , is now broke off , & the plates that couered the body stoln , and conueyed away . that royall quéene and bedfellow of his , lady katherine , was with mee likewise layd to rest , but after , beeing taken vp , ( without any wrong meant to the body ) it nowe lyes vnburied in a poore coffin of bordes and with the least touch falleth into ashes . adde to these , anne the wife of richard the third . margaret countesse of richmond and darby , mother to henry the 7. anne of cl●ue , wife to henry the 8. henry 7. and elizabeth his wife , do in mine armes likewise take their euerlasting sleeps : so does elizabeth daughter to those most happy princes . so doth margaret daughter to edward 4. so doth edward the 6. sonne to that famous prince , henry 8. so doth mary whose name serues her only as a monument . and lastly so doth elizabeth , daughter to that great wariour , who if shee had no monnument at all consecrated to memory , yet were her name sufficient to eternize her sacred worth , and the wonder of her 44. years gouernement . thus ( besides other personages of great byrth , too many in number for me to recite and too tedious for thée to heare ) am i compassed about with the dead bodies of 42 , kings , quéenes , and the sons and daughters of kings & quéens , the remembrance of whom is able to turn me which sorrow into marble , but that their statues & sumptuous monuments , do shine in my temples , and worke such astonishment in the eyes ( euen of straungers ) that i estéeme that hurt of mine , the best part of my glory . besides all these gallant obiects . the swifte-footed thamesis , daunseth all the day long , ( in wanton water-ringes ) before mee , shee transformes her christall body into a thousand shapes to delight mee : sometimes does shee chaunge her selfe into * a girdle of siluer , and then doe i weare it about my middle . sometimes lookes shee like an amazon , ( along curled hayre hanging loosely about her shoulders ) and then dooes shee fight with the windes , and her combates are discharged with excellent grace . anon shall you beholde her lymbes stretcht out to an infinite , but comely length , ) and then ( o my worthyest sister ) doe we two grow proude , and take her for a ryuer whilest shee continues in that shape , thou knowest what delicate turnings and windinges shee does make euen at our féete : thy habitations stande then like a rich embrodery about the skirts of an imperial garment , but my buildinges shew like so many castles , raised by enchantment , where faire ladies locke vppe their beauties , whilst knights aduenturers come armed thether with loyalty , challenging them for their loues : yea in such goodly , & in so artificial an order are my turrets and towers errected , that the sun ( at his rising ) makes mee beléeue they are rockes of burnisht siluer , & with his blushing vpon them ( at his going downe ) i haue a thousande times sworne they were so many hils of gold. bee thou nowe an indifferent iudge ( o london , thou fayrest daughter of europe ) if i , beeing accustomed to this fulnesse of dignitie , and this variety of pleasures , haue not good cause to languishe when i am depriued of them all . the more princely are my guests , the more insufferable , and more to be pittied are my passions , spent for their absence . well was it for thée ( thou metropolis of the world ) that the honours , the habits , the tryumphes , the gifts of kinges , and the reuennewes that belong to my royaltyes , are not made thine : thou swellest in thy heart enough already , but then wouldst thou haue bin too proud and insolent . how therefore can i choose but buffet my owne chéekes through the anguish of my soule ? teare my owne hayre to sée my selfe distressed ? and euen drinke mine own hart-bloud in teares , to looke on my present miserie ? listen to me : for now ( o my déerest play-fellow ) shalt thou heare the very true tunes of my most iust bewaylings . those throwes of sorowe come vppon mee foure times euery yéere , but at one time more , ( and with more paines ) then at all the rest . for in the height and lustiest pride of summer , when euery little uillage hath her bathilers & her damosels tripping deftly about may-pols : when medowes are full of hay-makers : when the fieldes vpon the workidaies are full of ha●●estars singing , and the towngréenes vpon hollydayes , trodden downe by the youthes of the par●● dancing : when thou ( o thou beautifull , but bewitching citty ) by the wantonnesse of thine eye , and the musicke of thy voyce allurest people from all the corners of the land to throng in heapes , at thy fayres and thy theators ; then , ( euen then ) sit i like a widdow in the middest of my mourning : then doe my buildings shew like infected lodgings , from which the inhabitants are fledde ▪ then are my chambers empty , and my common paths vntrodden : then doe i not looke like thy next neighbour , but like a creature forlor●e , and vtterly forsaken . were it not that my state is vphold by fiue great pillers , ( the chiefe of them being so hie , that kinges and princes sit on the top of it ) i should euen loose my name , and the memory of mée would be buryed in the earth , that now beares me vp . that first and capitall * columne ( on which leanes all my strength ) is a pyramides , whose point reaches vppe to the starres : whilest that stands in mine eye , i behold a * maiesty , equall to ioues : i sée a * vine , whose braunches shall spread so farre , and so hie , that one day they shall couer kingdomes . i see likewise a * table , at which sit none , but those , whose heads grow white onely with the cares of a kingdom : i sée a row of * lords too , whose flourishing doth dignify the place vppon which they grow , and whose shady boughes beate backe , and kéepe off from the people the violent heate of tyrrany and oppression : besides all these , do i behold a goodly fountain , * large , cleare , strongly , and curiously built , out of which come a thousand pipes , ( some greater then the rest ) thorough whome a swéete water flowes , that giues life vnto the soule . and last of all ( so full is my happinesse ) in stead of earthly creatures , i see none but * goddesses . but ( woe is me ) when this great piller is remooued from my sight , then ( casting vp mine eye ) me thinks i looke vpon nothing but my owne ruines . nay , that calamitie of mine doth euen stretch to thée ; for thou thy selfe , for all thy loftinesse and boasting , dooest at that time droope , and hauge the head . but note how the rulers of this land haue loued mee ; though they giue mee woundes , they giue mee balme to cure them : though the sunne goe from me , yet am i comforted with the brighnesse of the stars . the law ( which lyes in , at euery uacation ) is brought to bed in foure seuerall months of the yeare , and deliuered of foure * sonnes . those sonnes inuite me to foure kingly feasts ; they kéep their tournes ; and their returnes , are so many seuerall seruices . they are the foure elements that gouerne ▪ and giue life to my body ; yea , so déere doe i make them vnto me , that i account of them , as of foure golden ages . whilest any of these foure abide in my company , i am more iocond then a woman in the embracements of her louer . my chéekes looke then red , with a high and lusty colour , for i wash them in wines : my heart is merry , for i nourish it with gladnesse . then doe my tenants sléepe soundly , ( for they drinke soundly : ) then dare they talke any thing for they haue lawe on their sides ; then are they content to take crackt crownes , though at another time they would stabbe him that should but hitte theyr eare . vintners are then as busie as bees are in hiues , for as bées flye from one flower to another to sucke out hony , so doth the drawers leape from one hogshead to another to let out wines . in euery roome are the pottle pottes working , to bring in gaines to their maister , as the other labor , to bring forth wax for their hiues . the strings are in the tailes , and that is at the end of their cups , when they come to a barre for the reckoning : the drones are those that drinke that which should doe others good , yet hurt themselues by it , taking too much of it . neither do tauernes alone fall into this profitable and healthfull sweating sicknesse : but all other trades , occupations , misteries , and professions , do row vp & down this spring-tide streame of businesse ; and such good draughts haue they , that all is fish that comes into their net. yea , in the open streetes is such walking , such talking , such running , such riding , such clapping too of windowes , such rapping af chamber doores , such crying out for drink , such buying vp of meate , and such calling vppon shottes , that at euery such time , i verily beléeue i dwell in a towne of warre . for euery morning do the men of law march to the hall , as it were to the fielde : the counsellore are the leaders , atturnies and clarkes , are petty commaunders , and officers of the band : the trayned old weather-beaten souldiers , are those that haue followed the law a long time , and haue vndoone themselues by brabblinges . the raw , fresh-water-souldiers , are such as entered but yesterday into the action . in which march of theirs , if you fall but in amongst the rankes , you will by and by suppose your selfe in the low-countries ; for as the souldiers ( there ) so these ( here ) talk of nothing but stratagems and poyntes of war. some threaten to ouerthrow their aduersaries , vpon assaults and battryes : some ( as if an enemy were to be blown vp in a towne ) sweare to driue them out of their houses by way of eiectments : others , as if they came to the sacking of a citty , cry out vpon nothing but attachments , both of goodes and body . and as among soaldiers , some delight in bloud more then others , so amongst these , some take a pryde in crueltie more then others , and labour onely to haue their enemies in execution . at the length , they come into the fielde , ( that is to say , to the barre ) where they must trie the quarrell by arbiterment of wordes in stead of swords : for there either the one side or other is ouerthrown : there stand the pikemen ( that is to say , such as haue had long sutes ) and being wearyed , care not almost which end goes forward , because they are at a stand , the bill-men hard by them , but they for the most part are euer complayning . and thus ( thou minion of so many kinges ) doth this stirring vp and downe of my body , stirre vppe my bloud , and kéepes mee sound : this peopling of my stréets , makes me to be crowned with the title , dignity , and liberties of a cittie , ( for what are citties if they be not peopled : ) this phisick ( so long as i take it ) preserues my body in health : but because i am compelled sometimes to giue it ouer , ( which is commonly in haruest , and now a little at the beginning of the fall of the lease , ( for this part of the yeare doth most trouble mee ) i féele the state of my body weake , and subiect to infirmities . for alasse there are certaine canker-wormes ( called uacations ) that destroy the trées of my inhabitants , so soone as euer they beare any fruite . these uacations are to mine owne body , like long and wasting consumptions , they are more grieuous to my remembrance , then the comming on of a tedious night to a man tormented with sicknes : or then marriages delaied , to them that lie sighing for the delights thereof . the vnwholesome breath of autumne , who is so full of diseases , that his very blowing vppon trées , makes theyr leaus to fal off ( as the french razor shaues off the haire of many of thy suburbians , ) euen that , and all the foure maister-windes that kéepe such a blustring in the world , do not more scatter the dust of the earth , then the cold blastes of foure uacations , doe blow abroad the wealth that before i haue gotten together . in the tearme times euery day to me is a day of feasting , but euery uacation starues me with ill dyet , for all the daies of them are to me nothing but fasting daies . yea , the dog-dayes are not halfe so vnwholesome , so pestilent & so perilous to the bodyes of men , as those are to mee . the tearmes are my flowings , the uacations my ebbinges . so that ( if i were sure the world would not hold mee for a miserable and couetous wretch ) i could euen wish , that these battayles of the law , were fighting all the yeare long . it were as much glory , fame , and preferment for mee to haue it so , as it is for the low countries , to be all the year vp in armes . and tell me i pray , ( thou prouident mistris ouer so many families ) tell mee in thine opinion , if it were not fit to haue all these foure riuers of the law , run into one stream , without any stoppings or turnings . for , do but consider what voyage a man is to make when he sayes , i must goe to law : it is a voyage , but short and easie to finish , if you méete with an honest and skilfull pilot , that knowes the right puttings in , the watering places , and the hauens , and can auoyd the rockes , gulfes , créekes , & quick-sands that lie cleane out of the way , and yet many a thousand do desperately runne themselues on ground , and suffer shipwracke vppon them . but on the contrary part , if a man sets out carelesly , not taking the counsell of men experienced in those seas , though he be neuer so well furnished , neuer so well manned , neuer so strong in heart , neuer so able to brooke stormes and tempests ; yet let him bee sure to be tossed from coast to coast , to bee driuen forward with one prosperous gale to day , and to be blown thrée times further backward with a boistrous breath to morrow : to haue his soule afflicted with cares , and his heart eaten vppe with frettinges , and in the end to finde ( to his cost ) that he had beene better to haue vndertaken a voyage to the east and west indyes : and sooner hadde he made his returne home . so that to hoyst vppe sayles in this ocean of controuersies , and to méete with a fortunate and faire ariuall , is as much honor , as to go to ierusalem , and safely to come back againe . the law is vnto vs , as the heauens are ouer our heads : of their owne nature they are cléere , gentle , and readie to doe good to man : they giue light to his eyes , comfortable ayre to his spirits , warmth to reuiue him , coolenesse to refresh him . but if they bee troubled by brablings and vnruly mindes , and be put from their owne smooth and euen by as , then doe they plague the world with stormes : then doth thunder shake the rich mans building , lightning burnes vp the poore mans corne , haile-stones beat down the fruites of the earth , and all creatures that are within reach of their fury , tremble , and hide their heads at the horrour . the very phrase of going to law , shewes the greatnes , maiesty , and state of law : for the law comes to no man , but he is eyther driuen , or else so busie of himselfe , that he goes to it . the law sléepes continually , vnlesse shee bee wakened by the wronges of men oppressed , or by the turbulency of those that will not let her rest : for the first sort of which people , she hath a payre of balance , wherein shee wieghes their innocence , and the iniuries of others ▪ forcing one to make good the hurts of the other . against the second , she drawes a sword , with which shee both strikes them that break hir peace , and defends thē that are threatned to be struck wrongfully . he that goe , therfore to law , goes before a personage , whose browes are vnwrinckled , yet full of iudgement ; whose eyes are not wandring , yet turning to both sides ; whose lips are sildome opened , yet what they pronounce is iust ; whose countenāce is austere , yet setled in vprightnesse ; whose hands are open to all , yet neuer filled with bribes ; whose heart lies hidden , yet frée from corruption . and what man would not desire to bee hourly conuersant with so excellent , and so composed a creature . he that is vp to the eares in law , is vp to the eares in experience ; he cannot choose but bee a good subiect , bycause he kéepes the statutes and ordinances of his country : he cannot choose but proue a worthy souldier , because he is still in action : he must of necessity be both honest and pittifull , for hee measureth other mens cases by his owne . law : why it makes a man watchfull , for he that meddles with it , is sure neuer to sléepe ? it keeps him from the irish mans disease , ( lazynes : ) from the dutch-mans weakenesse ( in not bearing drinke : ) from the italians euill spirit that haunts him , ( lust ) for hee s so busied with so many actions of the case , that hee can haue no leysure nor stomacke , to the case of actions : it preserues him from the french falling sicknesse , yet no stoues in mosco●y can put a man into more violent sweates . and last of all , it kéepes him out of the english-mans su●●rites , for his wayting at his counsels chamber so runs in his head , that he scarcely allowes himselfe a time to dine or sup in . o what an excellent husband doth this going to law make a man ? he giues ouer gaming presently vppon it ? he shakes off al commany that drew him to expences , and in euery uacation is so prouident , that with the ant hee layes vp money then , to let it flye amongest councellors , and atturnies in the tearme-time ? what an able and lusty bodie doth he get by it , that followes it hard ? no carryer is able to take more paynes : no porter beares more . it makes a man to be well giuen , for he prayes ( euen as hee ambles vp and downe the stréetes : ) it makes him to be beloued amongst lawyers clarks , and to be feared amongst his owne neigbours , ( two properties which euery king desires from the hearts of his subiects ( loue and feare . ) if men should not goe to lawe one with another , the courtier would walke vp and down ( ietting ) by the mercers doore , and wearing his silkes vnder his nose , which now he dare not doe . thy cittizens ( o thou the best and onely huswife of this iland ) if suites were not tryed , some would scarce kéepe a good sute on their backs , solicitors might likewise goe beg , and scriueners goe starue themselues . had not the people of this large kingdome faine to so many priuate quarrels , about blowes giuen ; to so many intricate bargains , about buying and selling of lands ; to so many cozenages of wicked executors , in vndoing orphans and heires , and so many starting holes , crannies , creuises , windings , wrestlings , rackings , circumgirations , & circumuentions , to abuse the beautiful body of the law , and to make it grow crooked , which of it selfe is comly & vpright . and had not the law prouided cures for these sores of a common-wealth , & whips to punish such villains , thou ( o princely mother of many citties ) shouldst neuer haue had so many gallant , sumptuous , & rare nurseries for young students , erected full in thine eye , which stand before thy buildinges , as gates to kinges pallaces , and are the onely honor for entrances into thée . had not the inhabitants of this empyre warred so in law from time to time , one with another , shee coulde not haue boasted of so many graue , wise , and learned iudges . of so many discréet , sage , and reuerend iustices , of so many carefull , prudent , and honourable maiestrates . by meanes of this , is the gentry of the land increased , ( for studyes are trées that bring forth aduancement ) by meanes of this , the multitude is helde in obedience , for lawes are bridles , to curbe those that are head-strong . what a rare inuention therefore was pen and incke , out of whom ( as streames from a fountaine , flow all these wonders ? how much beholden are men to his witte , that out of a poore goose-quill was the first deuiser of so strange an instrument as a pen , which carries in it such power , such conquest , such terror , such comfort , and such authority , that euen the greatest subiects in kingdomes are glad somtimes to be beholden to it , and as often to tremble whē it is but held vp against them . for a pen in a princes hand commaunds with as ample force as his scepter , with it doeth he giue pardons for life , or the heauy doom of death . it bestowes honours and preferments , and like a trumpet proclaimes a kinges liberality . yea , of such uertue is that worke which a princes hand doth with it , that actes of parliament cannot giue a stronger confirmation . in the hande of a iudge , it is as dreadfull as his voyce , for it either saues or condemnes , pronounceth freedome or imprisonment . in the handes of a spirituall finger , it sets downe notes of musicke , which to heare the very angels leape for ioy in heauen , and deliuereth forth such diuine oracles , that out of them , mortals finde meanes to climbe vp to eternity . lastly , in the hand of a good lawyer , a pen is the common sword of iustice , and doth as much in the quarrell of the poore man as of the rich : with it , doth he help those that are beaten downe by oppression , and liftes them vp by supplications : but they that are trespassers against the sacred orders of equity , doeth hee with that axe onely leade into execution . in the handes of badde and vncon●●ionable lawyers , pens are forkes of yron , vpon which poore clients are tossed from one to another , till they bléede to death : yea the nebs of them are like the beakes of vu●tures , ( who so they may glutie their appetite with flesh ) care not from whose backes they teare it . how many thousandes ( with that little engyne alone ) do raise vp houses to their posterity , whilest the ignorant prodigall , drownes all the acres of his auncestors in the bottome of a wine-seller , or buries them al in the belly of a harlot ? how many fly higher , and spread a more noble wing with that one feather , then those butter-flies do , that stare vp and downe in the eyes of a kingdome , with all the painted feathers of their riotous pride . is it not pitty then ( o thou wisest censurer of worldly matters . ) is it not great pitty , that an instrument of so musicall a sound , of such excellent rarity and perfection , should at any time lie dumbe and vntouched , and not rather be played vpon , euen from the beginning of the suns early progresse to his ending , and without intermission ? it is , it is , and i know for all thy silence thou subscribest in thought to this my opinion . thus haue i made thée a witnes of my lamentings , the teares of mine eyes haue in their falling down , dropt vpon thine owne cheekes : i haue opened vnto thée my bowels , and thou séest what consumptions hang vpon me , to make me pyne to nothing , be thou now ( o thou bryde woorthy the loue euen of the greatest king . ) be thou and the whole worlde my witnesses , if i descend into these complaynings without iust inforcement . i haue heere , and there ( in this story of my fortunes , ) reckoned vppe some part of my owne worth , and my owne ▪ inioyinges , least swimming altogether , or too long in the streame of my sorrowes , i shoulde vtterly quicke haue sunke , and so drowne my honour , by forgetting that i am a citty . counsell mee therefore now , ( o thou charitable releeuer and receiuer of distressed strangers ) how i way either make this burden of my affliction lye more lightly on my shoulders , or else how my shoulders may bear it with a commendable patience . londons aunswere to westminster . at these wordes , ( the mother of the twelue companies , ) once or twice shaking her aged but reuerend head , on the top of which stood ( as the crowne of her honour ) a heape of lofty temples and pynnacles , to the number of one hundered and nine ) thus grauelie began . that i haue summoned vppe more yeares , and therefore more care than thou hast ( o beloued of all our englysh princes ) the chronicles of tyme , ( who sets downe al occurrents ) can testifie . i dare boast , that experience hath with her owne finger written her histories on my fore-head , for i haue had negotiation with all the nations that be in the world . i haue séene the growings vppe , and the withering of many empyres : the obseruation of forraigne countryes hath bin my studdy , whylest the polliticke and stayed gouernment of my owne hath béene my glory . so carefull haue i béene , and so iealous of my own estate , ( séeing cittyes greater than my selfe , to lye as lowe nowe as their firste foundation ) that i haue printed downe theyr mutabilities and their greatest miseries in the midst and depth of my palmes , because they should be euer in mine eye as cautionary prospects . so that it shall well become thee , ( neyther néedest thou be ashamed ) to borrow aduice from me that am thine elder , and so beaten to the affayres of the world . counsell is the cheapest gift that one friend can bestow vpon another , yet if it be well husbanded , the interest of no golde nor siluer , can amount to halfe the value of it . giue me leaue therefore to speake ( o thou courtly paramour ) and to speake my minde boldly , for albeit thou art the fauourite of greatnesse , & standest gracious ▪ ( as theyr minions ) in the eyes of our princes , yet will i be no slaue to my owne thoughtes ( like a parasite ) to flatter thée in euils , wherein i shall finde thee woorthy of reprehension . if i spy any blemishes on thy body , i will lay euen my finger vpon them ( not to haue them hidden but discouered ) and whatsoeuer i doe or say , take it not thou , as done in scorne or in thy dishonour , but as out of the office , of integrity , zeale , & hawty affection of an honest friend . for wee two haue reason to assist one another with all the faculties and powers that are within vs , sithence , no calamitie can fall vpon the one , but the other must receiue many bruises by it . noble thou art of byrth , as my selfe am , for from two seueral kings had we both our beings . noble is thy bringing vppe as is thy raising to high fortunes . such therefore as thou arte , woulde i haue thée still to beare thy selfe , and not to be deiected into vulgar , low , & earthlie prostitutions , for any threatninges or any blowes of insulting fortune . well did it become the greatnes of thy place , thy state and calling , not to be throwne downe into a womanish softnes , for that aged and reuerend ( but * wry-necked ) sonne of thine , whose woorthinesse thou hast sufficientlie proclaimed . miseries that fall vpon vs by our owne wilfulnes , or by others tyranny , are to be grieued at , because wee suffer iniustly : but stroakes that are ineuitable , are to be receaued , yea , to bee met and stood vnder with a most constant and resolued fortitude . his downefall , though it séeme great , yet is it not to be lamented , but to be borne , because he fell not vpon a dishonorable graue ; but into such a one , as by the frailety of time , nature , and destiny , was preordayned for him . his end was not like the end of traytors , who are cut off in the pride of their bloud and youth , or as the end of citties , that reuolt from the obedience of their soueraignes , and haue their obloquies growing vp still , euē in their ashes : but he threw himselfe vppon the earth , séeing the hand of extreame age ( which must pull downe at last the whole frame of this worlde ) lay so hardly , and so heauily vppon him . had his ruine béene wrought by those terrible thunder-clappes of ciuill warre , when ( in the raigne of king stephen ) all the realme was in a flaming combustion of discord , kindled by maud the empresse , in the quarrell of duke henry ( her son , ) or had he béen condemned in that mad parliament held at oxford , when the barons of this land ( within fewe monthes after ) first forced their king ( henry of that name the third ) to take my tower for his sanctuary , and after tooke him prysoner with his sonne , and many of his nobility , at the battaile at lewes . or had he béene brought to slauery and confusion , as i my selfe ( for all my strength of friendes and my owne greatnesse ) was likely to haue béene in two seuerall rebellions : the one in the raigne of richard the second , by essex men , who beheaded all men of law , destroyed the records and monaments of learning ; tyrranized ouer straungers , and threatned to lead me and my inhabitantes into captiuit● , and so bring vpon me vtter disolation . the other in those tempestuous and variable tossinges of that vertuous , but wretched king henry the sixt , in the handes of fortune , when a fire of commotion was kindled by kentish-men ▪ whose flames euen beganne to burne in my owne bosome . or had that sonne of thine perished betwéene the rage of those two great families , ( the yorkists and lancastrians , ) that was nourished so many yéers together , with the liues , honors , and ouerthrowes of so many princes of the bloud royall , and with the fall of so many subiects , that in one bat●aile were discomfited on both sides , 35111. persons , then if thou hadst not lamented for him , i should worthily haue blamed thee , then would i my selfe haue borne a par● in thy sorrow . a better , and not so blacke a fate hath weighted vppon that mirror of antiquity belonging to thee , than ( euer since the first ra●sing ) hath falne vpon the goodliest , the greatest , the highest , and most hallowed * monument of mine . his miseries haue béene so many , and the top of his calamities is clymbed vp to such a height , that i should do his sorrows wrong , to set thē to the tune of my voyce , whō no notes but his owne are able to sing them foorth . lift vp therefore thy heauy head ( o thou that art maintayned by the pillers of the church ) and though thou hast a leaden countenance , of which may be gathered the true and full weight of that which lyes vppon thée to presse thée downe , yet with a voyce ( lower then theirs that are daily singers of heauenly songs in thy hearing , ) ring thou forth the allar●● of those passionate heart-breaking vlulations , which ( like the ruptures of thunder ) force a continuall passage through thy bosome . bee thou attenti●e likewise ( thou nurser vp of all our english nobility ) and as i haue lent an erected and serious eare to those complaints which thou powrest forth in behalfe of thy sonne , so be thou ( i coniure thée ) a silent and obseruing auditor of these lamentations , which i sée are already striuing to make way through the lips of this afflicted child of mine . marke him well , for now he begins . paules steeples complaint . wherein ? o wherein haue i ( ●he most infortunate of all this kingdome ) offended so highly , that thus often , and with such dreadfull blowes , i shold be smote by the hand of heauen ? so cruelly haue i béene strucke that euen fire ( to my thinking ) hath ●las●en out at mine eye : and such ●éepe woundes haue i receiued on my head , that instead of teares , my vary batilements haue dropt downe , and in their falling haue scalded my chéekes , as if they had béene shewers of molten lead . doth this hot uengeance fly ( as if it were with the swiftest winges of lightning ) from aboue , to se●ze vpon me , for my owne sinnes , or for his , that first beganne to set me vppe ? but alasse : how ingratef●ll am i , to haue of my patron so vnrighteous , and so godlesse a remembraunce ? ethelbert ( king of kent ) was my founder : out of the dust of the earth did he raise mée ; out of the hard rock was i fashioned to a beautifull shape , and by him consecrated to a most holy and religious vse : for ethelbert ( that good king ) was the first that gaue entertainment to augustine , melitus , iustus , and iohn : who by saint gregory were sent hither to preach the misteries diuine : the deuotion of which men , like foure streames , caused the christian fayth to fly into this land , and that princely father of moe , was the first whom they conuerted . in aduauncement of religion , and to make it spread higher , did hee set mee into the earth , planted mée , and hadde a reuerend care to haue mee grow vppe in state and beauty . it cannot be therefore , that so good and meritoryous a worke in him , should be so ill rewarded . no , no , it is not for his sake , that i haue béene punnished , but eyther for my owne or some others wicked deseruing . howsoeuer it be , or in whom-soeuer the fault lyes , on mée are the plagues inflicted , on my head are heaped the disgraces and dishonours , mine is the smart , mine is the sorrow . and though the eyes of euery straunger , and of euery starting passenger be cast vp vppon mee , all of them wondering at , but none pittying my misfortune , because to them it appeares sleight , or else it appeares to them nothing at all , yet let mee stand before a iuditious , cleéere , and impartiall censor , and the condition of the most wretched will not séeme so miserable and base as mine . when the hawthorne and low bryer are cut downe , the spoyle of them is not regarded , for it moones not any : but when the prince of the forrest ( the mighty and sacred oake ) hath the axe layed to his roote , at euery blow that is giuen , the very woods send out grones . small cottages beeing on fire , are quickly either quenched , or if not quenched , the wound that a common-wealth receiues by them is easily cured : but when a body ( so noble ; so antient , so comely for stature , so reuerenced for state , so richly adorned , so full of beauty , of strength , of ceremonies : so followes , so kneeled vnto , and almost so adored as my selfe am , and euer haue béene daily ) is defaced by flames , and shaken into dust by the wrath of the breath almighty . the very sight of this is able to bréede earthquakes in citties that behold it . and euen from such a height , such a happinesse , and such an honor am i fallen . my head was aduanced with the loftiest in the kingdome , and so tender a care had the heauens ouer it , that it was taken vp and layde in the bosome of the clouds . my aking browes rested themselues vpon the christall chariot of the moone , and the crowne of my head ( when i stoode on tiptoe and stretched my body to the length , ) touched that celestiall roofe , embossed all ouer with studs of golde , i did not onely ouer-looke the proudest buildinges in thée ( o thou land-lady to so many thousands of houses ) with those also that are the inheritance of her thy next neybour : but mine eye at euery opening hadde the greatest part of the kingdome as a prospect . the marriner then called mee his sea-marke , for to him i stood as a watch-tower to guide him safely to our english shore . no sooner did the traueller by land sée me , but his heart leaped for ioy , and the wearisomnesse of his way seemed to go from him , because he knew he was in sight of the most goodly cittie which he loued . but how often hath this glory of mine bin ec●lipsed , and at such times when it was in the fulnes ? whether my own ambition ( in aspyring too high ) or whether the iustice of those aboue mee in punnishing my pride , were the cause of my fall ▪ i know not . but sure i am , that my head hath beene often laid to the blocke , and many blowes giuen to strike it off . the first blow was * giuen me when i had stood vntaynted , and vnblemished 477. years after the beginning of my foundation , for i was raised , and intituled to the name & hono●r of a temple . about the yeare after the incarnation 61● . and in the yeare of redemption , 1087. was i , ( with a great parte of thy body ( o thou best of citties ) consumed in fyre . but i was in a shorte time healed of those hurts , by mauritius * ( thy byshop ) who to defend me from after-burnings , mounted me vpon arches & gaue me ribs of stone , which was fetched from cane in normandy . frée from the mallice ( at least from the strokes ) of ruinating t●me and the enuious * blasts of fortune ▪ did i continu● full 357. yeares together after this first blowe , but in anno 1444. heauen smote me with lightning , yet did i presently recouer , and held vppe my heade loftier then before , * for in anno 1462. did my body carry in heigth 52● . foot , the stone worke being 260. foot and the spire as many . in length was i 720. foot , and in bredth 130. at the same time , did i weare on the crowne of my head ( as it hadde bin a crest vnto it ) a cocke or eagle , which beeing inconstant was ( i thinke ) destroyed for turning about with euery winde : it carryed in weight fort● poundes ▪ being of copper gilded ouer : the length from the bil to the taile four foote , the breadth ouer the wings , three foote , and a halfe , the crosse ( from the bole to the eagle ) fifteene foote , and sixe ynches of a size , the length thereof ouer-thwarte , was fiue foote , and ten ynches . the compasse of the bole nine foote and one ynch : of which crosse ( which stood aboue my head as a rich diadem ) the inner part was oke , the next couer was lead , and a third ( vppon that ) of copper , which with the bole and eagle being of copper also ) were al gilded ouer . in this magnificence was i arrayed , thus was i with marble towers and pynnacles crowned : the wonder of the world was i counted in the iudgement of all eyes that beheld mee , and the onely marke that enuie of forraigne kingdomes shot at , who did but heare of my greatnes . but ( alacke ) how momentary is all earthly happinesse ? howe fading is our painted glory ? many yeares were not numbred , but behold in anno ▪ 1561. the hand of heauen was once more filled with vengeance , which in clouds of fire , was there throwne vpon my head● , so that in lesse than the space of foure houres , i that was the mirrhor of the world ( for beauty ) was made the miserablest creature in the worlde by my deformity . yet did that woorthy and my euer to be honoured mistris bestow vpon me in gold 1000. markes to make good my losses , and gaue ( besides ) warrant for a 1000. loades of timber , to repayre my ruines : thy cittizens likewise ( o my dearest mother ) and the cleargy of the lande , were euen prodigall of theyr pursses to set me vp againe . some good was done vnto mee , and much good lefte vndone . this last blow was to mee fatall and deadly , for now , am i both headlesse , and honourlesse : my shoulders ●●ing daily troden vpon in scorne , branded with markes and letters , and scoared vppon with the points of kniues and b●dkins , which howsoeuer the ignorant laugh at , those that are wise know they are characters of my infamy , yea to so low a ●●●te am i brought , that madmen and fooles , & euery ydle companion lay wagers in mockery , onely to abuse mee . some ( séeing me so patient to endure crowes and dawes ) pecking at my ribs , haue driuen tame partridges ouer my bosome , others euen riding ouer me , and capring vpon my backe , as if they had bin curvetting on the horse , which in despight they brought to trample vpon me . who therefore that did but eyther knowe or hath but heard of my former prosperity , would not gréeue to sée mée fallen into this basenes , and most contemptible bondage , but i haue deserued ( i confesse ) i haue most iustly deserued to haue these afflictions , these dishonours , and these open punnishmentes layde vppon mee , albeit they were tenne times numbred ouer and ouer . for whereas i was at first consecrated to a misticall & religious purpose ( the ceremonies of which are daily obserued in the better part of me , for my hart is euen to this hower an altar vpon which are offred the sacrifices of holy prayers for mens sinnes ) yet are some limbes of my venerable bodie abused , and put to prophane , horrid and seruile customes , no maruell though my head rotte , when the bodie is so f●l of diseases : no maruell if the diuine executioner cut mee off by the shoulders , when in my bosom is so much horrible and close treason practised against the king of the whole world . for albeit though i neuer yet came downe all my stayres , to bee occuler witnesse-bearer of what i speake , and what is ( sometimes spoake openly , and sometimes spoke in priuate ) committed in my walkes , yet dooeth the daily sounde and eccho of much knauish villany strike vp into mine eare . what whispering is there in terme times , how by some slight to cheat the poore country clients of his full purse that is stucke vnder his girdle ? what plots are layde to furnish young gallants with readie money which is shared afterwards at a tauern ) therby to disfurnish him of his patrimony ? what buying vp of oaths , out of the hands of knightes of the post , who for a few shillings doe daily sell their soules ? what layinge of heads is there together and ●●●ting of the brains , still and anon , as it growes towardes eleuen of the clocke , ( euen amongst those that wear guilt rapiers by their sides ) where for that noone they may shift from duke humfrey , & bee furnished with a dinner at some meaner mans table ? what damnable bargaines of vnmercifull brokery , & of vnmeasurable usury are there clapt vp ? what swearing is there : yea , what swaggering , what facing and out-fasing ? what shuffling , what shouldering , what iustling , what ieering , what byting of thumbs to beget quarels , what holding vppe of fingers to remember drunken méetings , what brauing with feathers , what bearding with mustachoes , what casting open of cloakes to publish new clothes , what muffling in cloaks to hyde broken elbows , so that when i heare such trampling vp and downe , such spetting , such ●●lking , and such humming , ( euery mans lippes making a noise , yet not a word to be vnderstoode , ) i verily beléeue that i am the tower of babell newly to be builded vp , but presentlie despaire of euer béeing finished , because there is in me such a confusion of languages . for at one time , in one and the same ranke , yea , foote by foote , and elbow by elbow , shall you sée walking , the knight , the gull , the gallant , the vpstart , the gentleman , the clowne , the captaine , the appel-squire , the lawyer , the usurer , the cittizen , the bankerou● , the scholler , the begger , the doctor , the ideot , the ruffian , the cheater , the puritan , the cut-throat , the hye-men , the low men , the true-man , and the thiefe : of all trades & professions some , of all countryes some ; and thus dooth my middle isle shew like the mediterranean sea , in which as well the merchant hoysts vp sayles to purchace wealth honestly , as the rouer to light vpon prize vniu●●ly . thus am i like a common mart where all commodities ( both the good and the bad ) are to be bought and solde . thus whilest deuotion kneeles at her prayers , doth prophanation walke vnder her nose in contempt of religion . but my lamentations are scattered with the winds , my sighes are lost in the ayre , and i my selfe not thought worthy to stand high in the loue of those that are borne and nourished by mee . an end therefore doe i make heare of this my mourning . the steeple of s. paule abruptly thus breaketh off , because he felt himselfe not so well as he could wish ; the lady of citties ( who is gouerned by the wisedome of 24. graue senators , all those 24. submitting themselues to the authority onely of one , thereby teaching examples of obedience ) did thus breake silence , and renew her spéech : tell me now ( o westminster ) which of vs two , haue greatest cause to complaine for the misfortune of our sons ; yet thou and i are not indifferent iudges in this case , because it is our owne particuler : let vs therefore leaue the censure of it to the arbite●ment of the world ; and whilest the controuersie is in deciding , bee not thou offended with me , if now a litle i take vpon me the office of a mother , & fall into a gentle reprehension of thée . i remember , that when thou haddest layd abroad the ruines of thy sonne , and yet on the top of them haddest builded vp his honors , which to doe , did in thée seeme glorious ; thou diddest then presently beginne to rip open the adulterous wombe of those sinnes that are euery day begotten vnder thy roofes : the very naming of which , though it be odious to heauen and earth : yet diddest thou séeme to haue so little feeling of thine owne infamy , that thou diddest laugh at thy dishonor , and wert it not sory for those euilles which thou thy selfe confessest , aboundantly swarme within thée . o how palpable is thy blindnesse ! how grosse thine ignoraunce , in running into this errour ! what vpholdeth kingdomes but gouernement ? what subuerteth licentiousnesse and disorder ? uices in a common-wealth are as diseases in a body , if quickly they be not cured , they suddenly kill . they are weedes in the fayrest garden , if eare they take roote , you pull them not vp : they spoyle the wholesome hea●hes and flowers , and turne the ground into a wildernesse . there is no destruction so fearefull to a citty , as that destruction which a citty brings vpon it selfe : and neuer is it more néere a fall , then when it maketh much of those sins , which like snakes lie in the bosome of it , and sucke out the bloud . all those cankers of a state , that lye gnawing to eate thee vppe ; all those sensuall streames , that ●ow about thy body , and labour to drowne it in impieties , flowe in thy ueynes , but as little riuolets , but in mine they excéede all boundes , and swell vppe to an ocean . and that the very least of them vndermineth and shaketh my strongest buildings . what abhomination reigneth in thée , which is not in me doubled ? if pride ride vp and downe in thy coa●hes , she is all the fore-noone at her glasse in my priu●●e chambers , and in the after no●ne sits like a prosti●uted harlot , tempting passengers to the ●talles of my inhabitantes . if usurers ( who are christiā iews ) dwell in thy stréets ; i haue both vsurers and b●okers , ( who are the english deuils ) opening shopp●s in mine . doost thou bring vppe swearers , i can sweare thée downe ? art thou quarrelsome ? i thirst after bloud ? is there any one in thée that scoffes at religion ? many there are in mee that sweare there is no religion . as for that monster with many heades , that beast , ( both male and female ) i meane letchery , it is within my freedome more ma●e of , then island dogges are amongest cittizens ●liues : and when it gets out of my fréedome , it is then like the place where it desires to lurk● in , for then it lyes out of the cricuite of all ciuill liberty . in the troublesome reigne of king stephen , there were shewed at one muster twenty thousand armed horsemen , and thréescore thousand footemen , all which number were cittizens that liued within my walles : but i verily beléeue , that in this peaceable reigne of our princes in these dayes , if a true muster were taken , there would be found almost as many strumpets as would bee able to dare the turke , ( with all his concubines ) into the fielde , or to ouer-ranne all the lowe countries , and to spoyle the enemy , were he neuer so strong or desperate , if it came to handy● gripes . beastes in their act of generation vse not more community : sauage people that know not their maker , breake not more the limites of modesty : common inglers , fidlers , and players , doe no : more basely prostitute themselues to the pelasures of euery two-penny drunken plebeian , than doe those quadrantariae me●etrices , the mercenary hackneies that stand at racke and manger within my suburbes . as buls and beares are for small pieces of siluer to be bayted , so are these . as at common outropes , when housholds-stuffe is to bee sold , they cry who giues more . so stand these vppon their thresholdes , not crying who giues more , ( only ) but who giues any thing . but that it stands not with the maiesty of our state , nor with the lawes of our religion , it were as good , nay better , to giue fréedom and liberties to the setting vp of a cōmon stewes , as heretofore on the banck ( opposite to thée and me on the farther side of the thames ) it hath béene vsed . in those dayes orders were established to kéepe this sin within certaine boundes , but now it breakes beyond all limits . it was then enacted by a parliament ( at which thou y● hast had thy voyce in so many parliaments wert present ) that the bordello or common stewes on the bancke-side , should obserue these constitutions . first , no stew-holder , or his wife was to compell any single woman to stay with them against her will , but to giue her leaue to come and go at her pleasure . secondly , that no stew-holder should keepe any woman to b●ard , but shee to b●●rd abroad , or where shée lysted . thirdly , to take for a courtezan● * chamber not aboue 14. pence by the wéeke . fourthly , not to kéepe open doores * vpon holy-dayes . fiftly , not to kéepe any single woman in his house on the holy-dayes , but the bailiffe to sée them voyded out of the lordship . sixtly , that no single woman should be detayned in any such house against her wil , hauing an intent to forsake that course of life . seauenthly , that no stew-ho●der was to giue entertainment to any woman of any order in religion , or to any mans wife . eyghtly , that no courtezan was to receiue hire of any man to lye with him , but she was to lye all night with him till the next morning . ninthly , that no man was to be drawne by violence , or be inticed by any impudent and whorish allurements into any stew-house . tenthly , that euery brothely or stew-house was to bee searched wéekely by constables , and other officers . lastly , that no stew-holder should lodge in hys house any woman that had the daungerous infirmity of burning , &c. these ( amongst others ) with penalties and punishments vppon the breath of any one of them , were the ordinances of these times , but nowe ( thankes to the negligence of this age ) though sharper lawes doe threaten to strike , this sinne , yet they do but threaten , for they seldom strike , or if they strike , it is with the backe of the sworde of iustice . the setting vp of a whore-house , is now as common as the setting vp of a trade : yea , and it goes vnder that name . a stocke of two beds and foure wenches is able to put a lady pandaresse into present practise , and to bring them into reasonable doings . in these shoppes ( of the worlde , the flesh and the deuill ) soules are set to sale , and bodies sent to shipwracke : men and women as familiarly goe into a chamber to damne one another on a feather-hedde , as into a tauerne to bee merrie with wine . but for al this it goes vnder the name of the sweet sin , and of all , they are counted wenches of the old religion , and for all their dancings in tauernes , ryots in suppers , and ruffling in taffities , yet a cloyster of such nunnes standes like a spittle , for euery house in it is more infectious then that which hath a redde crosse ouer the dore . such as smithfield is to horses , such is a house of these sisters to women : it is as fatal to thē , it is as infamous ▪ the bawds pettie bawds , and panders are the horse-coursers that bring iades into the market : wher they swear they are frée from diseases , whē they haue more hanging on their bones then are in a french army ; and that they are but coltes of halfe a years running , when they haue scarse a sounde tooth in their heades . there shall you find beastes of all ages , of all colours , of all prices , of all paces , yet most of them gyuen to false gallops : hardly among twenty one that is good , for euery one that proues so , a hundred continue bad . such is the quality of smithfield nags , such the property of suburbe curtizans . in briefe , their beginning is brauery , their end beggery , their life is detestable , & death ( for the most part ) damnable . since therfore so dangerous a serpent shootes his ranckling stinges into both our bosomes , let vs not ( as desperate of our owne estates ) open our brests to receiue them , and so be guilty to our own destruction , but rather prouide vs of armor to resist the malice of her poyson , for be assured ( o thou that art still ready , and still most woorthy to entertaine forraygne princes and embassador● ) that so long as this double dealing-diuell , ( lechery ) walks vp and down in our houses , vengeance will neuer be driuen from our doores . a litle more must i yet chyde thée ( o thou minion , now to two mighty nations ) for i begin to growe iealious of thee , that thou séekest to rob mee of my best , my most worthy , most princely , and my most desired louer , to enioy him solely to thy selfe : else wherefore dost thou repine that either i , or any other of our sister-citties , should be made happy by his company ? it shewes that thy heart is stufte with a rancke and boyling e●uie , thou gréeuest that any should prosper but thy selfe . it condemnes thee of ambition , ( which ●nne thou thinkest becomes thée , because thou art a courtier ) it condemnes thée of couetousnes , a vyce , than which none more vi●y blemisheth a noble mind , ( such as all nations that haue bin thy guests , haue neuer supposed to shine in thée . ) i esteeme my selfe the most fortunate of all my neighbour citties in this large kingdome , if that royall maister of vs both ( nay of vs all ) doe but vouchsafe to passe by mee , or but so much as to cast hys eie vpon me , and dost thou cry out thou art vndone , when after his embracings of thée so many whole moneths ( oftentimes ) together , after his bestowing so many dignities , and so much wealth vpon thée : yea , and when hee giues thée his royall word , not to be absent from thée long ? cannot this content thée , and satisfie the flame of thy desyres , but that thou must wish to haue him fonde ouer thée , and that the beams of his most princely and frée affection , shuld haue all their points méete in thy bosome , as their onelie fixed obiect ? for shame desire it not , for this immoderate appetite of thine is to the dishonour and hurt of al the citties r●and about thee . bridle therfore these passions of thy soule , which otherwise will make thée turne wild , and win them by gentle meanes to come in , and subiect themselues to the laws of reason . if the moyst handed isis , shold send all her melted siluer to that insearchable and vnknowne treasury of neptune , ( into which all riuers pay their custome ) and shoulde neuer haue an profitable returne of it , how soone would she grow poore ? or if the sea-god , ( out of a prodigal and flowing humor ) should do nothing but ●our his gifts into the lappe of that his christ all bosom daughter , how soone would her swimming too hie in riches , make her forget her selfe ? and in that pride of swelling , worke the subuersion both of thée and me ? we should lye drowned in her greatnes , as other partes of the land would bee ouerwhelmed in thyne , if thou haddest what thou desirest and couetest . but thou séest the sunne neuer tarries in one poynt of heauen alone , his remoo●ing from place to place , shewes his soueraignty , and makes him better welcome thither , where hee hath beene the longest absent , and euen so of kinges . a cittizen of 〈◊〉 ( to his immortall memory ) dyd in one day , feast at his table foure kings ( viz ) edwarde the third ( king of england ) iohn king of france , dauid le bruce . king of ●●ots , and the king of cyprus , and now of late ( imitating that example ) did another of my praeters , feast ( tho not foure kinges ) one equal in power ▪ in maiesty and in dominion , to all th●se 4. ( euen the heyre and present inheritor of 4. mighty empires our soueraign lord & maist ▪ iames the 6. to looke but backe vpon which happy daies ( because i haue seene but few of thē ) makes my hart beate against my ribbes for ioy : i am proud euen in the remembraunce of them , and to the intent they may neuer be forgotten , those yeares and months that brought forth this honor vnto me , shall be chronicled in the midst● of my bosome in charecters of gold. thus do i comfort my selfe by repeating ouer the blessings bestowed vpon me by a few of our princes , but how many of them haue feasted , banqueted and reuealed with thée ▪ and yet wouldst thou barre any of them from taking hys pleasures abroad , but onely in thy presence . thou arte proude , and takest vpon thée to stretch forth too imperious a hand . thou art contented to receiue in the golden haruest , but loath to bee shaken with the breath of autumne . thou likest it well to haue a summer all the yeare , but dost not consider , that winter is as wholesome for thy body . this shewes thy indiscretion , thy improuidence , and indulgence of thy selfe , to bee pampred like an epicure . thou art gréedy as the sea , and wouldest deuoure all thinges , but wouldst part from nothing : thou art catching as ●●re , so thy self mayst be fed , thou carest not who perish . uncharitable are thy wishes , immodest are thy longings , and most vnconscionable are thy aspyrings , and most vnneighborly are thy fore-stallings . that which thou wouldest haue done , is not ( i graunt ) against all law , but it is with all law , for thou desirest to haue men go to law all the yeare long , which wish of thine is as dishonest as if it were to haue continuall warres , and continuall wars are continual slaueries : it is as if thou shouldest wish to haue an euerlasting thunder , for what are pleadinges of causes , but noise without ceasing . thou sayest the foure tearmes are vnto thée as foure great feasts , yet doost thou in bitternes of thy sorrow , cry out vpon foure vacations : wherein thou behauest thy selfe all one , as if thou shouldest complain , because thou art not euery houre féeding . if foure tearmes should be without tearme and neuer come to an end , those feastes which they incite thée to , would be to their incurable surfeits , and so consequently thy destruction . if the sounde of lawyers tongues were but one whole twelue month in thine eare , thou thy selfe wouldst euen loath it , tho it were vnto thee neuer so delicate musicke . nothing increaseth in vs as a delight in any pleasure , but to haue that pleasure taken away for a time . but that the night offends vs with darknes , we should grow weary of the day . so that foure vacations ( if thou canst rightly make vse of them ) may be vnto thée as 4. seueral saw●es , to sharpen thy stomacke against those great feasts , are serued vp to thy tables . so goe to law ( i confesse ) is necessary in a republike ; so is it to haue a plague , for thereby the superfluo●s numbers of people , which otherwise ( if they increased ) would deuo●ure one another , are swept away : so is it to haue war , for the sword cuts off those idle branches that steale away the sap from the profitable boughes of a kingdome . but to haue a warre without end , or a plague without mercy , is the vndoing of a realme , and so would it be ▪ if men were euer in brablings . the 4. vacations are like so many soundings of retreat after 4. battailes ; in which breathing-times men renew their courages , their forces , and their manners of fight : where ( else ) the pleader ( neuer giuing ouer ) would grow too rich , and so bee enuied , and the clyent euer spending , would be made a beager , and so gather into faction . uaine therefore , idle , sencelesse , shapelesse , and of no validity are those encomiasticke honors , with which thy rhetoricall cunning hath fethered a pen so , gaily . an idoll hast thou made of it , whereas in the true nature it is a pyneon puld from the left wing of the deuill . a pen ! the inuention of that , and of incke hath brought as many curses into the world , as that damnable witch-craft of the fryer , who tore open the bowels of hell , to find those murdering engines of mankind , guns and powder . both these are alike in quality , in mischiefe : yea , and almost in fashion ; the pen is the piece that shootes , inck is the powder that carries , and wordes are the bullets that kill . the one doth onely destroy men in time of warre , the other consumes men , both in warre and peace . the one batters downe castles , the other barters them away . cedant arma togae , let g●ns therefore giue place to gownes , for the pen is the more dangerous weapon to run vpon . why then doost thou , nay , howe canst thou without blushing defend a cause so notoriously badde ? how darest thou hang a trée so barren of goodnesse , and so rancke of poyson at the roote , with so many garlandes of prayses ? canst thou find in thy heart to write ealogies in honour of that deadly double pointed engine , that hath béen the confusion of so many thousands ? then let wreathes of lawrell crowne their temples , that shall sing the dishonorable acts of those swords , which basely haue béen inbrued in the bowels of their owne countrey : for in what other tryumphes ( then in the afflictions of men ) are these warlike instruments of writing imployed ? one dash of a pen hath often beene the downefall of a man and his posterity . by help of this , wiues practise to abuse their husbands , by the witch-craft of amorous passions , ( which are coniurd out of a goose-quill , ) louers intice young wenches to folly . this is that which spreads abroad , and sowes the séedes of schismes and heresies . this is that , which marres all learning , and makes it contemptible , by making it common . it is the weapon of a foole , and oftentimes his braynes drop out of the end of it in stead of incke . it is a sharpe g●ade that prickes our young gentry to beggery , for in lesse than a quarter of an hower , ( with a pen ) doe they betray all the landes and liuings purchased by their progenitors , into the hands of brokers , scriueners , and usurers . what forten hand hath euer béen working in the forge of treason ( for the deuastation of this kingdome , for the extirpation of the religion in it , or for the murdering of our princes ) but pennes ( like hammers on an anuile ) haue continually béene beating out the plottes , and conueying them hither to bee made smooth , and to passe currant . what libilles against princes , against péeres , against the state , or against our magistrates , were euer ( like pricking thornes ) thrust into the sides of this empire , to make it bléed , of which a pen was not guilty ? this , by leauing a word vnpoynted , was the death of edward the second : with this , holding it but in his hand , did richard the second giue away all the royalties belonging to a crowne , and blotted out his owne name for euer any more to be found written with the name of a king. in conclusion , the tragedie of so many of our ancient nobility , were neuer acted on scaffo●des , but a pen was chiefe actor in their deaths and downefals . so then you may perceiue , that this rauens bill draweth bloud where it once fastneth : the iawes of a toade ( sweating & foaming out poyson ) are not more dangerous than a pen being filled with that banefull and venomous mixture of gall and copporas . accursed therefore be that * bird , out of whose wing , so pestilent and so malitious an enemie to humane creatures is taken : offensiue to the stomacke , be for euer the meat of it , and apt to engender mortall surfeits , sithence so small a part of it ( as a quill , ) hath bred from the beginning , and ( til the dissolution of this vniuersall frame ) will be the cause of so much distemperature in the body of the worlde . which mischiefe that worthy romaine captain , who ( about the eight yéere of the raigne of cassibelan , brother to king lud ( my first founder and 54 yéeres before the king , both of heauen and earth , sent his sonue to dwell amongst men ) entred this land , conquered it , & made it tributary to the people of rome , wisely looking into , and obseruing , that princes , rulers , and great personages , must of necessity ( being bound thereto by the ceremony of their birth , or by their place in the state ) yéeld sometime to that , which otherwise that noblenes of their owne bloud would abhor , did often wish that he could not know how to handle a pen. and that mirror of her sexe , both for magnanimity of minde , inuinciblenesse of spirit , and ( which is to her the greatest part of her ●ame ) for the closing vppe of so long a raigne , with so full and so grieuous a period , that goddesse vpon earth whilest she liued , that our good mistris ( eliza ) when shee was to signe any warrant for the death of any péere , would passionately ( yet with a spirit equal to cea●ars ) say thus , would to god wee had neuer beene taught how to write . and thus ( o thou that sittest crowned like an empresse ) withall our riches and fairest monuments haue i discharged the office of a faithfull surueior , by telling thée what part of thy goodly body is builded too high , wherein my counsell is that thou shouldest a little plucke downe thy pryde and in what other part thou stan●est too low , where i could wish thée to raise it vp to a more noble eminence . i haue likewise pointed with my finger , at al those cracks , disioyntings , flawes , and flyings out , which if they bee not repayred , are able in time to shake into dust a citty greater then thy selfe : and ( in my reall loue to thée ) haue i scored such plaine markes vpon thy hidden ruines , which ( like treacherous seruants ) receiue in stormes ( for euer to vnd● thée ) that if in any fit season , thou vnderprop them , and take down whatsoeuer is amisse , thou shalt in this thy old age growe strong and lusty againe , and with an easie rest saue thy selfe from falling . with a frée and vn-mercenary voyce , haue i pleaded for thy good , by discouering what is ill in thée : so that my lectures of reprehention may serue as wholesom councell . thou canst not blame me for opening thy woundes , and searching them to the quick , sithence thou séest i spare not mine owne . my pils perhaps may séeme a little bitter in going downe , but in the working thou shalt finde them as comfortable as restoratiues . take courage therefore to thee , and like a prince that can commaund his owne affections ( which is the noblest soueraignty , be bold not onely to strike off those sicke and infected parts , about the body of the weale-publicke , whych threaten daunger to those that are sounde , but also applie thou the same sharp medicines , which i haue ministred to thée , if hereafter ( as i often féele my self ) thou perceiuest me ready or subiect to fall into loathsome diseases . we are now both of vs as buildings belonging to one land lorde , so closely ioyned together in league , that the world thinkes it a thing impossible , by any violence , vnlesse we fall to ciuill discention within our selues , euer to be seperated : our handes as if it were at a marriage , are plighted one to another our bodies are still embracing , as if they were twinnes : wee are growne so like and euerie day doe more and more so resemble each other that many who neuer knew vs before , woulde sweare that we were all one. sithence then we are held to be so , let vs neuer bee taken to be otherwise . but as sisters do , if the one féel sorrow let the other mourne , if the one bee lifted vp to honors , let not the other repine . and as stringes to an instrument , tho we render seuerall soundes , yet let both our soundes close vp in swéet concordant musicke . arme thy selfe therefore ( with mee ) to maintaine that vnion , without whych realmes are builded vpon sande , and on whych they are stronger then if they stood vpon rockes . and because al citties were bound in common ciuility , in pollicie , and in honour to maintaine their names , their callings , their priuiledges , and those ancient houses that spring out of them , i wil in thy presence annatomize my selfe , euen from head to foot , thou shalt know euery limbe of me , and into how many parts my bodie is deuided . my birth , may bringing vp , and my rising shall bee as manifest to thy vnderstanding as to mine , because by the wilfull ignorance of those that ought of duety to preserue my credit , my good name is oftentimes and in many places abused & taken from me . neither would i haue thée account mee insolent , vain-glorious , or ambitious , in erecting these trophyes of fame to my selfe , with mine owne handes : for vpon them shall neither be ingrauen the actes of my sumptuous builders , ( whych would be too great an ostentation ) nor the battels which my citizens haue oftentimes fought and won in defence of my liberties , which ( more to my glory ) might be rehearsed by others . but passing ouer the names of some ( which to repeate would be to me an euerlasting renown ) . as to boast ( which lawfully & without the blot of arrogance i could doe ) that constantine the emperor y● builded constantinople , drew his breath from my bosome , or that maud the empresse , did honour to me as to the mother that gaue her life , or that king henry ( son to henry 2 , ) was begotten in my womb , which hen●y at the age of 7. years was maried to marg. ( the french kings daughter ) being not two years old , & afterwards with her in the life time of his father , were crownd at winch. but burying this glory of mine ( to be forgotten ) in the graues where these my children lye ( now consumed to nothing ) i will onely content my selfe ( & it is but a poore ambition ) to tell thée how i came to be called a citty . by what names london from time to time hath bin called , and how it came to bee diuided into wardes . obserue me therfore ( o my most ingenious pupill and scorne not to cal me thy tutor ) for i must heere and there speake of some matters , that i was an eye-witnesse to , long before thou hadst any being . kn● thē ( because time ) who alters all things , may perhaps heereafter as hee hath done already , giue me some other new vpstart name ) that brute from whom i tooke my byrth , after had broght me ( as thou séest to this day i abide ) close to the ryuer of thames , did there bestow a name on me , & called me troynouant or trinouant , and sometimes trinobant , to reuiue ( in me ) the memory of that citty which was turned into cinders , and that for all the spight of those gods who hated it , there should be a new troy which was my selfe . that was the style by which i was knowne , for the space of more than one thousand years , and then lud chalenging me as his owne , tooke away none of my dignities , but as women marryed to great persons , loose theyr old names , so did i mine being wedded to that king , and ( after himselfe ) was crowned with the title of laire-lud , that is to say , the citty of lud or ludstone , vpon whych some nations cald me london●ū or longidinū , & laodinū , others lundayne , the saxons londonceaster , and london-bridge . the spaniardes londra , the french londres , and nowe in these dayes the people of our owne countrey , london . in my infant● rising was i but of base and meane estimation amongest other citties , and was scarcelie knowne for all i was the daughter of a king . but ludde lifted mee vppe to high honours and greate aduauncementes , for hee set a corronet of towers vppon my heade , and although it were not beautifull for ornament , yet made he for me a gyrdle , strong for defence , which being made of turffe and other such stuffe , trenched rounde about , serued in the nature of a wall or rampyre , to keepe and defende off the assaulting enemies . afterwardes the romaynes beeing the lordes of the whole kingdome , and so consequently of mee , insteede of throwing mee into seruile slauery , raysed mee vppe to high dignity and honour , and whereas i trembled wyth feare to ha●e my buildinges flaming about mine eares , they adorned my body , and apparrelled it rounde about with stone , for til the arriuall of that warlike and industrious nation on our shores , the brittons dwelt in townes as basely builded , as those now of the wild irish. after i was thus fashioned and refined into the ciuill and beautifull shape of a citty , i began to be courted , and to be the onely minio● of the land , the romaines fought in my quarrell ▪ the brittons heaped vpon me honours , the saxons ( that draue out them ) bound garlands of victorye about my forehead . but these being beaten from my company by the danes , i was by them spoyled of all my ornamentes , and prostituted as a strumpet to the lust of ciuill discord , in heate of which the normans came in rescue , chased hence that danes recouered the whole empyre , and reduced it into one monarchy . from that day haue i euer since flourished , euer since haue i swelled vp in greatnes , euer since haue i bin loued of our kings , because euer since haue to our kinges bin loyall . in which prosperous growing vp of mine , all my boughes and my branches , haue more and more in stead of bearing fruit , bin replenished with multitudes of peoples , whose numbers increasing , it was thoght fit ( in policy ) that they should be quartered like souldiers into hands , the better to bring them into order . according therfore to the romans custome of citties , was i diuided into certaine signories , all of them notwithstanding , like so many streames to one head , acknowledging a priority and subiection , to one , greater than the rest , and who sith aboue them , those diuisions or partages are called wardes , or aldermanries , being 26 in number , which are ciuilly guarded and wisely prouided , for by 24. aldermen , in whom is represented the dignity of romaine senatours , and of two sheriffes , who personate ( in theyr offices and places ) the romane consuls . then is there a subdiuision , for these greater cantles 〈◊〉 againe 〈◊〉 into lesse , being called parishes , which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 number 〈◊〉 which are vnto 〈…〉 within 〈…〉 : so 〈…〉 with buildings , so furnishes with 〈…〉 people● with wealthy cittizens , 〈◊〉 so 〈◊〉 , wisely , and peaceably gouerned . thost things are a●well knowne to thée , 〈◊〉 to my selfe , which 〈…〉 i am willing to repeate 〈◊〉 , because that both of vs calling to minde , the greatnesse of our byrthes , and casting our eyes on the state and flourishing glory , wherein we haue alwayes carryed our selues , our misfortunes may be the more pittyed ( at the hands of for●en citties , who may fall into the like ) séeing the present condition , in which wee nowe stand . for ( alacke ! ) what auayles it vs to beast of our former strength , of our beauties , of our honours , of our possessions , or of the ri●h●● wherein we flow , when that wee cannot inioy our healthes , which is worth all these ; sicknesse hath dwelt a long time in thy chambers , she doth now walks still in a ●hostly and formidable shape vppe and downe my stréets . shee ( with her ill company ) infe●teth my sonnes and dau●hters , and leades them dayly into such daungers , that ( in hundreds at a time ) doe they loose theyr liues . fiue yéeres hath shee beene a troublesome guest vnto me ; i receiued her at first , ( though i loued not her company ) yet i giue her good entertainement , and patiently endu●ed her insulting oust mee and mine , because i knew shée was a messenger sent from aboue . but woe to mee ( infortunate citty ! ) woe vnto vs both ( o my distressed neighbour , ) shall wee neuer shake handes with her and part ? shall our faire bodies neuer re●●uer of this disease , which so often and often hath run all 〈◊〉 them , and doth nowe againe beginne to bee as a plague vnto vs ? howsoeuer ( out of the fashion of confe●●●es , or out of a pride to shew my wit ) i haue checkt thée for de●ecting thy spirits for any stroakes of calamity , yet beléeue me , the care that i haue of my children , whom i sée drooping , conquers the height of my minde , subdues my nature , 〈…〉 me ( with sorrow ) almost the gra●●ling on the ground . ●ead vnto vs both , are 〈…〉 dayes , whilest this pestilent vapour hanges ouer our heades : dead are our pleasures , for wée do now take delight in nothing but in mourning : dead are 〈◊〉 houres of leysure , and those which are full of 〈…〉 the lawe it selfe , ( of whose presence wee both are glad , because we gayne by her , and because she● eue● bringes vs good and merry company to chéere our heartes ) will sitte heauily in thy courts of iustice , nay , i feare shee will bee vnwilling ( séeing vs so subiect to diseases ) to sit there at all . many a sad & black tearme hath bin séen walking in thy hall , ( like a mourner ) and i perceiue by thy lookes , thou art now in feare to bee troubled with the like ▪ i cannot blame thee , neither will i chide thée , for i purpose to be as great with griefe as thy selfe . neyther if that blacke and ominous day so happen and fall vpon vs , shall i wonder ▪ for i cannot see , how the diuine vengeance should bee driuen back , since so many bold darings are giuen , forcing it to breake through the gates of heauen . the shaking of the rodde is not thought of , the stripes mooue vs not , the very drawing of bloud , is by some but made a mockery : to proue it i will recite vnto thee ( though to fell it , my buildinges will shake at the very horrour of the same ) a story of death , both true and new . and this it is . one ( vppon whom i had but lately bestowed the t●le and dignity of a cittizen ) of whome i had good hope ▪ cause i found him woorthy him to bee aduanced , taking his last leaue of mee ( as since it hath faine out ) departed to that quarter of the land , to which from all other partes men in multitudes repayre , to sucke the swéetenesse of honest gaynes , and so to increase theyr wealth . it is a place , where ( is a large fielde ) a citty as it were is in a fel●e dayes builded vppe , and so quickely raysed , as if it had beene done by enchantment , and in as few daies is it afterwardes pulled down , no memory remayning of it , nor monnument to shewe that there it stoode : though whilst the earth beareth it vppe , there be fayre streetes , so filled with people , that they séeme to bee paued euen with the féete of men : whilest on eyther side , shops are so furnished and set forth with all rich and necessary commodities , that many comming thyther , haue taken that place for my selfe , and haue not stucke to call it by the name of little london , so like do they sweare it hath been vnto me , both in face and fashion of body . thither went this young sonne of mine , and there mistaking the place , for me , layed downe his head , as thinking it had béene my bosome , but neuer lifted it vp againe . a token had hee sent from heauen , by which hee was bidden to make hast thither , hee obeyed the bringer of it , and in pawne of his soule that was gone at the iourney , left hee his cold body behind . to kéepe which safe , two followes were hyred to hide it in the earth , they did so , vsing the body , as souldiers do townes which are taken , they risted it , of all that belonged vnto it , and what al men else were affraid to touch or come néere , did they ( being armed with the desire of mony ) nimbly , and iocundly packe vppe , intending at theyr comming home to share it . no sooner had they dispatched their deadly busines , but those that had authoritie of the place , and who made much of these two sharkers before , when they stoode in néede of their helpe , make nowe as much hast as they can , to ridde them out of theyr company : away therefore like pedlers from the ende of a fayre , so doe they send them away ●rudging . the town looked euen sick so long as they were in it ▪ it was a killing to any countrey ▪ fellowe to haue looked vppon them , if hee had but heard what parts in this black tragedy of death they had played . and both of them being porters , were taken by reason of their white frocks , for two ghosts walking in white shirts : to haue drunk with these pot-toffers hadde beene no way but one , to haue solde any drinke to them , had béene for a tapster to haue drunke his last : nay , whosoeuer did but spy them 12. store off , or were but told that two such rauens ( who preied vppon a dead body ) flew that way , cryed presently out , lord haue mercy vppon vs , clapping their hard handes on their country breastes , and looking more pale then the shéete in which the man was buryed . but the best was these parine●s ( that dealt in such a a dead commodity ) were borne to beare , & tooke all thing● patiently . but ambling on their way towards their 〈…〉 , ( which is vnder my wing ) where they kn●we they sh●●ld finde better entertainement , their mindes were troubled ; and their téeth watered , at the remembraunce of not onely money , but also of apparell , and other luggage which was left in the bed chamber where the sicke man 〈…〉 which they perswaded themselues no man ( vppon payne of life ) vnlesse it were they two , 〈…〉 . they shrugged as they went , 〈…〉 backe , would they stand stone 〈◊〉 , for their 〈…〉 ●●zzing about seuerall plottes 〈…〉 . but the powder of 〈…〉 take 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 speak nothing to help them in this 〈…〉 should they 〈…〉 itched to lay hold vpon the prize , but all the 〈…〉 in the 〈◊〉 . at length one of them hauing a more plaugy pate than his 〈◊〉 , swore 〈…〉 with sicknes , and with the 〈…〉 if he got not the bayt that he nibled at , 〈…〉 himselfe with the 〈◊〉 ) 〈…〉 for it : but if he w●nt away 〈…〉 in cambridge 〈…〉 , the other scratched at this , and grind , instéed of gyuing applaud it , which 〈…〉 . then 〈…〉 ( n●●re cambridge ) 〈…〉 following 〈…〉 héed of the man , hée s 〈…〉 vp and downe ) 〈…〉 sought to stop him . at length he came to the house where the deade man had bin 〈…〉 be driuen , that was his inne , there he would lie , that was his bedlam , and there or no where must his mad tricks be plaid . in the end , the feare of further daunger to flowe from him ( as being thought to haue the plague ) and the authority of those that could command , made this vnruly guest be let into the same house , where entring , none durst kéep him company , but the byrd of his own feather , and that was the sport which hee looked for : in no other chamber must he be lodged , but onely that where , al the dead mans 〈…〉 finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20054-e650 brute builded london , he conquered this i le in a●● 1108. yeares before christ. sybert king of the east saxons , builded westminster ● he raigned in an. 596. after christ. 160. kinges in brittaine since brute . * charing-crosse . * 316. yeeres since charing cross. vvas bui●ded by ed : 1 , anno. ch●● . 1291. an encomion of charing crosse. the sinnes of westminster● . drunkennesse quartelling . lechery . pride . enuy. extortion . auarice vathriftines . swearing : knights of the posl . the building of westminster and london compared . 21 kings and two queenes besides the wiues of those kinges haue bin crowned at westminst . william conquerour , and his wife the first that were crowned in westminster . kings buryed in westmin . 42 kings and queenes and the children of kinges buried in west . * high water . rough water . ebbing water for then shee runs into the sea , where hir length cannot be measured . westminsters complaint . bartholmewtide . the long vacation before michelmas tearme . the court & 4. tearmes * the court. * the king. * the queen and her p●ogeny . * the counsell . * the nobility . * the clergy * the ladyes of the court. * the foure tearmes . the good that the terms bring to westminster . how busie westminster is in a tearme time . going to law compared to going to war. they that haue had long sutes are like pike-men , chancery-mē like bill-men . the hurt that vacations doe to westminster . praise of the law. paradox in prayse of going to law . a paradox in praise of a pen. it giues charters to citties , binds leagues of ammitie with forraign nations . notes for div a20054-e4260 109. parishes in london . * charing crosse. warres of the barons in k. stephens raigne . mad parliament at oxford held by the barons in 23. of henry the third . rebellion in essex by wa●●yk● . rebellion in ke●●● lack cade . dissention of the two families , lancaster and yorke . battaile on palm sunday . * pauls steeple london speaking to pauls steeple . notes for div a20054-e4970 the first bringers of the fayth into this land. * pauls church builded about the year after christ 610 , & about 477. yeares after was consumed by fire 1087 in the time of willi● conqueror . * mauritius repayred it & new built it of stone . * 1444 in the raign of henry 6 , burnt with lightning . * the description of the steeple when it was at the h●i●th , & of the body of the church as it is now 1561 in the raigne of q : elizabeth fyred by lightning 4. of iu : q. elizabeth gaue 1000 marks in gold to reedifie the ch●rch 8 partridges on the top of powles in an . 1597 a horse there likewise in an. 1600. the quyre in which is diuine service twice euerie day in the yeare . the bodie of the church serues onely for walkes the walks in paules 24. aldermes l : mayor . londons speech to westminster continued . cities soonest destroy themselues . the sinnes of london . first pride vsury brokery periury murder atheisme lechery orders for the stewes . our suburb bawdes keepe ordinaries for all commers * the price of sin is raysed , & so are the rents . * noctes atque does now . officers now haue siluer eies and canot see . few turne-coates in houses of this religion . aswell pu●itane as protestant are welcome . now they work like bakers night and day . now they vse plaine dealing they are searched daily . ●amque vrit flaminant dull●s . king iames. the thames who takes the name from thame & isi● hen. pichard v●●ner , maior in an. 30 , of edward 3. sir iohn wat 's clothwerker lord mayor now this present yea , 1607 a paradox in praise of vacations . inuectiue against a pen. the wordes were these , e●u●rdam nec●le●e nolite 〈◊〉 bonu●● est . * a goose. iulius caesar , 54. yeeres before christ , conquered brittaine . constantine the emperor mawd the empresse , and henry son to henry 2 born in london . notes for div a20054-e8880 the names of london . lud made a wall about london of turfe &c , but the romain● cause● it to be made of stone . the seuerall nations that conquered this land frō time to time how london cam to be deuided into wards . londons cōplaint about the plague . a description of sturbridge fayre . the death of a young man a linnen draper dwelling in friday-street . the two porters of london . the lawyer outlaw'd, or, a brief answer to mr. hunts defence of the charter with some useful remarks on the commons proceedings in the last parliament at westminster, in a letter to a friend. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 1683 approx. 141 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47876 wing l1266 estc r25476 08988646 ocm 08988646 42140 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47876) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42140) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1289:1) the lawyer outlaw'd, or, a brief answer to mr. hunts defence of the charter with some useful remarks on the commons proceedings in the last parliament at westminster, in a letter to a friend. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 38 p. printed by n.t. for the author, [london] : 1683. attributed to roger l'estrange--wing. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hunt, thomas, 1627?-1688. -defence of the charter, and municipal rights of the city of london. popish plot, 1678. london (england) -charters, grants, privileges. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-02 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion lawyer outlaw'd ; or a brief answer to mr. hunts defence of the charter . with some useful remarks on the commons proceedings in the last parliament at westminster . in a letter to a friend . printed by n. t. for the author , mdclxxxiii . sir , your importunities have at last prevail'd , and since abler pens have hitherto declin'd to espouse the quarrel , i will for once force my own inclination to silence and reservedness , and briefly give you my thoughts on that unlucky pamphlet , call'd , a defence of the charter and municipal rights of london . the author , i find , is a gentleman of the long robe , a person so well known of late for his unweary'd diligence , and extraordinary faculty in scribling ▪ that i need not give you any other character of him , but that some three years ago he writ a book in vindication of the bishops right of judicature in parliament ; and for this piece of service expected no less than to be made lord-chief-baron of the exchequer in ireland . but missing of that preferment , he grows peevish and angry with the court and clergy , and to be even with both , and perhaps to appease his angry brethren of the separation for his former mercenary undertaking , he adds a baboons tail to his picture , a postscript to his book , the most virulent and malicious , that has yet escap'd the hands of justice . ever since , he has continu'd firm to the cause , laid aside his useless law , and zealously imploy'd his better talent against the church and state , in favour of the faction ; and this about the charter is the last effort of that wise head-piece , which he has stuff'd with such a miscellany of wild paradoxes , interwoven with some impertinent truths , that 't is far more difficult to digest them into method , than to answer and confute them . first , to lay a solid foundation for his great design , he tells us , that monarchs , as well as republicks , have often erected municipal cities , and by their charters bestow'd upon them several franchises and priviledges , as to choose their own magistrates , and governby their own laws , while subservient to the publick laws of the sovereign authority , pag. 1. this is certainly very true ; but how far it makes for the charter of london , against the quo warranto , is a mystery not to be comprehended by every vulgar capacity : for 't is no less plain in history , that not only tyrants and vsurpers , as he mentions , but just and lawful sovereigns , have divers times suppress'd such municipal cities , for good and necessary causes , as for being disloyal to their prince , or factious and seditious against the government ; and then the main question will be , how far the city of london has of late been guilty of such crimes , as by law deserve the like punishment ? this , in short , is the plain state of the question ; for 't is most unreasonable to think , that any king or republick ever gave their municipal cities any such liberties or immunities , as were not forfeitable upon their abusing the power they receiv'd ; when otherwise , neither prince nor people cou'd be secure from the insolence of such uncontroulable citizens , without a standing army to keep them in awe . but our gentleman , it seems , is unwilling to touch upon this critical point of speculation ; and as the defence of the charter is the least part of his pamphlet , so now he runs quite from the purpose , to tell the king like a dutiful subject , he may , if he please , take his quietus-est , and let his people govern themselves ; for it is impossible ( saith he ) that mankind should miscarry in their own hands , pag. 2. now , since they have often miscarry'd in the hands of princes , is it not more expedient for the publick good , if this maxim will hold , that the prince shou'd mind his own private business , and not trouble himself with the government , which the people can do better without him ? this is mr. hunt's new model of government , who out of pure love and kindness to the monarchy , chalks out a ready way for his sovereign to ease himself of all the thorns and prickles of his crown , and become a glorious king like his father ; and therefore seems very angry , that the court , ( i. e. the king ) should be troubl'd with the power of appointing officers in any city or corporation in the kingdom , tho' it be found of absolute necessity for the keeping his crown upon his head , and protecting his best subjects from a band of associators and ignoramus-juries . oh! but by this new form of corporations , it will be in the power of a popish successor to put the government of all corporated towns in england into the hands of papists ▪ p 5. and without it , i say , it will be no less in the power of the faction , to put the same government into the hands of fanaticks . what a bugbear is this popish successor ! whose very name turns the brains of a whig into a magnifying-glass , that will transform ants into gyants , and mole-hills into mountains ! we have as good laws as the wit of man can devise , to secure us from the encroachments of popery , and to disable papists from bearing any office , civil or military , either in or out of corporations : and yet this popish successor , who possibly may never succeed , this great goliah , can break through all those laws , and will certainly do it , to curry favour with a handful of papists , and make himself a slave to the pope . this is not all ; for this mode ( saith he ) of incorporating cities and towns , doth ipso facto change the government ; for that one of the three states , an essential part of the government , which is made up of the representatives of the people , and ought to be chosen by the people , will by this means have five sixth parts of such representatives , upon the matter , of the courts nomination , and not of the peoples choice ; — and at the next turn we shall have a parliament of papists and red-coats , pag. 6. o profound politician ! has not our government been regal and monarchical from the beginning ? how then can the house of commons , in comparison but a late institution , necessary not for the being , but for the well-being of the monarchy , be an essential part of it ? or how can any rul●r be term'd a monarch , that has 500 demagogues joynt-governours with him ? these , and such other republican maxims , have been in a great measure the main foundation of all the miseries and confusions we suffer'd under the late tyranny of the rump-parliament ; and after our sad experience of those tragical times , surely we have reason to think , that none but such as wou'd bring us back to the same calamities , and sing the second part to the same tune , would now endeavour to assert or maintain them : yet they are so very familiar to our irish chief-baron , that there is hardly a page in most of his pamphlets , but has a strong tincture of them . in his great and weighty considerations considered , he says , the parliament derive their authority from the same original the king derives his ▪ the king hath not his power from them , nor they theirs from the king : they both derive their authority from the consent of the people , either tacit or express , in the first institution of the government , or in the subsequent alterations of it , pag. 16. is not this a rare assertor of the monarchy , that makes both houses thus co-ordinate with the prince , and all the three subordinate to the people ; turns the governed into govornours , and leaves to the king the title only , but to his subjects the power and dominion ? the law tells us , that all authority and jurisdiction , spiritual and temporal , is derived from the king , 1 ed. 6. c. 2. § . 3. and plowden , as great a lawyer perhaps as mr. hunt , says , that the king has the sole government of his subjects , fol. 234 , a. how then can mr. hunt make the people the original of power , since all is derived from the prince ? or how can either or both houses of parliament pretend of themselves to have any share in the government , which is wholly in the king ? or claim any authority or jurisdiction over the people , but as deriv'd from the sovereign ? let us therefore explode these republican notions , that have cost us so dear , and cannot in the least avail either parliament or people , but will always make the prince jealous of their proceedings , who can better hear the complaints and humble petitions of his dutiful subjects , the constant * stile of our ancient acts of parliament , than the imperious dictates of his fellow-governours ; for , experience confirms what lucan long since has told us , nulla fides regni sociis , omnisque potestas impatiens consortis erit . but how shou'd this new form of corporations make their representatives in parliament , not of the peoples choice , but of the courts nomination , is not very intellig●ble in my apprehension : since every cobler can tell , the free-men of corporations , and not their officers , have the sole power of electing their representatives . where then is the danger of a parliament of papists and red-coats , ( tho' there had been no law to disable the former from sitting in the house , till they forswear themselves , or abjure their principles ) unless the major part of the free-men of england , which i hope shall never happen , be suppos'd to embrace the popish religion ? we have seen , to our cost and to our shame , a pretended parliament of red-coats and round-heads , which like the aegyptian locusts devour'd all the fruit of the land , and turn'd europes paradise into a field of blood ; and this blessing we owe to mr. hunt's poor harmless dissenters ; which i hope will make us so wise for the future , as never to give them the like opportunities . it were endless to follow this lawless scribler through every page and paragraph , or severally to take notice of all his incoherences , and impertinent digressions . to come therefore close to the business of the charter , we must turn over many pages , and step from the beginning almost to the end of his pamphlet , to find out something that may seem to the purpose . three points he offers at last in defence of the charter , which he says to the londoners , he comes to defend against theirs , and he might add as well , his own , reason and understanding , p. 31. for if he has a grain of law or sense left , he knows that of these points the first is impertinent to what he undertakes , and the rest but fallacious cavillings , to impose upon the vulgar , and make them obstinate to their cost . first , he says , that the dissenters , tho' excommunicate , have a vote in the election of their officers . 2ly . that the common-council cannot destroy or surrender the charter . 3ly . that the sherivalties of london and middlesex are in the city by common or statute-law ; and consequently not to be displac'd , but by act of parliament , tho' with the consent of every individual citizen , p. 32. for the first , he takes a world of pains to prove , that the excommunication of dissenters does not render them uncapable of giving their vote in the election of the city-officers . and what then ? is the charter never to be forfeited , while the dissenters have a vote or suffrage in such elections ? or are they so numerous in the common-council , as to out-vote the members of the church of england ? are their tender consciences still so plyable , as to receive the sacrament in their parish-church to serve a turn , and run to a conventicle all the year after ? to take tests and oaths to get into imployments , and break all with a breath to promote the good old cause ? nay , venture to forfeit their ears to the pillory , and their souls to the devil , to help off an active brother catch'd by the tongue ? these are the harmless clients of our irish-chief-baron , of whom we may well say with the poet , — mille adde catenas , effugiet tamen hac sceleratus vincula proteus . these , i mean , not the mis-led or seduc'd , but the heads and ring-leaders of the faction , who always hold with the hare , and run with the hound , and make conscience of nothing but conformity , and yet conform for preferment . to these their deluded followers owe all the severities of late used against them , and the city this so-much-talk'd-of quo warranto , with all the unlucky consequences , which mr. hunt says are like to attend it : there being no other way to rescue the government out of their hands , or secure his majesty's crown and dignity , and the lives of his good subjects , from pack'd juries , and perjur'd ignoramus's . but they have ( says our lawyer ) an utter abhorrence against popery and the plot , and joyn forwardly and zealously against it , p. 16. 't is true , they make a great noise and bussle about that horrid conspiracy , but in reality they have done more than the papists were able to do , to stifle and confound it . they attaqu'd the church of england , whilst in the heat of prosecuting the conspirators , and labour'd under the umbrage of the popish-plot , to carry on another of their own , to subvert the establish'd government , and insensibly to decoy us into presbytery , and their darling commonwealth ; as the tryal and condemnation of their proto-martyr colledge ; their green-ribbon-clubs , and ignoramus-juries ; their vox patriae's , and vox populi's ; their appeal from the countrey to the city ; the speech of their noble peer ; and in short , the tendency of all their seditious libels , back'd with the depositions of several witnesses ▪ do as plainly demonstrate , as coleman's letters and execution prove the wicked designs of the papists . they inveigl'd some of the principal discoverers of the popish-plot to espouse their party , and vilifie the church ; which frightn'd many a loyal gentleman , that cou'd not forget the contrivances of the late times , where popery was the first , but monarchy the last act of the tragedy , and made them suspect these same persons , now their hand was in , might at last be wrought upon , to turn against the obedient sons of the church , whom they had already stigmatiz'd with the ignominious names of tories , masqueraders , and church-papists . in short , they contriv'd so many shams and silly stories , as made the very truth questionable ; and when they saw the english plot was not like to embroil the nation , they invited a number of profligate wretches out of ireland , gave them cloaths and money in abundance , and took so much pains to set up these unmanageable tools , that in fine they dash'd both plots to pieces , one against the other . are we not then beholding to our true-blew-protestants , after all these fine exploits , for their abhorrence against popery and the plot , and to mr ; hunt , for his zealous vindication of their proceedings ? he was formerly suspected to be a man of no religion ; but now , like a generous soul , he owns his party in their greatest distress , and openly declares against the church of england , as betrayers of god's cause , and the peoples liberties . some of little understanding among you ( saith he ) that thus behave your selves , are excusable , as misguided by some of your ministers , who are in good earnest begging preferments , dignities and benefices for themselves , by offering and betraying our church to a voluntary martyrdom , p. 12. i need not comment upon this scurrilous reflection , 't is enough to say , 't is the product of mr. hunt's own brains , who , according to his fee , tho' against his conscience , spoke for his clyents ; for lawyers , he tells us , ( and who more fit to know ? ) have opinions to sell at any time , tho' they have not the least colour of reason to support them , p. 19. if this confounder both of law and gospel , be thus for fouling his own nest , we need not wonder at his frequent snarlings at the loyal and christian resolutions of our reverend clergy , or expect better usage from a man that openly sides with the enemies of our church . i come now to his second point , which is so wild and so extravagant a paradox , as deserves rather to be laugh'd at by men of sense , than to be answer'd or confuted : since , besides several that have done it within these two years past , there are not many corporations in england , whose charters have not been surrendred by their common-council , without so much as consulting their common-halls ; and yet were never question'd for it , as betrayers of their trust , or of the liberties of the people . but he drives home the nail in his 3d. assertion , where he says , that the sherivalties of london and middlesex , or the right of choosing their sheriffs , ( the main point now in dispute , and what most concerns the king , after our late experience , to have in his own disposal ) cannot be parted with , without an act of parliament , tho' with the consent of every individual citizen . but sure the gentleman is not in earnest ; for i hope he will allow us , that tho' alone they cannot , yet with the consent and approbation of the common-hall , or of every citizen , the common-council may surrender the charter : who then , the charter being thus surrendred , has the power of choosing the sheriffs , when the corporation , the city and the county is dissolv'd , neither mayor nor alderman , citizen nor free man to found ? the inhabitants in general cannot choose them , for they have no right now to do it , neither do they receive any new power by the surrender of the charter ; and yet the free-men cannot , when there is no such thing in being , no more in london than in westminster , or any other dissolv'd corporation . but to be short in a case so plain , since the gentleman requires an act of parliament for displacing the citizens right of choosing their sheriffs , here is one ready to his hand , for taking away , upon their neglect or misgovernment , all their franchises and liberties , and consequently this power of electing their own officers and magistrates ; an act found by the prudence of our ancestors , so necessary for to maintain the publick peace , and keep that over-grown city within the bounds of duty , that henry iv. tho' he sought occasions to ingratiate himself with the people of london , the better to secure his usurpation , yet cou'd not be wrought upon by their intreaties to have any material part of it alter'd , much less annull'd or repeal'd . the act take as followeth . 280 . edwardi 3 i. cap. 10 o. because that the errors , defaults and misprisions , which be notoriously used in the city of london , for default of good governance of the mayor , of the sheriffs , and the aldermen , cannot be enquired nor found by people of the same city : it is ordained and established , that the said mayor , sheriffs and aldermen , which have the governance of the same city , shall cause to be redressed and correated the defaults , errors , and misprisions above-named , and the same duly punish from time to time upon a certain pain ; that is to say , at the first default a thousand marks to the king , and at the second default two thousand marks , and at the third default , that the franchise and liberty of the city be taken into the king's hand . and be it begun to enquire upon them at st. michael next coming , so that if ▪ they do not cause to be made due redress , as afore is said , it shall be enquired of their defaults by enquests of people of foreign . counties ; that is to say , of kent , essex , sussex , hertford , buckingham , and berk , as well at the king's suit , as others that will complain . and if the mayor , sheriffs and aldermen , be by such enquests thereto assigned , indiaed , they shall be caused to come by due process before the king's justices , which shall be to the same ▪ assigned out of the said city , before whom they shall have their . answer , as well to the king as to the party . and if they put them in enquests , such enquests shall be taken by foreign people , as afore is said . and if they be attainsed , the said pain shall incurr and be levied of the said mayor , sheriffs and aldermen , for default of their governance . and nevertheless , the plaintiffs shall recover the treble damages against the said mayor , sheriffs , and aldermen . and because that the sheriffs of london be parties to this business , the constable of the tower , or his lieutenant , shall serve in the place of the sheriffs , to receive the writs , as well originals of the chancery as judicials , under the seal of the justices , to do thereof execution in the said city . and process shall be made by attachment , and distress , and by exigent , if need be : so that at the king's suit the exigent shall be awarded after the first capias returned , and at the third capias returned at the suit of the party . and if the mayor , sheriffs and aldermen have lands or tenements out of the city , process shall be made against them by attachments and distresses , in the same counties where the lands or tenements be . and that every of the said mayors , sheriffs and aldermen , which do appear before the said justices , shall answer particularly for himself , as well at the peril of other which be absent , as of himself . and this ordinance shall be holden firm and stable , notwithstanding any manner franchise , priviledges or customs . and this ordinance shall extend to all cities and boroughs of the realm , where such defaults or misprisions be used , and not duly corrected nor redressed : saving that the enquests shall be taken by foreign people of the same county where such cities or boroughs be . and that the pain of those of the said boroughs and tolws , which shall be thereof attainted , shall be judged by the discretion of the justices , which shall be thereto assigned . this act was a great curb to the people of london , and kept them for many years after , very obsequious and dutiful to their sovereign ; but in process of time , finding it was not duly put in execution , they began to forget it at last , and wou'd now and then break out into some extravagance , which afterwards cost them very dear . finding therefore themselves very uneasie under this restraint , tho' neither in edward iii. nor his successor's reign they durst motion to have that statute repeal ▪ d , yet when the vsurper henry iv. came to the crown , they labour'd hard to get themselves rid of it , but cou'd gain no more than the following clause ; which many in london , who always think ill of the king and his ministers , will think of no great advantage to the defence of the charter . our lord the king considering the good and lawful behaviour of the mayor , sheriffs and aldermen , and of all the commonalty of the same city of london towards him , and therefore willing to ease and mitigate the penalty aforesaid , by the assent of the lords spiritual and temporal , and of the commons aforesaid , hath ordained and established , that the penalty aforesaid , as well of the thousand marks , and of the two thousand marks , and of the seizure of the franchise comprized in the said statute , shall not be limited in a certainty , but that the penalties in this case be by the advice and discretion of the justices thereto assigned , as other cities and boroughs be within the realm ; and that the remnant of the same statute , and the process thereof , stand in their force , 1 h. 4. cap. 15. now , i appeal to mr. hunt's own judgment , provided he has so much moral honesty , to speak nothing of his skill in the laws , as will qualifie him for an irish chief-baron , whether or no these two statutes be not as plain against the charter , supposing the mayor , sheriffs and aldermen to have been negligent in their duty , and a fortiori if they and the common-council be found guilty of the crimes laid to their charge , as magna charta or the petition of right is for the liberty and property of the subject ; for , that 't is neither treason nor felony , nor yet the subversion of the government , but crimes of a far inferiour nature , that are meant by the errors and misdemeanors mentioned in the said acts , is apparent by another statute made some three years after , by the same king edward iii. where it is enacted , that the mayor and aldermen of london shall rule and redress the defaults of fishers , butchers , and poulters , and put the same in execution , upon the pain late ordained touching the city of london , 31 ed. 3. cap. 10. now , if the whole city , for a bare neglect of duty in their officers , as for omitting to punish the misdemeanors of silly trades-men , were by these acts of edward iii. so grievously punishable , as for the first offence to forfeit a thousand 〈…〉 no less in the 〈◊〉 value than 2000 l of our now 〈…〉 so much in the 〈◊〉 use and price of things ) 〈…〉 for the second offence , and for the third to forfeit their franchise and liberties to the king : what shall be thought of others , if they are found not only to have laid an illegal arbitrary tax upon their fellow-subjects , and in a tumultuous manner invaded their properties ; but wink'd at , if not encourag'd , the publishing of treasonable papers and pamphlets ; and instead of suppressing others , presented their prince with a most scurrilous one of their own , by way of petition , to tax his majesty with misgovernment , and endeavour to bring him into hatred and contempt with his people ? as for the aforesaid clause of 1 h. 4. tho' intended for ( as really it was ) a great favour to the city , that they shou'd not for every trisling fault be oblig'd to pay such a vast fine as a thousand marks , twenty times greater than that sum now ; yet if their crimes had been found of a transcendent nature , striking at the very root and life of the government , we may be sure the justices , by vertue of this very clause , wou'd have immediately seiz'd their charter , without bringing them to any further tryal . so that this clause , tho' in small inferiour misdemeanors it be a great advantage to the city , yet in crimes of state , where the crown and the monarchy are concern'd , 't is no less an advantage to the king. thus , sir , you have seen how well mr. hunt has defended the charter against all the power both of law and reason , and you will find him altogether as happy in the rest of his undertakings . i omit his impertinence on the play , call'd , the duke of guise , his unmannerly application of the characters , and his framing of parallels where little or no similitude can be found : yet en passent i cannot but pity the condition our lawyers innocent and gentle prince is reduc'd to , by the slie insinuations and bewitching flatteries of this and such other sycophants of the faction , who puff'd him up , and possess'd him with such chymerical hopes of a crown , as made him forget his obedidence to his princes will , and the positive command of his natural father ; natural , i say , because in our laws the maxim is , qui ex damnato coitu nascuntur , inter liberos non computantur , i.e. bastards are not counted amongst sons , coke 1 instit. f. 3. or as littleton says , a bastard is quasi nullius filius , because he cannot be heir to any , apud coke 2 instit. § . 188. now , if by law this prince can be heir to none , what a madness it was to advise him to aspire to three hereditary kingdoms , or think to carry them tamely by popular applause , when nothing but the sword can establish a crack'd title ? but the best people of england ( says this non-sensical scribler ) have no other way left to shew their loyalty to the king , and love to their religion and government , in the long intervals of parliament , than by prosecuting his son , for the sake of the king , and his own merit , with all the demonstrations of the highest esteem , p. 28. they are certainly very hard put to it , if this ( not to prosecute his silly latinism ) be the only shift they can make to express their loyalty , when children can tell , they might , if they had any , better shew it , by prostrating themselves at his majesty's feet , and declaring their readiness to venture their lives and fortunes in defence of his sacred person , and the rights of his crown , against all the attempts of the popish plotters and whiggish associators . 't is true , some of the best people in england have had , for the king's sake , and in some measure for his own merits , sufficient kindness for his grace , and still wish him more grace and consideration , than to continue obstinately disobedient , contrary to common prudence , and to all the ties and obligations of nature , of duty , and of gratitude : but as for mr. hunt's best people of england , tho' pretended his only friends , they have been upon all occasions his real enemies , made a property and a tool of him , to set him up , like another perkin warbeck , in opposition to the royal line ; and if that succeeded , to kick him down again , as they did richard cromwell , to make room for themselves and their darling commonwealth . but to return from this digression , and examine what is left yet unanswer'd of this idle pamphlet : i find our chief-baron wou●d-be has stumbl'd at last on those two famous statutes of edward iii * to prove , that parliaments must be held once every year ; which ( saith he ) is confirm'd by an act of this king , call'd , the trienial act , p. 21. but by his lordships good leave ▪ these statutes , if well consider'd , will be found to have been made rather to oblige the commons ( who then grumbl'd no less at the frequent calling , than the factious do now at the long intermission of parliaments ) to send their representatives to the king 's great councel , than to bind the king to summon them when there was no occasion for their meeting ; and therefore , to make the case more plain , the conditional clause , if need be , which may aptly refer to the whole period , is expresly provided in the said statutes . for to affirm , it was absolutely enacted that a parliament shou'd be held once every year , whether there was any , or no need of their meeting , when the choosing of members was so troublesom , and their expences eundo morando & ad propria redeundo so chargeable to the people , besides the great taxes they usually granted , is altogether unreasonable . as for the triennial act of this * king , it makes more against than for his lordships design ; since it requires but to have a parliament once in three years , and not sooner , without some extraordinary occasion ; which , i doubt not , but his majesty , according to his late most gracious declaration , will see punctually observ'd , as he has been pleas'd to do in the whole course of his reign . and the statute of provisors , 25 ed 3. is no less impertinent to his purpose ; for tho' it be the right of the crown of england , and that the law of the said realm is such , that upon the mischiefs and damages which happen to his realm , the king ought , and is bound by oath , with the accord of his people in parliament , to make remedy and law , in removing the mischiefs and damages which thereof ensue : yet if his people in parliament prove peevish and obstinate , and will not accept of his majesty's gracious condescensions , nor of the expedients by him propos'd ; who then is to be blam'd , the king or his people ? how many proposals and overtures of accomodation have been made by his majesty to his last parliament at westminster ? and how undutifully they were rejected by some leading-members in the house of commons ? how often did he offer to consent to any reasonable expedient they cou'd find out , for securing the establish'd religion , in case of a popish successor ? but all was slighted , as if nothing but the subversion of the monarchy was able to secure some gentlemen in their religion , that were shrewdly suspected to have none to lose : this discourse , i know , will not relish with our irish chief-baron , who seems already very angry , that a cabal ( as he calls the loyal addressers of the nation ) shou'd take upon themselves to arraign the proceedings of our latest parliaments , p. 8. and yet his unmannerly worship , because he thinks 't is a priviledge peculiar to the godly to speak evil of dignities , scruples not to rail at the best parliament that ever met in his time , which really was ( what he scoffingly calls it ) a parliament of famous loyalty ; tho' in their latter days , when by the death of several good members , too many of the old leaven had crept in , that vigor was much abated , which they always express'd in their former resolutions ; and for which this factious lawyer presumes to say , that obliquely they gave the papists many assistances , p. 14. and in plain terms calls them , the corrupt villains of the late long-parliament . considerations consider'd . p. 19. but to clear this point , without insisting upon retortions and recriminations ; i say , to arraign the proceedings of the parliament , in its true and legal sense , that is , of king , lords , and commons , is a very great and a very hainous crime , not to be conniv'd at , or endur'd in any subject whatsoever ; because it tends to the vilifying , and consequently to the subverting the government ; for as seneca well observ'd , nihil valet regum potestas , nisi prius valeat authorit as : if princes lose their authority , the awe and reverence due to them from the people , they have lost their power and command , and are in effect more than half depos'd . but to arraign the proceedings of the parliament , when this name is abusively appropriated to the house of commons , to whom this lawless scribler attributes a high and uncontroulable power , ( p. 9. ) as if the king and lords were only cyphers , the crime is not near so unpardonable as some people wou'd have us believe . i am sure mr. justice hutton in his argument against ship-money , ( which so pleas'd even that rebellious conventicle of forty-one , who swallow'd up the king's prerogative and the peoples liberties in their parliament-priviledges , that they gave express orders to get it printed ) thought it no such crime to say , i know not whether the last meeting in parliament , either by ill choice of the members of the house , or by the great encrease of the number , or by the ambitious humour of some members of that house , who aim'd more at their own ends and designs , than the good of the commonwealth , things were so carry'd , not as was us'd in ancient times , but so disastrously that it hath wrought such a distast of this course of parliaments , as we and all that love the commonwealth have just cause to be sorry for it . p. 33. nevertheless , i must confess , that even in this sense 't is not becoming every private pen to censure or condemn them , upon every slight occasion ; and the motives must be very extraordinary , when such practices are allowable . yet when we consider , that matters have been so carry'd on for some years past , that of necessity we must e●ther mislike our princes wisdom and councils , for proroguing and dissolving so many parliaments ; or conclude , as undoubtedly we must , that the unseasonable heat of the leading-members in the house of commons , necessitated his majesty to take such unwelcom resolutions : and withal , when we find , not only the king , but the generality of the nation in their repeated addresses , express their dislike to the proceedings of a prevailing party in that house ; all loyal subjects , i think , concern'd in the election of such members , ought to be so just to themselves and the publick as to declare their own integrity , and their constant affection to the king , that the world may see they are no abettors of the unwarrantable resolutions of their representatives ; who perhaps ran into such unusual extravagancies , in hopes to be seconded by their principals . but tho' the occasion be never so extraordinary , it must nevertheless be granted for an undeniable maxim , that whatsoever misdemeanors any members of that honourable house happen to commit ▪ it ought not to reflection the house in general , nor yet the errors of the whole house at any time , put either prince or people out of love with that wholsom and excellent constitution . for such is the instability of mundan affairs , that ( as the poet said ) nihil est ab omni parte beatum ; there is nothing upon earth but hath its failings , and even the best of governments has sometimes its own inconveniences : thus princes are now and then apt to give too much credit to their flattering favourites , and be led for a while by their evil counsels till time and experience convince them of their error ; and 't is pla●n , the wisest assembly that ever sate ●n the house of commons cannot be always free free from the like mistakes , but are sometimes mpos'd upon , by the plausible pretences of some designing politicians , and cunningly decoy'd in , to act contrary to their inclination to their interest , and their duty . of this kind we have several remarkable passages in the intestine-troubles of forty-one , where a few factious members in both houses insensibly inveigl'd the rest , and inflam'd the whole nation into a general combustion ; and these four years past can sufficiently furnish us with fresh instances almost of the like nature , but that through the great prudence of our sovereign and his most honourable house of lords , mindful of their fathers miscarriages , all these endeavours prov'd abortive and unsuccessful . if we ser●ously consider what measures some persons of greater parts than honesty made use of at that time , as well in as out of parliament , we shall find cause enough to admire how people that pretend so much religion & loyalty , so much affection to their king and countr●y , cou'd be wrought upon to run head-long into such extravagant courses , so destructive of the prerogative-royal , and of the peace and settlement of the three kingdoms . the horrid popish-plot , which has already cost us so many millions in our trade and commerce , and , i am afraid , a great deal more in our credit and reputation abroad , was made a stalking-horse by the ambitious to attain to their expected greatness , of being chief ministers , if not chief magistrates of all the k's dominions : and because his majesty , wisely considering it was impossible to make a just and impartial enquiry into that hellish conspiracy , whi●e the people were so far transported with heat and passion , * which nothing but time cou'd cure ; and withal discovering what use some designing demagogues intended to make of this plot against the monarchy , thought it convenient , or rather necessary , sometimes to prorogue , sometimes to dissolve his parliament , and call another , in hopes to meet with one of a better temper , and more moderation ; our cunning machiavellians took hold of this opportunity , to enflame the unthinking multitude , and make them believe their all was betray'd , without a speedy parliament , to enquire into the popish-plot , and redress the grievances of the nation ; and therefore they clamour'd , it was absolutely necessary they shou'd all joyn in a petition to his majesty for that purpose : whereby they were sure , either to gain their point , and get the parliament to sit , which they might model and influence , as they pleas'd ; or at least know the strength of their party by the number of subscribers , and lessen his majesty's credit in the hearts of his people . to this end agents are sent about ▪ and the petition is sign'd by many legions of the goaly party . none so forward to subscribe this petition to the son , as they who petition'd for justice aga●nst the father . there you might see presbyterians , independents , quakers , brownists , and anabaptists , all in a string , to petition his majesty for a speedy parliament . a mysterious riddle to all sober and understanding men , that fanaticks , who always but in forty-one dreaded the face of that august assembly , shou'd now be more zealous for their sitting , than the true-protestants of the church of england . it was certainly an omen that cou'd portend no good either to church or state ; and therefore , as the king had reason to mistrust there lay a snake in the grass , the brethrens zealous petitioning to that purpose , did rather hinder than forward their meeting . at last , when it could not be thought the effect of the fanaticks importunity , but of his majesty's grace and goodness , the parliament met on the 23 of octob ▪ 1680 , and the king having solemnly renew'd them his former promises of complying with any thing they cou'd in reason propose , desir'd them to wave all unseasonable disputes , and hasten to settle the affairs of the nation , and bring their meeting to a happy conclusion . the people were generally big with expectation , to see the issue of this famous session , and doubted not but all their jealousies and distractions wou'd now be fully removed , the three nations settl'd and compos'd , and the popish plot speedily shifted to the bottom . parturiunt montes . they sate almost for three entire months without any lett or interruption : and what have they done all this while towards the effecting these weighty matters that lay before them ? what great progress have they made towards the suppressing of popery , or putting a period to that hellish conspiracy ? they spent nine or ten days about my lord stafford's tryal ; and when all expected the other lords shou'd immediately follow , our charitable patriots , tender it seems of shedding more popish-blood , sate down to breath themselves , and not a word more of the papists to the end of the chapter . the truth is , the leading-members , that govern'd all in the house of commons , had other fish to fry . they were ferreting out papists in masquerade , or half-reform'd protestants , now thought more dangerous than the profess'd romanists . a reformation they intended both in church and state , and god knows where it shou'd have ended it was enough they fix'd the popish-plot by the conviction of my lord stafford ; but it seems it was their interest to keep it on foot for other purposes , perhaps in imitation of the wise romans ; who thought it impolitick to demolish their great rival carthage , which , while standing , might serve to keep them from idleness and exercise their valour . the papists therefore must have a time to breath , and the fanaticks are the great favourites of the house , while known protestants of the church of england , under the odious names of abhorrers , are forc'd to bear the brunt , and suffer as betrayers of the peoples rights and liberties , for obeying their sovereigns proclamation , tho' not repugnant to any known law or statute , but approv'd of by the judges , and other sages of the law , and conformable to an express act of parliament in the like case provided . 13 car. 2. c. 5. 't is the peoples right , i know , or to speak more properly , 't is their duty , to petition their prince for relief and redress of their grievances ; but still 't is the undoubted prerogative of the sovereign to judge whether such grievances be real or pretended ; fit to be granted , or necessary to be rejected : and when upon weighty considerations , as the subject ought in duty to suppose , the prince openly expresses his dislike to such petitions , to importune him any further is very unmannerly , and plainly tending to sedition . 't is an undutiful part in subjects ( saith our british solomon ) to press their king , wherein they know before-hand he will refuse them . in his speech to the parliament . anno 1609. the evil consequences of these tumultuous petitions are too well known to those that remember our late unhappy confusions , to be dwelt upon , or describ'd in so small a treatise . 't is enough , that the wisdom of the nation , both king and parliament , after his majesty's miraculous restauration , have declar'd , it hath been found by sad experience , that tumultuous and other disorderly soliciting and procuring of hands by private persons to petitions , complaints , remonstrances , declarations , and other addresses to the king , or to both or either houses of parliament , for alteration of matters establish'd by law , redress of pretended grievances in church or state , or other publick concernments , have been made use of , to serve the ends of factious and seditious persons gotten into power , to the violation of the publick peace , and have been a great mens of the late unhappy wars , confusions and calamities in this nation . 13 car. 2. c. 5. besides , our lawyers tell us , and king james declares in his speech to the parliament , on the last of march 1607 , * that rex est lex loquens ; and where the law is silent , the king's will is a temporary law. upon what account then were the abhorrers of the late tumultuous petitions , so exactly resembling those of forty , and so contrary to his majesty's express orders and proclamation , censur'd or imprison'd ? what crime have they committed , or law have they violated ? or can there be any transgression , where there is no law ; or punishment , where there is no transgression ? oh! ( say they ) tho' there be no positive law directly against abhorrers , yet 't is the great fundamental law , lex & consuetudo parliamenti , and the priviledge of parliament , that they may judge what crimes are punishable ex post facto , and by their arbitrary power punish any man for what they please . this , i must confess , is a pretty knack to help us off at a dead lift , and will serve as well to vindicate the most exorbitant proceed●ngs of a mad parliament , as self-preservation is generally wrested to justifie the horrid conspiracies of rebellious subjects . it proves the great earl of strafford has been lawfully executed , tho' his very enemies then gave us reason to believe , and both king and parliament since have declar'd , him innocent ; and the known laws of the land are at this rate very defective , since they are not the entire rule of the peoples civil obedience , but are further liable to be try'd by that mysterious riddle , lex & , consuetudo parliamenti ; which neither our fathers , nor we , were able to understand . 't is an undoubted maxim both in law and reason , that promulgation is absolutely necessary to the obligation of all positive constitutions , insomuch that the immediate laws even of the almighty , are not obligatory , where they were never preach'd , or made known . how then comes it to pass , that so many loyal subjects and good protestants have been troubl'd upon the account of those mystical riddles , lex & consuetudo parliamenti , and the priviledges of parliament , which were never publish'd or made known to the people , but lie dormant in the house of commons , till started up as occasion requires ? it were to be wish'd , that honourable senate wou'd so far oblige the nation , as to give them a true description of this law and custom of parliament , and an exact account of their priviledges ; that people might in some measure for the future be able to shun those dangerous rocks , and not be surpriz'd or shipwrack'd on such hidden shelves . till then all those loud pretences of securing the subject from slavery and arbitrary government , must seem very ridiculous to the sober and judicious , who as they cannot be easily impos'd upon by outward appearances , to believe peoples words not suitable to their actions , will be apt to mistrust , that what these gentlemen so stifly oppose in others , they design wholly for themselves . but to come closer to the purpose , let us suppose the parliament has this arbitrary prerogative , to turn our most innocent actions into misdemeanors , and make what they please a breach of priviledge : yet by what authority can the house of commons alone pretend to execute that power ; or take upon them to be sole judges , that cannot act as justices of the peace ? our ancestors , it seems , have brought their hogs to a fair market , who have struggled for many ages to preserve themselves and posterity from the unbounded rule of arbitrary pleasure , and having wrested that power from their soveraign , like wise politicians , have left it in the hands of their fellow-subjects , nay , of their attorneys and servants , to whom as such , they always allow'd their daily wages for their attendance in parliament . 't is certainly an odd kind of liberty , that the people can neither be fin'd nor imprison'd by their soveraign , unless for transgressing some known penal law of the land ; but their deputies and trustees may uncontroulably punish them for any thing they are pleas'd to call criminal . is this the great happiness of freeborn subjects , instead of one to have five hundred masters , and see the fundamental laws of the nation , magna charta , and all the good statutes confirming and explaining the same , thus eluded and made useless by a pretended custom of parliament ? what are we the better at this rate , that by the great charter of the liberties of england , c. 29 't is declar'd , that no freeman shall be taken or imprison'd , or be disseiz'd of his freehold or liberties , or his free customs , or be outlaw'd , or exil'd , or in any manner destroy'd , but by the lawful judgement of his peers , or by the law of the land ? or that 28 edw. 3. c 3. 't is enacted , that no man of what estate or condition he be , shall be put out of his land or tenements , nor taken , nor imprison'd , nor disinherited , nor put to death , without being brought to answer by due process of law. or , to omit many others , that 42 ed. 3. c. 3. it is assented and accorded for the good governance of the commons , that no man be put to answer without presentment before justices , or matter of record , or by due process and writ original , according to the old law of the land ; and if any thing be done to the contrary , it shall be void in law , and holden for error . what are we the better , i say , to have these and several other statutes to the same purpose , if they are not of force to secure us on all sides from the slavish yoke of arbitrary power ? if a breach be once made in these great bulwarks of our liberties , and that even by those sentinels appointed to guard us from all illegal incroachments , where is our security ? what will it avail the flock , that they are safe from wolves , if they are in danger to be devour'd by the very dogs that shou'd defend them ? or to what purpose shou'd people struggle to avoid scylla , if at the same time they suffer themselves to be swallow'd up in charybdis ? 't is an old saying ▪ infeliciter aegrotat , cui plus mali venit a medico ●uam a morbo ; and we have found this too true by a dear-bought experience . god preserve us from receiving any further confirmations of it from those state-empyricks , that labour to make us exchange the reality for the name , and the substance for the shadow , or liberty . 't is plain by the foregoing statutes , that no man ought to be taken or imprison'd , without being brought to answer by due course of law ; and that none can be brought thus to answer , without presen●ment before justices , or matter of record , or by due process and writ original , according to the old law of the land. what pretence then have the house of commons , who can bring none to answer in this manner , to any right or legal power to take or imprison any criminal whatsoever ? 't is true , the common , and generally all men in authority , are inclin'd to enlarge their own jurisdiction , and stretch it as far as possible ; but sure a bare vote of that house in favour of themselves , or a late practice never heard of in former ages , shall not be of force enough in any court of justice to elude the solemn acts of king and parliament . besides these statutes , too plain to admit of any comment , even by the common law of this realm no subject can imprison another , but our ancient courts of record , and such as have the kings express commission for so doing . i say courts of record , because ( as appears by divers adjudg'd cases in our law reports ) no other court can fine or imprison the subject : courts ( saith coke ) which are not of record , cannot impose a fine , or commit any to prison , lib. 8. f. 38. and again , nulla curia , quae recordum non habet , potest imponere finem , neque aliquem mandare carceri ; quia ista tantummodo spectant ad curias de * recordo . now our best lawyers will tell us , that the house of commons is no court of record , nay properly speaking is no court at all . 1. because there is no court , but what is establish ▪ d by the kings patent , by act of parliament , or by the common-law , i.e. the constant immemorial custom of former ages . plowdens comment . fol. 319. and coke 1 instit. f. 260. but the house of commons cannot pretend to have any patent or act of parliament to be a court , and yet the common-law makes nothing for their purpose : for they were never own'd as such , nor ever had as much as a journal-book , much less records , till ed. 6's . time : and moreover , it was never heard before sir edward cokes fancy , there were two distinct courts in the same parliament ; since therefore the house of lords is undoubtedly the supream court of all england , they are properly the high court of parliament , and consequently the house of commons is no court in law. secondly , there is no court without a power of tryal ; but the house of commons have no power to try any crime or offence ; for they cannot ; nor ever pretended to examine upon oath : and therefore since there can be no legal tryal without witnesses , nor are witnesses of any force in law , unless examin'd upon oath , the house of commons not claiming the power to administer oaths , cannot bring any matter to a tryal , and consequently can be no court. i must confess sir edward coke ( who in his latter days thinking himself disoblig'd , was no friend to the monarchy , and therefore took a great deal of pains to extol the power of the commons , in opposition to the kings prerogative and the jurisdiction of the lords ) is , or at least pretends to be , of another opinion . in the 4th . part of his institutes he tells us , that the house of commons is to many purposes a distinct court , p 28. which he very learnedly proves by this rare demonstration , that upon signification of the kings pleasure to the speaker , they do and may prorogue or adjourn themselves , and are not prorogu'd or adjourned by the house of lords , ib. whereas ( to say nothing of commissioners for examining witnesses , or regulating any publick business , of arbitrators , referees and the like ) every committee of lords and commons , tho never so few in number , must upon this account be a distinct court , because they may thus adjourn and prorogue themselves , without their respective houses . but he goes on , and to prove the house of commons , is not only a court , but a court of judicature and record , he says p. 23. that the clerks book of the house of commons is a record , and so declared by act of parliament , 6 h. 8. c. 16. whereas that house , as i have already hinted , had no such book as a journal , much less any authentick record , before the first year of edward the sixth ; all their material proceedings till then being drawn in minutes by a clerk appointed to attend them for that purpose , and by him entr'd of record in the house of lords : and therefore the words of the statute are , that the speakers license for members going into the country , be entred of record in the book of the clerk of the parliament , appointed for the commons house : which undoubtedly must be meant , not of the commons , tho order'd now and then to wait upon them , but of the lords clerk , who alone is stil'd clerk of the parliament . i omit , that altho the act had expresly call'd the commons book , a record , yet this cou'd no more make it so , than the words of the common-law , recordari facias loquelam in curia comitatus vel baronis tui — & recordum illud habere coram justiciari●s nostris , &c. us'd in the writt for removing a plaint out of the court-baron , or county-court to the common-pleas , can prove the county-court and court-baron ; to be courts of record ; which yet coke himself denyes in several places of his institutes . see 1 inst. f. 117. and 260. and rolls in his abridg. f. 527. this is not all , the lords and commons must be made all fellows at foot-ball , and of equal authority , in point of judicature : the lords ( saith he ) in their house have power of judicature , and the commons in their house have power of judicature , and both together have power of judicature , p 23 : but i wish , since the lords judicial power , as well with as without the commons , is beyond all dispute , this great lawyer had so far oblig'd posterity , as to have left us some convincing argument to make the world believe the like of the house of commons ; or at least given us some instances of their using this power in former ages , as the lords have done time out of mind . in the mean time , 't is a shrewd argument against his assertion , that in h. 4. time the commons themselves in their petition to the king , declar'd , that the judgments of parliament appertained only to the king and lords , and not to the commons ; and therefore they prayed the king out of his special grace to shew unto them the said judgments and the cause of them ; that so no record might be made in parliament against the said commons , without their privity . to which the bishop of canterbury answer'd by the kings command , that the commons are petitioners and demanders , and that the king and lords always had , and of right shall have the judgments in parliament , even as the commons themselves have shewed ; saving that in statutes to be made , or grants and subsidies , or such things as are to be done for the publick profit of the realm , the king will have especially their advice and assent , 1 h. 4. rol. parl n. 79. who now is to be believ'd , sir edward coke attributing to the commons , or the commons themselves wholly disclaiming all power of judicature ? or shall a single lawyers ipse dixit , or proofless assertion , be of greater weight , than so solemn a declaration upon record , approv'd off by king , lords , and commons ? but to be short , and to argue ad hominem against our late demagogues at wesminster , if they thought themselves a court of judicature and record , as sir edward coke is pleas'd to make them , 't is strange what cou'd be their motive ( unless to shew their arbitrary power to the world ) to imprison so many of his majesties loyal subjects , and after a long and chargeable confinement , release them , without offering to bring them to any legal tryal : for if these gentlemen were reputed criminal , they ought to have been try'd according to law ; if innocent , they shou'd not have been imprison'd . and to say their confinement was by the house design'd for a punishment of their suppos'd misdemeanors , 't is contrary to common sense and to all laws both humane and divine . for at this rate , people will be condemn●d before they are heard , and punish'd before they are convicted ; nay , which is worse than abington-law , to hang a man first , and try him after , they shall be punish'd at will , and never brought to a tryal . what can be safe , if this be admitted ? or who can be secure either of life or liberty , if a prevailing faction in the house of commons may toss him thus in a blanket without any rhime or reason , contrary to the undoubted right of the subject , and the fundamental laws of the nation ? but we are told , the commons have often imprison'd people for misdemeanors , and releas'd them again at their own discretion . i wish they had shew'd us withal by what authority or law they committed them ; for a facto ad jus is no good argument with any man of sense or judgment . how many appeals have been made to rome , and provisions of benefices procur'd from thence , during the papal usurpation ? yet these being contrary to law , the authors were still punishable , and it was no excuse for any , that others had done the like before . the commons have been a constituent part of the great council of the kingdom , either since the 16th . of henry i. as some historians write , or since the 49th . of h. 3. in the year 1364. as most authors agree ; and yet all this while we cannot find , that by their own authority they imprison'd any criminal , till in the 4th . of ed. 6. about the year 1550 they committed criketost to the tower , when the king was an infant , and all govern'd by the ambitious duke of somerset : who to be sure wou'd not expostulate with the house of commons about such a trifle , as he thought it , whilst they forbore to question him for his more illegal and arbitrary proceedings . now , if there be no other argument to justifie the commons imprisoning delinquents , but the practice of their house since the 4th . of ed. 6. 't is plain , the commitment of criketost was illegal , because not justifiable by any former practice of that house ; and consequently , cou'd be no fit precedent to be imitated in succeeding parliaments . and if their first essays of this kind were unwarrantable by law , their subsequent commitments cou'd be no better ; for , quod ab initio non valuit , tractu temporis non convalescit . to what purpose then are such unwarrantable examples alledg'd to justifie the late proceedings of the commons , if not to prove one absurdity by another ? since they can hardly think of any thing , how wild and unreasonable soever ; but they may find one instance or another , to offer as a precedent , in some of our former parliaments . for experience tells us , this great council , much less the * meanest of the three estates , ( tho' our modern republicans wou'd fain snatch the great priviledge of infallibility from the pope's cushion , and place it in the speakers chair ) has not been always free from mistakes , but is found to have often deviated from justice , truth , and loyalty . we must therefore , with seneca , look , non qua●itur , sed qua eundum , not what is , but what ought to be done ; and consider , that 't is not the example of frail men , impos'd upon through ignorance , or led by passion , or private interest , but the approv'd laws of the land , ought to be the rule both of the magistrates government , and of the subjects obedience . what! says a factious petitioner , cannot the house of commons imprison any criminal ? have they no authority to chastise their own members , or punish the invaders of their priviledges ? have they not often exerciz'd this power ; and is it possible the king and lords wou'd have so long conniv'd at their proceedings , had they been illegal or unjust ? does not the house of peers punish the breakers of their priviledges ; why then may not the house of commons be allow'd to do the like ? these are the mighty arguments our great champions for the house of commons always insist upon ; but how weak and insignificant they are , is very obvious to any , tho' but meanly vers'd in our laws , and the constitution of our government . for my part , i have always been , and still am , as much for maintaining the just priviledges of that house , as any man whatsoever ; 't is my interest to do it , and nothing but truth and loyalty shall ever induce me to speak against any of their pretensions : yet i must say , the power they claim now-a-days , to punish all sorts of misdemeanors , and what they please to term a breach of priviledge , is not to be endur'd by any free-born subject ; for , besides that 't is needless , because such offences may , and by law ought to be try'd in the ordinary courts of justice , 't is very dangerous to the publick , least the grand inquest of the nation , appointed to represent the peoples grievances , and pray redress , shou'd upon this account be diverted from pursuing those weighty affairs , by every sawcy footman belonging to the meanest burgess in their house . i confess , it were somewhat tolerable in the commons to imprison and punish their own members , for words by them spoken , or misdemeanors committed in the house : 1. because by 4 h. 8. c. 8. they are not punishable elsewhere for any rashness in parliament , that does not amount to treason felony , or breach of the peace , which the commons neither * can , nor i hope will , as in forty-one , endeavour to protect . 2ly . because 't is suppos'd , the members upon their entring into that assembly , unanimously agreed the lesser number shou'd always submit to the greater , and the major vote be observ'd as the act and sense of the whole house ; if therefore by consent and original compact every single member submits himself to the rest , he cannot complain , tho' otherwise they had no authority , if they imprison him for his misdemeanors , because scienti & volenti non fit injuria , provided always they exceed not the common rules of justice , nor the bounds of our establish'd laws ; for then no private act can bind a subject , tho' made with his own free consent ; as appears by clark's case against the mayor and burgesses of st. albans ; coke lib. 5. p. 64. i cannot therefore but think the power assum'd of late years by the house of commons over their fellow-members , to expel them the house , when and for what they please , without any legal tryal , ( which the lords never practic'd against any of their peers ) is in it self most unreasonable , and of very dangerous consequence ; as mr. prynne , tho' otherwise a great champion for the priviledges of parliament , proves at large in divers of his treatises ▪ the practice ( saith he ) of sequestring and expelling commons by their fellow-commons only , is a late , dangerous , unparliamentary usurpation , unknown to our ancestors , destructive to the priviledges and freedom of parliaments , and injurious to those counties , cities , and boroughs , whose trustees are secluded : the house of commons being no court of justice , to give either oath or final sentence , and having no more authority to dismember their fellow-members , than any judges , justices of the peace , or committees , have to dis-judge , dis-justice , or dis-committee their fellow judges , justices , or committee-men , being all of equal authority , and made members only by the king 's writ , and the peoples election , not by the houses , or other members votes ; who yet now presume both to make and unmake , seclude and recal , expel and restore their fellow-members at their pleasure , contrary to the practice and resolution of former ages , to patch up a factious conventicle , instead of an english parliament . in his legal vindication of the liberties of england ▪ p. 10. but whatever power the commons can pretend to have over their own members , to say they can lawfully punish others , tho for a breach of priviledge , much less for any other crime , seems to me a very groundless assertion , not warrantable by the ancient law and custom of parliament , but rather contrary to the fundamental constitutions of our government : first , because 't is impossible to make out from whom this power is deriv'd ; from the king ? the factious will not own it , and none can prove it : for they have neither patent nor statute to shew for 't , nor yet any legal prescription , which is a constant immemorial custom , such as the lords have in point of judicature , to warrant it ; the ancientest president they can alledge , being that of 4 ed. 6. or the case of ferrers referr'd to them by the lords in the 34 h. 8 about sevenscore years ago . do they deri●e it then from the people , from the freeholders and freemen , their electors ? these have no such power of themselves , they can imprison none without his majesties commission ; and what they have not , sure they cannot give : nemo dat , quod non habet . as for the power given by the electors to their chosen members , who are order'd by the writ of summons to have from the persons they represent , plenam & sufficientem potestatem , 't is no judicial power , nor political jurisdiction , which the people have not , and consequently cannot give , but only a power of consenting as well for their principals , as for themselves , to the kings laws and ordinances . and certainly , if the king be the suprem , and the only suprem governour of this realm , as we affirm in the oath of supremacy ; and if all authority and jurisdiction spiritual and temporal be derived and deducted from the kings majesty , as 't is expresly declar●d 1 ed. 6. c. 2. § 3. or as old bracton saith , ea quae sunt jurisdictionis & pacis , ad nullum pertinent nisi ad regiam dignitatem . lib. 3. c. 24. unless the commons can make out they have their power from the king , they can have no manner of jurisdiction , and by consequence cannot lawfully punish or imprison any criminal , if not perchance their own members in the cases aforesaid : besides , in the first parliament of queen mary 't is declar'd , that the most ancient statutes of this kingdom do give , assign , and appoint the correction and punishment of all offenders against the regality and dignity of the crown , and the laws of this realm , unto the king 1 mar. sess. 3. c. what then are the breakers of the commons priviledges ; are they offenders against the dignity of the crown , or the laws of the realm ? if so , they ought according to this act to be punish'd by the king ; if not , they are not punishable at all : for to trouble any , that does not offend against the crown , or the law of the land , is very illegal and arbitrary , and a high breach of the liberty of the subject . secondly , because the law has expresly provided where and how breaches of priviledge ought to be punish'd , and gives the house of commons no power to take any cognizance of them ; for by several statutes it appears , that if a parliament-man , or his menial-servant , be assaulted , beaten or wounded , in parliament-time , proclamation shall be made where the deed is done , that the offendor shall render himself to the kings-bench within half a year after , there to be tryed ; and if the offendor will not appear , he shall be attainted of the deed , and pay to the party griev'd his double damages , to be tax'd by the discretion of the judges of the said bench for the time being , or by inquest , if need be , and also make fine and ransom at the kings will. moreover , it is accorded in the same parliamenti , that likewise it be done in time to come in like case , 5 h. 4. c. 6. and 11 h. 6. c. 11. as for the commons freedom from arrests ▪ 't is certainly a very ancient priviledge , granted by our kings to that house , the better to enable them to attend the publick service , to which they were summon'd ; as appears by edward the first 's answer to the templars , who having some tenants in the parliament , that were behind with their rents , petition'd the king to have leave to distrain for the said arrears in parliament-time ; which he utterly refus'd , saying , non videtur honestum quod rex concedat quod illi de consilio suo distring antur tempore parliament . 18 ed. 1. rot. 7. in thesaur . receptoris scaccar . yet that it was not formerly held so sacred , nor did extend near so far , as some people now imagine , is plain from the case of thorpe 31 h. 6. who , tho speaker of the house of commons at that time , was imprison'd in the fleet during the prorogation of the parliament , for a 1000. marks damages given against him for a trespass done to the duke of york . and the parliament being re-assembled , the commons earnestly desir'd to have their speaker discharg'd , but it was adjudg'd by the lords , that he shou'd remain in prison according to his sentence , and they choose another speaker : whereupon they elected sir thomas charlton , and made no further clamours , as some now wou'd do , that their priviledges were invaded , 31 h. 6 rot. parliam . n. 25 , 26 , &c. seldens baronage fol. 115. now for the tryal of a breach of this priviledge , tho i find no positive or express statute , that orders it to be decided in the ordinary courts of justice , yet that they may lawfully do it , is a plain consequence of the foregoing acts of parliament : for to argue a majori ad minus , since assaults upon parliament-men are far more criminal than arrests , if the ordinary courts of justice can try the greater , they may certainly try the lesser crime . and accordingly they have often taken cognizance as well of this as other priviledges of parliament ; as appears in the case of done against * welsh , and of * river against cosyn , * skewish against trewynnard , and many others . but the most usual practice of former times was , to make application to the king and lords for redress in this particular , for as sir edward coke himself confesses , the determination and knowledge of this priviledge belongs to the lords of parliament , in his select cases 63. and therefore the house of commons , upon the restraint of any of their members or menial servants , of which themselves took no cognizance till of very late days , always made their humble request to the king and lords for his enlargement . thus when william lake servant to william milred , a member of the house , was taken in execution of debt , and committed to the fleet , the * commons petition'd the king and lords for his liberty . the like they did in walter * clarks case ; and in the case of william * hide : and to omit several other precedents , even in the 43 eliz. when a bill was preferr'd in the star-chamber against belgrave a member of that house , the parliament then sitting , for misdemeanors by him committed against the earl of huntington ; the commons well knowing they had no authority of themselves to protect their member , made their earnest , but ineffectual , application to the lords for relief . sir simon d' ewes journals p. 612 and in the same parliament a great asserter of priviledges , upon a debate about subpaena's , said openly in the house , our use at this day is not warranted by ancient course of precedents ; for if a man had been arrested upon a subpaena , upon notice given , he shou'd have had a writ of priviledge , which of course her majesty must have allow'd : d'ewes journals pag. 655. which is conformable to the report made 18 eliz. by mr. attourney of the dutchy upon a committee appointed for setting mr. halls man at liberty ; that the committee found no precedent for setting at large by the mace any person in arrest , but only by * writ ; and that by divers precedents of records perus'd by the said committee , it appeareth that every knight , citizen or burgess , which doth require priviledge , hath us'd in that case to take a corporal oath before the lord chancellor or lord keeper , that the party for whom such writ is pray'd , came up with him , and was his servant at the time of the arrest made , d'ewes p. 249. the famous case of ferrers , burgess of plimouth 34 h. 8. tho often alleadg'd in favour of the commons , is so far from making any thing for their purpose , that it plainly shews they never offer'd till then to punish any breach of priviledge , for altho they found , not only that the sheriffs of london deny'd to deliver their burgess , but that the officers of the counter beat their serjeant and broke his mace ; yet knowing they had no coactive power of themselves , they were forc'd to repair to the upper house , ( which they wou'd never have done , had their own authority been sufficient ) and complain to the lords of the injury they receiv'd ; who judging the contempt to be very high , for the commons greater satisfaction referr'd the punishment thereof wholly to themselves : which condescension , it seems , gave such encouragement to that house , in succeeding parliaments , who have been always sure never to loose , but still to gain ground upon the prerogative and the house of peers , that now and then they made bold , even without any warrant or direction from the lords , to punish some breaches of priviledge , and at last other misdemeanors . for king edward the sixth , because of his minority , and his two sisters by reason of their sex , being not so active , nor so fit for business , as their predecessors , the commons took hold on this opportunity to get themselves into power , and endeavour'd by punishing offenders to render themselves the more formidable to the people . from hence they proceeded to regulate elections , and tho the law is very plain and positive in this case also ; yet the commons have taken upon them of late days , not only to decide who is duely chosen , and who unduly return'd ; but have further assum'd the power to punish the offenders , contrary to divers acts of parliament in that case provided : for by several statutes it appears , that if the sheriff makes an undue return , his punishment is 200 l. one to the king , and the other to the party duely elected ; besides a years imprisonment without bail or mainprise : and the person unduely return'd is to continue a member of the house , but at his own charges , without any allowance from the place , for which he serves . as for the return , if any makes complaint thereof , it ought to be tryed , not by a committee of elections , but before the justices of assizes in the proper county , or by action of debt in any court of record ; as appears 11 h. 4. c. 1. and 8 h. 6. c. 7. and 23 h. 6. c. 15. these are the laws for regulating elections , and pursuant to them queen elizabeth , in whose time the commons busi'd themselves too much in that matter , sent a notable check to the house in the 28 year of her reign , for their medling with choosing and returning knights of the shire for norfolk ; a thing ( said she ) impertinent for the house to deal withall , and only belonging to the office and charge of the lord chancellor , from whom the writs issue and are return'd , d'ewes journal , p. 393. which message wrought then so far upon the house , that for some years after they forbore to medle much in any thing of that nature , but apply'd themselves , when occasion requir'd , to the lord chancellor or keeper , who proceeded therein as the law directed , without taking any great notice of the commons votes or resolves ; as we find by a remarkable instance in the 35 of this queen , when sir edward coke then speaker , was order'd by the house to attend upon my lord keeper , to move his lordship to direct a new writ for choosing a burgess for southwark instead of richard hutton , suppos'd to have been unduly elected ; and another for allowing sir george carew , who was duely elected , but not return'd , to be burgess for camelsford in cornwall ; and a third for changing the name of john dudley , return'd burgess for new-town in the county of southampton , into the name of thomas dudley , alleadg'd to be the same person , but his name mistaken . my lord keeper answer'd , that the returns for southwark and camelsford shou'd stand good , but as for the said john dudley , he wou'd direct a new writ for choosing another burgess in his stead for newtown , d'ewes journals , p. 494. now if this was the legal way of proceeding in queen elizabeth's reign , warranted by the statutes lately quoted , and allow'd by the great lawyer sir edward coke , and the whole house of commons at that time , by what authority cou'd it be alter'd in succeeding parliaments ? or is it just that the ancient precedents of former ages shou'd be avoided by unwarrantable new-ones of later times ? without question , had the house of commons then known , they had any power to mend the said returns , or punish the offendors , they wou'd never have sent their speaker to wait on the lord keeper's pleasure about it ; and if that house had no such authority , 't is strange how can their successors pretend to have any . thus we see the house of commons was not in former times allow'd to regulate the election of their own members , nor to imprison any for undue elections or returns , nor yet for a breach of priviledge , much less for any other crime or misdemeanor . nothing was heard in those better days of that terrible sentence , take him topham ; not a word of the subjects imprisonment during the will and pleasure of the house of commons . the sitting of parliaments then was * short and sweet , dispatching more business in three days , than of late they have done in so many months . their study was , to redress , not create grievances , and preserve or procure a good understanding betwixt the king and his people ; and not like banbury-tinkers , instead of mending one hole , make a great many . oh! but ( say some ) the connivance of king and lords is a strong argument that the commons have done nothing herein contrary to law. i answer , 't is rather a very weak and frivolous plea ; first , because tho the king be oblig'd by his coronation-oath to govern by law , yet all knowing men will allow he has a prudential power to suspend the execution of such laws , as he thinks prejudicial to the publick interest ; and consequently may , when he sees occasion , wink at some illegal attempts of his subjects , to avoid a great inconvenience . if thefore of late times the king , and if you will , the house of lords , did connive at some unwarrantable resolutions of the commons , rather than exasperate the whole house , too jealous of their own priviledges , and thereby frustrate the chief end of calling his parliament , the security of the publick ; it was policy and great prudence to wave it at that time , tho now 't is the height of folly to make this a warrant for doing the like again , contrary to so many legal presidents , and express acts of parliament . secondly , because the gathering of peter-pence in this kingdom , has been conniv'd at by king , lords and commons , for divers centuries of years ; yet it was an illegal tax upon the subject , contrary to magna charta and the fundamental laws of the nation , 25 h. 8. c. 21. likewise the clergy made divers canons and constitutions , which have been conniv'd at for several ages both by king and parliament ; yet are declar'd by 25 h. 8. c. 19 to be much prejudicial to the kings prerogative royal , and repugnant to the laws and statutes of this realm . the same may be said of the ancient custom of archbishops and bishops , declar'd by 1 ed. 6. c. 2. to be contrary to the common-law of of the land , tho practic'd and conniv'd at , time out of mind . and to omit several other instances , cardinal wolsey for exercising his legantine power , and the whole clergy for receiving it , tho conniv'd at for many years as well in as out of parliament , were nevertheless found guilty in a premunire in his majesties court of kings-bench . connivance therefore is no good argument of any things being legal , and the tolerating of a custom , tho never so long , cannot warrant its continuance , while the law is against it . presidents indeed of former ages , when legal and just from the beginning , are of great force in judicial proceedings ; but no new president of late days can have that weight in any court of justice , and to be sure will never be allow'd , if contrary to law and the authentick records of antiquity . but the house of lords ( say they ) use to punish the breaches of their priviledges , and several other misdemeanors ; why then may not the house of commons do the like ? a most ridiculous parity ; for they might argue as well , the court of kings-bench fines and imprisons delinquents , therefore the grand-jury may do the like when they please . for the commons in parliament are really the grand-jury of the nation , appointed to enquire after briberyes , extortions , monopolies , and other publick oppressions , and complain thereof to the king and lords , and humbly pray redress ; yet they are no judges in any case themselves , but are * parties , as being the attorneys and representatives of those that are injur'd . so far they are from having any judicial power , that they cannot as much as administer an oath upon any occasion whatsoever ; which undoubtedly the law wou'd not have deny'd them , but that they were never design'd for * judges or punishers of any criminal ; because qui negat medium , negat & finem . but the house of lords is not only a court of judicature , but the supream court of the whole kingdom ; they are look'd upon by our laws as persons of no less integrity , than honour , in the distribution of justice ; and besides , are assisted by all the judges of england , by the 12 masters of chancery , by the kings learned council , and by his attorney and solicitor general ; in consideration whereof the same laws have repos'd that extraordinary trust in this august assembly , that to them alone it belongs to redress delays , and reform the erroneous judgments of other courts of justice , and give a final decision to all manner of appeals . now by the laws of other nations , as well as ours , 't is the nature of superior courts , that they may determine matters tryable by an inferior ; and therefore it must be allow'd , that tho the house of commons cannot , because no court of judicature , yet the house of lords , the dernier resort of all suits and actions , may , if they please , punish the invaders of their priviledges , notwithstanding that the law directs them to be try'd in inferiour courts . having thus sufficiently demonstrated , that the house of commons have neither common nor statute-law , nor yet any legal precedents to warrant their fining or imprisoning the meanest of their fellow-subjects , 't is high time , i think , tho a great deal more might be said on this subject very useful to be known , to give you a brief account of other particulars , and examine whether the remedies propos'd in parliament by our late mountebanks of state be not equally dangerous , if not really worse , than our disease . but to expose the designs of some ill men there , and the unwarrantable votes and resolves they got pass'd in the lower house , is a task no less tedious than difficult for me to undertake . i will therefore tell you in short , that notwithstanding all the noise and clamour they made about the protestant religion and the liberty of the subject , the nation had too much reason to believe , they minded more their own ends , than the common good of the people . the kings best subjects , who having so many years experience of his majesties most happy government , declar'd themselves satisfi'd with his prudent management of affairs , and in obedience to his royal proclamation , express'd their aversion to all tumultuous petitions , were no more run down on the one side , than the factious fanaticks , even such as signaliz'd themselves in the late rebellion , were countenanc'd and favour'd on the other ; insomuch that many were of opinion , people had no surer way to ingratiate themselves with some of the leading memberr , than openly to asperse the government , and reflect upon the king and his ministers as favorers of popery , and designers of arbitrary power . 't is almost incredible what pains they took to get the notorious anabaptist ben. harris discharg'd out of prison , for no other reason that i find , but because a dissenter , who with a great deal of favour was condemn'd only to the pillory instead of tyburn , for publishing that treasonable pamphlet , the appeal . neither is this all ; the main bulwark of our church must be broke down , the penal laws against the non-conformists repeal'd , to let in a deluge of sectaries , the scandal of the reformation , who have nothing of christianity but the name , to profane the temple of god : and because this project luckily miscarry'd , their friends in the house endeavour'd to leave them a new kind of dispensation , and the very last * day of their sitting , that with their dying breath they might testify to the world their great zeal for the dissenters in general , of what sect or perswasion soever , to the admiration of most men , they pass'd the following vote . resolved , that it is the opinion of this house , that the prosecution of protestant dissenters upon the penal laws , is at this time grievous to the subject , a weakening of the protestant interest , an encouragement to popery , and dangerous to the peace of the kingdom . i need not comment upon this unwarrantable resolve , by which our worthy patriots , even without the king and house of lords , once more were pleas'd to assume to themselves a power of suspending , and consequently of making , acts of parliament . the encouragement this gave to the republicans to pursue their wicked designs against the crown and the church , like to have prov'd fatal to both , is enough to convince the world , they cou'd hardly do the nation a greater mischief ; and that their confining several gentlemen , tho contrary to law and reason , was not near so dangerous to the government , as their breaking down the rails of the church , to let a swarm of sectaries creep in at the windows . it was observ'd with some admiration , how during this session of parliament , there was not one fanatick imprison'd , nor so much as question'd by the commons for any crime or insolence whatsoever , very few papists molested ; but the true sons of the church of england daily prosecuted in vast numbers , to their great loss and vexation , tho it prov'd at last the eternal shame and confusion of the authors . i cou'd not but smile to see the perplexity they were in , when one of the judges , to his never-dying fame , for giving the first precedent of that kind , made application to the house of commons about the execution of his trust , and desir'd their opinion whether he shou'd do justice to one of their prisoners , by granting the writ of habeas corpus to mr. sheridan , then in the custody of serjeant topham . three several days the case was stifly debated in the house , the act read twice or thrice over , and yet no resolution taken . the warrant of committment , which order'd the gentleman to be confin'd , without any cause shown , during the will and pleasure of the house of commons , was look'd upon so illegal and arbitrary a procedure , even by several members of the house , that serjeant m. till he heard it was already made publick , wou'd have them immediately recal the old , and grant a new warrant more conformable to law. besides , the words of the statute were so full , as admitted of no comment , and so plain for the liberty of the subject , as made it undenyable , that prisoners , unless for treason or felony , were still bailable , by what person or persons soever committed , not excepting the king and council , much less the house of commons , who had no legal power to commit any criminal . but still the point was very nice , and the leading members no less uncertain what resolution to take ; for if they openly declar'd against the habeas corpus , the nation wou'd be much alarm'd , and suspect these gentleman , instead of securing , intended to invade , the subjects liberty ; but if they allow'd the writ , the delicious power of imprisoning such as they had a picque to , was utterly lost , and all persons referr'd to the ordinary courts of justice , or upon their failure , to the house of lords , the suprem tribunal of england . at last sir william jones , like an imperious dictator , starts up to decide the matter , and having made a bawling harangue concerning the power of the house , and their intention of not binding themselves by that act , which yet must bind the king , tho it might as well be alleadg'd he did not intend it , he boldly concludes with threatning and daring the judges to do their duty ; precibusque minas regaliter addit : the same reasons ( says he ) which may be given for discharging such as are not committed for breach of priviledge , if it be grounded on the act for the habeas corpus , will hold as strong for discharging of persons committed for breach of priviledge ; and so consequently deprive this house of all its power and dignity , and make it insignificant . this is so plain and obvious , that all the judges ought to know it ; and i think it below you to make any resolve therein , but rather leave the judges to do otherwise at their peril ; and let the debate fall without any question , see the debates of the house , pag. 217. was not this a rare assertor of our liberties , who instead of allowing us the benefit of the laws , wou'd have us all made beasts of burden to maintain the grandeur of some arbitrary demagogues in the house of commons ; and be content to turn gally-slaves , rather than their power shou'd become useless or insignificant ? but i find this daring speech did not frighten all the judges ; for baron weston , to his immortal renown , had still the courage to grant the habeas corpus , and rather expose himself to the malice of the faction , than deny or delay justice , contrary to his oath . our religion and liberty being thus secur'd , have we not reason to be fond of these worthy patriots , who tugg'd so hard against popery , the better to bring in presbytery ; and to make sure that the prince shou'd not use arbitrary power , took all possible care to keep it in their own possession . it was the kings prerogative in the days of yore to have the power of making war and peace , and declaring who shou'd be counted friends , and who reputed enemies to the kingdom . but now the tribunes of the people are willing to ease him of that trouble , and take upon themselves by the following * vote , to declare some of his majesties best subjects and most faithful friends , enemies to the king and kingdom . resolved , that all persons who advis'd his majesty in his last message to this house , to insist upon an opinion against the bill for excluding the duke of york , have given pernicious councel to his majesty , and are promoters of popery , and enemies to the king and kingdom : and this extravagant vote they are pleas'd particularly to apply to four noble peers of the realm , exposing them to the rable , without the least colour of proof , for promoters of popery , and enemies to their soveraign ; for no other reason , but because they were truly loyal , and free from the contagious leaven of the faction . what a happiness it is , to live within the walls of the house of commons , where the knave becomes honest , and the fool a politician ? where people are sure never to be in the wrong , but always impeccable , and may freely rail and reflect upon their betters , which without doors wou'd cost them very dear . yet i cannot but wonder , why these noblemen ( unless they , as well as many others , took that character for a mark of honour from the givers ) have taken no course , at least with the printer and bookseller , if not with the then speaker , for ordering such scandalous votes to be publish'd , contrary to express * acts of parliament . for if the kings immediate command cannot be allow'd as a good excuse in law for any illegal act , so that altho the prince be unaccountable , yet the minister is to suffer for his obedience ; sure a vote of the house of commons shall not be thought of force , at least out of parliament-time , to protect any offender from justice ; because whatever title the members , within the sacred walls of the house , may claim in some cases to impunity , their officers and servants , who execute their illegal commands abroad , cannot in the least pretend to have any . but how shou'd these noblemen be enemies to the king and kingdom , for their advising his majesty against the bill of exclusion , when the whole house of peers , ( few discontented lords dissenting , who by their lives and conversation never shew'd themselves the truest protestants , nor the best subjects ) openly declar'd against it , and upon the first reading threw it out of doors , is a mystery not easily to be understood . his majesty in his message to the commons , declar'd , he was confirm'd in his opinion against that bill by the judgment of the house of lords , who rejected it ; why then are four lords singl'd out , and not the whole house declar'd promoters of popery , and enemies to the king and kingdom ? the reason some will guess , that the leading members saw matters were not yet ripe , to shew themselves bare-fac'd , or discover the bottom of their designs , and once more to vote the house of lords dangerous and useless , and therefore to be laid aside . but why the opposers of the bill of exclusion enemies to the king and kingdom ? when 't is made plain even to demonstration in several treatises publish'd these four years past about the succession , that the promoters of that bill , tho some perhaps meant otherwise , were in fact enemies to the monarchy , and no friends to the king nor to the true protestant religion . 't is strange that such as loudly exclaim against popery , shou'd have the face at the same time to practice the worst of popish , or rather jesuitical principles , and endeavour to force their soveraign to disinherit his only brother , upon a bare suspicion of his being of another religion ; which henry the 3. of france , being tender of the monarchy , and of the hereditary right of succession , was so far from offering to the king of navarre , tho a known protestant and but a remote kinsman , that he cou'd never be perswaded to give the royal assent to the bill , which the powerful influence of the factious duke of guise got pass'd by the three estates , for his exclusion . oh! but ( say they ) popery and slavery will break in upon us , if the duke succeeds . and i am sure , anarchy and presbytery , and an intestine civil war , will undoubtedly follow , if he be excluded , the king expos'd to danger , and the kingdom to ruine . how fatal it prov'd to henry 6. that he suffer'd the good duke of gloucester to be made away by his prosecutors , which made way for his own deposition , and consequently for his untimely end , historians do abundantly testify ; and baker tells us , how the great duke of somerset , then protector , by sacrificing his brother the lord admiral to the malice of his enemies , in hopes to stop their mouths by yielding to their demands , clear'd the way for himself to the scaffold . a warrant ( saith this historian ) was sent , under the hand of his brother the protector , to cut off his head ; wherein ( as afterwards it prov'd ) he did as much , as if he had laid his own head upon the block : for whilst these brothers lived and held together , they were as a strong fortress one to the other ; the admirals courage supporting the protectors authority , and the protectors authority maintaining the admirals stoutness ; but the admiral once gone , the protectors authority as wanting support , began to totter , and fell at last to utter ruine . besides , there was at this time , amongst the nobility , a kind of faction ; protestants , who favour'd the protector for his own sake ; and other of the papal inclination , who favour'd him for his brothers sake : but his brother being gone , both sides forsook him ; even his own side , as thinking they could expect little assistance from him , who gave no more assistance to his own brother , bakers chronicle p. 307. what a noise they make about these terrible bugbears , popery and slavery , as if both were inseparable , and actually breaking in upon the nation , or rather come as far as the lobby of the house of commons ? for my part , tho i have no reason to be fond of either , the one being no less contrary to my nature , than the other to my principles , yet i cannot be startl'd at every shadow , nor believe that the duke , having already spent the prime of his days , let him succeed never so soon , will be able to introduce amongst us any new , much less the popish religion . neither can i be perswaded , contrary to common sense and the experience of so many ages , but that the papists are as fond of their liberty and property , and consequently as great enemies to slavery , as any protestant whatsoever . for , to them we owe the unparallel'd common-law of this realm , magna charta and all those wholesom statutes grounded thereupon ; to them we are oblig'd for the incomparable frame of our well-temper'd monarchy , which affords very much to the industry and happiness of the subject , yet preserves enough for the majesty and prerogative of any king , that will own his people as subjects , and not as slaves or villains . who then but a fool or a mad-man , wou'd think slavery the unavoidable consequence of that religion , the professors whereof , even in the time of their blindest zeal and greatest darkness , ( for since then they are much refin'd ) made such impregnable bulwarks against it , and provided such wholesome laws to defend themselves from all the encroachments of arbitrary power : insomuch that the high and mighty pope himself , who often endeavour'd to enslave this kingdom , and make it tributary to his avarice , found to his great grief , that tho some ignorant bigots wou'd contribute to fill his coffers , yet the generality of the nation were so tender of their own and their princes rights , that they always oppos'd him with true english courage ; as appears not only by hundreds of adjudg'd cases reported in our law-books , but by divers records and acts of parliament . for 25 ed. 3. stat. of provisors , 't is enacted , that such persons as obtain provisions , or collation of benefices from rome , and thereupon disturb the presentees of the king , or of other patrons of holy church , or of their advowees , the said provisors , their procurators , executors and notaries , shall be attached by their body , and brought in to answer : and if they be convict , they shall abide in prison without being let to mainprise or bail , or otherwise delivered , till they have made fine and ransom to the king at his will , and gree to the party that shall feel himself grieved : and nevertheless before they be delivered , they shall make full renunciation , and find surety , that they shall not attempt such things in time to come , nor sue any process by them , nor by other against any man in the court of rome , nor in any part elsewhere , for any such imprisonments , or renunciations , nor any other thing depending of them . and in the same year it was enacted , that he that purchas'd a provision in rome for an abbey , shou'd be out of the kings protection , and any man might do with him , as with the kings enemy , 25 ed. 3. c. 22. 2● ed. 3. c. 1. upon the grievous complaints of the lords and commons in parliament , it was ordain'd , that all people of the kings l●geance , of what condition that they be , which shall draw any out of the realm in plea , whereof the cognizance pertaineth to the kings court , or of things whereof judgements be given in the kings court ; or which do sue in any other court to defeat or impeach the judgements given in the kings court , if they appear not within two months after warning given , shall be put out of the kings protection , and their lands , goods and chattles forfeit to the king , and their bodies wheresoever they may be found , shall be taken and imprisoned , and ransomed at the kings will. 13 r. c. 2. 't is enacted , that if any do accept of a benefice of holy church contrary to this * statute , and that duly prov'd , he shall within six weeks next after such acceptation , be exiled and banished out of the realm for ever , and his lands and tenements , goods and chattles shall be forfeit to the king. and if any receive any such person banished , coming from beyond the sea , or being within the realm after the said six weeks , knowing thereof , he shall be also exiled and banished , and incurr such forfeiture as afore is said . and their procurators , notaries , executors , and summoners shall have the pain and forfeiture aforesaid . and c. 3 it is ordained and established , that if any man bring or send within the realm or the king's power , any summons , sentence , or excommunication against any person , of what condition that he be , for the cause of making motion , assent , or execution of the said statute of provisors , he shall be taken , arrested and put in prison , and forfeit all his lands and tenements , goods and chattels for ever , and incur the pain of life and of member . and if a prelate make execution of such summons , sentences or excommunications , that his temporalties be taken and abide in the kings hands , till due redress and correction thereof be made . and if any person of less estate than a prelate , of what condition that he be , make such execution , he shall be taken , arrested , and put in prison , and have imprisonment , and make fine and ransom by the discretion of the kings councel . 16 r. 2. 't is declar'd , that the crown of england , which hath been so free at all times , that it hath been in no earthly subjection , but immediately subject to god in all things touching the regalty of the same crown , ought not to be submitted to the pope , nor the laws and statutes of the realm by him defeated and avoided at his will , in perpetual destruction of the sovereignty of the king our lord , his crown , his regalty , and of all his realm . and moreover , the commons affirmed , that the things attempted by the pope , be clearly against the king's crown and his regality , used and approved of in the time of all his progenitors : wherefore they and all the leige-commons of the same realm , will stand by the king , and his crown , and his regalty , in the cases aforesaid , and in all other cases attempted against him , his crown , and his regalty , in all points , to live and to die . these , and several other * statutes , too tedious 〈◊〉 to be inserted , have been provided in former ages when the pope's power was at the highest , and provided even by popish kings and popish parliaments , to secure themselves and the nation from all papal encroachments . neither have our judges been less severe against the popes unwarrantable pretensions , who in pursuance of the common-law of the land , tho' no statute had been made to that purpose , judg'd it a very hainous crime in any subject of england to obey , or put them in execution . in the reign of king edward i ; when a subject brought a bull of excommunication from rome , against another subject of this realm , and publish'd it to the lord treasurer of england : this was by the common-law of the land adjudg'd treason against the king , his crown and dignity , 30 lib. ass. pla . 19. brook tit . praemunire , pl● 10. an excommunication by the archbishop , albeit it be disallow'd by the pope or his legate , is to be allow'd ; neither ought the judges give any allowance of any such sentence of the pope or his legate , 16 e. 3. tit . excom . 4. an * excommunication under the popes bull is of no force to disable any man in england . and the judges said , that he that pleadeth such bulls , tho they concern the excommunication of a subject , were in a hard case , if the king would extend his justice against him 30 e. 3. lib. ass. pl. 19. the king presented to a benefice , and his presentee was disturb'd by one that had obtain'd bulls from rome ; for which offence he was confin'd to perpetual imprisonment , 21 ed. 3. f. 40. one morris being elected abbot of waltham , sent to rome for a bull of confirmation ; but it was resolved by all the judges , that this bull was against the laws of england , and that the abbot , for obtaining the same , was fallen into the king's mercy ; whereupon all his possessions were seiz'd into the king's hands , 46 ed. 3. tit . praemunire , 6. in the reign of ed. 4. the pope granted to the prior of st. johns to have sanctuary within his priory ; but it was resolved by the judges , that the pope had no power to grant sanctuary within this realm ; and therefore by judgment of the law the same was disallowed ▪ 1 h. 7. f 20. in the same king's reign , a legate from the pope came to callis , to have come into england ; but the king and his councel would not suffer him to come within the kingdom , until he had taken an oath , that he should attempt nothing against the king or his crown , 1 h. 7. f. 10. and in the reign of h. 7. the pope had excommunicated all such persons whatsoever as had bought allom of the florentines ; but it was resolved by all the judges of england , that the popes excommunication ought not to be obeyed , or to be put in execution within the realm of england , 1 h. 7. f. 10. these , and many other such cases , you may see in the first part of coke's 5 th . reports . now , if not only the judges , but the representative-wisdom of the nation , even king , lords , and commons , in the thickest mist of popish ignorance , were so resolute against the bishop of rome , and so careful to preserve their own rights and liberties inviolable : who can be so silly , as to believe , that a popish prince in this kingdom , and at this time of the day , when popery it self is much refin'd , and the whole nation irreconcilably bent against it , will ever submit to any papal usurpation , much less make himself or his people slaves to the court of rome ? alas ! says one , but our sweet abbey-lands are in danger to be lost , and reassum'd by the popish clergy , what course then shall we take to secure them ? believe me , if the law will not do it , i know no other way , but a project i hear shortly to be set on foot for insuring all the church-lands in the kingdom these 40 years to come . the parties concern'd will propose very reasonable terms , and will undertake , the squinting trimmer , who maliciously whispers about , he wou'd take seven years purchase for his church-lands , in case of a popish successor , shall have fourteen well secur'd , whenever the duke succeeds . but why our abbey-lands more in danger , than any other part of our estates ? since we have the same security for the one as for the other , and both as firmly secur'd , as the law can make them , or the wit of man devise . 't is well known , that the popish * clergy in queen maries time , the better to forward the peoples reconciliation with the church of rome , by their petition to the queen , consented that all the church-lands dispos'd of to lay-men , shou'd be settl'd on the possessors and their heirs for ever , without any danger of revocation ; and this was approv'd of by the pope's legate a latere cardinal pool , * willing and ordaining , ( as he says ) that the present possessors of ecclesiastical goods , as well movable as immovable , shall not at this time , nor in time to come , be disquieted nor molested in the possession of the said goods , either by the disposal or order of any general or provincial councils , or by the decretal epistles of the bishop of rome , or by any other ecclesiastical censure whatsoever . and besides this , to crown the work beyond all exception , and bind it with a triple cord which is not easily broken , all is confirm'd in full parliament , by the queen , by the cardinal and clergy , and by the lords and commons ; by whom 't is enacted , that all and every article , clause , sentence and proviso contained or specified in any act or acts of parliament , concerning or touching the assurance or conveyance of any the said monasteries , priories , nunneries , commandries , deanries , prebends , colledges , chantries , hospitals , houses of fryers , rectories , vicarages , churches , chappels , archbishopricks , bishopricks , and other religious and ecclesiastical houses and places , or any of them , or in any ways concerning any manors , lands , tenements , profits , commodities , hereditaments , or other the things before specified to the said k. h. 8. or k. ed. 6. or either of them , or any other person or persons , or body-politick or corporate , and every of them ; and all and every writing , deed , and instrument concerning the assurance of any the same , shall stand , remain , and be in as good force , effect and strength , and shall be pleaded , and taken advantage of , to all intents , constructions , and purposes , as the same should , might or could have been by the laws and statutes of this realm , in case this present act had never been had or made , 1. & 2 phil. & mar. c. 8 § . 39. and 't is further enacted , that whosoever shall by any process obtained out of any ecclesiastical court within this realm or without , or by pretence of any spiritual jurisdiction , or otherwise contrary to the laws of this realm , inquiet or molest any person or persons , or body-politick for any manors , lands , tenements , hereditaments , or things above-specified , contrary to the words , sentences and meaning of this act , shall incur the danger of the act of praemunire , ib. § . 41. what cou'd the wit of man contrive or devise more firm in law , or more satisfactory to all parties concern'd in church or abbey-lands , than these and several other paragraphs provided in the same act of parliament ? why then are people by groundless and imaginary fears discompos'd , or frightn'd out of their wits , and made tools to drive on the designs of some ill men , against the monarchy and the church , who will have nothing sufficient to secure them in the religion they have not , but what will unavoidably shake the very foundation of the government ? 't is true , our state-mountebanks in their address presented in the name of the house of commons , are so dutiful to their sovereign , as humbly to threaten , this may possibly happen , if the duke succeeds : we further humbly beseech your majesty ( say they ) in your great wisdom to consider , whether , in case the imperial crown of this protestant kingdom should descend to the duke of york , the opposition , which may possibly be made to his possessing it , may not only endanger the farther descent in the royal line , but even monarchy it self , 21 dec. 1680. but that season , i hope , is over , and the nation now thorowly sensible of the fatal consequences of such resolutions , and can never forget the unparallell'd tyranny of the rump , nor the doleful tragedies that ensu'd the quarrel between york and lancaster , which made england a field of blood. but what has this great prince , once the peoples darling , done to deserve so severe a treatment , or be thought so dangerous a person to the publick ? has he defrauded any of an ox or an ass ; or was he ever found worse than his word , or unjust in his dealings ? if he has chang'd his opinion , which yet is improbable , about the modes and circumstances of religion , 't is plain he has not chang'd his moral principles , nor his natural affection to his countrey . i need not instance how often he expos'd his person to danger , like a common sea-man , to fight our battles ; nor how zealously he always studied the true interest of the english nation , in opposition to french designs ; a truth too well known even to his most inveterate enemies , but ill rewarded with ingratitude . 't is prodigious , what tricks and arts have been us'd of late to incense the unthinking multitude against his highness , and set them a-madding with the apprehension of stakes and faggots , and all the chymoera's of a crack-brain'd fancy : when 't is palpably evident , it is not in the power of any prince , tho' the greatest bigot of papists , to force this nation in point of conscience , or alter the establish'd religion ; since the laws de haeretico comb●rendo , ( which in queen maries time were in force , and warranted the cruelties then committed upon the protestants , as the statutes made by queen elizabeth , do the executing of priests and jesuits as traytors , both uncharitable and ill-becoming a christian-magistrate ) are now happily repeal'd and abolish'd . why then shou'd people be bugbear'd out of their senses , with imaginary fears of smithfield-faggots ; or think that the duke , who never advis'd his own children to become papists , wou'd offer , tho' able , to compel any other to renounce his religion ? if he has express'd some kindness for such romanists ▪ as had signaliz'd their loyalty to his father here , or to his brother abroad , when those that now call themselves true protestants , openly absur'd his title , 't is an instance of his gratitude and good nature , but no argument of his approving the opinions of that party . and yet we have no better proof , than such groundless whispers and surmises , unless we believe the ridiculous salamunca doctor 's peeping through the key-hole , of his being a papist , or any way inclin'd to the popish communion . how false then is the preamble ( and therefore justly rejected , had there been no other reason , by the house of lords ) of the intended bill of exclusion , that the duke of york is notoriously known to have been perverted from the protestant to the popish religion ? or the extravagant vote , whereon they grounded this abortive bill ? resolved , that the duke of york's being a papist , and the hopes of his coming such to the crown , hath given the greatest countenance and encouragement to the present designs and conspiracies against the king and the protestant religion . — 2 nov. 1680. whereas it might with greater truth and justice be resolved , that the late endeavours of some leading men in the house of commons in favour of the fanaticks , and their declaring , that if his majesty should come by any violent death , they would revenge it to the utmost upon the papists ; has given the greatest countenance and encouragement to colledge and his accomplices to conspire against the king and the church ; and has openly expos'd his majesties sacred life to the blind zeal of the faction ; to whom , besides the prospect of destroying their enemies , it was a great temptation to commit the villany , that they cou'd safely leave it at anothers door . thus , sir , i have given you in short my opinion on mr. hunts defence of the charter ; and for your further satisfaction have added some remarks on the proceedings of our worthy patriots ( so much commended by that gentleman ) in the last parliament at westminster . there remains a great deal more to be said as well of this , as of the other that follow'd at oxford ; but some earnest business requiring my attendance , i will at present give you no further trouble , only speak a word or two to the general calumny cast by the factions on all that dare oppose their designs , and which i cannot well expect to escape , viz. that we are no friends to parliaments . but i appeal to any man of sense , whether i , who wou'd have the commons freely enjoy their priviledges , yet confin'd within their ancient and legal bounds , or the fanatick that labours to make their power absolute and uncontroulable , be a greater friend to that honourable assembly ? and whether they can possibly have more pernicious enemies , than such as make them controullers , instead of councellors , to their soveraign , and competitors with him in the government ; when their being wholly depends on his will and pleasure , and can expect to fit no longer than during their good behaviour ? how fatal the insolencies of the 3d. estate in france , anno 1614. prov'd to that nation in general , who never since had the like assembly , is particularly observ'd by several historians . 't is true , we have no reason to mistrust any such thing , having so good and so gracious a prince , as has solemnly engag'd his royal word , that no irregularities in parliament shall ever make him out of love with parliaments , declar. p. 9. besides that our constitution is such , that we cannot reasonably fear it . nevertheless , policy as well as duty requires , that the commons give no such distast for the future , as will justly occasion even any long intermission of their meeting ; since parliaments , provided they behave themselves with prudence and moderation , are the best method ( as his majesty says ) for healing the distempers of the kingdom , and the only means to preserve the monarchy in that due credit and respect , which it ought to have both at hom and abroad . ibid. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47876-e90 * in making our ancient laws , ( saith the great antiquary mr selden ) the commons did petere , the lords assentire , & the king concludere : in his judicature in parliament , pag. 132. pag. 27. * 4 ed. 3. 14. 36 ed. 3. 10. * 16 ▪ car. 2. 1. * ne frena animo permitte calenti ; da spacium . tenuemque moram ; male cuncta ministrat impetus . * you all know , that rex è lex loquens ; and you often heard me say , that the king's will and intention being the speaking law , ought to be luce clarius . and again ; in any case , wherein no positive law is resolute , rex e judex ; for he is lex loquens , and is to supply the law ▪ where the law wants . * ib. f. 60. beechers case . the like he hath fol. 120. bonham's case , and lib. 11. f. 43. godfrey's case , and in several other places . * dyer f. 60. a. says , the parliament consists of three parts , viz. the king , as chief head ; the lords , the chief and principal members of the body ; and the commons , the inferiour members . * coke 4. inst. p. 25. & 31 h. 6. n. 26 , 27. * mich. 12. ed. 4. rot. 20. in the exchequer . * hill. 14 e. 4. rot. 7. * dyer fol. 59. * 8 h. 6. rot. parl. n. 57. * 39 h. 6. n. 9. * 14 ed. 4. n. 55. * the lords themselves cannot by priviledge of parliament set any at liberty by their immediate orders to the gentleman vsher , or serjeant at arms , but only by a writ of priviledge from the lord keeper ; as appears 43 elizab. d'ewes journals , p. 608. * see prynn's remarks on coke's 4 inst. p. 42. * none can be judge and party , coke's 8 reports , dr. bouham's case . f. 118. b. * the constant custom of the commons , even to this day , to stand bare with their hats in their hands , while the lords sit cover'd , at all conferences and tryals , is a plain argument they are not fellows or colleagues in judgment . * 10 jan. 1681 / 80 ; . * 7 jan. 1680. * 2 r. 2. 5. 11 r. 2. 11. &c. de scandalis magnatum . * 25 ed. 3. statute of provisors . * 38 ed. 3. stat. 2. c. 1. 2 h. c. 4. 7. h. 4. c. 6. 3 h. 5. c. 4. * the same is resolved , 12 h. 4. f. 16. 14 h. 4. f. 14. 8 h. 6. f. 3. 20 h. 6. 1. 35 h. 6. 42. 7 e. 4. 14. 12 e. 4. 16. * 1 & 2 phil. & mar. c. 8. num . 32. * volentes ac decernentes , quod dictorum bonorum ecclesiasticorum ram mobilium quam immobilium possessores praefati non possiut in praesenti nec in posterum , seu per conciliorum generalium vel provincialium dispositiones , seu decretales rom. pontificum epistolas , seu aliam quamconque censuram . ecclesiasticam in dictis bonis , seu eorundem possessione molestari vel inquietari , 1 & 2 phil. & mar. c. 8. num . 33. study to be quiet, or, serious and seasonable advice to the citizens of london written by a citizen of london. citizen of london. 1680 approx. 24 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a61910 wing s6092 estc r7111 11799157 ocm 11799157 49345 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61910) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49345) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 551:2) study to be quiet, or, serious and seasonable advice to the citizens of london written by a citizen of london. citizen of london. [2], 12 p. printed for henry brome, london : 1680. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -history -17th century. london (england) -social life and customs -17th century. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion study to be quiet : or serious and seasonable advice to the citizens of london . written by a citizen of london . h b london : printed for henry brome . 1680. serious and seasonable advice to the citizens of london , &c. friends and fellow-citizens . the end of these few lines is to persuade peace , which every man pretends to covet ; but the end is not attainable without the use , means , and avoiding that which is of a contrary importance . some few things are here pointed at , which have occasioned disturbance in families , hatred and animosity among neighbours , disorders in the city , oppression and violence in the nation . that such things may not happen amongst us any more , is the design of this paper , and shall be the constant and hearty prayers of the author . it behooves every good citizen to have a watchful eye towards such persons and actions as would cast scorn and contempt upon the meanest instrument of government . it is rare if any man be made desperately wicked at once . evil is propagated by degrees . hard thoughts of our superiour , are often followed with hatred , and after with sedition and rebellion , great things taking their rise from small and insensible beginnings . a cloud of the bigness of a hand , spreads the face of the heavens . thus a disobedient servant proves a bad master , and a worse citizen . if we slacken in the least the chain of our duty , the devil quickly takes advantage . some men who at first detested rebellion , have laughed and talked themselves into disobedience , for which , perhaps , being worthily punished , hath so exasperated their minds , so as nothing wanted for revenge , but an opportunity . others there be , whose great felicity lies in hearing and telling news : these are a sort of busie-bodies , and men for the most part , of small imployment , and as little discretion , that receive all they hear ( especially such things as will please their party ) without examining the probability of its being true or false ; and having heard some odd story , go ( big with it ) to the next club , where it is related with abundance of formality ; and if it be any thing relating to the government , it is ten to one but some surmise or sad descant , as bad as malice can invent , is added over and above . a ready way to introduce a disaffection toward those in authority , and prepare mens minds for disobedience and rebellion : therefore such malapert talkers , who are always finding fault , and like flies , are apt to dwell upon every sore ought to be brow-beaten , scorned , and opposed by every honest citizen , as the bane of society , and pests of the commonwealth . let us all endeavour to live like men , and christians , and boldly reprove such as offer to put affronts and contempts upon authority : a far readier way to cure their itching malady , than by taking pleasure in their fooleries and impertinencies . let every man in his station pursue those things that make for peace . we are all members of one city , subjects of one kingdom : all embarked in the same vessel , and if that suffers shipwrack , none can promise immunity to themselves . in a word , let us fear god , honour the king , and not meddle with those that are given to change . there is also another sort of men among us , so well conceited as to think themselves fit to be sharers in the government , and are always complaining that something is amiss . men of petulant testy humours , and factious spirits , never contented , never pleased . is it not a shame to think what a foolish and ridiculous attempt was lately made to introduce an officer among us ? did they fansie the government would be trickt into a sheriff ? what was the man ? how qualified , that such sinister and undue practices were used about his election ? i believe but few men will bespeak him master of any extraordinary measure of reason , judgment or piety . as for his estate , that was granted deficient , even by his own faction , as appears by their subscriptions towards the upholding of his grandeur . certainly they have need of a bird that give a groat for an owl ! what then ? why the truth is , though nothing can be more ridiculous than empty boldness , yet this mans confident and seditious speaking , which made him obnoxious to the law , hath advanced his reputation with some men to an high rate , who otherwise might have passed along unobserved . is this an office to be carried on with contribution ? is it not one of the highest places of trust in this great city ? ought not he , whoever is elected to that dignity , to be able to bear the charge without auxiliaries , as well for his own security as the cities honour ? for should he fail in that particular , he must not onely be ruined , but the office fall lame by the way . yet this man , till he saw his party confounded , offered without blushing to accept it . it is an office of that trust , as ought to be committed to the care of none but persons of known integrity , religion , and honesty , that in times of danger and disorder , may keep the peace , and not encourage sedition and tumult : one firm in his allegiance to his majesty , and a true protestant according to the church of england . what design these men had in offering their purses so freely toward setting up this puppet sheriff , god and their own hearts onely know ; but certainly it hath an ill aspect , for that during his office he must have been pensioner to the meanest trades-man of his party . some few quakers afforded him their votes , but their frugality and principles , i suppose , would hardly , allow them to club toward feasting or fine clothes . whatsoever their end was , they are not to be approved , who seek to acquire good ends by bad means ; and in this essay they shewed the popish party a new device ( though they have already more tricks than are good ) by subscriptions and cabals to introduce some of their favourites into places of honour and trust . consider the danger and inconvenience that ariseth from the multitude of pamphlets that are published every day , filled with lies and falshood , to the dishonour of god and religion : containing base and unworthy reflections upon most men of the greatest authority in the nation , not sparing at some turns ( though in cunning and canting terms ) the person and government of his sacred majesty . are not all publick actions turned into ridicule by these petty scriblers , who have hardly bread to eat , but what they receive for their weekly copy ? do we not all know that not long since poor robins intelligence was weekly published , where the author took upon him to make a laughing-stock of any person , to whom he was prompted , either by money or malice , or to fill up an empty space in his pamphlet ? and though he forbore to name the persons , yet pointed at them by such notes and characters , as they were easily known by any that were of the neighbourhood , to the great disturbance of families and breach of charity among citizens , till for abusing a person of honour , authority took occasion to chastize his insolence by stopping the press : which particulars , as to him , had been omitted , but that he , or such another , hath , and still doth take upon him to traduce and asperse the justice of the nation , in unworthy and unseemly terms , not caring whether the matter be true or false , so it will help to sell the book . it is true the lord major hath taken some care about those pamphlets , but still there remains a duty upon every private citizen that may tend much to suppressing the mischiefs thereby arising : for if in stead of reading them with delight and complacency , they and their authors were discountenanced , it would contribute much to the quiet and tranquility of the city and nation . let each man observe this decorum , and for want of reward , those that write them would soon be compelled to turn their pens to some honester imployment . it is not small trouble to men that are peaceably disposed , to see how eagerly the multitude pursue those mischievous vanities which commonly the sharper and more satyrical they are against those in place and authority , find the most ready and approved reception , though to speak plain , it is a certain indication of a depraved constitution , when men are better pleased with things sowre and crude , than with what affords wholesom nutriment . and the youth of this city , with some others , who are but children in understanding , are as it were insensibly tainted with dislike of the government , by receiving those seeds of sedition which afterwards afford an harvest too plentiful , and upon every occasion and opportunity is ready to break forth into open rebellion against those , whom by the law of nature and religion they are bound to obey , esteem , and honour . for my own part i am as deeply sensible of the late horrid and damnable plot against the person of his sacred majesty , and the protestant religion as any man , and am verily persuaded the king himself , and those about him , are sufficiently satisfied how industriously it hath been carried on , contrived , and fomented by the romish emissaries both at home and abroad . but withall , i do profess , i think it our greatest prudence and duty to leave the prosecution of those villanous conspirators to his majesty , and those whom he is pleased to authorize for that purpose , and not for us to meddle with censuring their proceedings , either for method , place , or time , but to rest satisfied with what they shall think fit to do in the matter , lest we be found among the number of those who are heady , high-minded , and speak evil of dignities , and that would rob the king of his diadem . for what is it less , if we cry out that those who sit at the helm are either ignorant , or abettors , or favourers of such horrid designs ; in the one case we presume our selves fitter to govern than they ; and in the other , we render them , so much as in us lies , odious to all men . we all know the romanists have been busie ever since the reformation , to make us again taste of their colocinths and gourds , yet through the goodness of god , and the prudence of our governours their most secret plots have been discovered , their designs baffled , and all their attempts proved the ruine of the contrivers . neither have they been yet so formidable , as to offer at any acts of open hostility , unless it can be said they made the presbyterians and independents their drudges in the late . times to do their work . and if so , when ever you see them again labouring at the same oar , conclude they are still serving the ends of the same masters , or setting up for themselves . and here it will not be amiss to consider how things stand now , and what motives were frequently used for introducing the late unnatural war. did not the factious of those times seduce the people , by making them believe the late king , of blessed memory , was inclined to popery , or at least a favourer of it ? were not fears and jealousies the main engines used by those bloody miscreants to serve their turns ? and is there not strong presumptions that the same things are endeavoured by the same sort of men to be acted over again ? is it not daily inculcated what danger we are in from the papists , and many a dreadful story told of slavery , popery , tyranny , and arbitrary government , and god knows what ? does any man think that the magistrates are swallowed up in a supine negligence ? hath his majesty , think you , no care of us , nor of himself ? hath he not always with much fervor protested his adherence to the protestant religion ? did he not graciously offer the last parliament to sign any bill they should frame for security thereof after his decease ? is he then so zealous for its preservation after his death , and shall we imagine he will not protect us in the profession of it during his happy reign ? ( which god long continue . ) away then with these fears and jealousies which are fomented by men of ambitious designs , turbulent spirits , and aspiring minds . look upon them all as tricks of the old trade . did his majesty ever do any thing that looked like betraying us into slavery ? for gods sake , sirs , consider whither we are going ; let us not be undone again by the same methods we were before . are there not some at this day that long to be fingering the crown-lands , and bishops revenues . be not ensnared with their wicked contrivances , and specious pretences ; and let not us deny that to our soveraign , which by the common suffrages of christ and his apostles was awarded to heathen emperours . but it may be said , we are yet in danger of being out-witted by the jesuites and their bloody crew , and the late plot is not yet over . it is true , we may yet be subject to some effects of their malice and fury . but we use to say , when a distemper is once discovered , it is half cured . have not we been hitherto delivered from those lions and bears ? they contrive , but god disappoints ; and if their plotting and designing , though it takes not effect , shall continually fill us with fears and jealousies , how much more should every man be filled with affrightment at the least appearance of that spirit which ruled in the hearts of those children of disobedience in the beginning of our late troubles ? shall these men still impose upon us such dreadful apprehensions of those , whose designs have hitherto been blasted , and must we be persuaded that we are out of all danger from those who have so far succeeded in their attempts , as to subvert a flourishing kingdom , and overthrow both religion and property ? perhaps if these things were well considered , we should not be so easily cajoled by them , whose great cry is for liberty , when indeed they mean nothing more than anarchy and confusion ; against popery , while they mean episcopacy ; that while we are staring at the romish wolf , we may be surprized by the northern bear. we have had of late some instances of timultuary proposals and applications , that fell little short of the old story of venn with his mermydons , as his late majesty was pleased to express it ; which was onely an essay of the strengh of that party that cast us formerly into confusion . but they were seasonably check : both by the authority and good affections of the city , to the confusion of their hopes and designs . is not this like absalom in the gate ? is not this the way to amuse and fright men from their trade and business ? and in effect to cry , as of old , to your tents , o israel ? it is a dangerous thing to affect popularity , and to talk of papists in masquerade . but unless we had better marks whereby to distinguish those sort of men , it can onely serve as an odious term to be fixt upon whom himself and his party pleases ; and when time serves , expose them to the fury of an untutoured zeal , and to be used as malignant , delinquent and popishly affected , were of late ; which had no other effect , but sequestring the estates , and ruining the families of persons so stigmatized ; though indeed they onely were the true lovers of the protestant religion , their king , and country . we are not to account a vote of the house of commons to have the authority of a law , ( as some would have a late vote to be , ) when as ( the parliament being dissolved ) it signifies ) just nothing as to the matter of law , though it was an honest and excellent testimony of their zeal for the preservation of his majesties person , and the protestant religion ; for which the whole nation is bound to give them thanks , but i hope we shall never live to see a vote , no nor an ordinance neither , pass for a law ; and i believe this did not speak the sense of the house : and as little did the late out-cry speak the sense of the city , as appears in this , that there are not ten men to be found that will own the action . beside that , the faction was over-born by a majority of honest men . i have no purpose to reflect upon any mans person . my design is onely to caution my fellow-citizens , not to have a hand in any action that looks like faction and disorder , for from little sparks , many times , are kindled mighty flames : and solomon bids us , shun the appearance of evil . frailty and imperfection is justly inscribed on all things sublunary . yet if we could suppose a system of rules and laws infallible , even this could not free the government from miscarriages , it being morally impossible among such a multitude of subordinate officers ( of necessity to be used ) that all should be furnished with wisdom and integrity sufficient for discharge of their duty , so that there will always be cause of complaint , but no man can say , that such things will discharge the subjects from their duty . as to the constitution of our government , it hath been reckoned the best in the world ; and for the administration , i dare appeal to any man , whether there is not more rigour and severity , heavier taxes and impositions laid upon the people in the most flourishing christian kingdom in the world , by three parts in four , than ever we have yet met with , unless in the late times of defection . is any thing imposed upon us ( which to remedy ) will make amends for tumult and disorder , or any danger threatned , or like to befall us , that can equal the mischief and inconvenience of a civil war. consider this , fellow-citizens , and let not ambitious men purchase their advancement with the price of your bloud and treasure . they may contrive with their heads till their hearts ake , but without help of your hands , all their project will fall to the ground . i beseech you therefore stand fast in your duty to god , allegiance to the king and the government established by law. to the first you are obliged by nature and religion ; to the second , by religion and oath ; to the last , by prudence and interest . it may be said by the dissenters from the church of england , that they are willing to obey his majesty , and observe the law in all civil matters , but in ecclesiastical affairs , and episcopacy , they will not , they cannot yield obedience . my business is not to dispute the point , but to persuade to peace , and to warn you of such men as are like to disturb it . let is be considered that episcopacy hath received the same civil sanction with those laws that concern liberty and property . it is adapted into the constitution of the government . would they have his majesty abolish episcopacy by his own power ? surely this would be to exalt prerogative with a witness ; and ( as themselves would say in other cases ) contrary to magna charta . if not , let them cease their murmurs , till some parliament comes that will pull down that , and set up a better , if they can tell where to find it . i confess if any man purely out of conscience refuseth to conform , and the laws against it rigorously executed , his circumstances are hard . but is that our case ? is not every man suffered to be as good as he will ? doth not the clemency of our king admit every man to hear and preach where they please ? to follow their own pastors , and their own discipline ? and after all this , do you hear men cry out against the government , the bishops , and the clergy , men of honour and dignity in the church , persons against whom they have no exceptions , but their office and revenues , persecuting them with the most vile and unsavoury language their malice can invent . and is this out of conscience too ? can any man think he that shuns a surplice , but can easily swallow a lie , that exclaims against the common-prayer , yet is full of envy , and hatred , is uncharitable to his neighbour , and constantly replenished with scurrilous and immoral expressions against every one that treads not in his path : that this is the effect of a tender conscience . fly then the society of this sort of men , for whatsoever their specious pretences may be , their thirst is after domination and plunder . those that trampled upon the mitre overthrew the crown , monarchy and episcopacy both fell by the same hand : therefore it is not amiss to mind you once more of solomons advice , fear god , honour the king , and meddle not with those that are given to change . when you reflect upon the methods taken in the beginning of the late wars by an ill-spirited sort of men , whose delight was in disorder , and aimed at gainful fishing , if they could but once trouble the waters , that their first endeavour was to raise a dislike against the person and government of the best of kings , and how the grand engineers stirred up the citizens and apprentices to popular tumults , whereby his majesty was invaded , and through fear and force , banished from his palaces , cities , his consort , his royal children and family , and at last himself most barbarously murthered . what contrivance , and by whom carried on ? broils raised in scotland , the better to distress his majesty , and after all this and much more , not to be mentioned without the extreamest horror and detestation ; how the actors thereof were unmasked , their persons and designs discovered , their several governments under their most politick establishment shaken to pieces as frequently as formed , and at last both the one and the other , not by humane prudence , but by the meer hand of god , destroyed and confounded . in all which mutations this city felt most constant pains and afflictions ; and the whole nation , after all the vast expence of blood and treasure , had purchased to themselves , nothing but chains and fetters . when , i say , you reflect upon these things , it must needs excite your singular care to preserve your selves from a subjection to the designs of such men , as may have hopes to lead us again into the like defection and inconvenience , and to be afraid of any thing that hath a tendency that way . finis . a true report of all the burials and christnings within the city of london and the liberties thereof, from the 23. of december, 1602 to the 22. of december 1603 whereunto is added the number of euery seuerall parish, from the 14. of iuly to the 22. of december, aswell within the citie of london and the liberties thereof, as in other parishes in the skirtes of the cittie, and out of the freedome adioyning to the cittie : according to the weekly reports made to the kings most excellent maiestie / by the company of parish clearks of the same citie. worshipful company of parish clerks. 1603 approx. 17 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06251 stc 16739.5 estc s2790 24641935 ocm 24641935 27844 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06251) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27844) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1856:13) a true report of all the burials and christnings within the city of london and the liberties thereof, from the 23. of december, 1602 to the 22. of december 1603 whereunto is added the number of euery seuerall parish, from the 14. of iuly to the 22. of december, aswell within the citie of london and the liberties thereof, as in other parishes in the skirtes of the cittie, and out of the freedome adioyning to the cittie : according to the weekly reports made to the kings most excellent maiestie / by the company of parish clearks of the same citie. worshipful company of parish clerks. 1 broadside. printed by iohn windet, printer to the honourable city of london, [london?] : [1603] at head of title: 1602. 1603. imperfect: slightly faded. reproduction of original in the harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng mortality -england -london -statistics. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-10 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal english blazon or coat of arms 1602. 1603. blazon or coat of arms of the city of london a trve report of all the bvrials and christnings within the city of london and the liberties thereof , from the 23. of december , 1602 to the 22. of december , 1603. whereunto is added the number of euery seuerall parish , from the 14. of iuly , to the 22. of december , aswell within the citie of london and the liberties thereof , as in other parishes in the skirtes of the cittie , and out of the freedome , adioyning to the citie : according to the report made to the kings most excellent maiestie , by the company of parish clearks of the same citie .   buried in all . of the plague christnings . december 23 83 3 96 ianuary 6 78 0 97 ianuary 13 83 1 134 ianuary 20 80 0 105 ianuary 27 82 4 128 february 3 104 1 102 february 10 76 0 108 february 17 96 3 109 february 24 85 0 108 march 3 82 3 110 march 10 101 2 110 march 17 108 3 106 march 24 60 2 106 march 31 78 6 59 aprill 7 66 4 143 aprill 14 79 4 86 aprill 21 98 8 84 aprill 28 109 10 85 may 5 90 11 78 may 12 112 18 103 may 19 122 22 81 may 26 122 32 98 iune 2 114 30 82 iune 9 131 43 110 iune 16 144 59 90 iune 23 182 72 95 iune 30 267 158 82 iuly 7 445 263 89 iuly 14 612 424 88 this weeke was the out-parishes brought in to be ioyned with the city and liberties .   buried in all of the plague christnings . iuly 21 1186 917 50 iuly 28 1728 1396 138 august 4 2256 1922 115 august 11 2077 1745 110 august 18 3054 2713 95 august 25 2853 2539 127 september 1 3385 3035 97 september 8 3078 2724 105 september 15 3129 2818 89 september 22 2456 2195 90 september 29 1961 1732 81 october 6 1831 1641 71 october 13 1312 1146 73 october 20 766 642 67 october 27 625 508 75 nouember 3 737 594 70 nouember 10 585 442 65 nouember 17 384 251 64 nouember 24 198 105 58 december 1 223 102 64 december 8 163 55 72 december 15 200 96 71 december 22 168 74 70 the totall of all that hath beene buried this yeare 38244 whereof of the plague 30578 christnings 4789 london within the walles .   buried in all . of the plague albones in woodstreet 183 164 alhallowes lumberstreet 109 98 alhallowes the great 286 250 alhallowes the lesse 227 182 alhallowes bredstreet 33 27 alhallowes staynings 123 103 alhallowes the wall 216 174 alhallowes hony-lane 12 5 alhallowes barking 390 339 alphage at cripplegate 174 152 androwes by the wardrope 290 256 androwes eastcheape 114 108 androwes vndershaft 165 142 annes at aldersgate 146 125 annes blacke fryers 235 226 auntlins parish 32 27 austines parish 92 78 barthelmew at the exch. 93 63 bennets at pauls-wharf 199 136 bennets grace-church 40 30 bennets finck 95 78 bennets sherhogg 26 24 buttols billingsgate 91 73 christ church parish 334 271 christophers parish 41 35 clements by eastcheape 48 40 dennis backe church 112 88 dunstones in the east 227 197 edmunds in lumbard-st . 78 67 ethelborow within bishopsg . 163 124 s. faithes 115 96 s. fosters in fostar-lane 94 81 gabriel fan-church 67 56 george botolph lane 36 30 gregories by paules 272 217 hellens within bishopsg 98 83 iames by garlike hithe 141 110 iohn euangelist 9 5 iohn zacharies 131 118 iohns in the walbrooke 136 122 katherines cree-church 400 337 katherine colemans 190 167 laurence in the iury 88 71 laurence pountney 161 134 leonards foster-lane 230 210 leonards eastechape 54 39 magnus parish by the bridge 109 76 margrets new fishstreete 83 61 margrets pattons 54 44 margrets moyses 70 60 margrets lothbery 106 88 martins in the vintry 258 190 martins orgars 90 77 martins iremonger lane 27 19 martins at ludgate 199 161 martins outwich 39 32 mary le booe 26 24 mary botha●e 35 31 mary at the hill 142 120 mary abchurch 124 11● mary woolchurch 52 37 mary colchurch 1● ●8 mary woolwich 99 91 mary aldermans ●● 68 mary alderman●●●●● 81 70 mary staynings 4● 37 mary mount●●● 51 45 mary sommersets 197 177 mathew friday street 16 13 maudlins milke street 33 3● maudlins by oldfish street 126 104 mighels bassie shawe 141 109 mighels corne hill 13● 91 mighels in woodstreet 156 137 mighels in the ryall 100 79 mighels in the querne 61 46 mighels queene-hithe 138 105 mighels crooked lane 110 97 mildreds poultry 84 62 mildreds bredstreet 43 33 nicholas acons 41 32 nicholas cole-abbay 147 103 nicholas olaues 83 69 olaues in the iury 41 33 olaues in hartstreet 201 171 olaues in siluer street 113 92 pancras by soperlane 20 16 peters in cornchill 141 80 peters in cheape 58 37 peters the poore in broadst . 44 39 peters at pauls wharf 97 88 stephens in colymanstreet 363 315 stephens in the walbrook 24 20 swithins at london-stone 120 95 thomas apostles 86 64 trinity parish 116 108 london without the wals , and within the liberties . androwes in holborn 1191 1125 barthelmew the lesse smith 86 74 barthelmew the great smith 195 165 brides parish 933 805 buttols algate 1413 1280 bridewell precinct 108 105 buttols bishops 1228 1094 buttols without aldersg . 576 508 dunstones in the west 510 412 georges in southwarke 915 804 giles without cripplegate 2408 1745 olaues in southwark 2541 2383 sauiours in southwarke 1914 1773 sepulchers parish 2223 1861 thomas in southwarke 249 221 trinity in the minories 40 33 out parishes adioining to the city . clemēts without templeb . 662 502 giles in the fields 456 402 iames at clarkenwel 725 619 katherines by the tower 653 585 leonards in shordich 871 740 martins in the fields 505 425 mary whitechappell 1539 1352 magdalens in barmondsiy streete 597 562 at the pest-house 135 135 buried in all , within these 23. weekes 33681. whereof , of the plague 29083. printed by iohn windet , printer to the honourable city of london . received the [blank] day of [blank] 1642 of [blank] the summe of [blank] towards the arming, maintaining, and paying of souldiers weekly for severall months ensuing, which money is to be repayed againe upon the publicke faith of the kingdome, with interest for the time, as appeareth by an ordinance of parliament dated the 14 day of november, 1642. 1642 approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a92309 wing r619 thomason 669.f.5[105] estc r211433 99870160 99870160 122552 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92309) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 122552) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[105]) received the [blank] day of [blank] 1642 of [blank] the summe of [blank] towards the arming, maintaining, and paying of souldiers weekly for severall months ensuing, which money is to be repayed againe upon the publicke faith of the kingdome, with interest for the time, as appeareth by an ordinance of parliament dated the 14 day of november, 1642. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] place and date of publication from wing. probably intended to accompany the text of the text of the ordinance mentioned (wing e1364). reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -defenses -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion received the day of _____ 1642 of the summe of towards the arming , maintaining , and paying of souldiers weekly for severall months ensuing , which money is to be repayed againe upon the publicke faith of the kingdome , with interest for the time , as appeareth by an ordinance of parliament dated the 14 day of november , 1642. natural and political observations mentioned in a following index, and made upon the bills of mortality by john graunt ... ; with reference to the government, religion, trade, growth, ayre, diseases, and the several changes of the said city. graunt, john, 1620-1674. 1662 approx. 273 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 58 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41827 wing g1599 estc r13975 12157568 ocm 12157568 55171 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41827) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55171) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 598:10) natural and political observations mentioned in a following index, and made upon the bills of mortality by john graunt ... ; with reference to the government, religion, trade, growth, ayre, diseases, and the several changes of the said city. graunt, john, 1620-1674. petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. [16], 85, [1] p. printed by tho. roycroft for john martin, james allestry, and tho. dicas ..., london : 1662. errata: p. [1] at end. attributed also to sir william petty. cf. c.h. hull, the economic writings of sir william petty. cambridge, 1899. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng mortality -england -london. london (england) -statistics, vital. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-01 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion natural and political observations mentioned in a following index , and made upon the bills of mortality . by john gravnt , citizen of london . with reference to the government , religion , trade , growth , ayre , diseases , and the several changes of the said city . — non , me ut miretur turba , laboro , contentus paucis lectoribus — london , printed by tho : roycroft , for john martin , james allestry , and tho : dicas , at the sign of the bell in st. paul's church-yard , mdclxii . to the right honourable john lord roberts , baron of truro , lord privie-seal , and one of his majestie 's most honourable privie council . my lord , as the favours i have received from your lordship oblige me to present you with some token of my gratitude : so the especial honour i have for your lordship hath made me sollicitous in the choice of the present . for , if i could have given your lordship any choice excerptions out of the greek , or latine learning , i should ( according to our english proverb ) thereby but carry coals to newcastle , and but give your lorship puddle-water , who , by your own eminent knowledge in those learned languages , can drink out of the very fountains your self . moreover , to present your lordship with tedious narrations , were but to speak my own ignorance of the value , which his majesty , and the publick have of your lordship's time. and in brief , to offer any thing like what is already in other books , were but to derogate from your lordship's learning , which the world knows to be universal , and unacquainted with few usefull things contained in any of them . now having ( i know not by what accident ) engaged my thoughts upon the bills of mortality , and so far succeeded therein , as to have reduced several great confused volumes into a few perspicuous tables , and abridged such observations as naturally flowed from them , into a few succinct paragraphs , without any long series of multiloquious deductions , i have presumed to sacrifice these my small , but first publish'd , labours unto your lordship , as unto whose benigne acceptance of some other of my papers , even the birth of these is due ; hoping ( if i may without vanity say it ) they may be of as much use to persons in your lordship's place , as they are of little or none to me , which is no more then the fairest diamonds are to the journey-man jeweller that works them , or the poor labourer that first dig'd them from the earth . for with all humble submission to your lordship , i conceive , that it doth not ill-become a peer of the parliament , or member of his majestie 's council , to consider how few starve of the many that beg : that the irreligious proposals of some , to multiply people by polygamy , is withall irrational , and fruitless : that the troublesome seclusions in the plague-time is not a remedy to be purchased at vast inconveniencies : that the greatest plagues of the city are equally , and quickly repaired from the country : that the wasting of males by wars , and colonies do not prejudice the due proportion between them and females : that the opinions of plagues accompanying the entrance of kings is false , and seditious : that london , the metropolis of england , is perhaps a head too big for the body , and possibly too strong : that this head grows three times as fast as the body unto which it belongs , that is , it doubles its people in a third part of the time : that our parishes are now grown madly disproportionable : that our temples are not sutable to our religion : that the trade , and very city of london removes westward : that the walled city is but a one fifth of the whole pyle : that the old streets are unfit for the present frequencie of coaches : that the passage of ludgate is a throat too straight for the body : that the fighting men about london , are able to make three as great armies as can be of use in this island : that the number of heads is such , as hath certainly much deceived some of our senatours in their appointments of pole-money , &c. now , although your lordship's most excellent discourses have well informed me , that your lordship is no stranger to all these positions ; yet because i knew not that your lordship had ever deduced them from the bills of mortality ; i hoped it might not be ungratefull to your lordship , to see unto how much profit that one talent might be improved , besides the many curiosities concerning the waxing , and waning of diseases , the relation between healthfull , and fruitfull seasons , the difference between the city and country air , &c. all which , being new , to the best of my knowledge , and the whole pamphlet , not two hours reading , i did make bold to trouble your lordship with a perusal of it , and by this humble dedication of it , let your lordship and the world see the wisdom of our city , in appointing , and keeping these accompts , and with how much affection and success i am my lord , your lordship 's most obedient , and most faithfull servant , john graunt . birchen-lane , 25 january 1661 / 2. to the honourable , sir robert moray , knight , one of his majestie 's privie-council for his kingdom of scotland , and president of the royal society of philosophers , meeting at gresham-college , and to the rest of that honourable society . the observations , which i happened to make ( for i designed them not ) upon the bills of mortality , have fallen out to be both political , and natural , some concerning trade , and government , others concerning the air , countries , seasons , fruitfulness , health , diseases , longevity , and the proportions between the sex , and ages of mankinde . all which ( because sr. francis bacon reckons his discourses of life and death to be natural history ; and because i understand your selves are also appointing means , how to measure the degrees of heat , wetness , and windiness in the several parts of his majestie 's dominions ) i am humbly bold to think natural history also , and consequently , that i am obliged to cast in this small mite into your great treasury of that kinde . his majesty being not onely by antient right supremely concerned in matters of government , and trade , but also by happy accident prince of philosophers , and of physico-mathematical learning , not called so by flatterers , and parasites , but really so , as well by his own personal abilities , as affection concerning those matters , upon which accompt i should have humbly dedicated both sorts of my observations unto his most sacred majesty ; but to be short , i knew neither my work , nor my person fit to bear his name , nor to deserve his patronage . nevertheless , as i have presumed to present this pamphlet , so far as it relates to government , and trade , to one of his majestie 's peers , and eminent ministers of state : so i do desire your leave , to present the same unto you also , as it relates to natural history , and as it depends upon the mathematiques of my shop-arithmetique . for you are not onely his majesties privie council for philosophie , but also his great council . you are the three estates , viz. the mathematical , mechanical , and physical . you are his parliament of nature , and it is no less disparagement to the meanest of your number , to say there may be commoners as well as peers in philosophie amongst you . for my own part i count it happiness enough to my self , that there is such a council of nature , as your society is , in being ; and i do with as much earnestness enquire after your expeditious against the impediments of science , as to know what armies , and navies the several princes of the world are setting forth . i concern my self as much to know who are curatours of this or the other experiments , as to know who are mareschals of france , or chancellour of sweden . i am as well pleased to hear you are satisfied in a luciferous experiment , as that a breach hath been made in the enemy 's works : and your ingenious arguings immediately from sense , and fact , are as pleasant to me as the noise of victorious guns , and trumpets . moreover , as i contend for the decent rights , and ceremonies of the church , so i also contend against the envious schismaticks of your society ( who think you do nothing , unless you presently transmute mettals , make butter and cheese without milk ; and ( as their own ballad hath it , make leather without hides ) by asserting the usefulness of even all your preparatory , and luciferous experiments being not the ceremonies , but the substance , and principles of usefull arts. for , i finde in trade the want of an universal measure , and have heard musicians wrangle about the just , and uniform keeping of time in their consorts , and therefore cannot with patience hear , that your labours about vibrations , eminently conducing to both , should be slighted , nor your pendula , called swing-swangs with scorn . nor can i better endure that your exercitations about air should be termed fit employment onely for airie fancies , and not adequate tasks for the most solid , and piercing heads : this is my opinion concerning you , and although i am none of your number , nor have the least ambition to be so , otherwise then to become able for your service , and worthy of your trust : yet i am coveteous to have the right of being represented by you : to which end i desire , that this little exhibition of mine , may be looked upon as a free-holder's vote for the choosing of knights and burgesses to sit in the parliament of nature , meaning thereby , that as the parliament owns a free-holder , though he hath but fourty shillings a year to be one of them ; so in the same manner and degree , i also desire to be owned as one of you , and that no longer , then i continue a faithfull friend , and servant of your designs and persons , j. g. an index of the positions , observations , and questions contained in this discourse . 1. the occasion of keeping the accompt of burials arose first from the plague , anno 1592 , page 4 2. seven alterations , and augmentations of the published bills , between the years 1592 , and 1662 , pag. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 3. reasons , why the accompts of burials , and christnings should be kept universally , and now called for , and perused by the magistrate , p. 12 4. a true accompt of the plague cannot be kept , without the accompt of other diseases , p. 13 5. the ignorance of the searchers no impediment to the keeping of sufficient , and usefull accompts , p. 14 6. that about one third of all that were ever quick die under five years old , and about thirty six per centum under six , p. 15 7. that two parts of nine die of acute , and seventy of two hundred twenty nine of chronical diseases , and four of two hundred twenty nine of outward griefs , p. 16 8. a table of the proportions dying of the most notorious , and formidable diseases , or casualties , p. 17 9. that seven per centum die of age , p. 18 10. that some diseases , and casualties keep a constant proportion , whereas some other are very irregular , p. 18 11. that not above one in four thousand are starved , p. 19 12. that it were better to maintain all beggars at the publick charge , though earning nothing , then to let them beg about the streets ; and that employing them without discretion , may do more harm , then good , pag. 20 , 21 13. that not one in two thousand are murthered in london , with the reasons thereof , p. 21 14. that not one in fifteen hundred dies lunatick , p. 22 15. that few of those , who die of the french-pox , are set down , but coloured under the consumption , &c. pag. 23 , 24 16. that the rickets is a new disease , both as to name , and thing ; that from fourteen dying thereof , anno 1634 , it hath gradually encreased to above five hundred anno 1660 , p. 24 , 25 , 26 17 that there is another new disease appearing ; as a stopping of the stomach , which hath encreased in twenty years , from six , to near three hundred , p. 26 18. that the rising of the lights ( supposed in most cases to be the fits of the mother ) have also encreased in thirty years , from fourty four , to two hundred fourty nine , p. 27 19. that both the stopping of the stomach , and rising of the lights , are probably reliques of , or depending upon the rickets , p. 28 20. that the stone decreases , and is wearing away , p. 28 21. the gowt stands at a stay , p. 29 22. the scurvie encreases , p. 29 23. the deaths by reason of agues are to those caused by fevers , as one to fourty , p. 29. 24. abortives , and stilborn , to those that are christned are as one to twenty , p. 29 25. that since the differences , in religion the christnings have been neglected half in half , p. 29 26. that not one woman in an hundred dies in child-bed , nor one of two hundred in her labour , p. 30 27. three reasons why the registring of children hath been neglected , p. 31 28. there was a confusion in the accompts of chrysoms , infants , and convulsions ; but rectified in this discourse , p. 32 29. there hath been in london within this age four times of great mortality , viz. anno 1592 , 1603 , 1625 , and 1636 , whereof that of 1603 was the greatest , p. 33 , 34 30 annis 1603 , and 1625 , about a fifth part of the whole died , and eight times more then were born , p. 34 31. that a fourth part more die of the plague then are set down , p. 35 32. the plague anno 1603 lasted eight years , that in 1636 twelve years , but that in 1625 continued but one single year , p. 36 33. that alterations in the air do incomparably more operate as to the plague , then the contagion of converse , p. 36 34. that purples , small-pox , and other malignant diseases fore-run the plague p. 36 35. a disposition in the air towards the plague doth also dispose women to abortions , p. 37 36. that as about ⅕ . part of the whole people died in the great plague-years , so two other fifth parts fled , pag. 37 , 38 , which shews the large relation , and interest , which the londoners have in the country . ibid. 37. that ( be the plague great , or small ) the city is fully re-peopled within two years , p. 38 38. the years , 1618 , 20 , 23 , 24 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 1649 , 52 , 54 , 56 , 58 , and 61 , were sickly years , p. 40 39. the more sickly the year is , the less fertile of births , p. 40 40. that plagues always come in with king's reigns is most false , p. 40 42. the autumn , or the fall is the most unhealthfull season , p. 41 41. that in london there have been twelve burials for eleven christnings , p. 41 43. that in the country there have been , contrary-wise , sixty three christnings for fifty two burials , p. 42 44. a supposition , that the people in , and about london , are a fifteenth part of the people of all england , and wales , p. 42 45. that there are about six millions , and an half of people in england , and wales , p. 42 46. that the people in the country double by procreation but in two hundred and eighty years , and in london in about seventy , as hereafter will be shewn ; the reason whereof is , that many of the breeders leave the country , and that the breeders of london come from all parts of the country , such persons breeding in the country almost onely , as were born there , but in london multitudes of others , p. 42 47. that about 6000 per annum come up to london out of the country , p. 43 48. that in london about three die yearly out of eleven families , p. 43 49. there are about twenty five millions of acres of land in england , and wales , p. 45 50. why the proportion of breeders in london to the rest of the people is less then in the country , p. 45 51. that in london are more impediments of breeding , then in the country , p. 46 52. that there are fourteen males for thirteen females in london , and in the country but fifteen males for fourteen females , p. 47 53. polygamy useless to the multiplication of man-kinde , without castrations , p. 48 54. why sheep , and oxen out-breed foxes , and other vermin-animals , p. 48 55. there being fourteen males to thirteen females , and males being prolifique fourty years , and females but twenty five , it follows , that in effect there be 560 males to 325 females , p. 49 56. the said inequality is reduced by the latter marriage of the males , and their imployment in wars , sea-voiage , and colonies , p. 49 57. physicians have two women patients to one man , and yet more men die then women , p 49 58. the great emission of males into the wars out of london anno 1642 was instantly supplyed , p. 50 59. castration is not used onely to meliorate the flesh of eatable animals , but to promote their increase also , p. 51 60. the true ratio formalis of the evil of adulteries , and fornications , p. 51 61. where polygamy is allowed , wives can be no other then servants , p. 52 62. that ninety seven , and sixteen parishes of london are in twenty years encreased from seven to twelve , and in fourty years from twenty three to fifty two , p. 53 63. the sixteen parishes have encreased farther then the ninety seven , the one having encreased but from nine to ten in the said fourty years , p. 53 64. the ten out-parishes have in fifty four years encreased from one to four , p. 54 65. the ninety seven , sixteen , and ten parishes have in fifty four years encreased from two to five . p. 54 66. what great houses within the walls have been turned into tenements , p. 55 67. cripplegate-parish hath most encreased , &c. p. 55 68. the city removes westwards , with the reasons thereof , p. 55 69. why ludgate is become too narrow a throat for the city , p. 56 70. that there be some parishes in london two hundred times as big as others , p. 56 , 57 71. the natural bigness , and figure of a church for the reformed religion , p. 57 , 58 62. the city of london , and suburbs , being equally divided , would make 100 parishes , about the largeness of christ-church , blackfriers , or colmanstreet , p. 58 73. there are about 24000 teeming women in the ninety seven , sixteen , and ten parishes in , and about london , p. 60 74. that about three die yearly out of eleven families containing each eight persons , p. 60 75. there are about 12000 families within the walls of london , p. 61 76. the housing of the sixteen and ten suburb-parishes is thrice as big as that of the ninety seven parishes within the walls , p. 61 77. the number of souls in the ninety seven , sixteen , and two out-parishes is about 384000 p. 61 78. whereof 199000 are males , and 185000 females p. 61 79. a table shewing of 100 quick conceptions how many die within six years , how many the next decad , and so for every decad till 76 , p. 62 80. tables , whereby may be collected how many there be in london of every age assigned , p. 62 81. that there be in the 97 , 16 , and ten parishes near 70000 fighting men , that is , men between the ages of 16 , and 56 , p. 62 82. that westminster , lambeth , islington , hackney , redriff , stepney , newington , contain as many people as the 97 parishes within the walls , and are consequently ⅕ . of the whole pile , p. 62 83. so that in , and about london are about 81000 fighting men , and 460000 in all , p. 63 84. adam and eve in 5610 years might have , by the ordinary proportion of procreation , begotten more people , then are now probably upon the face of the earth , p. 63 85. wherefore the world cannot be older then the scriptures represent it , p. 63 86. that every wedding one with another produces four children , p. 64 87. that in several places the proportion between the males and females differ , p. 64 88. that in ninety years there were just as many males as females buried within a certain great parish in the country , p. 64 89. that a parish , consisting of about 2700 inhabitants , had in 90 years but 1059 more christnings , then burials , p. 64 90. there come yearly to dwell at london about 6000 strangers out of the country , which swells the burials about 200 per annum , p. 65 91. in the country there have been five christnings for four burials , ibid 92. a confirmation , that the most healthfull years are also the most fruitfull , p. 65 93. the proportion between the greatest , & least mortalities in the country are greater then the same in the city , p. 67 94. the country air more capable of good , and bad impressions , then that of the city , p. 68 95. the differences also of births are greater in the country , then at london , p. 69 96. in the country but about one of fifty dies yearly , but at london one of thirty , over and above the plague , p. 69 97. london not so healthfull now as heretofore , p. 70 98. it is doubted whether encrease of people , or the burning of sea-coal were the cause , or both , p. 70 99. the art of making of gold would be neither benefit to the world , or the artist , p. 72 100. the elements of true policy are to understand throughly the lands , and hands of any country , p. 72 101. vpon what considerations the intrinsick value of lands doth depend , p. 73 102. and in what the accidental , p. 73 103. some of the few benefits of having a true accompt of the people , p. 73 104. that but a small part of the whole people are imployed upon necessary affairs , p. 74 105. that a true accompt of people is necessary for the government , and trade of them , and for their peace , and plenty , p. 74 106. whether this accompt ought to be confined to the chief governours , p. 74 the preface . having been born , and bred in the city of london , and having always observed , that most of them who constantly took in the weekly bills of mortality , made little other use of them , then to look at the foot , how the burials increased , or decreased ; and , among the casualties , what had happened rare , and extraordinary in the week currant : so as they might take the same as a text to talk upon , in the next company ; and withall , in the plague-time , how the sickness increased , or decreased , that so the rich might judge of the necessity of their removall , and trades-men might conjecture what doings they were like to have in their respective dealings : 2. now , i thought that the wisdom of our city had certainly designed the laudable practice of takeing , and distributing these accompts , for other , and greater uses then those above-mentioned , or at least , that some other uses might be made of them : and thereupon i casting mine eye upon so many of the general bills , as next came to hand , i found encouragement from them , to look out all the bills i could , and ( to be short ) to furnish my self with as much matter of that kind , even as the hall of the parish-clerks could afford me ; the which , when i had reduced into tables ( the copies whereof are here inserted ) so as to have a view of the whole together , in order to the more ready comparing of one year , season , parish , or other division of the city , with another , in respect of all the burials , and christnings , and of all the diseases , and casualties happening in each of them respectively ; i did then begin , not onely to examine the conceits , opinions , and conjectures , which upon view of a few scattered bills i had taken up ; but did also admit new ones , as i found reason , and occasion from my tables . 3. moreover , finding some truths , and not commonly-believed opinions , to arise from my meditations upon these neglected papers , i proceeded further , to consider what benefit the knowledge of the same would bring to the world ; that i might not engage my self in idle , and useless speculations , but like those noble virtuosi of gresham-colledge ( who reduce their subtile disquisitions upon nature into downright mechanical uses ) present the world with some real fruit from those ayrie blossoms . 4. how far i have succeeded in the premisses , i now offer to the world's censure . who , i hope , will not expect from me , not professing letters , things demonstrated with the same certainty , wherewith learned men determine in their scholes ; but will take it well , that i should offer at a new thing , and could forbear presuming to meddle where any of the learned pens have ever touched before , and that i have taken the pains , and been at the charge , of setting out those tables , whereby all men may both correct my positions , and raise others of their own : for herein i have , like a silly schole-boy , coming to say my lesson to the world ( that peevish , and tetchie master ) brought a bundle of rods wherewith to be whipt , for every mistake i have committed . chap. i. of the bills of mortality , their beginning , and progress . the first of the continued weekly bills of mortality extant at the parish-clerks hall , begins the 29. of december , 1603 , being the first year of king james his reign ; since when , a weekly accompt hath been kept there of burials and christnings . it is true , there were bills before , viz. for the years 1592 , -93 , -94. but so interrupted since , that i could not depend upon the sufficiencie of them , rather relying upon those accompts which have been kept since , in order , as to all the uses i shall make of them . 2. i believe , that the rise of keeping these accompts , was taken from the plague : for the said bills ( for ought appears ) first began in the said year 1592. being a time of great mortality ; and after some disuse , were resumed again in the year 1603 , after the great plague then happening likewise . 3. these bills were printed and published , not onely every week on thursdays , but also a general accompt of the whole year was given in , upon the thursday before christmas day : which said general accompts have been presented in the several manners following , viz. from the year 1603 , to the year 1624 , inclusivè , according to the pattern here inserted . 1623. 1624. the generall bill for the whole year , of all the burials and christnings , as well within the city of london , and the liberties thereof , as in the nine out-parishes adjoyning to the city , with the pest-house belonging to the same : from thursday the 18. of december . 1623. to thursday the 16. of december , 1624. according to the report made to the king 's most excellent majesty , by the company of the parish-clerks of london . buried this year in the fourscore and seventeen parishes of london within the walls . 3386. whereof , of the plague , 1. buried this year in the sixteen parishes of london , and the pest-house , being within the liberties , and without the walls , 5924. whereof , of the plague . 5. the whole summ of all the burials in london , and the liberties thereof , is this year , 9310. whereof , of the plague , 6. buried of the plague without the liberties , in middlesex , and surrey this whole year , 0. christned in london , and the liberties thereof , this year , 6368. buried this year in the nine out-parishes , adjoyning to london , and out of the freedom , 2900. whereof , of the plague . 5. the total of all the burials in the places aforesaid , is 12210. whereof , of the plague . 11. christned in all the aforesaid places this year 8299. parishes clear of the plague , 116. parishes that have been infected this year . 6. 4 in the year 1625 , every parish was particularized , as in this following bill : where note , that this next year of plague caused the augmentation , and correction of the bills ; as the former year of plague , did the very being of them . 1624. 1625. a general , or great bill for this year , of the whole number of buria's , which have been buried of all diseases , and also of the plague in every parish within the city of london , and the liberties thereof ; as also in the nine out-parishes adjoyning to the said city ; with the pest-houfe belonging to the same . from thursday the 16. day of december , 1624. to thursday the 15. day of december , 1625. according to the report , made to the king's most excellent majesty , by the company of parish-clerks of london . london , bur. plag . albanes in woodstreet 188 78 alhallows barking 397 263 alhallows breadstreet 34 14 alhallows the great 442 302 alhallows hony-lane 18 8 alhallows the less 259 205 alhal in lumberdstreet 86 44 alhallows stainings 183 138 alhallows the wall 301 155 alphage cripple-gate 240 190 andrew-hubbard 146 101 andrews undershaft 219 149 andrews by wardrobe 373 191 annes at aldersgate 196 128 annes black friers 336 215 antholins parish 62 31 austins parish 72 40 barthol at the exchange 52 24 bennets fink 108 57 bennets grace-church 48 14 bennets at pauls wharf 226 131 bennets sherehog 24 8 botolps billings-gate 99 66 christ's church parish 611 371 christopher's parish 48 28 clements by eastcheap 87 72 dyonis black-church 99 59 dunstans in the east 335 225 edmunds lumberdstreet 78 49 ethelborow in bishopsg 205 101 st. faiths 89 45 st. fosters in foster-lane 149 102 gabriel fen-church 71 54 george botolphs-lane 30 19 gregories by pauls 296 196 hellens in bishopsgatest . 130 71 james by garlickhithe 180 109 john baptist 122 79 john evangelist 7 0 john zacharies 143 97 james duks place 310 254 katherine coleman 263 175 ratherine cree-church 886 373 lawrence in the jewrie 91 55 lawrence pountney 206 127 leonards eastcheap 55 26 leonards fosterlane 292 209 magnus parish by bridge 137 85 margarets lothbury 114 64 margarets moses 37 25 margarets new fishstreet 123 82 margarets pattons 77 50 mary ab-church 98 58 mary aldermanbury 126 79 mary aldermary 92 54 mary le bow 35 19 mary both●w 22 14 mary colechurch 26 11 mary at the hill 152 84 mary mounthaw 76 58 mary sommerset 270 192 mary stainings 70 44 mary woolchurch 58 35 mary woolnoth 82 50 martins ironmonger-lane 25 18 martins at ludgate 254 164 martins orgars 88 47 martins outwich 60 30 martins in the vintry 339 208 matthew fridaystreet 24 11 maudlins in milkstreet 401 23 maudlins oldfish-street 225 142 michael bassishaw 199 139 michael corn-hill 159 79 michael crooked-lane 144 91 michael queenhithe 215 157 michael in the quern 53 30 michael in the ryal 111 61 michael in woodstreet 189 68 mildreds breadstreet 60 44 mildreds poultrey 94 45 nicholas acons 33 13 nicholas cole-abby 87 67 nicholas olaves 70 43 olaves in hartstreet 266 195 olaves in the jewry 43 25 olaves in silverstreet 174 103 pancras by soperlane 17 8 peter in cheap 68 44 peters in corn-hill 318 78 peters at pauls wharf 97 68 peters poor in broadstreet 52 27 stevens in colemanstreet 506 350 stevens in walbrook 25 13 swithins at londonstone 99 60 thomas apostles 141 107 trinity parish 148 87 buried within the 97. parishes within the walls of , all diseases . 14340.   where of , of the plague .   9197. andrews in holborn 2190 1636 bartholmew the great 516 360 bartholmew the less 111 65 brides parish 1481 1031 botolph algate 2573 1653 bridewel precinct 213 152 bottolph bishopgate 2334 714 botolph aldersgate 578 397 dunstanes the west 860 642 georges southwark 1608 912 giles cripplegate 3988 2338 olaves in southwark 3689 2609 saviours in southwark 2746 1671 sepulchres parish 3425 2420 thomas in southwark 335 277 trinity in the minories 131 87 at the pesthouse 194 189 buried in the 16 parishes without the walls , standing part within the liberties , and part without : in middlesex , and surrey , and at the pesthouse . 26972   whereof , of the plague   17153 buried in the nine out-parishes . clements templebar 1284 755 giles in the fields 1333 947 james at clarkenwell 1191 903 katherins by the tower 998 744 leonards in shorditoh 1995 1407 martins in the fields 1470 973 mary white-chappel 3305 2272 magdalens bermondsey 1127 889 savoy parish 250 176 buried in the nine out parishes , in middlesex , and surrey 12953   whereof , of the plague   9067 the total of all the burials of all diseases , within the walls , without the walls , in the liberties , in middlesex and surrey : with the nine out parishes and the pest-house . 54265. whereof , buried of the plague , this present year , is 35417 christnings this present year , is 6983 parishes clear this year , is 1 parishes infected this year , is 121 5. in the year 1626. the city of westminster in imitation of london , was inserted . the grosse accompt of the burials , and christnings , with distinction of the plague being only taken notice of therein ; the fifth , or last canton , or lined-space , of the said bill , being varyed into the form following , viz. in westminster this year , buried 471 plague 13 christenings 361 6. in the year 1629. an accompt of the diseases , and casualties whereof any dyed , together with the distinction of males and females , making the sixth canton of the bill , was added in manner following . the canton of casualties , and of the bill for the year 1639. being of the some forme with that of 1629. the diseases , and casualties this year being 1632. abortive , and stilborn 445 affrighted 1 aged 628 ague 43 apoplex , and meagrom 17 bit with a mad dog 1 bleeding 3 bloody flux , scowring , and flux 348 brused , issues , sores , and ulcers , 28 burnt , and scalded 5 burst , and rupture 9 cancer , and wolf 10 canker 1 childbed 171 chrisomes , and infants 2268 cold , and cough 55 colick , stone , and strangury 56 consumption 1797 convulsion 241 cut of the stone 5 dead in the street , and starved 6 dropsie , and swelling 267 drowned 34 executed , and prest to death 18 falling sickness 7 fever 1108 fistula 13 flocks , and small pox 531 french pox 12 gangrene 5 gout 4 grief 11 jaundies 43 jawfaln 8 impostume 74 kil'd by several accidents 46 king 's evil 38 lethargie 2 livergrown 87 lunatique 5 made away themselves 15 measles 80 murthered 7 over-laid , and starved at nurse 7 palsie 25 piles 1 plague 8 planet 13 pleurisie , and spleen 36 purples , and spotted feaver 38 quinsie 7 rising of the lights 98 sciatica 1 scurvey , and itch 9 suddenly 62 surfet 86 swine pox 6 teeth 470 thrush , and sore mouth 40 tympany 13 tissick 34 vomiting 1 worms 27 christened males 4994 buried males 4932 whereof , of the plague-8 females 4590 females 4603 in all 9584 in all 9535 increased in the burials in the 122 parishes , and at the pesthouse this year 993 decreased of the plague in the 122 parishes , and at the pesthouse this year , 266 7. in the year 1636 , the accompt of the burials , and christnings in the parishes of islington , lambeth , stepney , newington , hackney , and redriff , were added in the manner following , making a seventh canton , viz. in margaret westminster christned 440 buried 890 plague 0 islington christned 36 buried 113 plague 0 lambeth christned 132 buried 220 plague 0 stepney christned 892 buried 1486 plague 0 newington christned 99 buried 181 plague 0 hackney christned 30 buried 91 plague 0 redriff christned 16 buried 48 plague 0 the total of all the burials in the seven last parishes this year 2958 whereof of the plague 0 the total of all the christnings 1645 8. covent garden being made a parish , the nine out-parishes were called the ten out-parishes , the which in former years were but eight . 9. in the year 1660. the last-mentioned ten parishes , with westminster , islington , lambeth , stepney , newington , hackney , and redriff , are entered under two divisions , viz. the one containing the twelve parishes lying in middlesex , and surrey , and the other the five parishes within the city , and liberties of westminster , viz. st. clement-danes , st. paul's covent-garden , st. martin's in the fields , st. mary-savoy , and st. margaret's westminster . 10. we have hitherto described the several steps , whereby the bills of mortality are come up to their present state ; we come next to shew how they are made , and composed , which is in this manner , viz. when any one dies , then , either by tolling , or ringing of a bell , or by bespeaking of a grave of the sexton , the same is known to the searchers , corresponding with the said sexton . 11. the searchers hereupon ( who are antient matrons , sworn to their office ) repair to the place , where the dead corps lies , and by view of the same , and by other enquiries , they examine by what disease , or casualty the corps died . hereupon they make their report to the parish-clerk , and he , every tuesday night , carries in an accompt of all the burials , and christnings , hapning that week , to the clerk of the hall. on wednesday the general accompt is made up , and printed , and on thursdays published , and dispersed to the several families , who will pay four shillings per annum for them . 12. memorandum , that although the general yearly bills have been set out in the several varieties aforementioned , yet the original entries in the hall-books were as exact in the very first year as to all particulars , as now ; and the specifying of casualties and diseases , was probably more . cap. ii. general observations upon the casualties . in my discourses upon these bills i shall first speak of the casualties , then give my observations with reference to the places , and parishes comprehended in the bills ; and next of the years , and seasons . 1. there seems to be good reason , why the magistrate should himself take notice of the numbers of burials , and christnings , viz. to see , whether the city increase or decrease in people ; whether it increase proportionably with the rest of the nation ; whether it be grown big enough , or too big , &c. but why the same should be made known to the people , otherwise then to please them as with a curiosity , i see not . 2. nor could i ever yet learn ( from the many i have asked , and those not of the least sagacity ) to what purpose the distinction between males and females is inserted , or at all taken notice of ; or why that of marriages was not equally given in ? nor is it obvious to every body , why the accompt of casualties ( whereof we are now speaking ) is made ? the reason , which seems most obvious for this latter , is , that the state of health in the city may at all times appear . 3. now it may be objected , that the same depends most upon the accompts of epidemical diseases , and upon the chief of them all , the plague ; wherefore the mention of the rest seems onely matter of curiosity . 4. but to this we answer ; that the knowledg even of the numbers , which die of the plague , is not sufficiently deduced from the meer report of the searchers , which onely the bills afford ; but from other ratiocinations , and comparings of the plague with some other casualties . 5. for we shall make it probable , that in years of plague a quarter part more dies of that disease then are set down ; the same we shall also prove by the other casualties . wherefore , if it be necessary to impart to the world a good accompt of some few casualties , which since it cannot well be done without giving an accompt of them all , then is our common practise of so doing very apt , and rational . 6. now , to make these corrections upon the perhaps , ignorant , and careless searchers reports , i considered first of what authority they were in themselves , that is , whether any credit at all were to be given to their distinguishments : and finding that many of the casualties were but matter of sense , as whether a childe were abortive , or stilborn ; whether men were aged , that is to say , above sixty years old , or thereabouts , when they died , without any curious determination , whether such aged persons died purely of age , as for that the innate heat was quite extinct , or the radical moisture quite dried up ( for i have heard some candid physicians complain of the darkness , which themselves were in hereupon ) i say , that these distinguishments being but matter of sense , i concluded the searchers report might be sufficient in the case . 7. as for consumptions , if the searchers do but truly report ( as they may ) whether the dead corps were very lean , and worn away , it matters not to many of our purposes , whether the disease were exactly the same , as physicians define it in their books . moreover , in case a man of seventy five years old died of a cough ( of which had he been free , he might have possibly lived to ninety ) i esteem it little errour ( as to many of our purposes ) if this person be , in the table of casualties , reckoned among the aged , and not placed under the title of coughs . 8. in the matter of infants i would desire but to know clearly , what the searchers mean by infants , as whether children that cannot speak , as the word infans seems to signifie , or children under two or three years old , although i should not be satisfied , whether the infant died of winde , or of teeth , or of the convulsion , &c. or were choak'd with phlegm , or else of teeth , convulsion , and scowring , apart , or together , which , they say , do often cause one another : for , i say , it is somewhat , to know how many die usually before they can speak , or how many live past any assigned number of years . 9. i say , it is enough , if we know from the searchers but the most predominant symptomes ; as that one died of the head-ache , who was sorely tormented with it , though the physicians were of opinion , that the disease was in the stomach . again , if one died suddenly , the matter is not great , whether it be reported in the bills , suddenly , apoplexie , or planet-strucken , &c. 10. to conclude , in many of these cases the searchers are able to report the opinion of the physician , who was with the patient , as they receive the same from the friends of the defunct , and in very many cases , such as drowning , scalding , bleeding , vomiting , making-away them selves , lunatiques , sores , small-pox , &c. their own senses are sufficient , and the generality of the world , are able prettie well to distinguish the gowt , stone , dropsie , falling-sickness , palsie , agues , plurisy , rickets , &c. one from another . 11. but now as for those casualties , which are aptest to be confounded , and mistaken , i shall in the ensuing discourse presume to touch upon them so far , as the learning of these bills hath enabled me . 12. having premised these general advertisements , our first observation upon the casualties shall be , that in twenty years there dying of all diseases and casualties , 229250. that 71124. dyed of the thrush , convulsion , rickets , teeth , and worms ; and as abortives , chrysomes , infants , liver-grown , and overlaid ; that is to say , that about ⅓ . of the whole died of those diseases , which we guess did all light upon children under four or five years old . 13. there died also of the small-pox , swine-pox , and measles , and of worms without convulsions , 12210. of which number we suppose likewise , that about ½ . might be children under six years old . now , if we consider that 16. of the said 229 thousand died of that extraordinary and grand casualty the plague , we shall finde that about thirty six per centum of all quick conceptions , died before six years old . 14. the second observation is ; that of the said 229250. dying of all diseases , there died of acute diseases ( the plague excepted ) but about 50000. or 2 / 9 parts . the which proportion doth give a measure of the state , and disposition of this climate , and air , as to health , these acute , and epidemical diseases happening suddenly , and vehemently , upon the like corruptions , and alterations in the air. 15. the third observation is , that of the said 229. thousand about 70. died of chronical diseases , which shews ( as i conceive ) the state , and disposition of the country ( including as well it 's food , as air ) in reference to health , or rather to longaevity : for as the proportion of acute and epidemical diseases shews the aptness of the air to suddain and vehement impressions , so the chronical diseases shew the ordinary temper of the place , so that upon the proportion of chronical diseases seems to hang the judgment of the fitness of the country for long life . for , i conceive , that in countries subject to great epidemical sweeps men may live very long , but where the proportion of the chronical distempers is great , it is not likely to be so ; because men being long sick , and alwayes sickly , cannot live to any great age , as we see in several sorts of metal-men , who although they are less subject to acute diseases then others , yet seldome live to be old , that is , not to reach unto those years , which david saies is the age of man. 16. the fourth observation is ; that of the said 229000. not 4000. died of outward griefs , as of cancers , fistulaes , sores , vlcers , broken and bruised limbs , impostumes , itch , king's-evil , leprosie , scald-head , swine-pox , wens , &c. viz. not one in 60. 17. in the next place , whereas many persons live in great fear , and apprehension of some of the more formidable , and notorious diseases following ; i shall onely set down how many died of each : that the respective numbers , being compared with the total 229250 , those persons may the better understand the hazard they are in . table of notorious diseases . apoplex 1306 cut of the stone 0038 falling sickness 0074 dead in the streets 0243 gowt 0134 head-ach 0051 jaundice 0998 lethargy 0067 leprosy 0006 lunatique 0158 overlaid , and starved 0529 palsy 0423 rupture 0201 stone and strangury 0863 sciatica 0005 sodainly 0454 table of casualties . bleeding 069 burnt , and scalded 125 drowned 829 excessive drinking 002 frighted 022 grief 279 hanged themselves 222 kil'd by several accidents 1021 murthered 0086 poysoned 014 smothered 026 shot 007 starved 051 vomiting 136 18. in the foregoing observations we ventured to make a standard of the healthfulness of the air from the proportion of acute and epidemical diseases , and of the wholesomeness of the food from that of the chronical . yet , forasmuch as neither of them alone do shew the longaevity of the inhabitants , we shall in the next place come to the more absolute standard , and correction of both , which is the proportion of the aged , viz. 15757 to the total 229250. that is of about 1. to 15. or 7. per cent. onely the question is , what number of years the searchers call aged , which i conceive must be the same , that david calls so , viz. 70. for no man can be said to die properly of age , who is much less : it follows from hence , that if in any other country more then seven of the 100 live beyond 70. such country is to be esteemed more healthfull then this of our city . 19. before we speak of particular casualties , we shall observe , that among the several casualties some bear a constant proportion unto the whole number of burials ; such are chronical diseases , and the diseases , whereunto the city is most subject ; as for example , consumptions , dropsies , jaundice , gowt , stone , palsie , seurvy , rising of the lights , or mother , rickets , aged , agues , feavers , bloody-flux , and scowring : nay some accidents , as grief , drowning , men's making away themselves , and being kil'd by several accidents , &c. do the like , whereas epidemical , and malignant diseases , as the plague , purples , spotted-feaver , small-pox , and measles do not keep that equality , so as in some years , or moneths , there died ten times as many as in others . chap. iii. of particular casualties . 1. my first observation is , that few are starved . this appears , for that of the 229250 which have died , we find not above fifty one to have been starved , excepting helpless infants at nurse , which being caused rather by carelesness , ignorance , and infirmity of the milch-women , is not properly an effect , or sign of want of food in the countrey , or of means to get it . 2. the observation , which i shall add hereunto , is , that the vast numbers of beggars , swarming up and down this city , do all live , and seem to be most of them healthy and strong ; whereupon i make this question , whether , since they do all live by begging , that is , without any kind of labour ; it were not better for the state to keep them , even although they earned nothing ; that so they might live regularly , and not in that debauchery , as many beggars do ; and that they might be cured of their bodily impotencies , or taught to work , &c. each according to his condition , and capacity ; or by being employed in some work ( not better undone ) might be accustomed , and fitted for labour . 3. to this some may object ; that beggars are now maintained by voluntary contributions , whereas in the other way the same must be done by a general tax ; and consequently , the objects of charity would be removed , and taken away . 4. to which we answer ; that in holland , although no where fewer beggars appear to charm up commiseration in the credulous , yet no where is there greater , or more frequent charity : onely indeed the magistrate is both the beggar , and the disposer of what is gotten by begging ; so as all givers have a moral certainty , that their charity shall be well applied . 5. moreover , i question ; whether what we give to a wretch , that shews us lamentable sores , and mutilations , be always out of the purest charity ? that is , purely for god's sake ; for as much as when we see such objects , we then feel in our selves a kinde of pain , and passion by consent ; of which we ease our selves , when we think we have eased them , with whom we sympathized : or else we bespeak aforehand the like commiseration in others towards our selves , when we shall ( as we fear we may ) fall into the like distress . 6. we have said , 't were better the publick should keep the beggars , though they earned nothing , &c. but most men will laugh to hear us suppose , that any able to work ( as indeed most beggars are , in one kind of measure , or another ) should be kept without earning any thing . but we answer , that if there be but a certain proportion of work to be done ; and that the same be already done by the not-beggars ; then to employ the beggars about it , will but transfer the want from one hand to another ; nor can a learner work so cheap as a skilfull practised artist can . as for example , a practised spinner shall spin a pound of wool worth two shillings for six pence ; but a learner , undertaking it for three pence , shall make the wool indeed into yarn , but not worth twelve pence . 7. this little hint is the model of the greatest work in the world , which is the making england as considerable for trade as holland ; for there is but a certain proportion of trade in the world , and holland is prepossessed of the greater part of it , and is thought to have more skill , and experience to manage it : wherefore , to bring england into holland's condition , as to this particular , is the same , as to send all the beggars about london into the west-countrey to spin , where they shall onely spoil the clothiers wool , and beggar the present spinners at best ; but , at worst , put the whole trade of the countrey to a stand , untill the hollander , being more ready for it , have snapt that with the rest . 8. my next observation is ; that but few are murthered , viz. not above 86 of the 22950. which have died of other diseases , and casualties ; whereas in paris few nights scape without their tragedie . 9. the reasons of this we conceive to be two : one is the government , and guard of the city by citizens themselves , and that alternately . no man settling into a trade for that employment . and the other is , the natural , and customary abhorrence of that in humane crime , and all bloodshed by most englishmen : for of all that are executed few are for murther . besides the great and frequent revolutions , and changes of government since the year 1650 , have been with little bloodshed ; the vsurpers themselves having executed few in comparison , upon the accompt of disturbing their innovations . 10. in brief , when any dead body is found in england , no algebraist , or vncipherer of letters , can use more subtile suppositions , and varietie of conjectures to finde out the demonstration , or cipher ; then every common unconcerned person doth to finde out the murtherers , and that for ever , untill it be done . 11. the lunaticks are also but few , viz. 158 in 229250. though i fear many more then are set down in our bills , few being entred for such , but those who die at bedlam ; and there all seem to die of their lunacie , who died lunaticks ; for there is much difference in computing the number of lunaticks , that die ( though of fevers , and all other diseases , unto which lunacie is no supersedeas ) and those , that die by reason of their madness . 12. so that , this casualty being so uncertain , i shall not force my self to make any inference from the numbers , and proportions we finde in our bills concerning it : onely i dare ensure any man at this present , well in his wits , for one in the thousand , that he shall not die a lunatick in bedlam , within these seven years , because i finde not above one in about one thousand five hundred have done so . 13. the like use may be made of the accompts of men , that made away themselves , who are another sort of mad-men , that think to ease themselves of pain by leaping into hell ; or else are yet more mad , so as to think there is no such place ; or that men may go to rest by death , though they die in self-murther , the greatest sin. 14. we shall say nothing of the numbers of those , that have been drowned , killed by falls from scaffolds , or by carts running over them , &c. because the same depends upon the casual trade , and employment of men , and upon matters , which are but circumstantial to the seasons , and regions we live in ; and affords little of that science , and certainty we aim at . 15. we finde one casualty in our bills , of which though there be daily talk , there is little effect , much like our abhorrence of toads , and snakes , as most poisonous creatures , whereas few men dare say upon their own knowledge , they ever found harm by either ; and this casualty is the french-pox , gotten , for the most part , not so much by the intemperate use of venery ( which rather causeth the gowt ) as of many common women . 16. i say , the bills of mortality would take off these bars , which keep some men within bounds , as to these extravagancies : for in the afore-mentioned 229250 we finde not above 392 to haved died of the pox. now , forasmuch as it is not good to let the world be lulled into a security , and belief of impunity by our bills , which we intend shall not be onely as death's-heads to put men in minde of their mortality , but also as mercurial statues to point out the most dangerous ways , that lead us into it , and misery . we shall therefore shew , that the pox is not as the toads , and snakes afore-mentioned , but of a quite contrary nature , together with the reason , why it appears otherwise . 17. forasmuch as by the ordinary discourse of the world it seems a great part of men have , at one time , or other , had some species of this disease , i wondering why so few died of it , especially because i could not take that to be so harmless , where of so many complained very fiercely ; upon inquiry i found that those who died of it out of the hospitals ( especially that of king's-land , and the lock in southwark ) were returned of vlcers , and sores . and in brief i found , that all mentioned to die of the french-pox were retured by the clerks of saint giles's , and saint martin's in the fields onely ; in which place i understood that most of the vilest , and most miserable houses of uncleanness were : from whence i concluded , that onely hated persons , and such , whose very noses were eaten of , were reported by the searchers to have died of this too frequent maladie . 18. in the next place , it shall be examined under what name , or casualtie , such as die of these diseases are brought in : i say , under the consumption : forasmuch , as all dying thereof die so emaciated and lean ( their vlcers disappearing upon death ) that the old-women searchers after the mist of a cup of ale , and the bribe of a two-groat fee , instead of one , given them , cannot tell whether this emaciation , or leanness were from a phthisis , or from an hectick fever , atrophy , &c. or from an infection of the spermatick parts , which in length of time , and in various disguises hath at last vitiated the habit of the body , and by disabling the parts to digest their nourishment brought them to the condition of leanness above mentioned . 19. my next observation is , that of the rickets we finde no mention among the casualties ; untill the year 1634. and then but of 14 for that whole year . 20. now the question is , whether that disease did first appear about that time ; or whether a disease , which had been long before , did then first receive its name ? 21. to clear this difficulty out of the bills ( for i dare venture on no deeper arguments : ) i enquired what other casualties before the year 1634 , named in the bills , was most like the rickets ; and found , not onely by pretenders to know it , but also from other bills , that liver-grown was the nearest . for in some years i finde liver-grown , spleen , and rickets , put all together , by reson ( as i conceive ) of their likeness to each other . hereupon i added the liver-growns of the year 1634 , viz. 77 , to the rickets of the same year , viz. 14. making in all 91. which total , as also the number 77. it self , i compared with the liver-grown of the precedent year , 1633 , viz. 82. all which shewed me , that the rickets was a new disease over and above . 22. now , this being but a faint argument , i looked both forwards and backwards , and found , that in the year 1629 , when no rickets appeared , there was but 94 liver-growns ; and in the year 1636. there was 99 liver-grown , although there were also 50 of the rickets : onely this is not to be denyed , that when the rickets grew very numerous ( as in the year 1660 , viz. to be 521. ) then there appeared not above 15 of liver-grown . 23. in the year 1659 were 441 rickets , and 8 liver-grown . in the year 1658 , were 476 rickets , and 51 liver-grown . now , though it be granted that these diseases were confounded in the judgment of the nurses , yet it is most certain , that the liver-grown did never but once , viz. anno 1630 , exceed 100. whereas anno 1660 , liver-grown , and rickets were 536. 24. it is also to be observed , that the rickets were never more numerous then now , and that they are still increasing ; for anno 1649 , there was but 190 , next year 260 , next after that 329. and so forwards , with some little starting backwards in some years , untill the year 1660 , which produced the greatest of all . 25. now , such backstartings seem to be universal in all things ; for we do not onely see in the progressive motion of the wheels of watches , and in the rowing of boats , that there is a little starting , or jerking backwards between every step forwards , but also ( if i am not much deceived ) there appeared the like in the motion of the moon , which in the long telescopes at gresham-college one may sensibly discern . 26. there seems also to be another new disease , called by our bills the stopping of the stomack , first mentioned in the year 1636 , the which malady from that year to 1647 , increased but from 6 to 29 ; anno 1655 it came to be 145. in 57 , to 277. in 60 , to 214. now these proportions far exceeding the difference of proportion generally arising from the increase of inhabitants , and from the resort of advenae to the city , shews there is some new disease , which appeareth to the vulgar as a stopping of the stomach . 27. hereupon i apprehended , that this stopping might be the green-sickness , for as much as i finde few , or none , to have been returned upon that accompt , although many be visibly stained with it . now whether the same be forborn out of shame , i know not ? for since the world believes , that marriage cures it , it may seem indeed a shame , that any maid should die uncured , when there are more males then females , that is , an overplus of husbands to all that can be wives . 28. in the next place i conjectured , that this stopping of the stomach might be the mother , for as much as i have heard of many troubled with mother-fits ( as they call them ) although few returned to have died of them ; which conjecture , if it be true , we may then safely say , that the mother-fits have also increased . 29. but i was somewhat taken off from thinking this stopping of the stomach to be the mother , because i guessed rather the rising of the lights might be it . for i remembred that some women , troubled with the mother-fits , did complain of a choaking in their throats . now as i understand , it is more conceivable , that the lights , ot lungs ( which i have heard called the bellows of the body ) not blowing , that is , neither venting out , nor taking in breath , might rather cause such a choaking , then that the mother should rise up thither , and do it . for me-thinks , when a woman is with childe , there is a greater rising , and yet no such fits at all . 30. but what i have said of the rickets , and stopping of the stomach , i do in some measure say of the rising of the lights also , viz. that these risings ( be they what they will ) have increased much above the general proportion ; for in 1629 there was but 44 , and in 1660 , 249 , viz. almost six times as many . 31. now for as much as rickets appear much in the over-growing of childrens livers , and spleons ( as by the bills may appear ) which surely may cause stopping of the stomach by squeezing , and crowding upon that part . and for as much as these choakings , or risings of the lights may proceed from the same stuffings , as make the liver , and spleen to over-grow their due proportion . and lastly , for as much as the rickets , stopping of the stomach , and rising of the lights , have all increased together , and in some kinde of correspondent proportions ; it seems to me , that they depend one upon another . and that what is the rickets in children may be the other in more grown bodies ; for surely children , which recover of the rickets , may retain somewhat sufficient to cause what i have imagined ; but of this let the learned physicians consider , as i presume they have . 32. i had not medled thus far , but that i have heard , the first hints of the circulation of the blood were taken from a common person 's wondering what became of all the blood which issued out of the heart , since the heart beats above three thousand times an hour , although but one drop should be pumpt out of it , at every stroke . 33. the stone seemed to decrease : for in 1632 , 33 , 34 , 35 , and 36. there died of the stone , and strangury , 254. and in the years 1655 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59 , and 1660 ▪ but 250 , which numbers although indeed they be almost equal , yet considering the burials of the first named five years were but half those of the latter , it seems to be decreased by about one half . 34. now the stone , and strangury , are diseases , which most men know , that feel them , unless it be in some few cases , where ( as i have heard physicians say ) a stone is held up by the filmes of the bladder , and so kept from grating , or offending it . 35. the gowt stands much at a stay , that is , it answers the general proportion of burials ; there dies not above one of 1000. of the gowt , although i believe that more die gowty . the reason is , because those that have the gowt , are said to be long-livers , and therefore , when such die , they are returned as aged . 36. the scurvy hath likewise increased , and that gradually from 12. anno 1629. to 95. anno 1660. 37. the tyssick seems to be quite worn away , but that it is probable the same is entred as cough , or consumption . 38. agues and fevers are entred promiscuously , yet in the few bills , wherein they have been distinguished , it appears , that not above one in 40 , of the whole are agues . 39. the abortives , and stil-born are about the twentieth part of those that are christned , and the numbers seem the same thirty years ago as now , which shews there were more proportion in those years then now : or else that in these latter years due accompts have not been kept of the abortives , as having been buried without notice , and perhaps not in church-yards . 40. for that there hath been a neglect in the accompts of the christnings is most certain , because untill the year 1642 , we finde the burials but equal with the christnings , or near thereabouts , but in 1648 , when the differences in religion had changed the government , the christnings were but two thirds of the burials . and in the year 1659 , not half , viz. the burials were 14720. ( of the plague but 36 ) and the christnings were but 5670 , which great disproportion could be from no other cause , then that above-mentioned , for as much as the same grew as the confusions , and changes grew . 41. moreover , although the bills give us in anno 1659 but 5670 christnings , yet they give us 421 abortives , and 226 dying in child-bed , whereas in the year 1631 , when the abortives were 410 , that is , near the number of the year 1659 , the christnings were 8288. wherefore by the proportion of abortives anno 1659 , the christnings should have been about 8500 , but if we shall reckon by the women dying in child-bed , of whom a better accompt is kept then of stil-borns , and abortives , we shall finde anno 1659 , there were 226 child-beds ; and anno 1631 , 112 , viz. not ½ . wherefore i conceive that the true number of the christnings anno 1659 is above double to the 5690 set down in our bills ; that is about 11500 , and then the christnings will come near the same proportion to the burials , as hath been observed in former times . 42. in regular times , when accompts were well kept , we finde that not above three in 200 died in child-bed , and that the number of abortives was about treble to that of the women dying in child-bed , from whence we may probably collect , that not one woman of an hundred ( i might say of two hundred ) dies in her labour ; for as much as there be other causes of a woman's dying within the moneth , then the hardness of her labour . 43. if this be true in these countries , where women hinder the facility of their child-bearing by affected straightning of their bodies ; then certainly in america , where the same is not practised , nature is little more to be taxed as to women , then in brutes , among whom not one in some thousands do die of their deliveries : what i have heard of the irish-women confirms me herein . 44. before we quite leave this matter , we shall insert the causes , why the accompt of christninos hath been neglected more then that of burials : one , and the chief whereof was a religious opinion against baptizing of infants , either as unlawfull , or unnecessary . if this were the onely reason , we might by our defects of this kinde , conclude the growth of this opinion , and pronounce , that not half the people of england , between the years 1650 , and 1660 , were convinced of the need of baptizing . 45. a second reason was , the scruples , which many publick ministers would make of the worthiness of parents to have their children baptized , which forced such questioned parents , who did also not believe the necessity of having their children baptized by such scrupulers , to carry their children unto such other ministers , as having performed the thing , had not the authority or command of the register to enter the names of the baptized . 46. a third reason was , that a little fee was to be paid for the registrie . 47. upon the whole matter it is most certain , that the number of heterodox believers was very great between the said year , 1650 , and 1660 , and so peevish were they , as not to have the births of their children registred , although thereby the time of their coming of age might be known , in respect of such inheritances , as might belong unto them ; and withall by such registring it would have appeared unto what parish each childe had belonged , in case any of them should happen to want its relief . 48. of convulsions there appeared very few , viz. but 52 in the year 1629 , which 1636 grew to 709 , keeping about that stay , till 1659 , though sometimes rising to about 1000. 49. it is to be noted , that from 1629 to 1636 , when the convulsions were but few , the number of chrysoms , and infants was greater : for in 1629 , there was of chrysoms , and infants 2596 , and of the convulsion 52 , viz. of both , 2648. and in 1636 there was of infants 1895 , and of the convulsions 709 , in both 2604 , by which it appears , that this difference is likely to be onely a confusion in the accompts . 50. moreover , we finde that for these later years , since 1636 , the total of convulsions and chrysoms added together are much less , viz. by about 400 or 500 , per annum , then the like totals from 1626 to 36 , which makes me think , that teeth also were thrust in under the title of chrysoms , and infants , in as much as in the said years , from 1629 to 1639 , the number of worms , and teeth , wants by about 400 per annum of what we find in following years . cap. iv. of the plague . 1. before we leave to discourse of the casualties , we shall add something concerning that greatest disease , or casualty of all , the plague . there have been in london , within this age , four times of great mortality , that is to say , the years 1592 , and 1593 , 1603 , 1625 , and 1636. there died annno 1592 from march to december , 25886 whereof of the plague 11503 anno 1593 17844 whereof of the plague 10662 christned in the said year 4021 anno 1603 within the same space of time , were buried 37294 whereof of the plague 30561 anno 1625 , within the same space , 51758 whereof of the plague 35417 anno 1636 , from april to december 23359 whereof of the plague 10400 2. now it is manifest of it self , in which of these years most died ; but in which of them was the greatest mortality of all diseases in general , or of the plague in particular , we discover thus . in the year 1592 , and 1636 , we finde the proportion of those dying of the plague in the whole to be near alike , that is about 10 to 23. or 11 to 25. or as about two to five . 3. in the year 1625. we finde the plague to bear unto the whole in proportion as 35 to 51. or 7 to 10. that is almost the triplicate of the former proportion , for the cube of 7. being 343. and the cube of 10. being 1000. the said 343. is not 2 / 5. of 1000. 4. in anno 1603. the proportion of the plague to the whole was as 30 to 37. viz. as 4. to 5. which is yet greater then that last of 7 to 20. for if the year 1625. had been as great a plague-year as 1603. there must have died not onely 7 to 10. but 8 to 10. which in those great numbers makes a vast difference . 5. we must therefore conclude the year 1603. to have been the greatest plague-year of this age . 6. now to know in which of these 4. was the greatest mortality at large , we reason thus , anno 1592. buried 26490 or as 6 christned 4277 1   there died in the whole or as 8 anno 1603. year of all 38244     christned 4784 1     died in the whole or as 8 1. to 8. or anno 1625. year 54265   1. 1 / 4. to 10. christned 6983 1 anno 1636. there died , ut suprà 23359 or as 5 christned 9522 2 7. from whence it appears , that anno 1636. the christnings were about ⅖ . parts of the burials . anno 1592. but ⅙ . but in the year 1603. and 1625. not above an eighth , so that the said two years were the years of greatest mortality . we said that the year 1603. was the greatest plague year . and now we say , that the same was not a greater year of mortality then anno 1625. now to reconcile these two positions , we must alledg , that anno 1625. there was errour in the accompots , or distinctions of the casualties ; that is , more died of the plague then were accompted for under that name . which allegation we also prove thus , viz. 8. in the said year 1625. there are said to have died of the plague 35417. and of all other diseases 18848. whereas in the years , both before and after the same , the ordinary number of burials was between 7. and 8000. so that if we add about 11000. ( which is the difference between 7. and 18 ) to our 35. the whole will be 46000. which bears to the whole 54000. as about 4. to 5. thereby rendering the said year 1625. to be as great a plague-year as that of 1603. and no greater , which answers to what we proved before , viz. that the mortality of the two years was equal . 9. from whence we may probably suspect that about ¼ . part more died of the plague then are returned for such ; which we further prove by noting , that anno 1636. there died 10400. of the plague , the ¼ . whereof is 2600. now there are said to have died of all diseases that year 12959. out of which number deducting 2600. there remains 10359. more then which there died not in several years next before and after the said year 1636. 10. the next observation we shall offer is , that the plague of 1603. lasted eight years . in some whereof there died above 4000 , in others above 2000 , and in but one less then 600 : whereas in the year 1624. next preceding , and in the year 1626. next following the said great plague-year 1625. there died in the former but 11 , and in the latter but 134. of the plague . moreover in the said year 1625. the plague decreased from its utmost number 4461 a week , to below 1000 within six weeks . 11. the plague of 1636. lasted twelve years , in eight whereof there died 2000. per annum one with another , and never under 300. the which shews , that the contagion of the plague depends more upon the disposition of the air , then upon the effluvia from the bodies of men. 12. which also we prove by the sudden jumps , which the plague hath made , leaping in one week from 118 to 927 : and back again from 993 to 258 : and from thence again the very next week to 852. the which effects must surely be rather attributed to change of the air , then of the constitution of mens bodies , otherwise then as this depends upon that . 13. it may be also noted , that many times other pestilential diseases , as purple-feavers , small-pox , &c. do forerun the plague a year , two , or three , for in 1622 ; there died but 8000. in 1623 ; 11000 : in 24. about 12000 : till in 1625 there died of all diseases above 54000. chap. v. other observations upon the plague , and casualties . 1. the decrease , and increase of people is to be reckoned chiefly by christnings , because few bear children in london but inhabitants , though others die there . the accompts of christnings were well kept , untill differences in religion occasioned some neglect therein , although even these neglects we must confess to have been regular , and proportionable . 2. by the numbers and proportions of christnings , therefore we observe as followeth , viz. first , that ( when from december , 1602 , to march following , there was little , or no plague ) then the christnings at a medium , were between 110 , and 130 per week , few weeks being above the one , or below the other ; but when from thence to july the plague increased , that then the christnings decreased to under 90. secondly , the question is , whether teeming-women died , or fled , or miscarried ? the later at this time , seems most probable , because even in the said space , between march , and july , there died not above twenty per week of the plague , which small number could neither cause the death , or flight of so many women , as to alter the proportion ¼ part lower . 3. moreover , we observe from the 21 of july to the 21 of october , the plague increasing , reduced the christnings to 70 at a medium , diminishing the above proportion , down to ⅖ . now the cause of this must be flying , and death , as well as miscarriages , and abortions ; for there died within that time about 25000 , whereof many were certainly women with childe , besides the fright of so many dying within so small a time might drive away so many others , as to cause this effect . 4. from december 1624 , to the middle of april 1625 , there died not above 5 a week of the plague one with another . in this time , the christnings were one with another 180. the which decreased gradually by the 22 of september to 75 , or from the proportion of 12 to 5 , which evidently squares with our former observation . 5. the next observation we shall offer , is , the time wherein the city hath been re-peopled after a great plague ; which we affirm to be by the second year . for in 1627 , the christnings ( which are our standard in this case ) were 8408 , which in 1624 next preceding the plague year 1625 ( that had swept away above 54000 ) were but 8299 , and the christnings of 1626 ( which were but 6701 ) mounted in one year to the said 8408. 6. now the cause hereof , for as much as it cannot be a supply by procreations ; ergo , it must be by new affluxes to london out of the countrey . 7. we might fortifie this assertion by shewing , that before the plague-year , 1603 , the christnings were about 6000 , which were in that very year reduced to 4789 , but crept up the next year 1604 , to 5458 , recovering their former ordinary proportion in 1605 of 6504 , about which proportion it stood till the year 1610. 8. i say , it followeth , that , let the mortality be what it will , the city repairs its loss of inhabitants within two years , which observation lessens the objection made against the value of houses in london , as if they were liable to great prejudice through the loss of inhabitants by the plague . chap. vi. of the sickliness , healthfulness , and fruitfulness of seasons . 1. having spoken of casualties , we come next to compare the sickliness , healthfulness , and fruitfulness of the several years , and seasons , one with another . and first , having in the chapters aforegoing mentioned the several years of plague , we shall next present the several other sickly years ; we meaning by a sickly year , such wherein the burials exceed those , both of the precedent , and subsequent years , and not above 200 dying of the plague , for such we call plague-years ; and this we do , that the world may see , by what spaces , and intervals we may hereafter expect such times again . now , we may not call that a more sickly year , wherein more die , because such excess of burials may proceed from increase , and access of people to the city onely . 2. such sickly years were 1618 , 20 , 23 , 24 , 1632 , 33 , 34 , 1649 , 52 , 54 , 56 , 58 , 61 , as may be seen by the tables . 3. in reference to this observation , we shall present another , namely , that the more sickly the years are , the less fecund , or fruitfull of children also they be , which will appear , if the number of children born in the said sickly years be less , then that of the years both next preceding , and next following ; all which , upon view of the tables , will be found true , except in a very few cases , where sometimes the precedent , and sometimes the subsequent years vary a little , but never both together . moreover , for the confirmation of this truth , we present you the year 1660 , where the burials were fewer then in either of the two next precedent years by 2000 , and fewer then in the subsequent by above 4000. and withall , the number of christnings in the said year 1660 was far greater then in any of the three years next aforegoing . 4. as to this year 1660 , although we would not be thought superstitious , yet is it not to be neglected , that in the said year was the king's restauration to his empire over these three nations , as if god almighty had caused the healthfulness and fruitfulness thereof to repair the bloodshed , and clamities suffered in his absence . i say , this conceit doth abundantly counterpoise the opinion of those who think great plagues come in with kings reigns , because it hapned so twice , viz. anno 1603 , and 1625 , whereas as well the year 1648 , wherein the present king commenced his right to reign , as also the year 1660 , wherein he commenced the exercise of the same , were both eminently healthfull , which clears both monarchie , and our present king's familie from what seditious men have surmised against them . 5. the diseases , which beside the plague make years unhealthfull in this city , are spotted feavers , small pox , dysentery , called by some the plague in the guts , and the unhealthfull season is the autumn . chap. vii . of the difference between burials , and christnings . 1. the next observation is , that in the said bills there are far more burials , then christnings . this is plain , depending onely upon arithmetical computation ; for , in 40 years , from the year 1603 , to the year 1644 , exclusivè of both years , there have been set down ( as happening within the same ground , space , or parishes ) although differently numbered , and divided , 363935 burials , and but 330747 christnings within the 97 , 16 , and 10 out-parishes , those of westminster , lambeth , newington , redriff , stepney , hackney , and islington , not being included . 2. from this single observation it will follow , that london hath decreased in its people , the contrary whereof we see by its daily increase of buildings upon new foundations , and by the turning of great palacious houses into small tenements . it is therefore certain , that london is supplied with people from out of the countrey , whereby not onely to repair the overplus difference of burials above-mentioned , but likewise to increase its inhabitants according to the said increase of housing . 3. this supplying of london seems to be the reason , why winchester , lincoln , and several other cities have decreased in their buildings , and consequently in their inhabitants . the same may be suspected of many towns in cornwal , and other places , which probably , when they were first allowed to send burgesses to the parliament , were more populous then now , and bore another proportion to london then now ; for several of those burroughs send two burgesses , whereas london it self sends but four , although it bears the fifteenth part of the charge of the whole nation in all publick taxes , and levies . 4. but , if we consider what i have upon exact enquiry found true , viz. that in the countrie , within ninetie years , there have been 6339 christnings , and but 5280 burials , the increase of london will be salved without inferring the decrease of the people in the countrie ; and withall , in case all england have but fourteen times more people then london , it will appear , how the said increase of the country may increase the people , both of london , and it self ; for if there be in the 97 , 16 , 10 , and 7 parishes , usually comprehended within our bills , but 460000 souls as hereafter we shall shew , then there are in all england , and wales , 6440000 persons , out of which substract 460000 , for those in , and about london , there remains 5980000 in the countrie , the which increasing about 1 / 7 part in 40 years , as we shall hereafter prove , doth happen in the countrie , the whole increase of the countrie will be about 854000 in the said time , out of which number , if but about 250000 be sent up to london in the said 40 years , viz. about 6000 per annum , the said missions will make good the alterations , which we finde to have been in , and about london , between the years 1603 and 1644 above-mentioned . but that 250000 will do the same , i prove thus , viz. in the 8 years , from 1603 to 1612 , the burials in all the parishes , and of all diseases , the plague included , were at a medium 9750 per annum . and between 1635 and 1644 were 18000 , the difference whereof is 8250 , which is the total of the increase of the burials in 40 years , that is about 206 per annum . now , to make the burials increase 206 per annum , there must be added to the city thirty times as many ( according to the proportion of 3 dying out of 41 families ) viz. 6180 advenae , the which number multiplied again by the 40 years , makes the product 247200 , which is less then the 250000 above propounded ; so as there remains above 600000 of increase in the countrie within the said 40 years , either to render it more populous , or send forth into other colonies , or wars . but that england hath fourteen times more people , is not improbable , for the reasons following . 1. london is observed to bear about the fifteenth proportion of the whole tax . 2. there is in england , and wales , about 39000 square miles of land , and we have computed that in one of the greatest parishes in hampshire , being also a market-town , and containing twelve square miles , there are 220 souls in every square mile , out of which i abate ¼ for the overplus of people more in that parish , then in other wilde counties . so as the ¾ parts of the said 220 , multiplied by the total of square miles , produces 6400000 souls in all london included . 3. there are about 100000 parishes in england , and wales , the which , although they should not contain the ⅓ part of the land , nor the ¼ of the people of that country-parish , which we have examined , yet may be supposed to contain about 600 people , one with another , according to which accompt there will be six millions of people in the nation . i might add , that there are in england , and wales , about five and twenty millions of acres at 16 ½ foot to the perch ; and if there be six millions of people , then there is about four acres for every head , which how well it agrees to the rules of plantation , i leave unto others , not onely as a means to examine my assertion , but as an hint to their enquiry concerning the fundamental trade , which is husbandrie , and plantation . 4. upon the whole matter we may therefore conclude , that the people of the whole nation do increase , and consequently the decrease of winchester , lincoln , and other like places , must be attributed to other reasons , then that of refurnishing london onely . 5. we come to shew , why although in the country the christnings exceed the burials , yet in london they do not . the general reason of this must be , that in london the proportion of those subject to die unto those capable of breeding is greater then in the countrey ; that is , let there be an hundred persons in london , and as many in the country ; we say , that if there be 60 of them breeders in london , there are more then 60 in the country , or else we must say , that london is more unhealthfull , or that it enclines men and women more to barrenness , then the country , which by comparing the burials , and christnings of hackney , newington , and the other country-parishes , with the most smoaky , and stinking parts of the city , is scarce discernable in any considerable degree . 6. now that the breeders in london are proportionally fewer then those in the country arises from these reasons , viz. 1. all that have business to the court of the king , or to the courts of justice , and all country-men coming up to bring provisions to the city , or to buy foreign commodities , manufactures , and rarities , do for the most part leave their wives in the country . 2. persons coming to live in london out of curiosity , and pleasure , as also such as would retire , and live privately , do the same , if they have any . 3. such , as come up to be cured of diseases , do scarce use their wives pro tempore . 4. that many apprentices of london , who are bound seven , or nine years from marriage , do often stay longer voluntarily . 5. that many sea-men of london leave their wives behind them , who are more subject to die in the absence of their husbands , then to breed either without men , or with the use of many promiscuously . 6. as for unhealthiness it may well be supposed , that although seasoned bodies may , and do live near as long in london , as elsewhere , yet new-comers , and children do not , for the smoaks , stinks , and close air are less healthfull then that of the country ; otherwise why do sickly persons remove into the country air ? and why are there more old men in countries then in london , per rata ? and although the difference in hackney , and newington , above-mentioned , be not very notorious , yet the reason may be their vicinity to london , and that the inhabitants are most such , whose bodies have first been impaired with the london air , before they withdraw thither . 7. as to the causes of barrenness in london , i say , that although there should be none extraordinary in the native air of the place , yet the intemperance in feeding , and especially the adulteries and fornications , supposed more frequent in london then elsewhere , do certainly hinder breeding . for a woman , admitting 10 men , is so far from having ten times as many children , that she hath none at all . 8. add to this , that the minds of men in london are more thoughtfull and full of business then in the country , where their work is corporal labour , and exercizes . all which promote breedings , whereas anxieties of the minde hinder it . chhp. viii . of the difference between the numbers of males , and females . the next observation is , that there be more males then females . there have been buried from the year 1628 , to the year 1662 , exclusivè , 209436 males , and but 190474 females : but it will be objected , that in london it may indeed be so , though otherwise elsewhere ; because london is the great stage and shop of business , wherein the masculine sex bears the greatest part . but we answer , that there have been also christned within the same time , 139782 males , and but 130866 females , and that the country accompts are consonant enough to those of london upon this matter . 2. what the causes hereof are , we shall not trouble our selves to conjecture , as in other cases , onely we shall desire , that travellers would enquire whether it be the same in other countries . 3. we should have given an accompt , how in every age these proportions change here , but that we have bills of distinction but for 32 years , so that we shall pass from hence to some inferences from this conclusion ; as first , i. that christian religion , prohibiting polygamy , is more agreeable to the law of nature , that is , the law of god , then mahumetism , and others , that allow it ; for one man his having many women , or wives by law , signifies nothing , unless there were many women to one man in nature also . ii. the obvious objection hereunto is , that one horse , bull , or ram , having each of them many females , do promote increase . to which i answer , that although perhaps there be naturally , even of these species , more males then females , yet artificially , that is , by making geldings , oxen , and weathers , there are fewer . from whence it will follow , that when by experience it is found how many ews ( suppose twenty ) one ram will serve , we may know what proportion of male-lambs to castrate , or geld , viz. nineteen , or thereabouts : for if you emasculate fewer , viz. but ten , you shall by promiscuous copulation of each of those ten with two females , ( in such as admit the male after conception ) hinder the increase so far , as the admittance of two males will do it : but , if you castrate none at all , it is highly probable , that every of the twenty males copulating with every of the twenty females , there will be little , or no conception in any of them all . iii. and this i take to be the truest reason , why foxes , wolves , and other vermin animals that are not gelt , increase not faster then sheep , when as so many thousands of these are daily butchered , and very few of the other die otherwise then of themselves . 4. we have hitherto said there are more males , then females ; we say next , that the one exceed the other by about a thirteenth part ; so that although more men die violent deaths then women , that is , more are slain in wars , killed by mischance , drowned at sea , and die by the hand of justice . moreover , more men go to colonies , and travel into foreign parts , then women . and lastly , more remain unmarried , then of women , as fellows of colleges , and apprentises , above eighteen , &c. yet the said thirteenth part difference bringeth the business but to such a pass , that every woman may have an husband , without the allowance of polygamy . 5. moreover , although a man be prolifique fourty years , and a woman but five and twenty , which makes the males to be as 560 to 325 females , yet the causes above named , and the later marriage of the men , reduce all to an equality . 6. it appearing , that there were fourteen men to thirteen women , and that they die in the same proportion also , yet i have heard physicians say , that they have two women patients to one man , which assertion seems very likely ; for that women have either the green-sickness , or other like distempers , are sick of breedings , abortions , child-bearing , sore-breasts , whites , obstructions , fits of the mother , and the like . 7. now , from this it should follow , that more women should die then men , if the number of burials answered in proportion to that of sicknesses : but this must be salved , either by the alledging , that the physicians cure those sicknesses , so as few more die , then if none were sick ; or else that men , being more intemperate then women , die as much by reason of their vices , as the women do by the infirmitie of their sex , and consequently , more males being born , then females , more also die . 8. in the year 1642 many males went out of london into the wars then beginning , in so much , as i expected in the succeeding year , 1643 , to have found the burials of females to have exceeded those of males , but no alteration appeared ; for as much , as i suppose , trading continuing the same in london , all those who lost their apprentices had others out of the countrey ; and if any left their trades , or shops , that others forthwith succeeded them : for if employment for hands remain the same , no doubt but the number of them could not long continue in disproportion . 9. another pregnant argument to the same purpose ( which hath already been touched on ) is , that although in the very year of the plague , the christnings decreased , by the dying and flying of teeming-women , yet the very next year after , they increased somewhat , but the second after , to as full a number as in the second year before the said plague : for i say again , if there be encouragement for an hundred in london , that is , a way how an hundred may live better then in the countrey , and if there be void housing there to receive them , the evacuating of a ¼th , or ⅓ part of that number , must soon be supplied out of the countrey ; so as , the great plague doth not lessen the inhabitants of the city , but of the countrey , who in a short time remove themselves from hence thither , so long , untill the city for want of receit and encouragement , regurgitates and sends them back . 10. from the difference between males and females , we see the reason of making eunuchs in those places where polygamy is allowed , the latter being useless as to multiplication , without the former , as was said before in the case of sheep and other animals , usually gelt in these countries . 11. by consequence , this practise of castracon serves as well to promote increase as to meliorate the flesh of those beasts that suffer it . for that operation is equally practised upon horses which are not used for food , as upon those that are . 12. in popish countries where polygamy is forbidden , if a greater number of males oblige themselves to caelibate then the natural overplus or difference between them and females amounts unto ; then multiplication is hindred ; for if there be eight men to ten women , all of which eight men are married to eight of the ten women , then the other two bear no children , as either admitting no man at all , or else admitting men as whores ( that is more then one ) which commonly procreates no more then if none at all had been used : or else such unlawfull copulations beget conceptions but to frustrate them by procured abortions or secret murthers , all which returns to the same reckoning . now , if the same proportion of women oblige themselves to a single life like-wise , then such obligation makes no change in this matter of encrease . 13. from what hath been said , appears the reason why the law is , and ought to be so strict against fornications and adulteries , for if there were universal liberty , the increase of man-kind would be but like that of foxes at best . 14. now forasmuch as princes are not only powerfull but rich , according to the number of their people ( hands being the father , as lands are the mother , and womb of wealth ) it is no wonder why states by encouraging marriage , and hindering licentiousness , advance their own interest , as well as preserve the laws of god from contempt , and violation . 15. it is a blessing to man-kind , that by this overplus of males there is this natural bar to polygamy : for in such a state women could not live in that parity , and equality of expence with their husbands , as now , and here they do . 16. the reason whereof is , not , that the husband cannot maintain as splendidly three , as one ; for he might , having three wives , live himself upon a quarter of his income , that is in a parity with all three , as-well as , having but one , live in the same parity at half with her alone : but rather , because that to keep them all quiet with each other , and himself , he must keep them all in greater aw , and less splendor , which power he having will probably use it to keep them all as low , as he pleases , and at no more cost then makes for his own pleasure ; the poorest subjects ( such as this plurality of wives must be ) being most easily governed . chap. ix . of the growth of the city . 1. in the year 1593 there died in the ninety seven parishes within the walls , and the sixteen without the walls ( besides 421 of the plague ) 3508. and the next year 3478 , besides 29 of the plague : in both years 6986. twenty years after , there died in the same ninety seven , and sixteen parishes , 12110 , viz. anno 1614 , 5873 ; and anno 1615 , 6237 : so as the said parishes are increased , in the said time , from seven to twelve , or very near thereabouts . 2. moreover , the burials within the like space of he next twenty years , viz. anno 1634 , and 1635 , vere 15625 , viz. as about twenty four to thirty one : he which last of the three numbers , 15625 , is much more then double to the first 6986 , viz. the said parishes have in fourty years increased from twenty three to fifty two . 3. where is to be noted , that although we were necessitated to compound the said ninety seven with the sixteen parishes , yet the sixteen parishes have increased faster then the ninety seven . for , in the year 1620 , there died within the walls 2726 , and in 1660 there died but 3098 ( both years being clear of the plague ) so as in this fourty years the said ninety seven parishes have increased but from nine to ten , or thereabouts , because the housing of the said ninety seven parishes could be no otherwise increased , then by turning great houses into tenements , and building upon a few gardens . 4. in the year 1604 , there died in the ninety seven parishes 1518 , and of the plague 280. and in the year 1660 , 3098 , and none of the plague , so as in fifty six years the said parishes have doubled : where note , that forasmuch as the said year 1604 was the very next year after the great plague , 1603 ( when the city was not yet re-peopled ) we shall rather make the comparison between 2014 , which died anno 1605 , and 3431 anno 1659 , choosing rather from hence to assert , that the said ninety seven , and sixteen parishes encreased from twenty to thirty four , or from ten to seventeen in fifty four years , then from one to two in fifty six , as in the last aforegoing paragraph is set down . 5. anno 1605 , there died in the sixteen out-parishes 2974 , and anno 1659 , 6988 , so as in the fifty four years , the said parishes have encreased from three to seven . 6. anno 1605 there died in the eight out-parishes , 960 , anno 1659 , there died in the same scope of ground , although called now ten parishes ( the savoy , and covent-garden being added ) 4301 , so as the said parishes have encreased within the said fifty four years , more then from one to four . 7. moreover , there was buried in all , anno 1605 , 5948 , and anno 1659 14720 , viz. about two to five . 8. having set down the proportions , wherein we find the said three great divisions of the whole pyle , call'd london , to have encreased ; we come next to shew what particular parishes have had the most remarkable share in these augmentations , viz. of the ninty seven parishes within the walls the increase is not very discernable , but where great houses formerly belonging to noblemen before they built others neer white-hall , have been turned into tenements , upon which accompt alhallows on the wall is encreased , by the conversion of the marquess of winchesters house , lately the spanish ambassadors , into a new street , the like of alderman freeman , and la motte neer the exchange , the like of the earl of arundells in loathbury , the like of the bishop of london's palace , the dean of paul's , and the lord river's house , now in hand , as also of the dukes-place , and others heretofore . 9. of the sixteen parishes next without the walls , saint gile's criplegate hath been most inlarged , next to that , saint olave's southwark , then saint andrews holborn , then white-chappel , the difference in the rest not being considerable . 10. of the out parishes now called ten , formerly nine , and before that eight , saint gile's , and saint martins in the fields , are most encreased , notwithstanding saint pauls covent-garden was taken out of them both . 11. the general observation which arises from hence is , that the city of london gradually removes westward , and did not the royal exchange , and london-bridg stay the trade , it would remove much faster , for leaden-hall-street , bishops-gate , and part of fan-church-street , have lost their ancient trade , grace-church-street indeed keeping it self yet entire , by reason of its conjunction with , and relation to london-bridg . 12. again , canning-street , and watlin-street have lost their trade of woollen-drapery to paul's church-yard , ludgate-hill , and fleet-street ; the mercery is gone from out of lombard-street , and cheapside , into pater-noster-row , and fleet-street . 13. the reasons whereof are , that the king's court ( in old times frequently kept in the city ) is now always at westminster . secondly , the use of coaches , whereunto the narrow streets of the old city are unfit , hath caused the building of those broader streets in covent-garden , &c. 14. thirdly , where the consumption of commodity is , viz. among the gentry , the vendors of the same must seat themselves . 15. fourthly , the cramming up of the voyd spaces , and gardens within the walls , with houses , to the prejudice of light , and air , have made men build new ones , where they less fear those inconveniencies . 16. conformity in building to other civil nations hath disposed us to let our old wooden dark houses fall to decay , and to build new ones , whereby to answer all the ends above-mentioned . 17. where note , that when lud-gate was the onely western gate of the city , little building was westward thereof . but when holborn began to encrease new-gate was made . but now both these gates are not sufficient for the communication between the walled city , and it s enlarged western suburbs , as dayly appears by the intolerable stops and embaresses of coaches near both these gates , especially lud-gate . chap. x. of the inequality of parishes . 1. before we pass from hence , we shall offer to consideration the inequality of parishes in , and about london , evident in the proportion of their respective burials ; for in the same year were buried in cripple-gate-parish 1191 , that but twelve died in trinity-minories , st. saviour's southwark , and botolph's bishop-gate , being of the middle size , as burying five and 600 per annum ; so that cripple-gate is an hundred times as big as the minories , and 200 times as big as st. bennet's grace-church , matthew-friday-street , and some others within the city . 2. hence may arise this question , wherefore should this inequality be continued ? if it be answered , because that pastours of all sorts , and sizes of abilities , may have benefices , each man according to his merit : we answer , that a two hundredth part of the best parson's learning is scarce enough for a sexton . but besides , there seems no reason of any differences at all , it being as much science to save one single soul , as one thousand . 3. we encline therefore to think the parishes should be equal , or near , because , in the reformed religions , the principal use of churches is to preach in : now the bigness of such a church ought to be no greater , then that , unto which the voice of a preacher of middling lungs will eafily extend ; i say , easily , because they speak an hour , or more together . 4. the use of such large churches , as paul's , is now wholly lost , we having no need of saying perhaps fifty masses all at one time , nor of making those grand processions frequent in the romish church ; nor is the shape of our cathedral proper at all for our preaching auditories , but rather the figure of an amphi-theatre with galleries , gradually over-looking each other ; for unto this condition the parish-churches of london are driving apace , as appears by the many galleries every day built in them . 5. moreover , if parishes were brought to the size of colman-street , alhallows-barking , christ-church , black-friers , &c ▪ in each whereof die between 100 and 150 , per annum , then an hundred parishes would be a fit , and equal division of this great charge , and all the ministers ( some whereof have now scarce fourty pounds per annum ) might obtain a subsistance . 6. and lastly , the church-wardens , and over-seers of the poor might finde it possible to discharge their duties , whereas now in the greater out-parishes many of the poorer parishioners through neglect do perish , and many vicious persons get liberty to live as they please , for want of some heedfull eye to over-look them . chap. xi . of the number of inhabitants . 1. i have been several times in company with men of great experience in this city , and have heard them talk seldom under millions of people to be in london , all which i was apt enough to believe , untill , on a certain day , one of eminent reputation was upon occasion asserting , that there was in the year 1661 two millions of people more then anno 1625 , before the great plague ; i must confess , that , untill this provocation , i had been frighted with that mis-understood example of david , from attempting any computation of the people of this populous place ; but hereupon i both examined the lawfulness of making such enquiries , and , being satisfied thereof , went about the work it self in this manner : viz. 2. first , i imagined , that , if the conjecture of the worthy person afore-mentioned had any truth in it , there must needs be about six , or seven millions of people in london now ; but repairing to my bills i found , that not above 15000 per annum were buried , and consequently , that not above one in four hundred must die per annum , if the total were but six millions . 3. next considering , that it is esteemed an even lay , whether any man lives ten years longer , i supposed it was the same , that one of any 10 might die within one year . but when i considered , that of the 15000 afore-mentioned about 5000 were abortive , and stilborn , or died of teeth , convulsion , rickets , or as infants , and chrysoms , and aged . i concluded , that of men , and women , between ten and sixty , there scarce died 10000 per annum in london , which number being multiplied by 10 , there must be but 100000 in all , that is not the 1 / 60 part of what the alderman imagined . these were but sudden thoughts on both sides , and both far from truth , i thereupon endeavoured to get a little nearer , thus : viz. 4. i considered , that the number of child-bearing women might be about double to the births : forasmuch as such women , one with another , have scarce more then one childe in two years . the number of births i found , by those years , wherein the registries were well kept , to have been somewhat less then the burials . the burials in these late years at a medium are about 13000 , and consequently the christnings not above 12000. i therefore esteemed the number of teeming women to be 24000 : then i imagined , that there might be twice as many families , as of such women ; for that there might be twice as many women aged between 16 and 76 , as between 16 and 40 , or between 20 and 44 ; and that there were about eight persons in a family , one with another , viz. the man , and his wife , three children , and three servants , or lodgers : now 8 times 48000 makes 384000. 5. secondly , i finde by telling the number of families in some parishes within the walls , that 3 out of 11 families per an ▪ have died : wherefore , 13000 having died in the whole , it should follow , there were 48000 families according to the last mentioned acccompt . 6. thirdly , the accompt , which i made of the trayned-bands , and auxiliary souldiers , doth enough justify this accompt . 7. and lastly i took the map of london set out in the year 1658 by richard newcourt , drawn by a scale of yards . now i guessed that in 100 yards square there might be about 54 families , supposing every house to be 20 foot in the front : for on two sides of the said square there will be 100 yards of housing in each , and in the two other sides 80 each ; in all 360 yards : that is 54 families in each square , of which there are 220 within the walls , making in all 11880 families within the walls . but forasmuch as there dy within the walls about 3200 per annum , and in the whole about 13000 ; it follows , that the housing within the walls is ¼ ▪ part of the whole , and consequently , that there are 47520 families in , and about london , which agrees well enough with all my former computations : the worst whereof doth sufficiently demonstrate , that there are no millions of people in london , which nevertheless most men do believe , as they do , that there be three women for one man , whereas there are fourteen men for thirteen women , as else where hath been said . 8. we have ( though perhaps too much at random ) determined the number of the inhabitants of london to be about 384000 : the which being granted , we assert , that 199112 are males , and 184886 females . 9. whereas we have found , that of 100 quick conceptions about 36 of them die before they be six years old , and that perhaps but one surviveth 76 , we , having seven decads between six and 76 , we sought six mean proportional numbers between 64 , the remainder , living at six years , and the one , which survives 76 , and finde , that the numbers following are practically near enough to the truth ; for men do not die in exact proportions , nor in fractions : from whence arises this table following . viz. of 100 there dies within the first six years 36 the next ten years , or decad 24 the second decad 15 the third decad 09 the fourth 6 the next 4 the next 3 the next 2 the next 1 10. from whence it follows , that of the said 100 conceived there remains alive at six years end 64. at sixteen years end 40 at twenty six 25 at tirty six 16 at fourty six 10 at fifty six 6 at sixty six 3 at seventy six 1 at eighty 0 11. it follows also , that of all , which have been conceived , there are now alive 40 per cent. above sixteen years old , 25 above twenty six years old , & sic deinceps , as in the above table : there are therefore of aged between 16 , and 56 , the number of 40 , less by six , viz. 34 ; of between 26 , and 66 , the number of 25 less by three , viz. 22 : & sic deniceps . wherefore , supposing there be 199112 males , and the number between 16 , and 56 , being 34. it follows , there are 34 per cent. of all those males fighting men in london , that is 67694 , viz. near 70000 : the truth whereof i leave to examination , only the ⅕ . of 67694 , viz. 13539. is to be added for westminster , stepney , lambeth , and the other distant parishes , making in all 81233 fighting men. 12. the next enquiry shall be , in how long time the city of london shall , by the ordinary proportion of breeding , and dying , double its breeding people . i answer in about seven years , and ( plagues considered ) eight . wherefore since there be 24000 pair of breeders , that is ⅛ . of the whole , it follows , that in eight times eight years the whole people of the city shall double without the access of foreigners : the which contradicts not our accompt of its growing from two to five in 56 years with such accesses . 13. according to this proportion , one couple viz. adam and eve , doubling themselves every 64 years of the 5610 years , which is the age of the world according to the scriptures , shall produce far more people , then are now in it . wherefore the world is not above 100 thousand years , old as some vainly imagine , nor above what the scripture makes it . chap. xii . of the country bills . we have , for the present , done with our observations upon the accompts of burials , and christnings , in , and about london ; we shall next present the accompts of both burials , christnings , and also of weddings in the country , having to that purpose inserted tables of 90 years for a certain parish in hampshire , being a place neither famous for longevity , and healthfulness , nor for the contrary . upon which tables we observe , 1. that every wedding , one with another , produces four children , and consequently , that that is the proportion of children , which any marriagable man , or woman may be presumed shall have . for , though a man may be married more then once , yet , being once married , he may die without any issue at all . 2. that in this parish there were born 15 females for 16 males , whereas in london there were 13 for 14 , which shews , that london is somewhat more apt to produce males , then the country . and it is possible , that in some other places there are more females born , then males , which , upon this variation of proportion , i again recommend to the examination of the curious . 3. that in the said whole 90 years the burials of the males and females were exactly equal , and that in several decads they differed not 1 / 100 part , that in one of the two decads , wherein the difference was very notorious , there were buried of males 337 , and of females but 284 , viz. 53 difference , and in the other there died contrariwise 338 males , and 386 females , differing 46. 4. there are also decads , where the birth of males and females differ very much , viz. about 60. 5. that in the said 90 years there have been born more , then buried in the said parish , ( the which both 90 years ago , and also now , consisted of about 2700 souls ) but 1059 , viz. not 12 per annum , one year with another . 6. that these 1059 have in all probability contributed to the increase of london ; since , as was said even now , it neither appears by the burials , christnings , or by the built of new-housing , that the said parish is more populous now , then 90 years ago , by above two or 300 souls . now , if all other places send about ⅓ of their encrease , viz. about one out of 900 of their inhabitants annually to london , and that there be 14 times as many people in england , as there be in london , ( for which we have given some reasons ) then london encreases by such advenae every year above 6000 : the which will make the accompt of burials to swell about 200 per annum , and will answer the encreases . we observe it is clear , that the said parish is encreased about 300 , and it is probable , that three or four hundred more went to london , and it is known , that about 400 went to new-england , the caribe-islands , and new-found-land , within these last fourty years . 7. according to the medium of the said whole 90 years , there have been five christnings for four burials , although in some single years , and decads , there have been three to two , although sometimes ( though more rarely ) the burials have exceeded the births , as in the case of epidemical diseases . 8. our former observation , that healthfull years are also the most fruitfull , is much confirmed by our country accompts ; for , 70 being our standard for births , and 58 for burials , you shall finde , that where fewer then 58 died , more then 70 were born . having given you a few instances thereof , i shall remit you to the tables for the general proof of this assertion . viz. anno 1633. when 103 were born , there died but 29. now , in none of the whole 90 years more were born then 103 , and but in one , fewer then 29 died , viz. 28 anno 1658. again anno 1568 , when 93 were born , but 42 died . anno 1584 , when 90 were born , but 41 died . anno 1650 , when 86 were born , but 52 died . so that by how much more are born , by so much ( as it were ) the fewer die . for when 103 were born , but 29 died : but when but 86 were born , then 52 died . on the other side anno 1638 , when 156 died per annum , which was the greatest year of mortality , then less then the meer standard 70 , viz. but 66 were born . again anno 1644 , when 137 died , but 59 were born . anno 1597 , when 117 died , but 48 were born . and anno 1583 , when 87 died , but 59 were born . a little irregularity may be found herein , as that anno 1612 , when 116 died ( viz. a number double to our standard 58 yet ) 87 ( viz. 17 about the standard 70 ) were born . and that when 89 died 075 were born : but these differences are not so great , nor so often , as to evert our rule , which besides the authority of these accompts is probable in it self . 9. of all the said 90 years the year 1638 was the most mortal , i therefore enquired whether the plague was then in that parish , and having received good satisfaction that it was not ( which i the rather believe , because , that the plague was not then considerable at london ) but that it was a malignant fever raging so fiercely about harvest , that there appeared scarce hands enough to take in the corn : which argues , considering there were 2700 parishioners , that seven might be sick for one that died : whereas of the plague more die then recover . lastly , these people lay longer sick then is usual in the plague , nor was there any mention of sores , swellings , blew-tokens , &c. among them . it follows , that the proportion between the greatest and the least mortalities in the country are far greater then at london . forasmuch as the greatest 156 is above quintuple unto 28 the least , whereas in london ( the plague excepted , as here it hath been ) the number of burials upon other accompts within no decad of years hath been double , whereas in the country it hath been quintuple not onely within the whole 90 years , but also within the same decad : for anno 1633. there died but 29 , and anno 1638 the above-mentioned number of 156. moreover , as in london , in no decad , the burials of one year are double to those of another : so in the country they are seldom not more then so . as by this table appears , decad greatest least number of burials 1 66 34 2 87 39 3 117 38 4 53 30 5 116 51 6 89 50 7 156 35 8 137 46 9 80 28 which shews , that the opener , and freer airs are most subject both to the good and bad impressions , and that the fumes , steams , and stenches of london do so medicate , and impregnate the air about it , that it becomes capable of little more , as if the said fumes rising out of london met with , opposed , and justled backwards the influences falling from above , or resisted the incursion of the country-airs . 10. in the last paragraph we said , that the burials in the country were sometimes quintuple to one another , but of the christnings we affirm , that within the same decad they are seldome double , as appears by this table , viz. decad greatest least number of burials 1 70 50 2 90 45 3 71 52 4 93 60 5 87 61 6 85 63 7 103 66 8 87 62 9 86 52 now , although the disproportions of births be not so great as that of burials , yet these disproportions are far greater then at london : for let it be shewn in any of the london bills , that within two years the christnings have decreased ½ . or increased double , as they did anno 1584 , when 90 were born , and an. 1586 , wherein were but 45 : or to rise from 52 , as anno 1593 , to 71 , as in the next year 1594. now , these disproportions both in births , and burials , confirm what hath been before asserted , that healthfulness , and fruitfulness go together , as they would not , were there not disproportions in both , although proportional . 11. by the standard of burials in this parish , i thought to have computed the number of inhabitants in it , viz. by multiplying 58 by 4 , which made the product 232 , the number of families . hereupon i wondered , that a parish containing a large market-town , and 12 miles compass , should have but 232 houses , i then multiplied 232 by 8 , the product whereof was 1856 , thereby hoping to have had the number of the inhabitants , as i had for london ; but when upon enquiry i found there had been 2100 communicants in that parish in the time of a minister , who forced too many into that ordinance , and that 1500 was the ordinary number of communicants in all times , i found also , that for as much as there were near as many under 16 years old , as there are above , viz. communicants , i concluded , that there must be about 27 , or 2800 souls in that parish : from whence it follows , that little more then one of 50 dies in the country , whereas in london , it seems manifest , that about one in 32 dies , over and above what dies of the plague . 12. it follows therefore from hence , what i more faintly asserted in the former chapter , that the country is more healthfull , then the city , that is to say , although men die more regularly , and less per saltum in london , then in the country , yet , upon the whole matter , there die fewer per rata ; so as the fumes , steams , and stenches above-mentioned , although they make the air of london more equal , yet not more healthfull . 13. when i consider , that in the country seventy are born for fifty eight buried , and that before the year 1600 the like happened in london , i considered , whether a city , as it becomes more populous , doth not , for that very cause , become more unhealthfull , i inclined to believe , that london now is more unhealthfull , then heretofore , partly for that it is more populous , but chiefly , because i have heard , that 60 years ago few sea-coals were burnt in london , which now are universally used . for i have heard , that newcastle is more unhealthfull then other places , and that many people cannot at all endure the smoak of london , not onely for its unpleasantness , but for the suffocations which it causes . 14. suppose , that anno 1569 there were 2400 souls in that parish , and that they increased by the births 70 , exceeding the burials 58 , it will follow , that the said 2400 cannot double under 200. now , if london be less healthfull then the country , as certainly it is , the plague being reckoned in , it follows , that london must be doubling it self by generation in much above 200 : but if it hath encreased from 2 to 5 in 54 , as aforesaid , the same must be by reason of transplantation out of the country . the conclusion . it may be now asked , to what purpose tends all this laborious buzzling , and groping ? to know , 1. the number of the people ? 2. how many males , and females ? 3. how many married , and single ? 4. how many teeming women ? 5. how many of every septenary , or decad of years in age ? 6. how many fighting men ? 7. how much london is , and by what steps it hath increased ? 8. in what time the housing is replenished after a plague ? 9. what proportion die of each general and perticular casualties ? 10. what years are fruitfull , and mortal , and in what spaces , and intervals , they follow each other ? 11. in what proportion men neglect the orders of the church , and sects have increased ? 12. the disproportion of parishes ? 13. why the burials in london exceed the christnings , when the contrary is visible in the country ? to this i might answer in general by saying , that those , who cannot apprehend the reason of these enquiries , are unfit to trouble themselves to ask them . 2. i might answer by asking ; why so many have spent their times , and estates about the art of making gold ? which , if it were much known , would onely exalt silver into the place , which gold now possesseth ; and if it were known but to some one person , the same single adeptus could not , nay , durst not enjoy it , but must be either a prisoner to some prince , and slave to some voluptuary , or else skulk obscurely up and down for his privacie , and concealment . 3. i might answer ; that there is much pleasure in deducing so many abstruse , and unexpected inferences out of these poor despised bills of mortality ; and in building upon that ground , which hath lain waste these eighty years . and there is pleasure in doing something new , though never so little , without pestering the world with voluminous transcriptions . 4. but , i answer more seriously ; by complaining , that whereas the art of governing , and the true politiques , is how to preserve the subject in peace , and plenty , that men study onely that part of it , which teacheth how to supplant , and over-reach one another , and how , not by fair out-running , but by tripping up each other's heels , to win the prize . now , the foundation , or elements of this honest harmless policy is to understand the land , and the hands of the territory to be governed , according to all their intrinsick , and accidental differences : as for example ; it were good to know the geometrical content , figure , and scituation of all the lands of a kingdom , especially , according to its most natural , permanent , and conspicuous bounds . it were good to know , how much hay an acre of every sort of meadow will bear ? how many cattel the same weight of each sort of hay will feed , and fatten ? what quantity of grain , and other commodities the same acre will bear in one , three , or seven years communibus annis ? unto what use each soil is most proper ? all which particulars i call the intrinsick value : for there is also another value meerly accidental , or extrinsick , consisting of the causes , why a parcel of land , lying near a good market , may be worth double to another parcel , though but of the same intrinsick goodness ; which answers the queries , why lands in the north of england are worth but sixteen years purchase , and those of the west above eight and twenty . it is no less necessary to know how many people there be of each sex , state , age , religion , trade , rank , or degree , &c. by the knowledg whereof trade , and government may be made more certain , and regular ; for , if men knew the people as aforesaid , they might know the consumption they would make , so as trade might not be hoped for where it is impossible . as for instance , i have heard much complaint , that trade is not set up in some of the south-western , and north-western parts of ireland , there being so many excellent harbours for that purpose , whereas in several of those places i have also heard , that there are few other inhabitants , but such as live ex sponte creatis , and are unfit subjects of trade , as neither employing others , nor working themselves . moreover , if all these things were clearly , and truly known ( which i have but guessed at ) it would appear , how small a part of the people work upon necessary labours , and callings , viz. how many women , and children do just nothing , onely learning to spend what others get ? how many are meer voluptuaries , and as it were meer gamesters by trade ? how many live by puzling poor people with unintelligible notions in divinity , and philosophie ? how many by perswading credulous , delicate , and litigious persons , that their bodies , or estates are out of tune , and in danger ? how many by fighting as souldiers ? how many by ministeries of vice , and sin ? how many by trades of meer pleasure , or ornaments ? and how many in a way of lazie attendance , &c. upon others ? and on the other side , how few are employed in raising , and working necessary food , and covering ? and of the speculative men , how few do truly studie nature , and things ? the more ingenious not advancing much further then to write , and speak wittily about these matters . i conclude , that a clear knowledge of all these particulars , and many more , whereat i have shot but at rovers , is necessary in order to good , certain , and easie government , and even to balance parties , and factions both in church and state. but whether the knowledge thereof be necessary to many , or fit for others , then the sovereign , and his chief ministers , i leave to consideration . the table of casvalties .                                               1629 1633 1647 1651 1655 1629 in 20                                               1630 1634 1648 1652 1656 1649 years .                                               1631 1635 1649 1653 1657 1659   the years of our lord 1647 1648 1649 1650 1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660 1629 1630 1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1632 1636 1650 1654 1658     abortive , and stilborn 335 329 327 351 389 381 384 433 483 419 463 467 421 544 499 439 410 445 500 475 507 523 1793 2005 1342 1587 1832 1247 8559 aged 916 835 889 696 780 834 864 974 743 892 869 1176 909 1095 579 712 661 671 704 623 794 714 2475 2814 3336 3452 3680 2377 15757 ague , and fever 1260 884 751 970 1038 1212 1282 1371 689 875 999 1800 2303 2148 956 1091 1115 1108 953 1279 1622 2360 4418 6235 3865 4903 4363 4010 23784 apoplex , and sodainly 68 74 64 74 106 111 118 86 92 102 113 138 91 67 22 36   17 24 35 26   75 85 280 421 445 177 1306 bleach     1 3 7 2       1                             4 9 1 1 15 blasted 4 1     6 6     4   5 5 3 8 13 8 10 13 6 4   4 54 14 5 12 14 16 99 bleeding 3 2 5 1 3 4 3 2 7 3 5 4 7 2 5 2 5 4 4 3     16 7 11 12 19 17 65 bloudy flux , scouring , and flux 155 176 802 289 833 762 200 386 168 368 362 233 346 251 449 438 352 348 278 512 346 330 1587 1466 1422 2181 1161 1597 7818 brunt , and scalded 3 6 10 5 11 8 5 7 10 5 7 4 6 6 3 10 7 5 1 3 12 3 25 19 24 31 26 19 125 calenture 1     1   2 1 1     3                   1 3   4 2 4 3   13 cancer , gangrene , and fistula 26 29 31 19 31 53 36 37 73 31 24 35 63 52 20 14 23 28 27 30 24 30 85 112 105 157 150 114 609 wolf       8                                       8         8 canker , sore-mouth , and thrush 66 28 54 42 68 51 53 72 44 81 19 27 73 68 6 4 4 1     5 74 15 79 190 244 161 133 689 childbed 161 106 114 117 206 213 158 192 177 201 236 225 226 194 150 157 112 171 132 143 163 230 590 668 498 769 839 490 3364 chrisomes , and infants 1369 1254 1065 990 1237 1280 1050 1343 1089 1393 1162 1144 858 1123 2596 2378 2035 2268 2130 2315 2113 1895 9277 8453 4678 4910 4788 4519 32106 colick , and wind 103 71 85 82 76 102 80 101 85 120 113 179 116 167 48 57         37 50 105 87 341 359 497 247 1389 cold , and cough             41 36 21 58 30 31 33 24 10 58 51 55 45 54 50 57 174 207 00 77 140 43 598 consumption , and cough 2423 2200 2388 1988 2350 2410 2286 2868 2606 3184 2757 3610 2982 3414 1827 1910 1713 1797 1754 1955 2080 2477 5157 8266 8999 9914 12157 7197 44487 convulsion 684 491 530 493 569 653 606 828 702 1027 807 841 742 1031 52 87 18 241 221 386 418 709 498 1734 2198 2656 3377 1324 9073 cramp     1                           1 0 0 0 0 0 01 00 01 0 0 1 2 cut of the stone   2 1 3   1 1 2 4 1 3 5 46 48       5 1 5 2 2 5 10 6 4 13 47 38 dropsy , and tympany 185 434 421 508 444 556 617 704 660 706 631 931 646 872 235 252 279 280 266 250 329 389 1048 1734 1538 2321 2982 1302 9623 drowned 47 40 30 27 49 50 53 30 43 49 63 60 57 48 43 33 29 34 37 32 32 45 139 147 144 182 215 130 827 excessive drinking     2                                           2     2 2 executed 8 17 29 43 24 12 19 21 19 22 20 18 7 18 19 13 12 18 13 13 13 13 62 52 97 76 79 55 384 fainted in a bath         1                                         1     1 falling-sickness 3 2 2 3   3 4 1 4 3 1   4 5 3 10 7 7 2 5 6 8 27 21 10 8 8 9 74 flox , and small pox 139 400 1190 184 525 1279 139 812 1294 823 835 409 1523 354 72 40 58 531 72 1354 293 127 701 1840 1913 2755 3361 2785 10576 found dead in the streets 6 6 9 8 7 9 14 4 3 4 9 11 2 6 18 33 26 6 13 8 24 24 83 69 26 34 27 29 243 french-pox 18 29 15 18 21 20 20 20 29 23 25 53 51 31 17 12 12 12 7 17 12 22 53 48 80 81 130 83 392 frighted 4 4 1   3   2   1 1       9 1     1       3 2 3 9 5 2 2 21 gout 9 5 12 9 7 7 5 6 8 7 8 13 14 2 2 5 3 4 4 5 7 8 14 24 35 25 36 28 134 grief 12 13 16 7 17 14 11 17 10 13 10 12 13 4 18 20 22 11 14 17 5 20 71 56 48 59 45 47 279 hanged , and made-away themselves 11 10 13 14 9 14 15 9 14 16 24 18 11 36 8 8 6 15   3 8 7 37 18 40 47 72 32 222 head-ach   1 11 2   2 6 6 5 3 4 5 35 26             4 2 0 6 14 14 17 46 051 jaundice 57 35 39 49 41 43 57 71 61 41 46 77 102 76 47 59 35 43 35 45 54 63 184 197 180 212 225 188 998 jaw-faln 1 1     3     2 2   3 1     10 16 13 8 10 10 4 11 47 35 02 5 6 10 95 impostume 75 61 65 59 80 105 79 90 92 122 80 134 105 96 58 76 73 74 50 62 73 130 282 315 260 354 428 228 1639 itch   1                                 10       00 10 01       11 killed by several accidents 27 57 39 94 47 45 57 58 52 43 52 47 55 47 54 55 47 46 49 41 51 60 202 201 217 207 194 148 1021 king 's evil 27 26 22 19 22 20 26 26 27 24 23 28 28 54 16 25 18 38 35 20 2● 69 97 150 94 94 102 66 537 lethargy 3 4 2 4 4 4 3 10 9 4 6 2 6 4 1   2 2 3   2 2 5 7 13 21 21 9 67 leprosy     1                 1   2 2           2   2 2 1   1 3 06 livergrown , spleen , and rickets 53 46 56 59 65 72 67 65 52 50 38 51 8 15 94 112 99 87 82 77 98 99 392 356 213 269 191 158 1421 lunatique 12 18 6 11 7 11 9 12 6 7 13 5 14 14 6 11 6 5 4 2 2 5 28 13 47 39 31 26 158 meagrom 12 13   5 8 6 6 14 3 6 7 6 5 4     24         22 24 22 30 34 22 05 132 measles 5 92 3 33 33 62 8 52 11 153 15 80 6 74 42 2 3 80 21 33 27 12 127 83 133 155 259 51 757 mother 2         1 1 2 2 3   3 1 8 1             3 01 3 2 4 8 02 18 murdered 3 2 7 5 4 3 3 3 9 6 5 7 70 20     3 7   6 5 8 10 19 17 13 27 77 86 overlayd , and starved at nurse 25 22 36 28 28 29 30 36 58 53 44 50 46 43 4 10 13 7 8 15 10 14 34 46 111 123 215 86 529 palsy 27 21 19 20 23 20 29 18 22 23 20 22 17 21 17 23 17 25 14 21 25 17 82 77 87 90 87 53 423 plague 3597 611 67 15 23 16 6 16 9 6 4 14 36 14   1317 274 8   1   10400 1599 10401 4290 61 33 103 16384 plague in the guts       1   110 32   87 315 446   253 402                 00 00 01 142 844 253 991 pleurisy 30 26 13 20 23 19 17 23 10 9 17 16 12 10 26 24 26 36 21   45 24 112 90 89 72 52 51 415 poysoned   3   7                             2     2 00 4 10 00 00 00 14 purples , and spotted fever 145 47 43 65 54 60 75 89 56 52 56 126 368 146 32 58 58 38 24 125 245 397 186 791 300 278 290 243 1845 quinsy , and sore-throat 14 11 12 17 24 20 18 9 15 13 7 10 21 14 01 8 6 7 24 04 5 22 22 55 54 71 45 34 247 rickets 150 224 216 190 260 329 229 372 347 458 317 476 441 521           14 49 50 00 113 780 1190 1598 657 3681 mother , rising of the lights 150 92 115 120 134 138 135 178 166 212 203 228 210 249 44 72 99 98 60 84 72 104 309 220 777 585 809 369 2700 rupture 16 7 7 6 7 16 7 15 11 20 19 18 12 28 2 6 4 9 4 3 10 13 21 30 36 45 68 21 201 scal'd-head 2       1       2                               2 1 2   05 scurvy 32 20 21 21 29 43 41 44 103 71 82 82 95 12 5 7 9   9   00 25 33 34 94 132 300 115 593 smothered , and stifled     2                         24             24   2     2 26 sores , ulcers , broken and bruised limbs 15 17 17 16 26 32 25 32 23 34 40 47 61 48 23   20 48 19 19 22 29 91 89 65 115 144 141 504 shot                         7 20                           07   spleen 12 17         13 13   6 2 5 7 7                     29 26 13 07 68 shingles                         1           1         1       1   starved   4 8 7 1 2 1 1 3 1 3 6 7 14                 14   19 5 13 29 51 stitch       1                                         1       1 stone , and strangury 45 42 29 28 50 41 44 38 49 57 72 69 22 30     58 56 58 49 33 45 114 185 144 173 247 51 863 sciatica                           2       1 3   1 6 1 4           stopping of the stomach 29 29 30 33 55 67 66 107 94 145 129 277 186 214               6   6 121 295 247 216 669 surfet 217 137 136 123 104 177 178 212 128 161 137 218 202 192 63 157 149 86 104 114 132 371 445 721 613 671 644 401 3094 swine-pox 4 4 3       1 4 2 1 1 1 2   5 8 4 6 3   10   23 13 11 5 5 10 57 teeth , and worms 767 597 540 598 709 905 691 1131 803 1198 878 1036 839 1008 440 506 335 470 432 454 539 1207 1751 2632 2502 3436 3915 1819 14236 tissick 62 47                         8 12 14 34 23 15 27   68 65 109     8 242 thrush                     57 66     15 23 17 40 28 31 34   95 93     123 15 211 vomiting 1 6 3 7 4 6 3 14 7 27 16 19 8 10 1 4 1 1 2 5 6 3 7 16 17 27 69 12 136 worms 147 107 105 65 85 86 53               19 31 28 27 19 28 27   105 74 424 224   124 830 wen 1   1   2 2     1   1 2 1 1     1   4       1 4 2 4 4 2 15 sodainly                             63 59 37 62 58 62 78 34 221 233       63 454                                                         34190 229250 place this table after fol. 74. the table of burials , and christnings . anno dom. 97 parishes 16 parishes out-parishes buried in all besides of the plague christned 1604 1518 2097 708 4323 896 5458 1605 2014 2974 960 5948 444 6504 1606 1941 2920 935 5796 2124 6614 1607 1879 2772 1019 5670 2352 6582 1608 2391 3218 1149 6758 2262 6845 1609 2494 3610 1441 7545 4240 6388 1610 2326 3791 1369 7486 1803 6785 1611 2152 3398 1166 6716 627 7014   16715 24780 8747 50242 14752 52190 1612 2473 3843 1462 7778 64 6986 1613 2406 3679 1418 7503 16 6846 1614 2369 3504 1494 7367 22 7208 1615 2446 3791 1613 7850 37 7682 1616 2490 3876 1697 8063 9 7985 1617 2397 4109 1774 8280 6 7747 1618 2815 4715 2066 9596 18 7735 1619 2339 3857 1804 7999 9 8127   19735 31374 13328 64436 171 60316 1620 2726 4819 2146 9691 21 7845 1621 2438 3759 1915 8112 11 8039 1622 2811 4217 2392 8943 16 7894 1623 3591 4721 2783 11095 17 7945 1624 3385 5919 2895 12199 11 8299 1625 5143 9819 3886 18848 35417 6983 1626 2150 3286 1965 7401 134 6701 1627 2325 3400 1988 7711 4 8408   24569 39940 19970 84000 35631 62114 1628 2412 3311 2017 7740 3 8564 1629 2536 3992 2243 8771 0 9901 1630 2506 4201 2521 9237 1317 9315 1631 2459 3697 2132 8288 274 8524 1632 2704 4412 2411 9527 8 9584 1633 2378 3936 2078 8392 0 9997 1634 2937 4980 2982 10899 1 9855 1635 2742 4966 2943 10651 0 10034   20694 33495 19327 73505 1603 75774 1636 2825 6924 3210 12959 10400 9522 1637 2288 4265 2128 8681 3082 9160 1638 3584 5926 3751 13261 363 10311 1639 2592 4344 2612 9548 314 10150 1640 2919 5156 3246 11321 1450 10850 1641 3248 5092 3427 11767 1375 10670 1642 3176 5245 3578 11999 1274 10370 1643 3395 5552 3269 12216 996 9410   23987 42544 25●21 91752 19244 80443 1644 2593 4274 2574 9441 1492 8104 1645 2524 4639 2445 9608 1871 7966 1646 2746 4872 2797 10415 2365 7163 1647 2672 4749 3041 10462 3597 7332 1648 2480 4288 2515 9283 611 6544 1649 2865 4714 2920 10499 67 5825 1650 2301 4138 2310 8749 15 5612 1651 2845 5002 2597 10804 23 6071   21026 36676 21199 78896 10041 54617 1652 3293 5719 3546 12553 16 6128 1653 2527 4635 2919 10081 6 6155 1654 3323 6063 3845 13231 16 6620 1655 2761 5148 3439 11348 9 7004 1656 3327 6573 4015 13915 6 7050 1657 3014 5646 3770 12430 4 6685 1658 3613 6923 4443 14979 14 6170 1659 3431 6988 4301 14720 36 5690   25288 47695 30278 103261 107 51502 1660 3098 5644 3926 12668 13 6971 1661 3804 7309 5532 16645 20 8855 the table following contains the number of burials , and christnings in the seven parishes here under-mentioned , from the year 1636 unto the year 1659 inclusive ; all which time the burials , and christnings were joyntly mentioned : the two last years the christnings were omitted in the yearly bills . this table consists of seventeen columns , the total of all the burials being contained in the sixteen columns : which number being added to the total in the precedent table of burials , and christnings , makes the total of every yearly , or general bill . note , where there follows a second number under any year , it denotes those , who died that year of the plague . westmin . islington , lambeth , stepney . newing ▪ hackney , rear . tot. 7. par. tot. 7. par. an. do. bur. ch. b. ch. b. ch. b. ch. b. ch. b. ch. b. ch. b. ch. 1636 1107 556 99 56 213 137 1895 881 584 155 68 77 90 62 4056 1924   442   30   45   909   242   14   20   1702   1637 963 496 94 72 173 137 952 838 183 172 68 70 74 51 2507 1836   301   17   18   153   16   6   10   521   1638 1021 563 116 49 221 140 1209 908 255 146 101 69 74 78 2997 1953   126       8   11               145   1639 546 543 88 53 195 132 970 956 187 159 84 53 81 52 2151 1948   4   2       2           1   9   1640 754 665 94 54 187 142 1106 983 189 194 76 54 53 77 2459 2159   62   3   6   117           1   189   1641 697 625 92 76 168 137 1250 1037 170 137 82 73 69 64 2508 2149   40   5   9   70       4       128   1642 671 630 98 71 149 124 1270 1158 160 145 78 58 63 76 2489 2262   37   4   12   20   17   5   4   99   1643 666 592 105 69 177 114 1167 1013 240 147 65 36 42 67 2471 2038   25   3   45   83   86       2   244   1644 570 429 61 55 115 105 1187 933 123 101 54 45 70 82 2189 1750   35   8   8   269   44   3   17   384   1645 621 444 55 63 146 114 1171 873 183 119 58 60 50 60 2284 1753   62   6   3   150   18   7   1   256   1646 691 503 84 61 137 108 1230 960 156 130 76 63 47 43 2421 1868   76   8   5   97   14   9   2   203   1647 739 464 108 56 161 94 1126 926 129 65 88 45 42 44 2393 1688   40   5   9   70       4       128   1642 671 630 98 71 149 124 1270 1158 160 145 78 58 63 76 2489 2262   37   4   12   20   17   5   4   99   1643 666 592 105 69 177 114 1167 1013 240 147 65 36 42 67 2471 2038   25   3   45   83   86       2   244   1644 570 429 61 55 115 105 1187 933 123 101 54 45 70 82 2189 1750   35   8   8   269   44   3   17   384   1645 621 444 55 63 146 114 1171 873 183 119 58 60 50 60 2284 1753   62   6   3   150   18   7   1   256   1646 691 503 84 61 137 108 1230 960 156 130 76 63 47 43 2421 1868   76   8   5   97   14   9   2   203   1647 739 464 108 56 161 94 1126 926 129 65 88 45 42 44 2393 1688   114   12   25   155   28   16   4   434   1648 561 384 68 46 87 57 837 767     57 42 45 59 1635 1305   41   4       31       6       82   1649 558 333 90 44 131 55 838 625     90 49     1807 1106       1       3               4   1650 470 413 78 54 88 50 748 572 55 65 61 48 50 62 1550 1264 1651 580 345 107 51 127 49 961 634 172 59 60 30 84 45 2091 1213 1652 649 432 99 36 179 50 1212 657 198 85 72 33 74 37 2483 1330           1                   1   1653 567 394 69 46 120 54 1064 620 195 76 71 48 69 21 2155 1250 1654 657 401 96 65 166 76 1252 803 236 106 88 31 75 46 2570 1526 1655 676 414 95 86 134 128 1199 859 172 120 68 37 62 57 2406 1701 1656 761 498 139 89 176 152 1255 963 248 127 67 46 66 45 2701 1920 1657 705 473 112 67 231 137 1213 876 204 123 96 42 51 31 2612 1749 1658 890 440 113 36 220 32 1486 892 181 99 91 30 48 16 2958 1645 1659 822 415 116 56 193 103 1392 695 138 86 83 50 84 13 2828 1418 1660 783   108   183   1151   114   65   33   2437   1661 983   102   330   1561   340   102   87   3505   place this table after fol. 76. the table of males and females for london . an. dom. buried christned   males females males females . 1629 4668 4103 5218 4683 1630 5660 4894 4858 4457 1631 4549 4013 4422 4102 1632 4932 4603 4994 4590 1633 4369 4023 5158 4839 1634 5676 5224 5035 4820 1635 5548 5103 5106 4928 1636 12377 10982 4917 4605   47779 43945 39708 37024 1637 6392 5371 4703 4457 1638 7168 6456 5359 4952 1639 5351 4511 5366 4784 1640 6761 6010 5518 5332 total 73451 65293 60664 56549 1641 6872 6270 5470 5200 1642 7049 6224 5460 4910 1643 6842 6360 4793 4617 1644 5659 5274 4107 3997 1645 6014 5465 4047 3919 1646 6683 6097 3768 3395 1647 7313 6746 3796 3536 1648 5145 4749 3363 3181   51577 47185 34804 3275 1649 5454 5112 3079 2746 1650 4548 4216 2890 2722 1651 5680 5147 3231 2840 1652 6543 6026 3220 2908 1653 5416 4671 3196 2959 1654 6972 6275 3441 3179 1655 6027 5330 3655 3349 1656 7365 6556 3668 3382   44005 41333 26380 24085 1657 6578 5856 3396 3289 1658 7936 7057 3157 3013 1659 7451 7305 9209 2781 1660 7960 7158 3724 3247   29925 27376 13186 1233 total 198952 181187 135034 12675 the table by decads of years for the country-parish .       christened .   buried .   decads ●f years married males fem. both males fem. both ●5 69 190 312 302 614 214 221 435 78 ●5 79 185 328 309 637 287 302 589 88 ●5 89 175 342 274 616 337 284 621 98 ●● 599 181 366 377 743 249 219 468 608 ●6 09 197 417 358 775 338 386 724 18 ●6 19 168 368 373 741 305 306 611 28 ●6 29 153 418 413 831 317 319 636 38 ●6 39 137 351 357 708 375 383 758 48 ●6 49 182 354 320 674 218 220 438 58     1568 3256 3083 6339 2640 2640 5280 the table of the country-parish .   communicants weddings christned euried years m. f. both m. f. both 1569   14 38 30 68 23 21 44 1570   19 29 32 61 21 25 46 1571   18 28 26 54 23 27 50 1572   23 32 32 54 20 14 34 1573   21 34 36 70 24 13 37 1574   16 21 29 50 28 38 66 1575   24 37 29 66 15 19 34 1576   22 33 37 70 16 18 34 1577   13 29 26 55 19 21 40 1578   20 31 35 66 25 25 50     190 312 302 614 214 221 435 1579   15 35 36 71 27 27 54 80   21 43 31 74 38 41 79 81   29 20 33 62 34 24 58 82   22 28 29 57 18 21 39 83   22 32 27 59 35 52 87 84   15 46 44 90 22 19 41 85   15 26 21 47 15 27 42 86   18 22 23 45 24 37 61 87   13 34 31 65 43 36 79 1588   15 33 34 67 31 18 49     185 328 309 637 287 302 589 1589   20 31 27 58 28 16 44 90   16 40 29 69 36 21 57 91   12 37 28 65 35 30 65 92   14 40 25 65 28 19 47 93   20 32 20 52 33 32 65 94   24 34 37 71 16 22 38 95   16 32 28 60 33 28 61 96   9 36 26 62 42 29 71 97   23 23 25 48 53 64 117 98   21 37 29 66 33 23 66     175 342 274 616 337 284 631 1599   19 45 31 76 21 22 43 600   16 26 34 60 20 26 46 601   16 39 32 71 18 12 30 602   14 31 32 63 29 18 47 603   12 31 38 69 32 39 71 604   21 42 35 77 26 27 53 605   19 47 34 81 21 12 33 606   19 29 41 70 28 23 51 607   27 36 47 83 33 19 52 608   17 40 53 93 21 21 42     181 366 377 743 249 219 468 the table of males and females .     christned buryed years weddings m. f. both. m. f. both 1609 23 30 31 61 24 41 65 10 19 46 30 76 33 40 73 11 25 40 41 81 41 32 73 12 20 55 32 87 53 63 116 13 24 41 33 74 47 41 88 14 25 50 35 85 27 36 63 15 22 35 48 83 28 36 64 16 14 38 36 74 27 41 68 17 17 45 31 76 35 28 63 1618 8 37 41 78 23 28 51   197 417 358 775 338 386 724 1619 21 37 43 80 26 28 54 20 20 34 51 85 18 30 48 21 21 31 37 68 28 36 64 22 23 45 38 83 20 26 46 23 14 40 36 76 56 31 87 24 19 30 33 63 29 35 64 25 7 37 41 78 36 20 56 26 9 30 35 65 21 29 50 27 18 45 23 68 24 29 53 1628 16 39 36 75 47 42 89   168 368 373 741 305 306 611 1629 22 53 38 91 46 28 74 30 8 58 45 103 26 27 53 31 20 42 29 71 26 33 59 32 16 43 50 93 15 21 36 33 12 38 65 103 18 11 29 34 23 30 45 75 18 26 44 35 11 39 32 71 18 17 35 36 15 50 37 87 42 48 90 37 13 35 36 71 25 35 60 1638 13 30 36 66 83 73 156   153 418 413 831 317 319 636 1639 18 24 31 55 48 66 114 40 11 44 41 85 35 39 74 41 21 34 29 63 34 36 70 42 21 48 39 87 32 29 61 43 8 30 42 72 59 28 87 44 16 33 26 59 65 72 137 45 10 43 41 84 28 29 57 46 11 32 35 67 24 32 56 47 12 28 46 74 25 21 46 48 9 35 27 62 25 31 56   137 351 357 708 375 383 758 1649 9 22 37 59 46 34 80 50 9 55 31 86 25 27 52 51 7 25 27 52 11 21 32 52 14 34 28 62 20 25 45 53 9 47 24 71 21 14 35 54 15 34 37 71 14 25 39 55 38 35 34 69 28 19 47 56 28 40 30 70 18 15 33 57 37 23 43 66 22 25 47 58 16 39 29 68 13 15 28   182 354 320 674 218 220 438 advertisements for the better understanding of the several tables : videlicet , concerning the table of casualties consisting of thirty columns . the first column contains all the casualties happening within the 22 single years mentioned in this bill . the 14 next columns contain two of the last septenaries of years , which being the latest are first set down . the 8 next columns represent the 8 first years , wherein the casualties were taken notice off . memorandum , that the 10 years between 1636 and 1647 are omitted as containing nothing extraordinary , and as not consistent with the incapacity of a sheet . the 5 next columns are the 8 years from 1629 to 1636 brought into 2 quaternions , and the 12 of the 14 last years brought into three more ; that comparison might be made between each 4 years taken together , as well as each single year apart . the next column contains 3 years together , taken at 10 years distance from each other ; that the distant years , as well as consequent , might be compared with the whole 20 , each of the 5 quaternions , and each of the 22 single years . the last column contains the total of the 15 quaternions , or 25 years . the number 229250 is the total of all the burials in the said 20 years , as 34190 is of the burialsin the said 3 distant years . where note that the ⅓ of the latter total is 11396 and the 1 / 20 of the former is 11462 ; differing but 66 from each other in so great a sum , videlicet scarce 1 / 200 part . the table of burials , and christnings , consisting of 7 columns . it is to be noted , that in all the several columns of the burials those dying of the plague are left out , being reckoned all together in the sixth column . whereas in the original bills the plague , and all other diseases are reckoned together , with mention how many of the respective totals are of the plague . secondly , from the year 1642 forwards the accompt of the christnings is not to be trusted , the neglects of the same beginning about that year : for in 1642 there are set down 10370 , and about the same number several years before , after which time the said christnings decreased to between 5000 and 6000 by omission of the greater part . thirdly , the several numbers are cast up into octonaries , that comparison may be made of them as as well as of single years . the table of males , and females , containing 5 columns . first , the numbers are cast up for 12 years ; videlicet from 1629 , when the distinction between males and females first began , untill 1640 inclusivè when the exactness in that accompt ceased . secondly , from 1640 to 1660 the numbers are cast up into another total , which seems as good for comparing the number of males with females , the neglect being in both sexes alike , and proportionable . the tables concerning the country-parish , the former of decads beginning at 1569 , and continuing untill 1658 , and the latter being for single years , being for the same time , are so plain , that they require no further explanation then the bare reading the chapter relating to them , &c. finis . errata . pag. 8. lin . 22. read 1632. pag. 21. lin . 19. r. 229250. p. 26. lin . 27. r. 314. p. 29. lin . 28. r. seemed . lin . 29. in proportion . p. 32. l. 14. r. which in p. 35. l. 29. r. other . p. 40. l. 26. r. calamities . p. 41. 33. r. should have . p. 43. l. 17. r. ii. p. 44. l. 6. r. 10000. p. 48. l. 16 , 17. dele all within the parenthe ●●●● 7. l. 22. r. difference . p. 65. l. 12. r. it. pag. 78 , and 79 r. country-parish . at a court held by the right honourable the lord mayor president, and the rest of the governors of the corporation for the poor of london the 6th of february, 1655. governors for the poor (london, england) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74149 of text r211774 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.20[24]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74149 thomason 669.f.20[24] estc r211774 99870474 99870474 163441 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74149) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163441) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f20[24]) at a court held by the right honourable the lord mayor president, and the rest of the governors of the corporation for the poor of london the 6th of february, 1655. governors for the poor (london, england) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by james flesher, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : 1655. at end: signed by the appointment of the said corporation; by william haslope clerk to the said corporation. annotation on thomason copy: "feb. 7th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng poor laws -england -london -early works to 1800. poor -services for -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a74149 r211774 (thomason 669.f.20[24]). civilwar no at a court held by the right honourable the lord mayor president, and the rest of the governors of the corporation for the poor of london, t governors for the poor 1655 726 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms blazon or coat of arms at a court held by the right honourable the lord mayor president , and the rest of the governors of the corporation for the poor of london , the 6th of february , 1655. whereas the governors of the corporation for the poor of london , have from year to year given publique notice of their having a stock of flax , hemp , and tow , at either of their workhouses , to imploy the poor within this city and liberties thereof ; and for some years together did imploy about one thousand poor at work , besides the poor children that are educated by the said corporation in learning and arts ; yet neverthelesse there are many vagrants and common beggers which continually frequent the streets of this city , and refuse to receive or undertake any lawfull work , or imployment , to the scandall of the government of this city , and the profession of religion . for prevention whereof , it hath pleased the right honourable the lord mayor of this city president of this corporation , lately to issue his lordships precepts to all the constables of this city , requiring them diligently to prosecute the laws of this nation against vagrants and common beggers , and hath also given them a breviate of the statutes in force , the better to informe them of their respective duties , and of the penalties which they and others concerned must sustaine , if they shall not pursue the said directions ; in the further persuance whereof his lordship and the rest of the governors of the said corporation , ( by and with the advice of the treasurers and others , governors of the severall hospitalls of this city ) have resolved to give each other their best assistance for the vigorous and constant carrying on of the same . and to this end have appointed a competent number of able men under a sallary , to spend their whole time in their respective appointed divisions , to be assisting to the constables of this city , in the apprehending of all sorts of beggers , to the end that such of the poor belonging to this city , as will work , may be sent to the workhouses ( at the mynories and the wardrobe ) belonging to the said corporation , there being a stock of hemp , flax , and tow , in readinesse to imploy them : and that the rest may be sent to the house of correction , or be passed away according to the directions inserted in his lordships precepts . and to the end the broken bread and meat within this city ( which hath usually been distributed to the aforesaid common beggers ) may not be lost : it is thought meet ( respect being had to the severall prisons within this city ) that such basketmen as shall be judged convenient , being recommended by the churchwardens or overseers of the out-parishes , shall be allowed to gather and receive the said broken bread and meat in such places as shall be assigned to them , to be distributed to such of the poorest sort of people , as the said churchwardens and overseers shall appoint to receive the same , they giving a badge of distinguishment to such as they shall judge meet for that service . towards the more effectuall carrying on of which good work , his lordship with the rest of the governors of the said corporation , do earnestly desire the ministers of the gospell within this city and liberties thereof , to publish the same , together with the heads of the statutes inserted in his lordships precept hereunto annexed , the next lords day in their respective congregations : and to stirre up all good people to be cheerfully active ( in their severall duties ) for the encouragement of the great work under the management of the said corporation , and more especially to implore the blessing of god and his gracious assistance in and upon their endeavors . signed by the appointment of the said corporation ; by william haslope clerk to the said corporation . printed by james flesher , printer to the honourable city of london , 1655. the seuen deadly sinnes of london drawne in seuen seuerall coaches, through the seuen seuerall gates of the citie bringing the plague with them. opus septem dierum. tho: dekker. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1606 approx. 204 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 55 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20082 stc 6522 estc s105270 99840999 99840999 5555 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20082) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5555) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 881:10) the seuen deadly sinnes of london drawne in seuen seuerall coaches, through the seuen seuerall gates of the citie bringing the plague with them. opus septem dierum. tho: dekker. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [14], 40, 31-37, [1] p. printed by e[dward] a[llde and s. stafford] for nathaniel butter, and are to be solde at his shop neere saint austens gate, at london : 1606. the title page is in four settings, all in red and black: (1) title has "deadlie sinns"; (2) with good shepherd device; (3) with device of a lion's head atop a shield; (4) with an ornament with female head and laurel leaves at top, dated 1598. there are some minor variations in imprints. "allde app[arently]. pr[inted]. at least pia3,4 (dedic[ation]. and to reader); stafford pr[inted]. at least a-c (induction and beginning of text)"--stc. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. 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range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng crime -england -london -early works to 1800. criminals -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -social life and customs -early works to 1800. 2002-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the seuen deadly sinnes of london : drawne in seuen seuerall coaches , through the seuen seuerall gates of the citie bringing the plague with them . opus septem dierum . tho : dekker . at london printed by e.a. for nathaniel butter , and are to bee sold at his shop neere saint austens gate . 1606. reader , it is as ordinarie a custome ( for vs that are bookish ) to haue about with thee , after wee haue done with a patron , as for schollers ( in the noble science ) to play at the woodden rapier and dagger at the ende of a maisters prize . in doing which we know not vpon what speeding points wee runne , for you ( that are readers ) are the most despe●ate and fowlest players in the world , you will strike when a mans backe is toward you , and kill him ( if you ●ould for shame ) when he lies vnder your feete . you are able ( if you haue the tokens of deadly ignorance , and boldnes at one time vpon you ) to breede more infection on in pauls church-yard , then all the bodies that were buried there in the plague-time , if they had beene left still aboue ground . you stand somtimes at a stationers stal , looking scuruily ( like mules champing vpon thistles ) on the face of a new booke bee it neuer so worthy : & goe ( as il fauouredly ) mewing away : but what get you by it ? the booke-seller euer after when you passe by , pinnes on your backes the badge of fooles to make you be laught to scorne , or of sillie carpers to make you be pitted : comadus gesner neuer writ of the nature of such strange beasts as you are : for where as we call you lectores , readers , you turne your selues into lictores , executioners , & tormenters . i wold not haue him that writes better than i , to reade this , nor him that cannot doe so well , to raile , or if hee cannot chuse but raile , let him doe it to my face : otherwise ●me being absent ) it is done cowardly : for leonem mortuum mordent etiam catuli : cats dare scratch lions by the face when they lie dead , and none but colliers will threaten a lord maior when they are farre enough from the cittie . i haue laide no blockes in thy way : if thou findest strawes , ( vade , vale , ) caue ne titubes . the names of the actors in this old enterlude of iniquitie . 1 politike bankeruptisme . 2 lying . 3 candle-light . 4 sloth . 5 apishnesse . 6 shauing . 7 crueltie . seuen may easily play this , but not without a diuell . the induction to the booke . i finde it written in that booke where no vntruthes can be read : in that booke whose leaues shall out-last sheetes of brasse , and whose lynes leade to eternity : yea euen in that booke that was pend by the best author of the best wisedome , allowed by a deity , licensed by the omnipotent , and published ( in all languages to all nations ) by the greatest , truest , and onely diuine , thus i find it written , that for sinne , angels were throwne out of heauen ; for sinne , the first man that euer was made , was made an outcast : he was driuen ouf of his liuing that was left vnto him by his creator : it was a goodlier liuing , than the inheritance of princes : he lost paradice by it ( he lost his house of pleasure : ) hee lost eden by it , a garden , where winter could neuer haue nipt him with cold , nor summer haue scorcht him with heate . he had there all fruits growing to delight his taste , all flowers flourishing to allure his eye , all birds singing to content his eare ; he had more than he could desire : yet because he desired more than was fit for him , he lost all . for sinne , all those buildings which that great worke-master of the world had in sixe dayes raysed , were swallowed at the first by waters , and shall at last be consumed in fire . how many families hath this leuiathan deuoured ? how many cities ? how many kingdoms ? let vs a while leaue kingdomes , and enter into citties . sodom and gomorrah were burnt to the ground with brinstone that dropt in flakes from heauen : a hot and dreadfull vengeance . ierusalem hath not a stone left vpon another of her first glorious foundation : a heauy and fearefull downefall . ierusalem , that was gods owne dwelling house ; the schoole where those hebrew lectures , which he himselfe read , were taught ; the very nursery where the prince of heauen was brought vp ; that ierusalem , whose rulers were princes , & whose citizens were like the sonnes of kings : whose temples were paued with gold , and whose houses stood like rowes of tall cedars ; that ierusalem is now a dezert ; it is vnhallowed , and vnt● odden : no monument is left to shew it was a citty , but only the memoriall of the iewes hard-hartednes , in making away their sauiour : it is now a place for barbarous turks , and poore despised grecians ; it is rather now ( for the abominations committed in it ) no place at all . let vs hoyst vp more sayles , and lanch into other seas , till wee come in ken of our owne countrey . antwerp ( the eldest daughter of brabant ) hath falne in her pride , the citties of rich burgundy in theyr greatnes . those seuenteene dutch virgins of belgia , ( that had kingdomes to theyr dowries , and were worthy to be courted by nations ) are now no more virgins : the souldier hath deflowred them , and robd them of theyr mayden honor : warre hath still vse of their noble bodyes , and discouereth theyr nakednes like prostituted strumpets . famine hath dryed vp the fresh bloud in theyr cheekes , whilst the pestilence digd vp theyr fields , and turned them into graues . neither haue these punishments bin layd vpon them onely ; for bloud hath bin also drawne of their very next neighbours . france lyes yet panting vnder the blowes which her owne children haue giuen her . thirty yeeres together suffred she her bowels to be torne out by those that were bred within them : she was full of princes , and saw them all lye mangled at her feete : she was full of people , and saw in one night a hundred thousand massacred in her streetes : her kings were eaten vp by ciuill warres , and her subiects by fire and famine . o gallant monarchy , what hard fate hadst thou , that when none were left to conquer thee , thou shouldst triumph ouer thy selfe ! thou hast wynes flowing in thy veynes : but thou madest thy selfe druncke with thine owne bloud . the english , the dutch , and the spanish , stoode aloofe and gaue ayme , whilst thou shotst arrowes vpright , that fell vpon thine owne head , and wounded thee to death . wouldst thou ( and the rest ) know the reason , why your bones haue bin bruzed with rods of iron ? it was , because you haue risen in arch-rebellion against the supremest soueraigne : you haue bin traytors to your lord , the king of heauen and earth , and haue armed your selues to fight against the holy land. can the father of the world measure out his loue so vnequally , that one people ( like to a mans yongest child ) should be more made of than all the rest , being more vnruly than the rest ? o london , thou art great in glory , and enuied for thy greatnes : thy towers , thy temples , and thy pinnacles stand vpon thy head like borders of fine gold , thy waters like frindges of siluer hang at the hemmes of thy garments . thou art the goodliest of thy neighbors , but the prowdest ; the welthiest , but the most wanton . thou hast all things in thee to make thee fairest , and all things in thee to make thee foulest : for thou art attir'de like a bride , drawing all that looke vpon thee , to be in loue with thee , but there is much harlot in thine eyes . thou sitst in thy gates heated with wines , and in thy chambers with lust . what miseries haue of late ouertaken thee ? yet ( like a foole that laughs when hee is putting on fetters ) thou hast bin merry in height of thy misfortunes . she ( that for almost halfe a hundred of yeeres ) of thy nurse became thy mother , and layd thee in her bosome , whose head was full of cares for thee , whilst thine slept vpon softer pillowes than downe . she that wore thee alwayes on her brest as the richest iewell in her kingdome , who had continually her eye vpon thee , and her heart with thee : whose chaste hand clothed thy rulers in scarlet , and thy inhabitants in roabes of peace : euen she was taken from thee , when thou wert most in feare to lose her : when thou didst tremble ( as at an earth-quake ) to thinke that bloud should runne in thy channels , that the canon should make away through thy portcullises , and fire rifle thy wealthy houses , then , euen then wert thou left full of teares , and becamst an orphan . but behold , thou hadst not sat many howres on the banks of sorrow , but thou hadst a louing father that adopted thee to be his owne : thy mourning turnd presently to gladnes , thy terrors into triumphs . yet , lest this fulnesse of ioy should beget in thee a wantonnes , and to try how wisely thou couldst take vp affliction , sicknes was sent to breathe her vnholsome ayres into thy nosthrils , so that thou , that wert before the only gallant and minion of the world , hadst in a short time more diseases ( then a common harlot hath ) hanging vpon thee ; thou suddenly becamst the by-talke of neighbors , the scorne and contempt of nations . heere could i make thee weepe thy selfe away into waters , by calling back those sad and dismall houres , wherein thou consumedst almost to nothing with shrikes and lamentations , in that * wonderfull yeere , when these miserable calamities entred in at thy gates , slaying 30000. and more as thou heldst them in thine armes , but they are fresh in thy memory , and the story of them ( but halfe read ouer ) would strike so coldly to thy heart , and lay such heauy sorrow vpon mine ( namque animus meminisse horret , luctuque refugit ) that i will not be thine and my owne tormentor with the memory of them . how quickly notwithstanding didst thou forget that beating ? the wrath of him that smot thee , was no sooner ( in meere pitty of thy stripes ) appeased , but howrely ( againe ) thou wert in the company of euill doers , euen before thou couldst finde leysure to aske him forgiuenes . euer since that time hath hee winckt at thy errors , and suffred thee ( though now thou art growne old , and lookest very ancient ) to goe on still in the follyes of thy youth : he hath ten-fold restor'de thy lost sonnes and daughters , and such sweete , liuely , fresh colours hath hee put vpon thy cheekes , that kings haue come to behold thee , and princes to delight their eyes with thy bewty . none of all these fauours ( for all this ) can draw thee from thy wickednes : graces haue powrd downe out of heauen vpon thee , and thou art rich in all things , sauing in goodnes : so that now once againe hath he gone about ( and but gone about ) to call thee to the dreadfull barre of his iudgement . and no maruaile : for whereas other citties ( as glorious as thy selfe , ) and other people ( as deare vnto him as thine ) haue in his indignation bin quite taken from the face of the earth , for some one peculiar sinne , what hope hast thou to grow vp still in the pride of thy strength , gallantnes and health , hauing seuen deadly and detestable sinnes lying night by night by thy lasciuious sides ? o thou beawtifullest daughter of two vnited monarchies ! from thy womb receiued i my being , frō thy brests my nourishment ; yet giue me leaue to tell thee , that thou hast seuen diuels within thee , and till they be cleane cast out , the arrowes of pestilence will fall vpon thee by day , and the hand of the inuader strike thee by night . the sunne will shine , but not be a comfort to thee , and the moone looke pale with anger , whē she giues thee light . thy louers will disdayne to court thee : thy temples will no more send out diuine oracles : iustice will take her flight , and dwell else-where ; and that desolation , which now for three yeeres together hath houered round about thee , will at last enter , and turne thy gardens of pleasure , into church-yards ; thy fields that seru'd thee for walks , into golgotha ; and thy hye built houses , into heapes of dead mens sculs . i call him to witnes , who is all truth , i call the cittizens of heauen to witnes , who are all spotlesse , that i slander thee not , in saying thou nourishest seuen serpents at thy brests , that will destroy thee : let all thy magistrates and thy officers speake for me : let strangers that haue but seene thy behauiour , be my iudges : let all that are gathered vnder thy wings , and those that sleepe in thy bosome , giue their verdict vpon me ; yea , try me ( as thy brabblings are ) by all thy petit and graund iurors , and if i belye thee , let my country ( when i expire ) deny me her common blessing , buriall , lift vp therefore thy head ( thou mother of so many people : ) awaken out of thy dead and dangerous slumbers , and with a full and fearelesse eye behold those seuen monsters , that with extended iawes gape to swallow vp thy memory : for i will into so large a field single euery one of them , that thou and all the world shall see their vglinesse , for by seeing them , thou mayst auoyd them , and by auoyding them , be the happiest and most renowned of citties . politick bankruptisme , or , the first dayes triumph of the first sinne. it is a custome in all countries , when great personages are to be entertained , to haue great preparation made for them : and because london disdaines to come short of any city , either in magnificence , state , or expences vpon such an occasion , solemne order was set downe , and seuen seuerall solemne dayes were appointed to receiue these seuen potentates : for they carry the names of princes on the earth , and wheresoe're they inhabit , in a short time are they lords of great dominions . the first dayes triumphs were spent in méeting and conducting politick bankruptisme into the fréedome : to receiue whom , the master , the kéepers , and all the prisoners of ludgate in their best clothes stood most officiously readie : for at that gate , his deadlinesse challenges a kind of prerogatiue by the custome of the citie , and there loues he most to be let in . the thing they stood vpon , was a scaffold erected for the purpose , stuck round about with a few gréene boughes ( like an alehouse booth at a fayre ) and couered with two or thrée thréed-bare carpets ( for prisoners haue no better ) to hide the vnhandsomnes of the carpenters worke : the boughes with the very strong breath that was prest out of the vulgar , withered , & like autumnian leaues dropt to the ground , which made the broken gentleman to hasten his progresse the more , and the rather , because lud and his two sonnes stood in a very cold place , waiting for his comming . being vnder the gate , there stood one arm'd with an extemporall speech , to giue him the onset of his welcome : it was not ( i would you should well know ) the clarke of a country parish , or the schoolemaster of a corporate towne , the euery yéere has a saying to master maior , but it was a bird pickt out of purpose ( amongst the ludgathians ) that had the basest and lowdest voice , and was able in a terme time , for a throat , to giue any prisoner great ods for the bor at the grate : this organ-pipe was ●unde to rore for the rest , who with a hye sound & glib deliuery , made an encomiastick paradoxicall oration in praise of a prison , prouing , that captiuity was the only blessing that could happen ●o man , and that a politick bankrupt ( because he makes himselfe for euer by his owne wit ) is able to liue in any common wealth , and deserues to go vp the ladder of promotion , whē fiue hundred shallowp●ted feollwes shall be turnd off . the poore orator hauing made vp his mouth , bankruptisme gaue him very good words , & a handful or two of thanks , vowing he would euer liue in his debt . at which , all the prisoners rending the ayre with shouts , the key was turnd , & vp ( in state ) was he led into king luds house of bondage , to suruey the building , and to take possession of the lodgings ; where he no sooner en●red , but a ●usty peale of welcomes was shot out of kannes in stead of canons , and though the powder was excéeding wet , yet off they went thick and thréefold . the day was proclaymed holiday in all the wardes ; euery prisoner swore if he would stay amongst them , they would take no order about their debts , because they would lye by it too ; and for that purpose swa●md about him like bées about comfit-makers , and were drunke , according to all the learned rules of drunkennes , as vpsy-freeze , cra●bo , parmizant , &c. the pimples of this ranck and full-humord ioy rising thus in their faces , because they all knew , that though he himselfe was broken , the linings of his bags were whole ; & though he had no conscience ( but a crackt one ) yet he had crownes that were ●ound . none of all these ●ookes could fasten him to them : he was ( like their clocks ) to strike in more places than one , & though he knew many citizens hated him , and that if he were encountred by some of them , it might cost him déere , yet vnder so good a protection did he go ( as he said ) because he owed no ill will euen to those that most sought his vndoing ; and therefore tooke his leaue of the house , with promise , to be with them , or send to thē once euery quarter at the least . so that now , by his wise instructions , if a puny were there amongst them , he might learne more cases , and more quiddits in law within seuen dayes , that he does at his inne in fourtéene moneths . the politician béeing thus got into the city , caries himself to discreetly , that he steales into the hearts of many : in words , is he circumspect : in lookes , graue : in attire , ciuill : in diet , temperate : in company affable ; in his affaires serious : and so cunningly dooes he lay on these colours , that in the end he is welcome to , and familiar with the best . so that now , there is not any one of all the twelue companies , in which ( at one time or other ) there are not those that haue forsaken their owne hall , to be frée of his : yea some of your best shop-kéepers hath he entited to shut themselues vp from the cares and busines of the world , to liue a priuate life ; nay , there is not any great and famous streete in the city , wherein there hath not ( or now doth not ) dwell , some one , or other , that hold the points of his religion . for you must vnderstand , that the politick bankrupt is a harpy that lookes smoothly , a hyena that enchants subtilly , a mermaid that sings swéetly , and a cameleon , that can put himselfe into all colours . sometimes hée 's a puritane , he sweares by nothing but indéede , or rather does not sweare at al● , and wrapping his crafty serpents body in the cloake of religion , he does those acts that would become none but a diuell . sometimes hee 's a protestant , and deales iustly with all men , till he sée his time , but in the end he turnes turke . because you shall beléeue me , i will giue you his length by the scale , and anatomize his body from head to foote . héere it is . whether he be a tradesman , or a marchant , when he first sets himselfe vp , and séekes to get the world into his hands , ( yet not to go out of the city ) or first talks of countries he neuer saw ( vpon the change ) he will be sure to kéepe his dayes of payments more truly , then lawyers kéepe their termes , or than executors kéepe the last lawes that the dead inioyned them to , which euen infidels themselues will not violate : his hand goes to his head , to his meanest customer , ( to expresse his humilitie ; ) he is vp earlier then a sarieant , and downe later then a constable , to proclaime his thrift . by such artificiall whéeles as these , he winds himselfe vp into the height of rich mens fauors , till he grow rich himselfe , and when he sées that they dare build vpon his credit , knowing the ground to be good , he takes vpon him the condition of an asse , to any man that will loade him with gold ; and vseth his credit like a ship freighted with all sorts of merchandize by ventrous pilots : for after he hath gotten into his hands so much of other mens goods or money , as will fill him to the vpper deck , away he sayles with it , and politickly runnes himselfe on ground , to make the world beléeue he had sufferd shipwrack . then flyes he out like an irish rebell , and kéepes aloofe , hiding his head , when he cannot hide his shame : and though he haue fethers on his back puld frō sundry birds , yet to himselfe is he more wretched , then the cuckoo in winter , that dares not be séene . the troupes of honest citizens ( his creditors ) with whom he hath broken league and hath thus defyed , muster themselues together , and proclaime open warre : their bands consist of tall yeomen , that serue on foot , cōmanded by certaine sarieants of their bands , who for leading of men , are knowne to be of more experiēce th●n the best low-countrey captaines . in ambuscado do these lye day & night , to cut off this enemy to the city , if he dare but come downe . but the politick bankrupt barricadoing his sconce with double locks , treble dores , inuincible bolts , and pieces of ●imber 4. or 5. storyes hye , victuals himselfe for a moneth or so ; and then in the dead of night , marches vp higher into the country with bag and baggage : parlies then are summond ; compositions off●ed ; a truce is sometimes taken for 3. or 4. yéeres ; or ( which is more common ) a dishonorable peace ( séeing no other remedy ) is on both sides concluded , he ( like the states ) being the only gayner by such ciuill warres , whilst the citizen that is the lender , is the loser : nam crimine ab vno disce omnes , looke how much he snatches from one mans ●hea●e , hée gleanes from euery one , if they bée a hundred . the victory being thus gotten by basenes & trechery , back comes he marching with spred colours againe to the city ; aduances in the open stréete as he did before ; se●s the goods of his neighbor before his face without blushing : he iets vp and downe in silks wouen out of other mens stocke , féeds deliciously vpō other mēs purses , rides on his ten pound geldings , in other mens saddles , & is now a new man made out of wax , that 's to say , out of those bonds , whose seales he most dishonestly hath canceld . o veluet-garded theeues ! o yea-and-by-nay cheaters ! o ciuill , ô graue and right worshipfull couzeners ! what a wretchednes is it , by such steps to clime to a counterfetted happines ? so to be made for euer , is to be vtterly vndone for euer : so for a man to saue himselfe , is to venture his own damnation ; like those that laboring by all meanes to escape shipwrack , do afterwards desperatly ●rown themselues . but alas ! how rotten at the bottom are buildings thus raised ! how soone do such leases grow out of date ! the third house to them is neuer heard of . what slaues then doth mony ( so pur●hast ) make of those , who by such wayes thinke to find out perfect fréedome ? but they are most truly miserable in midst of their ioyes : for their neighbors scorne them , strangers poynt at them , good men neglect them , the rich man will no more trust them , the begger in his rage vpbrayde● them . yet if this were all , this all were nothing . o thou that on thy pillow ( lyke a spider in his ●oome ) weauest mischeuous nets , beating thy braynes , how by casting downe others , to rayse vp thy selfe ! thou politick bankrupt , poore rich man , thou ill-painted foole , when thou art to lye in thy last inne ( thy loathsome graue ) how heauy a loade will thy wealth bée to thy weake corrupted conscience ! those heapes of siluer , in telling of which thou hast worne out thy fingers ends , will be a passing bell , ●olling in thine ●are , and calling thée to a fearefull audit. thou canst not dispose of thy riches , but the naming of euery parcell will strike to thy heart , worse then the pangs of thy departure : thy last will , at the last day , will be an inditement to cast thée ; for thou art guilty of offending those two lawes ( enacted in the vpper house of heauen ) which directly forbid thee to steale , or to couet thy neighbors goods . but this is not all neither : for thou lyest on thy bed of death , and art not carde for : thou goest out of the world , and art not lamented : thou art put into the last linnen y● euer thou shalt weare , ( thy winding-shéete ) with reproch , and art sent into thy graue with curses : he that makes thy funerall sermon , dares not speake well of thée , because he is asham'd to belye the dead : and vpon so hate full a fyle doest thou hang the records of thy life , that euen when the wormes haue pickt thée to the bare bones , those that goe ouer thee , will set vpon thée no epitaph but this , here lyes a knaue . alack ! this is not the worst neither : thy wife being in the heate of her youth , in the pride of her beawty , and in all the brauery of a rich london widow , flyes from her nest ( where she was thus fledg'd before her time ) the city , to shake off the imputation of a bankrupts wife , and perhaps marries with some gallāt : thy bags then are emptied , to hold him vp in riots : those hundreds , which thou subtilly tookst vp vpon thy bonds , do sinfully serue him to pay tauerne bills , and what by knauery thou got●t ●rom honest men , is as villanously spent vpon pandars and whores : thy widow being thus brought to a low ebbe , grows desperat : curses her birth , her life , her fortunes , yea perhaps curses thée , when thou art in thy euerlasting sléepe , her conscience perswading strongly , that she is punished from aboue , for thy faults : and being poore , friendlesse , comfortlesse , she findes no meanes to raise her selfe , but by falling , and therfore growes to be a common womā . doth not the thought of this torment thée ? she liues basely by the abuse of that body , to maintaine which in costly garments , thou didst wrong to thine owne soule : nay more to afflict thée , thy children are ready to beg their bread in that very place , where the father hath sat at his dore in purple , and at his boord like diues , surfeting on those dishes which were earnd by the sweat of other mens browes . the infortunate marchant , whose estate is swallowed vp by the mercilesse seas , and the prouident trades-man , whom riotous seruants at home , or hard-hearted debters abroad vndermine and euerthrow , blotting them with the name of bankrupts , deserue to be pitied and relieued , when thou that hast cozend euen thine owne brother of his birth-right , art laught at , and not remembred , but in scorne , when thou art plagued in thy generation . be wise therefore , you graue , and wealthy cittizens ; play with these whales of the sea , till you escape them that are deuourers of your merchants ; hunt these english wolues to death , and rid the land of them : for these are the rats that eate vp the prouision of the people : these are the grashoppers of egypt , that spoyle the corne-fields of the husband-man and the rich mans uineyards : they will haue poore naboths piece of ground from him , though they eate a piece of his heart for it . these are indéede ( and none but these ) the forreners that liue without the fréedome of your city , better than you within it ; they liue without the freedome of honestly , of conscience , and of christianitie . ten dicing-houses cheate not yong gentlemen of so much mony in a years , as these do you in a moneth . the théefe that dyes at tyburne for a robbery , is not halfe so dangerous a wéede in a common-wealth , as the politick bankrupt , i would there were a derick to hang vp him too . the russians haue an excellent custome : they beate them on the shinnes , that haue mony , and will not pay their debts ; if that law were w●ll cudgeld from thence into england , barbar-surgeons might in a few yéeres build vp a hall for their company , larger then powles , only with the cure of bankrupt broken-shinnes . i would faine sée a prize set vp , that the welfed usurer , and the politick bankrupt might rayle one against another for it : ô , it would heget a riming comedy . the challenge of the germayne against all the masters of the noble science , would not bring in a quarter of the money : for there is not halfe so much loue betweene the iron and the loadestone , as there is mortall hate betwéene those two furies . the usurer liues by the lechery of mony , and is bawd to his owne bags , taking a fée , that they may ingender . the politick bankrupt liues by the gelding of bags of siluer . the usurer puts out a hundred poūd to bréede , and lets it run in a good pasture ( that 's to say , in the lands that are mortgag'd for it ) till it grow great with foale , and bring forth ten pound more . but the politick bankrupt playes the alchimist , and hauing taken a hundred pound to multiply it , he kéepes a puffing and a blowing , as if he would fetch the philosophers stone out of it , yet melts your hundred pound so l●ng in his crusibles , till at length to either melt it cleane away , or ( at the least ) makes him that lends it thinke good , if euery hundred bring him home ●iue , with principall and interest . you may behold now in this perspectiue piece which i haue drawne before you , how deadly and dangerous an enemy to the state this politick bankrupusme hath bin , & still is : it hath bin long enough in the citty , and for anything i sée , makes no great haste to get out . his triumphs haue bin great , his entertainement rich and magnificent . he purposes to lye héere as lucifers legiar : let him therefore alone in his lodging ( in what part of the citty soeuer it be ) tossed and turmoyled with godlesse slumbers , and let vs take vp a standing néere some other gate , to behold the entrance of the second sinne : but before you go , looke vpō the chariot that this first is drawne in , and take speciall note of all his attendants . the habit , the qualities and complexion of this embassador sent from hell , are set downe before . he rides in a chariot drawne vpon three whéeles , that run fastest away , when they beare the greatest loades . the bewty of the chariot is all in-layd work , cunningly & artificially wrought , but yet so strangely , and of so many seuerall-fashiond pieces , ( none like another ) that a sound wit would mis●rust they had bin stolne from sundry worke-men . by this prowd counterfet ran two pages ; on the left side conscience , raggedly attirde , ill-fac'd , ill-coloured , and misshapen in body . on the right side runs beggery , who if he out-liue him , goes to serue his children . hipocrisy driues the chariot , hauing a couple of fat well-coloured and lusty coach-horses to the eye , cald couetousnes and cosenage , but full of diseases , & rotten about the heart . behind him follow a crowd of trades-men , and merchants , euery one of them holding either a shop-booke , or an obligation in his hand , their seruants , wiues and children strawing the way before him with curses , but he carelesly runnes ouer the one , and out-rides the other ; at the tayle of whom ( like the pioners of an army ) march troopewise , and without any drum struck vp , because the leader can abide no noyse , a company of old expert sarieants , bold yeomen , hungry baylifs , and other braue martiall men , who because ( like the switzers ) they are well payd , are still in action , and oftentimes haue the enemy in execution ; following the héeles of this citty-conqueror , so close , not for any loue they owe him , but only ( as all those that follow great men do ) to get mony by him . we will leaue them lying in ambush , or holding their courts of gard , and take a muster of our next regiment . the seuen deadly 2. lying . or , the second dayes triumph . when it came to the eares of the sinfull synagogue , how the rich iew of london , ( barabbas bankruptisme ) their brother , was receyued into the citty , and what a lus●y reueler he was become , the rest of the same progeny ( being 6. in number ) vowd to ryde thither in their greatest state , and that euery one should challenge to himselfe ( if be could enter ) a seuerall day of tryumph ; for so he might doe by their owne customes . another therefore of the broode , being presently aptly accon●●red , and armed cap-a-pe , with all furniture fit for such an inuader , sets forward the very next morning , and arriu'de at one of the gates , before any porters eyes were vnglewd . to knocke , hee thought it no policy , because such fellowes are commonly most churlish , when they are most intreated , and are key-cold in their comming downe to strangers , except they be brybed : to stay there with such ● confusion of faces round about him , till light should betray him , might call his arriuall , being strange and hidden , into question ; besides , he durst not send any spy he had , to listen what newes went amongst the people , and whether any preparation were made for him , or that they did expect his approche , because indéede there was not any one of the damned crewe that followed his tayle , whom he durst trust for a true word . he resolues therefore to make his entrance , not by the sword , but by some sleyght , what storme or fayre weather soeuer should happen : and for that purpose , taking asunder his charriot , ( for it stood altogether like a germane clock , or an english , iack or turne-spit , vpon skrewes and vices ) he scatters his troope vpon the fields and hye-way , into small companies , as if they had bene irish beggers ; till at last espying certayne colliers with carts most sinfully loaden , for the citty , and behind them certayne light country horse-women ryding to the markets , hée mingled his footemen carelesly , amongst these , and by this stratagem of coales , brauely thorow moore-gate , got within the walles ; where marching not like a plodding grasyer with his droues before him , but like a citty-captayne , with a company ( as pert as taylours at a wedding ) close at his héeles , because nowe they knewe they were out of feare ) hée musters together all the hackneymen and horse-courses in and about colman-streete . no sooner had these sonnes and heyres vnto horse-shooes , got him into their eyes , but they wept for ioy to behold him ; yet in the ende , putting vp their teares into bottles of hay , which they held vnder their armes , and wyping their slubberd chéekes with wispes of cleane strawe , ( prouyded for the nonce ) they harnessed the grand signiors caroach , mounted his cauallery vpon curtals , and so sent him most pompously ( like a new elected dutch burgomaster ) into the citty . he was lookt vpon strangely by all whom he met , for at the first , few or none knew him , few followed him , few bid him welcome : but after hée had spent héere a very little péece of time , after it was voyc'd that monsieur mendax came to dwell amongst them , and had brought with him all sorts of politick falshood and lying , what a number of men , women and children fell presently in loue with him ! there was of euery trade in the city , and of euery profession some , that instantly were dealers with him : for you must note , that in a state so multitudinous , where so many flocks of people must be fed , it is impossible to haue some trades to stand , if they should not lye. how quickly after the art of lying was once publiquely profest , were false weights and false measures inuented ! and they haue since done as much hurt to the inhabitants of cities , as the inuention of gunnes hath done to their walles : for though a lye haue but short legs ( like a dwarfes ) yet it goes farre in a little time , et crescit eundo , and at last prooues a tall fellow : the reason is , that truth had euer but one father , but lyes are a thousand mens bastards , and are begotten euery where . looke vp then ( thou thy countryes darling , ) and behold what a diuelish inmate thou hast intertained . the genealogy of truth is well knowne , for she was borne in heauen , and dwels in heauen : falshood then and lying must of necessity come out of that hot country of hell , from the line of diuels : for those two are as opposite , as day and darkenes . what an vngracious generation wilt thou mingle with thine , if thou draw not this from thée : what a number of vnhappy and cursed childrē will be left vpō thy hand ? for lying is father to falshood , and grandsire to periury : frawd ( with two faces ) is his daughter , a very monster : treason ( with haires like snakes ) is his kinseman ; a very fury ! how art thou inclos'd with danger ? the lye first deceiues thée , and to shoote the deceit off cleanly , an oath ( like an arrow ) is drawne to the head , and that hits the marke . if a lye , after it is molded , be not smooth enough , there is no instrumēt to burnish it , but an oath : swearing giues it cullor , & a bright complexion . so that oathes are crutches , vpon which lyes ( like lame soldiers ) go , & néede no other pasport . little oathes are able to beare vp great lyes : but great lyes are able to beate downe great families : for oathes are wounds that a man stabs into himselfe , yea , they are burning words that consume those who kindle them . what fooles then are thy buyers and sellers to be abused by such hell-hounds ? swearing and forswearing put into their hands perhaps the gaines of a little siluer , but like those pieces which iudas receiued , they are their destruction . welth so gotten , is like a trée set in the depth of winter , it prospers not . but is it possible ( thou leader of so great a kingdome ) that heretofore so many bonfires of mens bodies should be made before thée in the good quarrell of trueth ? and that now thou shouldst take part wish her enemy ? haue so many triple-pointed darts of treason bin shot at the heads of thy princes , because they would not take truth out of thy temples , and art thou now in league with false witches the would kill thée ? thou art no traueler , the habit of lying therefore will not become thée , cast it off . he that giues a soldier the lye , lookes to receiue the stab : but what danger does he run vpon , that giues a whole city the lye ? yet must i venture to giue it thée . let me tell thée then , that thou doest lye with pride , and though thou art not so gawdy , yet are thou more costly in attiring thy selfe than the court , because pride is the queene of sinnes , thou hast chosen her to be thy concubine , and hast begotten many base sonnes and daughters vpon her body , as vainglory , curiosity , disobedience , opinion , disdaine , &c. pride , by thy lying with her , is growne impudent : she is now a common harlot , and euery one hath vse of her body . the taylor calls her his lemman , he hath often got her great with child of phantasticallity and fashions , who no sooner came into the world , but the fairest wiues of thy tennants snatcht them vp into their armes , layd them in their laps and to their brests , and after they had plaid with them their pleasure , into the country were those two children ( of the taylors ) sent to be nurst vp , so that they liue sometimes there , but euer and anon with thée . thou doest likewise lye with vsury : how often hast thou bin found in bed with her ! how often hath she bin openly disgraced at the crosse for a strumpet ! yet still doest thou kéepe her company , and art not ashamed of it , because you commit sinne together , euen in those houses that haue paynted posts standing at the gates . what vngodly brats and kindred hath she brought thée ? for vpon vsury hast thou begotten extortion , ( a strong , but an vnmannerly child , ) hardnes of heart , a very murderer , and bad conscience , who is so vnruly , that he séemes to be sent vnto thée , to be thy euerlasting paine . then hath she sonnes in law , and they are all scriueners : those scriueners haue base sonnes , and they are all common brokers ; those brokers likewise send a number into the world , & they are all common theeues . all of these may easily giue armes : for they fetch their discent from hell , where are as many gentlemen , as in any one place , in any kingdome . thou doost lye with sundrie others , and committest strange whoredomes , which by vse and boldnesse growe so common , that they seeme to be no whoredomes at all , yet thine owne abhominations would not appeare so vilely , but that thou makest thy buildings a brothelry to others : for thou sufferest religion to lye with hipocrisie : charity to lye with ostentation : friendship to lye with hollow-heartednes : the churle to lye with simony : iustice to lye with bribery , and last of all , conscience to lye with euerie one . so that now shee is full of diseases : but thou knowest the medicine for al these feauers that shake thée : be therfore to thy selfe thine owne phisitian , and by strong pilles purge away this second infection that is breeding vpon thee , before it strike to the heart . falshood and lying thus haue had their day , and like almanackes of the last yeare , are now gon out : let vs follow them a step or two farther to see how they ride , and then ( if we can ) leaue them , for i perceiue it growes late , because candle-light ( who is next to enter vpō the stage ) is making himself ready to act his comicall scenes . the chariot then that lying is drawne in , is made al of whetstones ; wantonnes and euil custome are his horses : a foole is the coachman that driues them : a couple of swearing fencers sometimes leade the horses by the reynes , and sometimes flourish before them to make roome . worshipfully is this lord of limbo attended , for knights thīselues follow close at his heeles ; mary they are not post and poyre-knightes but one of the post. amongst whose traine is shuffled in a company of scambling ignorant petti-foggars , leane knaues and hungrie , for they liue vpon nothing but the scraps of the law , and heere and there ( like a prune in white-broth , is stucke a spruice but a meer● prating vnpractised lawyer● clarke all in blacke . at the tayle of all ( when this goodly pageant is passed by ) ollow a crowde of euerie trade some , amongst whome least we be smothered , and bee taken to bee of the same list , let vs strike downe my way . nam● 〈◊〉 vulgus . ● . candle-light . or , the nocturnall tryumph . o candle-light : and art thou one of the cursed crew ? hast thou bin set at the table of princes , & noble men ? haue all su●es of peop●e ●oone reuerence vnto thee and stood b●re 〈…〉 ●ey haue seene thee ? haue theeues , traytors , and murderers been affraide to come in thy presence , because they knewe thee iust , and that thou wouldest discouer them ? and act thou now a harborer of all kindes of vices ? nay , doost thou play the capitall vice thy selfe ? hast thou had so many learned lectures read before thee , & is the light of thy vnderstanding now cleane put out , and haue so many profound schollers profited by thee ? hast thou doone such good to vniuersities , beene such a guide to the lame , and seene the dooing of so many good workes , yet doest thou now looke dimly , and with a dull eye vpon al goodnes ? what comfort haue sickmen taken ( in weary and irkesome nights ) but onely in thee ? thou hast been their phisition and apothecary , and when the rellish of nothing could please them , the very shadow of thee hath beene to them a restoritiue consolation . the nurse hath stilled her way ward infant , shewing it but to thee : what gladnes hast thou put into mariners bosomes , when thou hast met them on the sea ? what ioy into the faint and benighted trauailer when he has met thee on the land ? how many poore handy-craftes men by thee haue earned the best part of their liuing ? and art thou now become a companion for drunkards , for ●eachers , and for prodigalles ? art thou turnd reprobate ? thou wilt burne for it in hell , and so odious is this thy apostacy , and hiding thy self frō the light of the truth , the at thy death & going out of the world , euen they y● loue thée best , wil tread thee vnder their feete : yea i that haue thus plaid the herrald , & proclaimd thy good parts , wil now play the cryer and cal thee into open count , to arraigne thee for thy misdemeanors . let the world therefore vnderstand , that this tallowfacde gentleman ( cald candle-light ) so soone as euer the sunne was gon out of sight , and that darkenes like a thief out of a hedge crept vpon the earth , sweate till hee dropt agen , with bustling to come into the cittie . for hauing no more but one onely eye ) and that ster●er●● with drinking & sitting vp late ) he was ashamed to be seene by day , knowing he should be laught to scorne , and hoo●ed at . he makes his entrance therefore at aldersgate of set purpose , for though the streete be faire and spatious , yet few lightes in mistie euenings , vsing there to thrust out their goldē heads he thought that the aptest circle for him to be raised in , because ●here his glittering would make greatest show . what expectation was there of his cōming ? setting aside the 〈◊〉 , there is not more triumphing on midsommer night . no sooner was he aduaunced vp into the moste famous streetes , but a number of shops for ioy beganne to shut in : mercers ●olde vp their silkes and ueluets : the goldsmithes drew backe their plate , & all the citty lookt like a priuate play-house , when the windowes are clapt downe , as 〈◊〉 some nocturnal , or dismall tragedy were presently to be acted before all the trades-men . but caualiero candle-light came for no such solemnitie : no he had other crackers in hand to which hee watcht but his houre to giue fire ▪ sc●rce was his entrance blown abroad , but the banckrupt , the fello● , and all that owed any mony , and for feare of arrests , or iustices warrants , had like so many snayles kept their houses ouer their heads al the day before , began now to creep out of their shel● , & so stalke vp & down the streets as vprightly , & with as proud a gate as if they meant to knock against the starres with the crownes of their heads . the damask coated cittizen , that sat in his sh●p both fo●●noone and afternoone , and lookt more sowerly on his poore neighbore , th●n if he had drunke a quart of uineger at a draught , sneakes out of his owne doores , and slips into a tauerne , where either alone , or with some other that battles their money together , they so plye themselues with penny pots , which ( like small-shot ) goe off , powring into their fat paunches , that at length th●y haue not an eye to see withall , nor a good legge to stand vpon . in which pickle if anye of them happen to be iustled downe by a post ( that in spite of them will take the wall ) and so reeles them into the kennell , who takes them vp or leades them home ? who has them to bed , and with a pillow smothes this stealing so of good liquor , but that brazen-face candle-light ? nay more , hee intices their verie prentices to make their desperate sallyes out , & quicke retyres in ( contrarie to the oath of their indentures ) which are seauen yeares a swearing , onely for their pintes , and away . tush , this is nothing : yong shopkeepers that haue but newly ventured vpon the pikes of marriage , who are euery houre shewing their wares to their customers , plying their businesse harder all day then vulcan does his anuile , and seeme better husbands than fidlers that scrape for a poore liuing both day and night , yet euen these if they can but get candle-light , to sit vp all night with them in any house of reckning ( that 's to say in a tauerne ) they fall roundly to play the london prize , and that 's at three seuerall weapons , drinking , dauncing , & dicing , their wiues lying all that time in their beds sighing like widowes , which is lamentable : the giddie-braind husbāds wasting the portions they had with them , which lost once , they are ( like maiden-heades ) neuer recouerable . or which is worse , this going a bat-fowling a nights , beeing noted by some wise yong-man or other , that knowes how to handle such cases , the hush is beaten for them at home , whilest they catch the bird abraode , but what bird is it ? the woodcocke . neuer did any cittie pocket vp such wrong at the hands of one , ouer whom she is so iealous , and so tender , that in winter nights if he be but missing , and hide himselfe in the darke , i know not how many beadles are sent vp and downe the streetes to crie him : yet you see , there is more cause she should send out to curse him for what uillanies are not abroad so long as candle-light is stirring ? the seruing-man dare then walke with his wench : the priuate puncke ( otherwise called one that boords in london ) who like a pigeon sits billing all day within doores , and feares to steppe ouer the thresholde , does then walke the round till midnight , after she hath beene swaggering amongst pottle pots and uintners boyes . nay , the sober perpetuana suited puritane , that dares not ( so much as by moone-light ) come neere the suburb-shadow of a house , where they set stewed prunes befor you , raps as boldly at the hatch , when he knowes candle-light is within , as if he were a new chosen constable . when al doores are lockt vp , when no eyes are open , when birds sit silent in bushes , and beasts lie sleeping vnder hedges , when no creature can be smelt to be vp but they that may be smelt euery night a streets length ere you come at them , euen then doth this ignis fatuus ( candle-light ) walke like a fire-drake into sundrie corners . if you will not beleeue this , shoote but your eye through the iron grates into the cellers of uintners , there you shall see him hold his necke in a iin , made of a clift hoope-sticke , to throttle him from telling tales , whilest they most abhominably iumble together all the papisticall drinkes that are brought from beyond-sea : the poore wines are rackt and made to confesse anie thing : the spanish & the french meeting both in the bottome of the cellar , conspire together in their cups , to lay the englishman ( if he euercome into their company ) vnder the boord . to be short , such strange mad musick doe they play vpon their sacke-buttes , that if candle-light beeing ouer come with the steeme of newe sweete wines , when they are at worke , shoulde not tell them t is time to goe to bedde , they would make all the hogges-heads that vse to come to the house , to dannce the cannaries till they reeld againe . when the grape-mongers and hee are parted , hee walkes vp and downe the streetes squiring olde midwiues to anie house , ( ●e●e s●cretly ) where any bastards ●re to be brought into the worlde . from them , ( about the houre when spirits wal●e , and cats goe a gossipping ) hee visits the w●tch where creeping into the beadles cothouse ( which handes betweene his legges , that are lapt rounde about with peeces of rugge , as if he had newe strucke of sh●ckles ) and seeing the watch-men to nodde at him , hee 〈◊〉 himselfe presently , ( knowing the token ) vnder the slapp● 〈…〉 and teaches them ( by instinct ) howe to st 〈…〉 into their heades , because hee sees all their cloakes cannot one good nappe vppon them and vppon his warrant snort they so lowde , that to those night walkers ( whose wittes are vp so late ) it serues as a watch-worde so keepe out of the teach of their ●rowne 〈◊〉 : by which meanes they neuer come to aunswere the matter b●●ore maister constable , and the benc● vppon which his men ( t●at shoulde watch ) doe sitte : in that the coun●e●s are cheated of prisoners , to the great ●amm●ge o● these that shoulde haue their mornings draught out of the garnish . o candle-light , candle-light ! to howe manie costly sacke-posse●s ▪ and rea●s banquets hast thou beene musted by prentices and 〈◊〉 maiden● ? when the bell-man for anger to spie ( such a purloyner of cittizens goods ) so many , hath bounced 〈◊〉 the doore like a madde man , at which ( as if robin good-fellow had beene coniur'd vp amongst them the we●ches haue , falne into the handes of the greene-sicknesse , and the yong fellowes into colde agues , with verie feare least their maister ( like olde ieronimo and isabella his wife after him ) starting out of his naked bed should came downe ( with a weapon in his hande ) and this in his mouth : what outcryes pull vs from our naked bedde ? who calles ? &c. as the players can tell you . o candle-light , howe hast thou stuncke then , when they haue popt thee out of their compayne : howe hast thou taken it in snuffe , when thou hast beene smelt out especially the maister of the house exclayming , that by day that deede of darknesse had not beene . one uennie more with thee , and then i haue done . how many lips haue beene worne out with kissing at she street doore , or in that entry ( in a winking blind euening ? ) how many odde matches and vneuen mariages haue been made there betwéene young prentises and there maisters daughters , whilest thou ( o candle-light ) hast stood watching at the staires h●ade , that none could come stealing downe by thee , but they must bee seene ? it appeares by these articles put in agaynst thee , that thou art partly a bawd to diuerse loose sinnes , and partly a coozener : for if any in the cittie haue badde wares lying deade vppon their handes , thou art better than aqua vitae to fetch life into them , and to sende them packing . thou shalt therefore bee taken out of thy proude chariot , and bee carted : yet first will wee see what workmanship , and what stoffe it is made of , to the intent that if it bee not daungerous for a cittie to keepe anie relique belonging to such a crooked saint , it may bee hung vp as a monument to shewe with what dishonour thou wert driuen out of so noble a lodging , to deface whose buildings thou hast béene so enuious , that when thou hast beene left alone by any thing that woulde take fire , thou hast burnt to the ground many of her goodlyest houses . candle lights ceath is made all of hor●e , shauen as thin as changel●●yes ate . it is drawne ( with ease ) by two rats : the coachman is a chaundler who so s●ears wi●h yea●king them , that he drops tallowe , and t●at f●eors them as prouend●r : yet a●e the lashes that hee giues the squeaking vermine more deadly to them then al the rats-bane in buckle●sb●rie . painefulnesse and studdy are his two lac●ey●s and run by him : darknesse , conspiracy , opportunitie , stratagems and feare , are his attend●nts : hee 's sued vnto by diggars in mines , grauers , schollers , mariners , nurses , drunkards , vnthriftes and shrote husbands : hee destroyes that which feedes him , & therefore ingratitude comes behinde all this , driuing them before her . the next diuel that is to be commaunded vp , is a very lazie one , and will be long in rising : let vs therefore vnbinde this , and fall to other charmes . 4. sloth : or the fourth dayes tryumph . man ( doubtlesse ) was not created to bee an idle fellow , for then he should bee gods vagabond : he was made for other purpose then to be euer eating as swine : euer sleeping as dormise : euer dumb as fishes in the sea , or euer prating to no purpose , as birdes of the ayre : he was not set in this vniuersall orchard to stand still as a tree and so to bee cut downe , but to be cut downe if he should stand still . and to haue him remember this , he carries certaine watches with larums about him , that are euer striking : for all the enginous wheeles of the soule are continually going : though the body lye neuer so fast bownde in slumbers , the imagination runnes too and fro , the phantasie flyes round about , the vitall spirits walke vp and downe , yea the very pulses shew actiuitie , and their hammers are still beating , so that euen in his very dreames it is whispered in his eare that hee must bee dooing something . if hee had not these prompters at his elbowe , yet euerie member of his body ( if it could speake would chide him ) if they were put to no vse , cōsidering what noble workmanship is bestowed vpon them . for man no sooner gets vpon his legges , but they are made so that either hee may run or goe : when he is weary , they can giue him ●ase by stāding still , if he will not stand , the knees le●ue like hindges to bow vp and downe , and to let him kneele his armes haue artificiall cordes and stringes , which shorten or flye ●ut to their length at pleasure : they winde about the bodye like a siluer girdle , and being held out before , are weapōs to defend it : at the end of the armes , are two beautiful mathematicall instruments , with fiue seuerall motions in each of them , and thirtie other mouing engines , by which they stirre both . his head likewise standes vppon three skrewes , the one is directly forward to teach him prouidence , the other two are on eather side one , to arme him with circumspection : how busie are both the eyes , to keepe d●nger from him euerie way . but admit hée had none of these wonderfull volumes to reade ouer , yet hee sees the clowdes alwaies working : the waters euer labouring : the earth continuallye bringing foorth : he sees the sunne haue a hye co●our with taking paines for the day . the moone pale and sickly , with sitting vp for the night : the stars mustring their armyes together to guard the moone . ●ll of them , and all that is in the world , seruing as schoolemaisters , & the world it selfe as an academ to bring vp man in knowledge , and to put him still into action . how then dares this nastie , and loathsome sin of sloth venture into a ci●ie amongst so many people ? who doth he hope wil giue him entertainmēt ? what lodging ( thinks he ) can be tame vp , where he & his ●eauy-headed cōpany may take their afternoones nay soundly ? for in euery stréet , carts and coaches make such a thundring as if the world ranne vpon wheeles : at euerie corner , men , women , and children meete in such shoales , that postes are sette vp of purpose to strengthen the houses , least with iustling one another they should shoulder them downe . besides , hammers are beating in one place , tube hooping in another , pots clincking in a third , water-tankards running at tilt in a fourth : heere are porters sweating vnder burdens , there marchants-men bearing bags of money , chapmen ( as if they were at leape-frog ) skippe out of one shop into another : tradesmen ( as if they were daūcing galliards ( are iusly ) at legges and neuer stand still : all are as busie as countrie atturneyes at an assises : how then can idlenes thinke to inhabit heere ? yet the worshipfull sir , ( that leades a gentlemans life , and dooth nothing ) though he comes but slowly on ( as if hee trodde a french march ) yet hee comes and with a great trayne at his tayle , as if the countrie had brought vp some fellon to one of our gayles , so is hee connaide by nine or tenne drowsie malt-men , that lye nodding ouer their sackes , and euen a moste sléepie and still triumph begins his entrance at bishopsgate . an armie of substantiall housholders ( moste of them liuing by the hardnesse of the hand ) came in battaile array , with spred banners , bearing the armes of their seuerall occupations to meete this cowardly generall and to beate him backe . but hee sommoning a parlee , hammered out such a strong oration in praise of ease ▪ that they all strucke vp their drums , flung vp their round-cappes , ( and as if it had beene another william the conqueror came marching in with him ) and lodged him in the quietest streete in the cittie , for so his lazinesse requested . hee then presently gaue licenses to all the uintners , to keepe open house , and to emptye their hogsheades to all commers , who did so , dying their grates into a drunkards blush ( to make them knowne from the grates of a prison ) least customers should re●le away from them , and hanging out new bushes , that if men at their going out , could not sée the signe , yet they might not loose themselues in the bush . he likewise gaue order that dicing-houses , and bowling alleyes should be erected , wherupon a number of poore handy crafts-men , that before wrought night and day , made stocks to thēselues of ten groates , & crowns a peece , and what by betting , lurches , rubbers and such tricks , they neuer tooke care for a good daies worke afterwards . for as letchery is patron of al your suburb colledges , and sets vp vaulting-houses , and daunsing-schooles : and as drunkennesse when it least can stand , does best hold vp alehouses , so sloth is a founder of the almes-houses first mentioned , & is a good benefactor to these last . the players prayed for his comming , they lost nothing by it , the comming in of tenne embassadors was neuer so sweete to them , as this our sinne was : their houses smoakt euerye after noone with stinkards , who were so glewed together in crowdes with the steames of strong breath , that when they came foorth , their faces lookt as if they had beene perboylde : and this comicall tearme-time they hoped for , at the least all the summer , because t is giuen out that sloth himselfe will come , and sit in the two-pennie galleries amongst the gentlemen , and see their knaueries and their pastimes . but alas ! if these were the sorest diseases ( thou noblest city of the now-noblest nation ) that idlenes does infect thee with : thou hast phisick sufficient in thy selfe , to purge thy bodie of them . no , no , hee is not slothfull , that is onelye lazie , that onelye wastes his good houres , and his siluer in luxury , & licentious ease , or that onely ( like a standing water ) does nothing , but gather corruption : no , hee is the true slothfull man that does no good . and how many would crie guilty vnto thee , if this were there inditement ? thy maiestrate● ( that when they see thee most in danger ) put vp the swordes that iustice hath guided , to their loynes , & flie into the conntrie , leauing thee destitute of their counsell , they would crie guilty , they are slothfull . thy phisitions , that feari●g to die by that which they liue , ( sicknes ) doe most vnkindely leaue thee when y●●rt ready to lye vpon thy death bed , they are slothful , they would crie guilty . thy great men , and such as haue been thy rulers ▪ that being taken out of poore cradles , & nursed vp by thee , haue fild their cofers with golde , and their names with honour , yet afterwards growing weary of thee , ( like mules hauing suckt their dammes ) most ingratefully haue they stolne from thee , spending those blessings which were thine , vpon those that no way deserue them , are not these slothfull ? they would crie guiltye . there is yet one more , whome i would not heare to cry guilty , because ( of al● others ) i would not haue them slothfull . o you that speake the language of angels , and should indeed be angels amōgst vs , you that haue offices aboue those of kinges , that haue warrāt to cōmaund princes , & controle them , if they doe amisse : you that are stewards ouer the kings house of heauen , and lye heere as embassadors about the greatest state-matters in the world : what a dishonour were it to your places , if it should bee knowne that you are sloathfull ? you are sworne labourers , to worke in a uineyard , which if you dresse not carefully , if you cut it not artificially , if you vnderprop it not wisely whē you see it laden , if you gather not the fruites in it , when they bee ripe , but suffer them to drop downe , and bee eaten vp by swine . o what a deere account are you to make him that must giue you your hire ? you are the beames of the sun that must ripen the grapes of the uine , & if you shine not cleerely , he will eclipse you for euer : your tongues are the instruments y● must cut off rancke & idle sprigs , to make the bearing-braunches to spred , and vnlesse you keep them sharpe and be euer pruning with them , he will cast you by , and you shall be eaten vp with rust . the church is a garden and you must weede it : it is a fountaine , & you must keepe it cleere : it is her husbands iewell , and you must pollish it : it is his best belooued , and you must keepe her chast . many merchants hath this cittie to her sonnes , of al which you are the most noble , you trafficke onely for mens soules , sending them to the land of promise , and to the heauenly ierusalem , and receiuing from thence ( in exchange ) the ritchest commoditie in the world , your owne saluation . o therefore bee not you slothfull : for if being chosen pilots , you sleepe , and so sticke vpon reckes , you hazard your owne shipwracke more then theirs that venture with you . what a number of colours are here grounded , to paint out sloth in his vglines , and to make him loathed , whilst he ( yawning , and his chin knocking nods into his brest ) regardes not the whips of the moste crabbish satyristes . let vs therfore looke vpon his horse-litter that hee rides in , and so leaue him . a couple of vnshodde asses carry it betweene them , it is all fluttishly euergrowne with mosse on the out-side , and on the inside quilted through out with downe pillowes : sleepe and plenty leade the fore-asse ; a pursie double chind laena , riding by on a sump●er-horse with prouāder at his mouth , & she is the litter-driuer : shee keepes two pages , & those are an irish beggar on the one side , & one that sayes he has been a soldier on the other side . his attendants are sicknes , want , ignorāce , infamy , bōdage , palenes , blockishnes and carelesnes . the retayners that wear his cloth are anglers , dumb ministers players , exchange-wenches , gamsters , panders , whores and fidlers . apishnesse : or the fift dayes triumph . sloth was not so slow in his march , when hee entred the citie , but apishnesse ( that was to take his turne next ) was as quick . do you not know him ? it cannot be read in any chronicle , that he was euer with henrie the eight at bulloigne or at the winning of turwin & turnay : for ( not to belle the sweete gentleman , ) he was neither in the shell then , no nor then when paules-steeple and the weathercocke were on fire ; by which markes ( without looking in his mouth ) you may safely sweare , that hee s but yong , for hee s a feirse , dapper fellow , more light headed then a musitian : as phantastically attyred as a court ieaster : wanton in discourse : lasciuious in behauiour : iocond in good companie : nice in his trencher , and yet he feedes verie hungerly on scraps of songs : be drinkes in a glasse well , but vilely in a deepe french-bowle : yet much about the year● when monsieur came in , was hee begotten , betweene a french tayler , and an english court-seamster . this signior ioculento ( as the diuell would haue it ) comes prawncing in at cripplegate , and he may well doe it , for indeede all the parts hee playes are but cou'd speeches stolne from others , whose voices and actions hee counterfestes : but so lamely , that all the cripples in tenne spittle-houses , sh●we not more halting . the grauer browes were bent against him , and by the awfull charmes of reuerend authoritie , would haue sent him downe from whence he came , for they knew howe smooth soeuer his lookes were , there was a diuell in his bosome : but hee hauing the stronger faction on his side , set them in a mutenie , saeu●que animis ignobile vulgus , the manie headed monster fought as it had beene against saint george , won the gate , and then with showtes was the gaueston of the time , brought in . but who brought him in ? none but ●ichmens sonnes that were left wel● , and had more money giuen by will , then they had wit how to bestow it : none but prentises almost out of their yéers , and all the tailors , haberdashers , and embroderers that could be got for loue or money , for these were prest secretly to the seruice , by the yong and wanton dames of the citie , because they would not be seene to shewe their loue to him themselues . man is gods ape , and an ape is zani to a man , doing ouer those trickes ( especially if they be knauish ) which hee sees done before him : so that apishnesse is nothing but counterfetting or imitation : and this flower when it first came into the citie , had a prettie scent , and a delightfull colour , hath bene let to run so high , that it is now feeded , and where it fals there rises vp a stinking weede . for as man is gods ape , striuing to make artificiall flowers , birdes , &c. like to the naturall : so for the same reason are women , mens shee apes , for they will not bee behind them the bredth of a taylors yard ( which is nothing to speake of ) in anie new-fangled vpstart fashion . if men get vp french standing collers , women will haue the french standing coller too ●● dublets with little thick skirts , ( so sh●rt that none are able to sit vpon them . ) womens foreparts are thicke skirted too : by sur●etting vpon which kinde of phantasticall apishnesse in a short time , they fall into the disease of pride : pride is infectious , and breedes prodigalitie : prodigalitie after it has runne a little , closes vp and ●ester● , and then turnes to beggerie . wittie was that painter therefore , that when hee had limned one of euery nation in th●●r proper attyres , and beeing at his wittes endes howe to drawe an englishman : at the last ( to giue him a quipp● for his follie in apparell ) drewe him starke naked , with sheeres in his hand , and cloth on his arme , because mans could cut out his fashions but himselfe . for an english-mans suite is ●ke a traitors bodie that hath beene hanged , drawne , and quart , red , and is set vp in se●erall places : his co●peece is in denmarke , the collor of his duble a●d the belly in france : the wing and narrow sleeue in ●taly : the short tras●● hangs ouer a dutch botchers stall in vtrich : his huge stoppes speakes spanish : polonia giues him the bootes : the blocke for his heade alters faster then the feltmaker can fit●e him , and thereupon we are called in scorne blockheades . and thus we that mocke euerie . nation , for keeping one fashion , yet steale patches from euerie one of them , to peece out our pride , are now laughing-stocks to them , because their cut so scuruily becomes vs : this sinne of apishnesse ▪ whether it bee in apparell ▪ or in diet , is not of such long life as his fellowes , and for seeing none but women and fooles keepe him companie , the one wil be ashamed of him when they begin to haue wrinckles , the other when they feele their purses light . the magistrate , the wealthy commoner ▪ and the auncient cittizen , disdaine to come neare him : wee were best therefore , take note of such things as are aboute him , least on a suddaine hee slip out of sight . apishnesse ri●es in a chariot made of nothing but cages , in which are all the strangest out-landish birds that can be gotten : the cages are slucke full of parats feathers : the coach-man is an italian mownti-banck who driues a ●awne and a lambe , for they drawe this gew-g●w in winter , when such beasts are r●rest to be had : in sommer , it goes alone by the motion of wheeles : two pages in light coloured suites , embrodered full of butterflies , with wings ●●at slutter vp with the winde , run by him , the one being a dauncing boy the other a t●●●bler : his attend●nts are folly ▪ laughter , inconstancie , riot , nicenesse , and vainglorie : when his court remoues hee is folowed by tobacconists , shittlecock-makers , feather-makers , cob-web-lawne-weauers , perfumers , young countrie gentlemen , and fooles . in whose ship whilest they all are sayling , let vs obserue what other abuses the verdimotes inquest doe present on the lande , albeit they bee neuer reformed , till a second chaos is to bee refined . in the meane time , in nouafert animus . shauing : or the sixt dayes triumph . how ? shauing ! me thinkes barbers should crie to their customers winck hard and come running out of their shoppes into the open streetes , throwing all their suddes out of their learned latin basons into my face for presuming to name the mysterie of shauing in so vil●anous a companie as these seuen are . is that trade ( say they ) that for so many yeares hath beene held vp by so many heades , and has out-hearded the stowtest in england to their faces , is that trade , that because it is euermore trimming the citie , hath beene for many yéers past made vp into a societie , and ●a●e their guild , and their priuiledges with as much freedome as the best , must that nowe bee counted a sinne ( 〈◊〉 and one of the deadly sinnes ) of the cittie ? no , no● be not angry with me , ( o you that bandie away none but sweete washing balles , and cast none other then rose-waters for any mans pleasure ) for there is shauing within the walles of this great metropolis , which you neuer ●reamed of : a shauing that takes not only away the rebellious h●ltes , but brings the flesh with it too : and if that cannot suffice , the very bones must follow . if therfore you , and fiue companies greater then yours , should chuse a colonel to lead you against this mightie tamburlaine , you are too weake to make him retire , and if you should come to a battell , you would loose the day . for behold what troopes forsake the standard of the citie , and flie to him : neither are they base & commōn souldiers , but euen those that haue borne armes a long time . be silent therfore , and be patient : and since there is no remedie but that ▪ ( this combatant that is so cunning at the sharp ) wil come in , mark in what triumphant and proud manner , he is marshalled through newgate : at which bulwarke ( & none other ) did he ( in policy ) desire to shew himself . first , because he knew if the citie should play with him as they did with wiat , newgate held a nūber , that though they were false to all the world , would be true to him . couragiouously therfore does he enter : all of them that had once serued vnder his colors ( and were now to suffer for the truth , which they had abused ) leaping vp to the iron lattaces , to beholde their general , & making such a ratling with shaking their chaines for ●oy , as if cerberus had bin come frō hell to liue and die amongst them . shauing is now lodged in the heart of the citie , but by whom ? and at whose charges ? mary at a common purse , to which many are tributaries , & therfore no maruell if he be feasted royally . the first that paid their mony towards it , are cruel and couetous land-lords , who for the building vp of a chimny , which stands them not aboue 30. s. and for whiting the wals of a tenement , which is searce worth the daubing raise the rent presently ( as if it were new put into the subsidy book , assessing it at 3. li. a yéer more then euer it went for before : fi●thy wide-mouthd bandogs they are , that for a quarters rent will pull out their ministers throte , if he were their tenāt : and ( though it turn to the vtter vndoing of a man ) being rubd with quicksiluer , which they loue because they haue mangyconsciences , they will let to a drunken flemming a house ouer his own coūtry-mans head , thinking hee s safe enough from the thunderbolts of their wiues & children , and from curses , and the very vengeance of heauen , if he get by the bargaine but so many angels as will couer the crowne of his head . the next that laide downe his share , was no sharer among the players , but a shauer of yong gentlemen , before euer a haire dare peepe out of their chinnes : and these are vsurers : who for a little money , and a greate deale of trash : ( as fire-shouels , browne-paper , motley cloake-bags , &c. bring yong nouices into a ●ooles paradice till they haue sealed the morgage of their landes , and then like pedlers , goe they ( or some familiar spirit for them ra●zde by the vsurer ) vp and downe to cry commodities ) which scarce yeeld the third part of the sum for which they take them vp . there are like wise other barbers , who are so well customed , that they shaue a whole citie sometymes in three dayes , and they doe it ( as bankes his horse did his tricks ) onely by the eye , and the eare : for if they either see no magistrate comming towardes them ▪ ( as being called back by the common-weale for more serious imployments ) or doe but heare that hee lyes sicke , vpon whom the health of a cittie is put in haza●d : they presently ( like prentises vpon shroue-tuesday ) take the lawe into their owne handes , and doe what they list . and this legion consists of market-folkes , bakers , brewers , all that weigh their consciences in scales . and lastly , of the two degrees of colliers , viz. those of char-coles , and those of newcastle . then haue you the shauing of fatherlesse children , and of widowes , and that 's done by executors , the shauing of poore clients especially by the atturneyes clearkes of your courts , and that 's done by writing their billes of costs vpon cheuerell . the shauing of prisoners by extortion , first , taken by their kéepers , for a prison is builded on such ranke and fertil ground , that if poore wretches sow it with hand-fulles of small debts when they come in if thery lie thee but a while to see the comming vp of them : the charges of the house will bee treble the demaund of the creditor . then haue you brokers that shaue poor men by most iewish interest : marry the diuils trimme them so soone as they haue washed ▪ others . i wil not tell how uintners shaue their guestes with a little peece of paper not aboue three fingers broade ; for their roomes are like barbars chaires : men come into them willingly to bee shauen . onely ( which is worst ) bee it knowne ●o thee ( o thou queene of cities ) thy inhabitants shaue their consciences so close , that in the ende they growe baloe , and bring foorth no goodnesse . wee haue beene quicke ( you see ) in trimming this cutter of queene hith , because t is his propertie to handle others so , let vs bee as nymble in praysing his houshold-stuffe : the best part of which is his chariot , richly adorned , it is drawen by foure beasts : the 2. formost are a wolfe ( which will eate till he be readie to burst ) and hee is coach-fellow to a she-bea●e , who is cruell euen to women great with childe : behinde them are a couple of blood-houndes : the coach-man is an informer . two pettifoggers that haue beene turned ouer the barre , a●e his lackies : his houshold seruants are wit ( who is his steward ) audacitie : shifting : inexorabilitie : and disq●ietnesse of mind : the meanie are ( besides some person , before named ) skeldring soldiers , and begging schel●ces . crueltie : or the seuenth and last dayes triumph . what a weeke of sinfull reueling hath heere bin with these six p●oud lords of miscu●e ? to which of your hundred parishes ( o you citizens ) haue not some one of these ( if not all ) remoued their courts , and feasted you with them ? your percuilises are not strong inough to keepe them out by day your watchmen are too sleepy to spie their ●●ealing in by night . there is yet another to enter , as great in power as his fellowes , as subtill , as full of mischiefe : if i shoulde name him to you , you would laugh mee to scorne , because you cannot bee perswaded that such a one should euer bee suffered to liue within the freedome : yet if i name him not to you , you may in time , by him ( as by the rest ) bee vndone . it is crueltie , o strange ! mee thinkes london should start vp out of her sollid foundation , and in anger bee ready to fall vppon him , and grinde him to dust that durst say , shee is possest with such a deuill . cruelty ! the verie sound of it shewes that it is no english word : it is a fury sent out of hel , not to inhabit within such beautifull walles , but amongst turkes and tarta●s . the other sixe monsters transforme themselues into amiable shapes , and set golden , inticing charmes to winne men to their circaean loue , they haue angelical faces to allure , and bewitching tongues to inchaunt : but cruelty is a hag , horred in forme , terrible in voice , formidable in threates , a tyrant in his very lockes , and a murderer in all his actions . how then comm●th it to passe that heere he seekes entertainment ? for what cittie in the world , does more drie vp the teares of the widdowe , and giues more warmth to the fatherlesse then this ancient and reuerend grandam of citties ? where hath the orphan ( that is to receiue great portions ) lesse cause to mourne the losse o● parents ? he findes foure and twentie graue senators to bee his fathers instead of one : the cittie it selfe to bee his mother : her officers to bee his seruants , who see that hee want nothing : her lawes to suffer none to doe him wrong : and though he be neuer so simple in wit , or ●o ●ender in yeares , shee lookes as warily to that welth which is left him , as to the apple of her owne eye . where haue the leaper and the lunatick surgery , and phisicke so good cheape as heere ? their payment is onely than●es : large hospitalls are erected ( of purpose to make them lodgings ) and the rent is most easie , onely their prayers : yet for all this that charitie hath her armes full of children , & that ●ender brested compassion is still in one street or other dooing good workes : off from the hindges are one of the 7. gates readie to bee lifted , to make roome for this giant : the whiflers of your inferior and chiefe companies cleere the wayes before him , men of all trades with shoutes & acclamations followed in thrōges behinde him , yea euen the siluer-bearded , & seuearest lookt cittizēs haue giuen him welcomes in their parlors . there are in lond & within the buildings , that roūd about touch her sides , & stand within her reach , thirteene strong houses of sorrow , where the prisoner hath his heart wasting away sometimes a whole prentiship of yeres in cares . they are most of them built of fréestone , but none are frée within thē : cold are their imbracemēts : vnwholsom is their chear●● dispaireful their lodgings , vncōfortable their s●ocieties , miserable their inhabitants : o what a deale of wretchednes can make shift to lye in a little roome ! ●f those 13 houses were built al together , how rich wold griefe be , hauing such large inclosures ? doth cruelty challēge a fréemans roome in the city because of these places : no , the politicke body of the republike wold be infected , if such houses as these were not maintained , to keep vp those that are vnsound . claimes he then an inheritance here , because you haue whipping postes in your streete● for the uagabond ? the stocks and the cage for the vnruely beggar ? or because you haue carts for the bawde and the harlot , and beadles for the lecher ? neither . or is it because so many mōthly sessions are held ? so many men , women and children cald to a reconing at the bar of death for their liues ? and so many lamentable hempen tragedies acted at tiburne ? nor for this : iustice should haue wrong , to haue it so reported . no ( you inhabitants of this little world of people ) crueltie is a large tree & you all stand vnder it : you are cruel in compelling your children ( for wealth ) to goe into loathed beds , for therby you make them bond-slaues : what ploughman is so foolish to yoake young hecfars & old bullocks together ? yet such is your husbandry . in fitting your coaches with horses , you are very curious to haue them ( so neere as you cā , both of a colour , both of a height , of an age , of proportion , and will you bee carelesse in coupling your children ? he into whose bosome threescore winters haue thrust their frozen fingars , if hee be rich ( though his breath bee rancker then a muck-hill , his bodye more drye than mummi , and his minde more lame than ignorance if selfe ) shall haue offered vnto him ( but it is offered as a sacrifice ) the tender bossome of a uirgin , vpon whose fore-head was neuer written sixteene yeares : if she refuse this liuing death ( for lesse than a death it cannot be vnto her ) she is threatned to bee left an out-cast , cursd for disobedience , raild at daily , and reuylde howerlye : to saue herselfe from which basenes , she desprately runnes into a bondage , and goes to church to be married , as if she went to be buried . but what glorye atcheiue you in these conquests ? you doe wrong to time , inforcing may to embrace december : you dishonour age , in bringing it into scorne for insufficiency , into a loathing for dotage , into all mens laughter for iealousie . you make your daughters looke wrinckled with sorrowes , before they be olde , & your sonnes by riot , to be beggars in midst of their youth . hence comes it , the murders are often contriued , & as often acted : our countrie is woful in fresh examples hence ●omes it , that the courtiers giues you an open scoffe , the clown a secret mock , the cittizen that dwels at your threshald , a ieery frūp : hence it is , that if you goe by water in the calmest day , you are driuen by some fatall storme into the vnlucky & dangerous hauen betwéene greenewich & london . you haue another cruelty in keeping men in prison so long , til sicknes & death deal mildely with them , and ( in despite of al tyranny ) baile them out of all executions . when you see a poore wretch that to keep life in a loathed body hath not a house left to couer his head from the tempestes , nor a bed ( but the common bedde which our mother the earth allowes him ) for his cares to sleepe vppon , when you haue ( by keeping or locking him vp , robd him of all meanes to get , what seeke you to haue him loose but his life ? the miserable prisoner is ready to famish , yet that cānot mooue you , the more miserable wife is readye to runne mad with dispaire , yet that cannot melt you● the moste of all miserable , his children lye crying at your dores , yet nothin● can awakenin you compassion : if his debts be heauie , the greater and more glorious is your pitt● to worke his freedome , if they be light , the sharper is the vengeance that will be heaped vpon your heades for your hardnes of hea●t . wee are moste like to god that made vs , when 〈…〉 one to another , and doe moste looke like th● di●ell that would destroy vs , when wee are one another st●rme 〈◊〉 if any haue so much flint growing about his bosome , that he will needes make d●ce of mens bones . i would the●e were a lawe to compell him to make drinking bowles of their sculs too : and that euerie miserable debter that so dyes , might be buried at his creditors doore , that when hée strides ouer him he might thinke he still rises vp ( like the ghost in ieronimo ) crying reuenge . crueltie hath yet another part to play , it is acted ( like the old morralls at maningtree ) by trades-men , marrye seuerall companies in the cittie haue it in study , and they are neuer perfect in it , till the end of seauen yeares at least , at which time , they come off with it roundly . and this it is : when your seruants haue made themselues bondmen to inioy your fruitefull hand-maides , that 's to lay , to haue an honest and thriuing art to liue by : when they haue fared hardly with you by indenture , & like your beasts which carry you haue patiently borne al labours , and all wrongs you could lay vpon them . when you haue gathered the blossomes of their youth , and reaped the fruites of their strength , and that you can no longer ( for shame ) hold them in captiuitie , but that by the lawes of your country and of conscience you must vndoe their fetters , then , euen then doe you hang moste weightes at their heeles , to make them sincke downe for euer : when you are bound to send them into the world to liue , you send them into the world to beg : they seru'd you seuen yéeres to pick vp a poore liuing , and therein you are iust , for you will be sure it shall be a poore liuing indéede they shall pick vp : for what do the rich cubs ? like foxes they lay their heats together in conspiracy , burying their leaden consciences vnder the earth , to the intent that all waters that are wholesome in taste , and haue the swéetnes of gaine in going downe , may he drawne through them only , being the great pipes of their company , because they sée t is the custome of the citty , to haue all waters that come thither , conueyed by such large vessels , and they will not breake the customes of the citty . when they haue the fullnesse of welth to the brim , that it runs ouer , they scarce will suffer their poore seruant to take that which runs at waste , nor to gather vp the wind-fals , when all the great trées , as if they grew in the garden of the hesperides , are laden with golden apples : no , they would not haue them gleane the scattered eares of corne , though they themselues cary away the full sheafes : as if trades that were ordaind to be communities , had lost their first priuiledges , and were now turnd to monopolyes . but remember ( ô you rich men ) that your seruants are your adopted children , they are naturalized into your bloud , and if you hurt theirs , you are guilty of letting out your owne , than which , what cruelty can be greater ? what gallenist or paracelsian in the world , by all his water-casting , and minerall extractions , would iudge , that this fairest-fa●●●e daughter of brute , ( and good daughter to king lud , who gaue her her name ) should haue so much corruption in her body ? vnlesse ( that béeing now two thousand and seuen hundred yéeres old ) extreme age should fill her full of diseases ! who durst not haue sworne for her , that of all loathsome sinnes that euer bred within her , she had neuer toucht the sinne of cruelty ? it had wont to be a spanish sicknes , and hang long ( incurably ) vpon the body of their inquisition ; or else a french disease , running all ouer that kingdome in a massacre ; but that it had infected the english , especially the people of this now once-againe new-reard-troy , it was beyond beliefe . but is she cléerely purg'd of it by those pills that haue before bin giuen her ? is she now sound ? are there no dregs of this thick and pestilenciall poyson , eating still through her bowels ? yes : the vgliest serpent hath not vncurld himselfe . she hath sharper and more black inuenomed stings within her , than yet haue bin shot forth . there is a cruelty within thée ( faire troynouant ) worse and more barbarous then all the rest , because it is halfe against thy owne selfe , and halfe against thy dead sonnes and daughters . against thy dead children wert thou cruell in that dreadfull , horrid , and tragicall yeere , when 30000. of them ( struck with plagues from heauen ) dropt downe in winding-shéets at thy feet . thou didst then take away all ceremonies due vnto them , and haledst them rudely to their last beds ( like drunkards ) without the dead mans musick ( his bell. ) alack , this was nothing : but thou tumbledst them into their euerlasting lodgings ( ten in one heape , and twenty in another ) as if all the roomes vpō earth had ●in full . the gallant and the begger lay together ; the scholler and the carter in one bed : the husband saw his wife , and his deadly enemy whom he hated , within a paire of sheetes . sad & vnséemely are such funeralls : so felons that are cu● downe from the trée of shame and dishonor , are couered in the earth : so souldiers , after a mercilesse battaile , receiue vnhansome buriall . but suppose the pestiferous deluge should againe drowne this little world of thine , and that thou must be compeld to breake open those caues of horror and gastlinesse , so hide more of thy dead houshold in them , what rotten st●nches , and contagious damps would strike vp into thy nosthrils ? thou couldst not lift vp thy head into the aire , for that ( with her condensed sinnes ) would stifle thée ; thou couldst not dine into the waters , for that they being teinted by the ayre , would poison thée . art thou now not cruell against thy selfe , in not prouiding ( before the land-waters of affliction come downe againe vpon thée ) more and more conuenient cabins to lay those in , that are to goe into such farre countries , who neuer looke to come back againe ? if thou shouldst deny it , the graues when they open , will be witnesses against thée . nay , thou hast yet another cruelty gnawing in thy bosome ; for what hope is there that thou shouldst haue pitty ouer others , when thou art vnmercifull to thy selfe ! looke ouer thy walls into thy orchards and gardens , and thou shalt sée thy seruants and apprentises sent out cunningly by their masters at noone day vpon deadly errands , when they perceiue that the armed man hath struck them , yea euen whē they sée they haue tokens deliuered them from heauen to hasten thither , then send they them forth to walke vpon their graues , and to gather the flowers thēselues that shall stick their own herse . and this thy inhabitants do , because they are loth & ashamd to haue a writing ouer their dores , to tell that god hath bin there , they had rather all their enemies in the world should put them to trouble , then that he should visit them . looke againe ouer thy walls into thy fields , and thou shalt heare poore and forsaken wretches lye groaning in ditches , and traualling to seeke out death vpon thy common hye wayes . hauing found him , he there throwes downe their infected carcases , towards which , all that passe by , looke , but ( till common shame , and common necessity compell● none st●p in to giue them buriall . thou setst vp pos●s to whip them when they are aliue : set vp an hospitall to comfort them being sick , or purchase ground for them to dwell in when they be well , and that is , when they be dead . is it not now hye time to so●nd a retreate , after so terrible a battaile fought betwéene the seuen electors of the low internall countryes , and one little city ? what armyes come marching along with them ? what bloudy ●●●lors do they spread ? what ●rtillery do they mount to batter the walls ? how valiant are their seuen generalls ? how expert ? how full of fortune to conquer ? yet nothing sooner ouerthrowes them , than to bid them battaile fi●st , and to giue them defiance . who can deny● now , but that sinne ( like the seuen-headed nylus ) hath ouerflowed thy banks and thy buildings ( o thou glory of great brittaine ) and made thée fertile ( for many yéeres together ) in all kindes of vices ? volga , that hath fifty streames falling one into another , neuer ranne with ●o swift and vnreststable a current as these black-waters do , to bring vpon thee an inundation . if thou ( as thou hast done ) knéelest to worship this beast with seuen crowned heads , and the whore that sits vpon it , the fall of thée ( that hast out-stood so many citties ) will be greater then that of babylon . she is now gotten within thy walls ; she rides vp and downe thy stréetes , making thee drunke out of her cup , and marking thée in the forhead with pestilence for her owne . she causes violls of wrath to be powred vpon thee , and goes in triump● away , when she sées thée falling . if thou wilt be safe therefore and recouer health rise vp in armes against her , and driue her ( and the monster that beares her ) out at thy gates . thou seest how prowdly and impetuously sixe of these centaures ( that are halfe man , halfe beast , and halfe diuell ) come thundring alongst thy habitations , and what rabbles they bring at their heeles ; take now but note of the last , and marke how the seuenth rides : for if thou findest but the least worthy quality in any one of them to make thee loue him , i will write a retractation of what is inucyd against them before , and pollish such an apology in their defence , that thou shal● be enamored of them all . the body and face of this tyrannous commander , that leades thus the reareward , are already drawne : his chariot is tramed all of ragged flint so artificially bestowed , that as it runnes , they strike one another , and beate out fire that is able to consume citties : the wheeles are many , and swift : the spokes of the wheeles , are the shin-bones of wretches that haue bin eaten by misery out of prison . a couple of vnruly , fierce , and vntamed tygers ( cal● murder and rashnes ) drew the char●ot : ignorance holds the reynes of the one , and obduration of the other : selfe-will is the coach-man . in the vpper end of the coach , sits cruelty alone , vpon a bench made of dead mens sculls . all the way that he rides , he sucks the hearts of widdowes and father-lesse children . he kéepes neither foote-men nor pages , for none will stay long with him . he hath onely one attendant that euer followes him , called repentance , but the beast that drawes him , runnes away with his good lord and master so fast before , that repentance being lame ( and therefore slow ) t is alwayes very late ere he comes to him . it is to be feared , that cruelty is of great authority where he is knowne , for few or none dare stand against him : law only now and then beards him , and stayes him , in contempt of those that so terribly gallop before him : but out of the lawes hands , if he can but snatch a sheathed sword ( as oftentimes hée does ) presently hée whip● it out , smiting and wounding with it euery one that giues him the least crosse word . he comes into the citty , commonly at all-gate , beeing drawne that way by the smell of bloud about the barres , ( for by his good will he drinks no other liquour : ) but when hee findes it to be the bloud of beasts ( amongst the butchers ) and not of men , he flyes like lightning along the causey in a madnes , threatning to ouer-runne all whom he méetes : but spying the brokers of hownsditch shuffling themselues so long together ( like a false paire of cards ) till the knaues be vppermost , onely to doe homage to him , he stops , kissing all their chéekes , calling them all his déerest sonnes ; and bestowing a damnable deale of his blessing vpon them , they cry , roome for cruelty , and are the onely men that bring him into the citty : to follow whom vp and downe so farre as they meane to goe with him , — dii me terrent , & iupiter hostis . finis . tho. dekker . warres . the purple whip of vengeance , ( the plague hauing beaten many thousands of mē , women , & children to death , and still marking the people of this cittie , ( euery weeke ) by hundreds for the graue , is the onely cause , that al her inhabitance walke vp & downe like mourners at some great soleme funeral , the citie her selfe being the chiefe mourners . the poyson of this lingering infection , strikes so déepe into all mens harts , that their cheekes ( like cowardly souldiers ) haue lost their colours ? their eyes , ( as if they were in debt , and durst not looke abroad , ) doe scarce péepe out of their heads ; and their tongues ( like phisitions ill payd ) giue but cold comfort . by the power of their pestilent charmes , all mercy méetings are cut off . all frolick assemblyes dissolued , and in their circles are raised vp , the blacke , sullen and dogged spirits of sadnesse , of melancholy , and so ( consequently ) of mischiefe . mirth is departed , and lyes dead & buryed in mens bosomes , laughter dares not looke a man in the face ; iests are ( like musicke to the deafe , not regarded : pleasure it selfe finds now no pleasure , but in seghing , and bewailing the miseries of the time. for ( alack ) what string is there ( now ) to bée played vpon whose tench can make vs merry ? play-houses , stand ( like tauernes , that haue cast out their maisters ) the dores locked vp , the flagges ( like their bushes ) taken down , or rather like houses lately infected , from whence the affrited dwellers are fled , in hope to liue better in the country . the players themselues did neuer worke till now , there comodies are all turned to tragedies , there tragedies to nocturnals , and the best of them all are weary of playing in those nocturnall tragedies . thinke you to delight your selues by kéeping company with our poets ? proh dolor ! their muses are more sullen then old monkeys , now that mony is not stirring , they neuer plead chéerfully , but in their tearme times , when the two-peny clients , and peny stinkards swarme together to héere the stagerites : playing vocations are diseases now as common and as hurtful to them , as the fowle euill to a northen man , or the pox to a french man. o pittifull poetry , what a lamentable prentiship hast thou serued , and ( which is the greatest spite ) canst not yet be made free ! no , no , there is no good doings in these dayes but amongst lawyers , amongst vintners , in bawdy houses and at pimlico . there is all the musick , ( that is of any reckning ) there all the méetings , there all the mirth , and there all the mony . to walke euery day into the fields is wearisome ; to drink vp the day and night in a tauerne , loathsome : to bée euer ryding vpon that beast with two heades , letchery ) most damnable , and yet to be euer idle , is as detestable . what merry gale shall wée then wish for ? vnles it bée to ferry ouer the hellespont , and to crosse from sestus to abidus , that is to say , from london to the beare garden ? the company of the beares hold together still ; they play their tragi-comaedies as liuely as euer they did : the pide bul héere kéepes a tossing and a roaring , when the red bull dares not stir . into this i le of dogs did i therefore transport my selfe , after i had made tryall of all other pastimes . no sooner was i entred but the very noyse of the place put me in mind of hel : the beare ( dragd to the stake ) shewed like a black rugged soule , that was damned , and newly committed to the infernall charle , the dogges like so many diuels , inflicting torments vpon it . but when i called to mind , that al their tugging together was but to make sport to the beholders , i held a better and not so damnable an opinion of their beastly doings : for the beares , or the buls fighting with the dogs , was a liuely represētation ( me thought ) of poore men going to lawe with the rich and mightie . the dogs ( in whom i figured the poore creatures ) and fitly may i doe so , because when they stand at the dore of diues , they haue nothing ( if they haue thē but bare bones throwne vnto them , might now & then pinch the great ones , & perhaps vex them a little by drawing a few drops of blood from them : but in the end , they commonly were crushed , & either were carried away with ribs broken , or their skins torne & hanging about their eares , or else ( how great so euer their hearts were at the first encounter ) they ( stood at the last ) whining and barking at their strong aduersaries , when they durst . not , or could not bite them . at length a blinde beare was tyed to the stake , and in stead of baiting him with dogges , a company of creatures that had the shapes of men , & faces of christians ( being either colliers , carters , or watermen ) tooke the office of beadles vpon them , and whipt monsieur hunkes , till the blood ran downe his old shoulders : it was some sport to sée innocence triumph ouer tyranny , by beholding those vnnecessary tormentors go away with scratchd hands , or torne legs from a poore beast , arm'd onely by nature to defend himselfe against violence : yet me thought this whipping of the blinde beare , moued as much pittie in my breast towards him , as y● leading of poore starued wretches to the whipping posts in london ( when they had more néede to be reléeued with foode ) ought to moue the hearts of cittizens , though it be the fashion now to laugh at the punishment . the last chorus that came in , was an old ape drest vp in a coate of changeable cullers ( on horsebacke ) and he rode his circuit with a couple of curres muzled , that like two footemen ran on each side of his old apes face , euer and anon leaping vp towards him and making a villanous noise with their chappes , as if they had had some great suites to his apishnes , and that he by the haste he made had no leisure to heare such base and bashfull petitioners . the hunny that i sucked out of this weede , was this : that by séeing these , i called to minde the infortunate cōdition of soldiers ▪ and old seruitors , who when the stormes of troubles are blowne ouer , being curbd of meanes ▪ and so burying that courage and worth that is in their bosoms , are compeld ( by the vilenesse of the tune ) to follow y● heeles of asles with gay trappings , not daring so much as once to open their lips in reprehension of those apish beastly and ridiculous vices , vpon whose monstrous backes they are carried vp and downe the world , and they are flattered onely for their greatnes , whilst those of merit liue in a slauish subiection vnder them . no pleasure thus , nor any place being able to giue perfect contentment to the minde : i left swimming in those common sensuall streames , wherein the world hath béene so often in danger of béeing drowned , and waded onely in those cleare brookes , whose waters had their currents from the springs of learning . i spent my howres in reading of histories , and for the laying out of a little time , receiued larger interest then the greatest vsurers doe for their money . by looking on those perspectiue glasses . i beheld kingdomes and people a farre off , came acquainted with their manners , their pollicies , their gouernement , their risings , and their downefalles : was present at their battailes , and ( without danger to my selfe ) vnlesse it were in gréeuing to sée states so ouerthrowne by the mutabilitie of fortune , i saw those empires vtterly brought to subuersion , which had béene terrours and triumphers ouer all the nations vppon earth . the backe of time which was next to mine eie , ( because he was gone from me ) was written full of tragicall wonders : but the hinder part of his reuerend head was bare and made bald by mens abusing it , o histories ! you soueraigne balmes to the bodyes of the dead , that preserue them more fresh then if they were aliue , kéepe the fames of princes from perishing , when marble monuments cannot not saue their bones from being rotten , you faithfull entelligensers , betwéene kingdomes and kingdomes , your truest councellors to kings , euen in their greatest dangers ! hast thou an ambition to be equall to princes ! read such bookes as are the chronicles of ages , gone before thée : there maiest thou finde lines drawre ( if vertue be thy guide ) to make thee paralell with the greatest monarch : wouldest thou be aboue him ▪ there is the scale of him ascending huntst thou after glory ? marke in those pathes how others haue run , and follow thou in the same course . art thou sicke in minde ? ( and so to be diseased , is to be sicke euen to the death ) there shalt thou finde physicke to cure thée . art thou sad ? where is swéeter musicke then in reading ? art thou poore ? open those closets , and inualuable treasures are powred into thy hands . whilest i dwelt vpon the contemplation of this happinesse , the dreames of infants were not more harmelesse then my thoughts were , nor the slumbers of a conscience that hath no sting to kéepe it waking more delicate then the musicke which i found in reading ; but the swéetest flower hath his withering , and euery pleasure his ending . this full sea had a quicke fall , and the day that was warme and bright in the morning , had frosts and gloomy darknesse to spoile the beauty of it ere it grew to be noone : for on a suddaine all the aire was filled with noise , as if heauen had bin angry , and chid the earth for her villanies , people rush headlong together , like torrents running into the sea , full of fury in shew , but loosing the effect of doing violence ▪ because they know not how to do it , their rage and madnesse burning in them like fire in wet straw , it made a great stinking smoake , but had no flame . wildnesse and afrightment were ill fauouredly drawne in euery face , as if they had all come from acting some fresh murder , and that at euery step they were pursued , arme was cryed , and swords were drawne , but either they had no hearts to strike , or no hands , for ( like so many s. georges on horse-backe ) they threatned , but gaue not a blow , euery one fearing to smite first , least the rest should make that an occasion to kill him for beginning the quarrell . but at the last drummes were heard to thunder , and trumpets to sound alarums , murmure ran vp & downe euery streete , and confusion did beate at the gates of euery city , men met together , and ran in heards like deere frighted , or rather like beares chased , or else séeking for prey . but what wild beasts ( thinke you ) were these that thus kept such a roaring ? it was a people sauage and desperate , a nation patchd vp ( like a beggers cloake of the worst péeces ) that could be gathered out of all nations and put into one . they were more scattered then the iewes , and more hated ; more beggerly then the irish , and more vnciuill ; more hardy then the switzers , and more brutish : giuen to drinke , more then the dutch , to pride more then the french , to irreligion more then the italian . they were like the dunkirkes , a mingle mangle of countries , a confusion of languages , yet all vnderstanding one another . such as the people were , such was the princesse whom they followed , she had all their conditions , & they all hers , séeming to be made for no other purpose then to gouerne them , because none else could be bad inough to be their gouernour . they obeyed her not for loue , nor feare , but made her onely great amongst them , because it was their will to haue it so , she ( amongst a number of vices , that reigned in her ) hauing onely this vertue of a prince , not to see her people take wrong . into armes therfore as well for her owne chastity ▪ as defence of her subiects doth she determine to put her selfe presently . a faithful & serious inquisition made i to vnderstād the cause of this suddaine and vniversall vprore , and by true intelligence ( from persons of either side ) found that the quarrell was old , the enmity mortall , the enemies puissant and fierce , many leagues had béene made , and all were broken , no conditious of peace would now be looked vpon , open warre must be the the sword to stricke open wrong . the fires ( kindled by guizian leagues ) set not france in hotter combustions then these are likely to proue , if the flames in time be not wisely quenched . the showers of bloud which once rained downe vpon the heads of the two kingly families in england , neuer drowned more people , not that braue romane tragedy acted in our time , at the battel of neuport , not the siege of bommell , where heads flew from sholders faster then bullets from the cannon . no , nor all those late acts of warre and death , commenced by hispaniolized netherlanders , able to make vp a chronicle to hold all the world reading : did euer giue rumour cause to speak so much as the battailes of these two mighty enemies ( so mortally falling out ) will force her to proclaime abroade , vnlesse they grow to a reconcilement , to which , by the coniecture of all strangers , that haue trauailed into both their dominions , and know the hot and ambitious spirits of the quarrellers , they cannot easily be drawne : for no one paire of scales being able to hold two kings at one time : and this law being ingrauen on the very inside of euery kings crowne ( because it is the wedding ring of his empire to which hée is the bride-groome ) that , nulla fides socijs regni ▪ omnisque potestas , impatiens consortis erit . at the sterne of a kingdome , two pilots must not sit , nor principality endure a partner , and againe , that non capit regnum duos , a kingdome is heauen , and loues not two suns shining in it . how is it possible , or how agréeable to the politick grounds of state , that two such potentates should be vnited in firme friendship , sithence their quarrel is deriued from an equall claime of soueraignety . ouer citties is there ambition to bée superiours , yet not together but alone . and not onely ouer london ( the great metropolis of england ) but also ouer paris in the kingdom of fraunce ; ouer ciuil , and madril in spaine ; ouer rome in italy : francfurt and colin in high germany : antwerp in brabant , elsinor in denmarke , prage in bohemia ; craconia in poland : belgrad in hungary , and so ouer all the other capitall citties , that bewtifies the greatest kingdomes of europe . for signority in these doe they contend . haue you not a longing desire , to know the names of the generals that are to commaund these expected armies ; and from what countries they come ? what forces march with them ? and what warlike stratagems they stand vpon ? i haue a little before roughly drawne the picture of one of them ; the princesse her selfe being barbarous , néedy , of great power by reason of her people , but far vnable to kéepe them in pay , or in order , they themselues ( how valiant soeuer they bée ) being likewise all together , vntrained and indisciplinable , yet full of courage , and desire to set vpon the enemy . whose army though it consist not of such multitudes , ( number being oftentimes the confusions of battailes ) yet is the empresse , vnder whose collours they fight , full of riches ( which are the sinews of warre ) of great commaund , feared and loued , yea adored as a diety , of a maiesticall presence of incomparable bewty . such a one , that euen the very sight of her is a charme strong enough to make mē venture their liues in the quarrell of her right . kings are to her beholden , for she often sends them suplies , and therefore pay they homage vnto her . her captaines are pollitik & fight rather vpon aduantages , then vpon equality , her soldiers braue & resolute , hardly drawne to venture into dangres , but when they are in , a thousand stratagems vse they to saue themselues : what they get they kéepe , which is one of the noblest points belonging to a souldier , for it is more hard to vse a victory wel after it is gotten , then it is to get it . the name of this latter princesse , is the renowned empres argurion ( mony ) the name of the former , is that warlike virago famd ouer all the earth , for her hardines , called pouerty . now to the intent that the whole world ( as an indifferent iudge may arbitrate the wrongs done by betwéene these two states , & by that meanes find out which of them both come into the field with vniust armes : you shal vnderstand the pouerty being sundry waies déeply indebted to the kingdome of money , as hauing beene from time to time relieued by her ▪ and not being well able to maintaine herselfe in her owne dominions , but that money hath sent her in prouision , it had béene neither policy , neither could it stand with her honour , that pouerty should first breake the league , neither indéede hath she , but hath euer had a de●ire to be in amity rather with the excellent princesse , then with any other monarch whatsoeuer . but the golden mines of the west & east indies , ( ouer which the other empresse is sole soueraigne , swelling vp her bosome with pride , couetousnesse , and ambition , as they doe her coffers with treasure , made her to disdaine the miserable poore quéene , & in that height of scorne , to hate the holding of any confederacy with her , that she on the soddaine , ( most treacherously and most tyrannously ) laboured by all possible courses , not onely to driue the subiects of pouerty from hauing commerce in any of her rich & so populous cities , but also wrought ( by the cruelty of her own ministers , and those about her ) to roote the name , not onely of that infortunate and deiected princesse , from the earth , but euen to banish all her people to wander into desarts , & to perish , she cared not how or where . hereupon strict proclamation went thundring , vp and downe her dominions , charging her wealthy subiects , not to negotiate any longer with these beggers , that flocke dayly to her kingdome , strong guards were planted at euery gate , to barre their entrance into cities , whipping-postes and other terrible engines , were aduaunced in euery street to send thē home bléeding new , if they were takē wandring ( like shéep broken out of leane pastures into fat ) out of their owne liberties , constables were chosen of purpose that had marble in their hearts , thornes in their tonges , and flint-stones like pearles ) in their eies , and none cou●d be admitted into the office of a beadle , vnles he brought a certificate from paris garden , that he had béene a beare-ward , and could play the bandog brauely in baiting poore christians at a stake , better then curres ( there ) baite the bull , or then butchers mastiues , when they worry one another . these peales of small shot , thus terribly going off , the poore hungarians ( with their pennilesse princesse ) did not onely not shew a fowle paire of héeles , to flye to saue themselues ( as it was to be feared they would haue done , like cowardly peasants ) but rather they grew desperate , and sticking closly , ( like prentises vpon shrouetwuesday one to another , they vowed ( come death ) , come diuels ) to stand against whole bands of browne rusty bille-men , though for their labours they were sure to be knockt downe like oxen for the slaughter ; but a number of ●ack-strawes being amongst them , and opening whole cades of councell in a cause so dangerous , they were all turned to dry powder , took fire of resolution , and so went off with this thundring noise , that they would dy like men , though they were but poore knaues , and counted the stinkards and scum of the world : and yet as rash as they were they would not run headlong vpon the mouth of the canon ▪ no , but like snailes pulling in the hornes of their fury , they hid their heades for a time , either ( like spies to watch for aduantages , or to try if this rotten whéele of fortune would turne , and that the broken world could mend , but all the waters of chastity and goodnesse being poisoned , of which they both thirsted , & hoped to drinke : and all the wayes to come to the presence of money , at whose féete they would haue fallen , and complained of their wrongs , being likewise cut off , & none of their thréed-bare company , vpon paine of death , daring to stand within ten miles of her court gates , for feare they should either lift them off the hinges and steale them quite away , ( being all of beaten gold ) or else cunningly in the night time , should file off handfuls ( like pin-dust , thereby to enrich themselues , she being their vowed enemie . it was therefore by a generall voice concluded , that they would all put themselues into armes , and for that purpose went in swarmes to the court of pouerty , ( their good lady and mistresse ) and neuer gaue ouer balling in their eares , till shee had sworne by her crowne , though she had scarce two shillings in her purse , that open warre should presently be proclaimed against that arrogant haughty , ambitious tyrant money . hereupon pouerty summoned her councel for war , together they came , and being set , shée at large laide open what wrongs and dishonors her enemy had done to her & her subiects , withal declaring how willing her poore people were to venture their liues in her quarrell , and that their very fingers itched to be doing with the rich chuffes , and usurers , and others that were seruants , or rather slaues to money , adding moreouer , that a number of her enemies subiects too wel known by the name of banck-rupts ( being a great and auncient family in her greatest city ) haue of late gotten other mens goods into their hands , spending them basely and villanously in prisons , colouring this their politicke theft , by giuing out , that they are subiects to pouerty , albeit they were neuer suffered to harbour in her dominions . to cleare herselfe of these , and such like imputations and dishonorable scandals , as also to let money know , that she hath more right to those townes & cities to which she pretendeth sole claime then money hath her selfe , and that like a prince , though her coffers be not so full , nor he● forces so able , she purposeth to defend her owne title , & not to loose one foote of that which was left to herby her ancestors , all of them comming out of old & ancient houses , it is therefore her resolution , to send defiance to her insolent enemy , and to that end ( for their aide and aduice , hath she thos called them before her . her councellors applauded the courage of their princesse , and ( being first brought on their knées ) g●ue her reasons to goe forward in so iust a warre . all of them for the most part being glad , that the golden age should now come amongst them , and proudly reioycing that they should bid battaile to so rich an enemy as money and her 〈◊〉 to haue about with whom , they haue for a long time had both a desire , and waited for aduantage to picke a quarrell . those that were at this time of pouerties counsel , were then well beaten to the world ▪ all of them great 〈◊〉 , such as had seene many countries : as hardy as they were wise , i● shall not be amisse in this place , to draw the liuelie pictures of them , because if any of their owne countrimen happen to behold them their report may cō●irme the trueth of all that is h●re related . their names are these : councellors to pouerty . discontent . hunger . sloth . industry . despaire . carelesnesse . repining . beggery . miserie . discontent had a graue coun●enance , somewhat inclining to melancholie , temperate of spéech , and sparing in diet , not caring either for pleasures , or gréedy of honours : but ( as a man that is wearie of the world for the impieties in it ) wishing rather to die then to liue . one thing was noted in him more then in any other courtier , that in all his life time , hee had neuer béene a teuellor , nor euer courted lady , he séem'd indifferent whether the warres went forward or not : yet inwardly more gréeued at the wrongs of his prince , then at any iniuries that could be done to himselfe . despaire and carelesnesse were brothers , & in great fauour with pouety ( their princess● ) she neuer was well but when one of them was in her company , yet the wiser sort thought that they did much mischéefe to the state. despaire was not bel●ued by reason of his crueltie : for if hee got any man into his hands , hee hung him vp presentlie . hunger was one of the best commanders for warre , that was in all the land : a man of almost an inuincible stomack , hée had euerthrowne many armies , & sped most fortunately at the besieging of a towne or cittie , where continually he vseth to behaue himselfe so valiantly that no stone w●ll ( of what height or strength whatsoeuer ) is able to hold him out : yet is hee not accounted so ●ound a common wealths man as some of the rest , for that it is imagined , hee loues the enemy better then his owne country , & if occasion were offered , would rather fly to money then serue pouerty ( his soueraigne . ) a great transporter of corne he hath beene from time to time : for which cause the people hate him in their hearts , and d ee now and then openly cry out against him with such clamor● , that he hath béene glad to stop their mouthes . the onely good that he doth , and indéede the only cause for which the kingdome loues him , is that when hee leads men on in any hot piece of seruice , they get such stomacks by séeing ho●● brauely he laies about him , that they neuer come off stil they be satisfied , 〈◊〉 béeing as good to them as meate and ●rinke . sloth , by reason that he is troubled with the gout , bu●ies himselfe little with state matters , he hath lyen bed-●id for many yéeres , and gréeues that any stir should be made in the common wealth he was neuer either ●ilter or trauellor , his body being weake and subiect to diseases , which made him vnapt for both . repining w●s the onely man , that whetted on both his prince and her subiects to go forward in these warres : for he could by no means abide either money or her followers , it fretted him more to sée any of them prosper , then if himselfe had fallen into the lowest misfortune . he dealt altogether in monopolies : for which the people gaue him many bitter curses , and those ( i thinke ) kéepe his body so leane . industry , was a goodly personage , a faithfull friend to his prince , and a father to his country , a great lawyer , & a déepe scholler , stout in warre , and prouident in peace . pouerty ( whom he serued ) did often say , that two such councellors ( as industry ) were able vpon their shoulders onely to support any state in the world . in deare yeeres , when the land had beene ready to sterue , hath he reléeued it , and turned dearth into plenty : his head is euer full of cares , not for himselfe so much as for the people , whom hee loues and tenders as déerely as if they were his kindred : yet stand they not so well affected to him , because he compelles them to take paines , when t is their naturall inclination ( like drones ) to liue basely , and to féede upon the bread that the sweat of other mens browes doe earne . a good states man he is , and a louer of peace , séeking rather to draw money to be stil in league with pouerty , then to haue them thus at defiance one against another . beggery , and miserie , are so well knowne to vs , i shall not néede to draw their faces . these councellors , after many arguments , weighed out to prooue the necessity either of warre or peace ▪ at the last concluded vpon the former . the drumme was therefore struck vp , to ●ry what voluntaries would offer themselues : but few uoluntaries ( or none at all ) came in . then went forth a uery streight command , to presse not onely all masterlesse men , but all others of what condition or profession soeuer , that liued vnder the subiection of pouerty . the captaines lieftenants , corporals , serieants , and the companies that were casheard and cast , vpon concluding of the late league in the low countries , hearing of these new wa●res , threw vp their old weather-beaten hattes with torne fethers in them , fetcht capers aboue ground , danced , swere , drunke tobacko , and dutch béere , and after they had fallen on their knées cursing for halfe an howre together , all truces , leagues , confederacies , & combinations of peace , they bitterly cryed out vpon the proud and tyranous gouernement of money : some of them damning themselues to the pit of hell , if euer they could but finger her , they would see an vtter confusion and end of her : because for her sake , and vpon her golden promises they had ventured their liues , spent their blood , lost legs and armes , had béene pinched with cold parched with heate ▪ fed vpon cabbage , vpon rootes , & vpon christmas day ( in stead of minched pyes ) had no better chéere then prouant ( mouldy holland chéfe , and course browne bread ) not a rag to their backes , yes , rags more thē they cared for : but not thrée sti●ers among fiue of them . they therefore uowed to serue pouerty , to liue and dye with her , and with all their forces to set vpon money , who had made them slaues to the world , not rewarding thē to their merit : and thereupon striking vp their drum , and spreading their tottered cullors which hung full of honour , because it was full of holes , and was indéede no bigger , nay scarce so big , as the flagge of a play-house , away they came ( troopewise ) with bag and baggage marching , and were receiued ( as old soldiers should be ) at the hands of pouerty , she sweating by her birth , and the fame of her ancestors ( who were well knowne farre and néere ) that she would neuer forsake their company , but sticke to them euen to the death . the businesse thus successefully thriuing at the first , gaue encouragement to all to haue it set forward , so that precepts were forthwith directed to the hals of euery company , who albeit they had furnished the queene of siluer and gold ( mony ) with certaine voluntary hands of sound approued souldiers : yet ( because they themselues , that were old growne okes , cared not how many paltry low bushes that nestled vnder their shadowes were cut downe ) they prest ten times more of euery trade , to fight vnder the banner of pouerty , than those were that went to serue her enemy . yet was it a long time ere the handicrafts men could be mustred together : for carelessenes ( one of the former councellours ) whose ambition consisted in popular greatnesse , and had stolne the hearts of the common people , gaue them a pr●uy inck●●ng of the presse before it ca●●●orth , and wished them to shut for themselues , by being dispersed , ●or a time abroad , whose counsel they following , threw by their tooles , neglected their trades fled from their shops , and spent both their gettings and their goods in common bowling-allies , dicing houses and alehouses . but proclamation being made , that vpon paine of death they should all ( by such an howre ) be ready to come into the field , and fight for pouerty ( their soueraigne lady and mistres . ) it is incredible to be spoken , what infinite multitudes of all occupations , ( some yong , some old , were in a short time assembled together . schollers hearing of this , fled from the uniuersities , and made such hast to be in pay with pouerty ( whom they had knowne a long time ) that some of them had scarce put shoes to their seete : the queene bestowed very good words vppon them , because schollers had alwayes béene fauored by her progenitors , and ( vpon her bare command ) they tooke such place vnder her in the army , as was sutable to their professions . young gentlemen , that neither durst walke vp and downe the citty , for feare of rauens and rites , that houered to catch them in their tallons , and could get no entertainement in the court of money , because they were yonger brothers , and condemned by the verduict of silkemen and mercers to be most desperate fellowes : yet were they all wellcome to pouerty . these yonger brothers were appointed to stand insans perdus ( or the forlorne hope ) because though they had little to loose but their liues : yet they should wi●ne honour , nay perhaps knighthood , which in these dayes are better then lands : is fat widdewes can be but drawne to nibble at that worshipfull ba●te . and for that purpose did a goodly troupe of knights put them selues ( as knights errant ) into armes , in defence of the innocent wronged lady , ( pouerty ) which cheualiers , though they durst not ( as some ill-tongd people gaue out ) shew their heads in the cittie : yet were they appointed masters of the field , and had the charge of the most resolute troopes that were to scale the cittie ( if the enemie should cowardly happen to fly thether ) and to ransacke all the mercers and gold-smiths shops , not so much to set frée the silkes , veluets , plate and iewels imprisond most cruelly in them , as to vndoe the old cittizens , & then to marry their yong wiues , and so to raise them vp to honour in their most knightly posteritie . a regiment of old seruingmen were sworne the guard to pouerties person , of whom there was great hope , that they would both stand stifly to her in any danger , and if the maine battailes did euer ioyne , would be the onely canonéeres to breake their ranckes , because they had such excellent skill in charging and discharging of the great bombard . there came in some seuen thousand banckrouts , offering their seruice to the distressed and wronged princesse , who gaue them thankes for their loue : yet was she fearefull to trust them , because a number in her owne army exclaimed vpon them , as the ranckest villaines in a common wealth , and that they had vndone them , their wiues and children : but the dangers wherein they now all stoode , requiring rather hands to punish the wrongs done by an enemie , then to rip vp old wounds of their owne . those seuen thousand had the ordering of all fire-workes , mines , and countermines , as béeing the onely rare fellowes for damnable and spéedy blowing vp of men in any assault . the vanguard béeing filled vp thus with their troopes before named , a stoute company of honest housholders , ( whose seruants like acteons dogs , had with whoring , dicing ▪ and drinking eaten vp their masters ) came brauely vp in the reare : their wings consisted of schoolemasters , husbandmen , fencers , knights of the poste , and such like , who had all vowed by the crosse of their swords , and by the honour of a souldier to die at pouerties féete . it was in the middle of a terme , when the fire of these ciuill broiles first began to kindle : but law hauing with many hard words on both sides taken vp a number of brabling matters , and for her healths sake beeing rid into the country , whereby a great crew of her followers , that were not able with bag and baggage to march after her in that progresse ) were ready to giue vp their cloakes , ( the summer was so hot for them ) and because all their practise was but to set people together by the eares , a number of them therfore vpon their bare knées , begd that they might serue pouertie in her warres , whereupon certaine broken-héeld , gowtie-legd , durty-hamd pettifoggers , with some lack-latine prowling pennurious country attorneys , were promoted to be clarkes of bands , pandors , pimpes , and apple-squires came thicke and thréefold , and had the leading of the pioners , because they had déepest skill in digging of trenches . the victualers to the camp , were a company of double-chind polt-footed , stincking-breathd bauds , who with pewter bottles of aqua vitae at their girdles , rings with deaths heads on their fore fingers , and old stitchd hats , out of fashion on their heads , came along with the bag & baggage , and were ready if any poore soldier fainted , to put life into him againe by a sip from their bottles , and to lift vp his spirits . the whole army being thus leuyed , pouerty was found to be one hundred thousand strong in the field , whom martialling in the best order of warre , they marched forward with full resolution , either to take money and her subiects prisoners , or else neuer to come out of the field , so long as they & pouertie ( their mistresse and powrefull commander ) could be able to hold life and soule together . the preparation , strength , and stratagems of the second armie . no treason was euer so secretly contriued , so cunningly carried , nor so resolutely attempted : but either in the very growing vp it hath beene discouered , or the head of it cut off , where it was at point to come to the full ripenesse . the workes of princes are great , and require many hands to finish them , and a number of engines cannot be set , going so closely , that no eare shall heare them : ioue may talke in his big voice of thunder as soone and not be vnderstoode , as a kingdome may call vp her owne subiects with the yron tongue of warre , and not awaken those people that are her neighbours . the eies of a true state do neuer sléepe , princes are quickest of hearing , the blowes that forraine enemies giue , are broken for the most part : because the weapon is alwaies séene and put by , otherwise they would cut déepe , and draw blood , where ( by such preuention ) they scarce giue bruises . this mercilesse tyrant therefore ( pouerty ) could not kindle such fires of vprores , and ciuill mischiefes , but that the flames ( like burning beacons ) armed her enemies with safetie , euen as they put them into feare . her ragged troopes were more apt to betray themselues and their procéedings , then polliticke to betray the foe into any danger . with swift wings therefore did the newes of this inuasion fly abroad into all countries , and at last alighted before that glorious and most adored empresse ( money ) whom néerest it concerned , because all the arrowes of their enuie and intended malice were shot at her bosome . the drom of warre beate in her eare , not in the dead of night , when her glories and beauties were darkened and eclipsed , but when she was seated in the throne of all her pleasures ( which a whole world was rifled and trauailed ouer to maintaine in height and fulnesse ) when her pallate surfeited on the variety of dishes and delicacy of féeding , when her body shone brighter then the sunne it selfe , who ( in his lusty heate begot her ) strucke an amazement into those that beh●ld her , by the splendor of those maiesticall roabes which she wore : when musicke went into her eare in ten thousand seuerall shapes , when her walkes were perfumed , her sports varied euery hower , when her chéekes were dimpled with laughters at her iesters her parasites , her pandors , and all the rest of those seruile soothing apes , that in pide colours waite vpon and shew trickes to sate the appetite of that lord of flesh and bloud , the blacke prince of the world , her husband . then , euen then , in the full sea of all these iollities , pompes , and whorish ceremonies , the onely bewitchers of mankinde , came sayling in , the newes of a suddaine insurrection , and an vnexpected inuasion , by that common , fatall , and barbarous spoiler of so many kingdoms , infamous amongst al nations by that beggerly name of pouerty . these newes ( vpon the first arriuall ) did no more moue the great indian empresse ( money ) then the bleating of a shéepe terrifies the king of forrests ( the lyon. ) money was rich , strong in friends , held league with princes , had whole countries at her becke , nations were her slaues , no people but did loue her . on the contrary side , pouerty ( her enemy ) had small reuenues , fewer friends , a world of followers , but none of any reckoning , except a few philosophers , alchemists , &c. she held many townes , and was obeyed in most kingdomes , but how ? as théeues are obeyed by true men , for feare , and because they cannot otherwise choose , her owne strength therefore being so good , and her enemies fuller of spite then of power , she onely laughed at the thunder of her threates , and resolued that her pleasure should spread larger sailes . but her councell being prouident , carefull , and iealous of their owne estates , wisely considering the dangers that a weake enemy ( being desperate , and hauing little to loose ) may put the best fortefied kingdome to , & the most valiant nation did in the end , with one consent fall on their knées , most humbly intreating thier soueraigne mistresse to giue ouer her reuellings , maskes , and other court-pleasures for a time , and that aswell for the safety of her owne royall person ( to take héede of them : for many plots were now , and had oftentimes bin laid ) as also for themselues , whose liues and liberties wholly depended on her , either to leuy present forces , which should méete this beggerly monarch in the field , and so vtterly to driue her out of the kingdome , or else to giue the rich men of her empire leaue to make strict and seuere lawes to take away the liues of that wretched & scattered people that follow pouerty in these commotions , wheresoeuer or whensoeuer they take them medling in any of her wealthy dominions . these words brake forth with such lighning , that money stampd for very anger , that so base an enemy should put her subiects into feare . their vigilance awaked her , and like a good prince that would loose her life rather then her subiects should perish , she began ( with the eagle ) to shake her royall wings , and to be rouz'd out of her late golden slumbers , & securities , that lay vpon her like enchantments . to their requests she yéelded , and thereupon to fortifie her kingdome against all the shot of villany & vengeance , shee summoned those of her councell together , whom shee know to be most faithfull and most seruiceable in a busines of this nature , state & importance . her councellors names were these . councellors to money . couetousnesse . parsimony . deceipt . prouidence . monopoly . violence . vsury . couetousnesse was an old wretched leane fac'd fellow , that seldome sléep'd : for his eyes ( though they were great , and suncke at least two inches into his head ) neuer stood still , but rolled vp and downe , expressing a very enuious longing gréedinesse to enioy euery thing that they looked vpon . he neuer pared his nailes , and being often asked the reason why , he alwaies answered , that he saued them for his heire , for béeing cut off , after hée himselfe was dead , they might be put to sundry good thrifty purposes , as to make hornes ( being thinly scraped ) for a scriueners lanthorne to write by a nights , or to nocke arrowes , &c. hée kept not so much as a barber , but shaued his owne head and beard himselfe , and when it came to wey a pound , hée sold it to a frenchman to stuffe tennis balles . money ( his soueraigne ) cared not so much for him , as he did for her , she could make him do any vile office how base soeuer ; but because he was saucy , and would often checke her for taking her pleasures , séeking to restraine her of her liberties , she hated him , and was neuer more merry then when one brought her newes once that couetousnesse lay a dying . yet was he well beloued af the best citizens , and neuer rode through the city but he was staid , and feasted by many aldermen , and wealthy commoners , few courtiers loued him heartily , but onely made vse of him , because he was great , and could do much with money ( their empresse . ) prouidence was but of meane birth , the ladder by which he climbd to such high fortunes , as to be a councellor to money , being made by himselfe , much giuen to study , yet no great scholler , as desiring rather to be frée of the city , then to serue a long thréed-bare prentiship in the uniuersities . he is rarely séene in minerals , and distillations , and will draw aurum potabile , or fetch quick-siluer out of horse-dung , he will grow rich , and be in time the head warden of a company , though he were left by his friends but thrée shillings thrée pence stocke to set vp , such another he was as whittington , a very cat shall raise him if he be set vpon● , he is the best that writes almanackes in these times , and where the rest write whole calenders of lies for bar● forty shillings a yéere , ( seruingmens wages ) he foreséeing what will happen , buies vp all the commodities of one or two countries at one bargaine , when he knowes they will bee déere , and so makes vp his owne mouth , and for it , gets much fauour at the hands of couetousnesse his elder brother . parsimonie is kinsman to those two that go before , he is not vp yet : for he vseth to lie a bed till afternoone , onely to saue dinners , when he rises ( which will be presently ) the motion shall be shewen and interpreted to you . monopoly is a very good man where he takes , that is to say , 9. maner of waies . deceipt lookes a little a squint , yet is of déeper reach then any of the rest : for he doth oftentimes fetch ouer couetousnesse himselfe . he is great in lawyers bookes , and tradesmen not onely loue him , but their yongest wiues , thinke themselues highly happy , if at a running at tilt , at a maske or a play at court , or so ( as he oftē doth ) he will but voutchsafe to place them ( and the sports done ) he commonly sends them home lighted . he hath more followers then the 12. péeres of france , he studies machiauell , and hath a french face . violence hath borne many great offices , and money hath done much for him . he purchaseth lands daily : but looseth : mens hearts , some of the richer sort follow him & loue him : yet he cannot go thorough the stréetes , but the common people curse him , hee reades law as men reade hebrew ( backward ) and neuer makes one lawe , but he breaks two . of all men , he cannot abide a iustice of peace , yet oftentimes is hee séene at the sessions : many of his ancestors haue béene traytors , and by that meanes were still cut off before they were old men , the nobilitie hate him , he is a méere martiall man. vsurie was the first that euer taught money to commit incest with gold and siluer , her néerest kinsmen brokers are now their baudes , and kéepe the dores till the letchery of ten in the hundred be sated : he hath made many a man , but how ? to be damned , he is a great housekéeper , for thousands in the cittie liue vpon him ▪ and would hang themselues but for his sauing them . there is no more conscience in him then in tauerne faggots , yet yong gentlemen pray for him daily that he may be fetched quick to hell . he is an insatiable féeder : for a scriuener and he will eate vp foure men at a breakefast , and picke them to the bare bones . he loues not a preacher , because hee frights him out of his wits : for he neuer heares any of them talke to him but he thinkes himselfe damned . he hath no skill in arithmeticke , but onely in the rule of interest . he is the diuels tole-taker , and when he dies , lies buried with his ancestors in the widest vault of hell . these were the councellors whom money assembled together , to consult vpon hers and their owne safeties , from the base assaults of their wild and desperate enemy : who being solemnely set in their due places and the quéene of riches her selfe beeing aduanced vp into her imperial chaire , parsimonie ( who by this time was gotten vp and ready ) tooke vpon him to be speaker for all the rest . this parsimonie is a nasty batcheller of fourescore , one that neuer went trussed ( to preuent hanging ) to which end he will not be at charges of a paire of garters ( though they were but woollen lists ) for feare of temptation , his breches once were veluet , when his great grandfather wore them , and thrée-piled , but the pox of any pile can be seene there now , vnlesse betwéene the clifts of his buttocks , to saue a pennie , hee will damne halfe his soule , hee weares cloathes long , and will sooner alter his religion ten times , then his doublet once , his hatte is like his head , of the old blocke , he buies no gloues but of a groat a paire , and hauing worne them two daies hee quarrels with the poore glouer that they are too wide , or too ill stitched , & by base scolding and lorldly words gets his money againe , and the wearing of so much leather for nothing . he will be knowne by a paire of white pumpes some 16. or 20. yeares , onely by repairing their decaied complection with a péece of chalke . this whining parsimonie ( that for a supper of 16. pence will budge & slip his necke out of the coller from his owne father ) and that vowes neuer to marry , because he will not spend so much as may kéepe a childe , stood vp so well as he could stand with his crinckling hammes , and knowing that it was high time for him to be stirre his ●tumps , thus shot his bolt after much stammering , coughing and hemming , silence béeing first cryed , which accordingly was giuen him . the oration which parsimonie made before his empresse . o sacred money ! queene of kingdomes , mistres ouer the mines of gold and siluer , regent of the whole world : goddesse of courtiers , patronesse of schollers , protectresse of souldiers , fortresse of cittizens , & the onely comfort to saylors . me seemeth good and fit , ( brightest-facde lady ) sithence that bold and saucie begger , with her pennurious sunne-burnt troopes , armed onely with short troncheons vnder their arme-pits , and most commonly walking in thred-bare plimoth cloakes , haue made their impudent and contagious insurrection , that you ( at whose feete lie crownes to tread vpon ) being queene mother of the west and east indies , do presently giue ouer your needlesse expences and open houshkeeping in the country , where your swarming enemies lye in ambushes to attach you vpon the least issuing forth , and betake your selfe to the close safetie of the cittie , where your seame-rent and white bitten foes dare not ( within gun-shot approch , to be further sure of which , and least any spies should be sent to looke into the strength and wealth of that your principall and most secure fortresse , we haue ordeined that through euery ward ( for your happie safetie , and their vtter terrifying ) there be erected one sound , sufficient , and well painted whipping poste , the very sight of which wil not only scarre them , worse then the scowting face of a serieant being seen peeping through a red lettice , frights a yong gallant , but also in time driue the whole band of tatterdemalions from poste to piller . dixi. no sooner was dixi sounded , but the maine points of this parsimonions oration , came backe againe like an eccho from all the rest of the voices there present . all their breath blew one way , all their councels were directed and went only by this compasse . money weighing ( in the vpright scales of her iudgement ) their wise and thirsty opinions , found them not halfe a graine too light , and therefore very royally y●elded to whatsoeuer they consulted vpon , whereupon sodaine order was giuen , and all speedy preparation made for the entertainment and receiuing of money into the citie , whose presence all the cittizens day and night thirsted to behold . to set downe all the deuices , the intended merriments , the sh●wes , the ceremonies , the diligence of workemen for standings and scaffoldings , the inexplicable ioy of poets , who did nothing but pen encomious gratulatorie to bid her welcome , drinking healths in rich malago to the honour of her , and their mistresses , ( the nine muses ) and on the other side , to point to the life , the seuerall glad faces , gestures and action of the players , who had pined for her absence a long and tedious vacation : or to t 〈◊〉 what dressing vp of howses there were , by all the neate dames and ladies within the fréedome , what starching of ruffes , what poaking , wha● stiffning of falles , what painting of chéekes & lips , as if they had béene y● two leaued gates of a new chosē alderman , are able ( if they were set down at large ) to adde a third volume to our english chronicles . time at length turned vp his glasse , and the holliday ( so gapingly looked for ( was come . diuisum imperium cum ioue , nummus habet , had ioue béen hidden to dinner to the guyld hall on simon and iudes day , he could not haue had more welcomes giuen him then money had . oh! with what iocund hearts did the cittizens receiue her ? the mercers swore by their maydenhead , that all their polliticke pent-houses should bee clothed in cloth of siluer , & so they were . the silkemen guarded their very posts with gold lace , and thereupon euer since , the fashion of larding suites with so much lace is come vp : but aboue all , the company of the goldsmiths receiued her with the greatest honour , and she againe to pay their loues home , did as much or more honour them : for they spread all their stalles with gréene cotten , and so adorned their shoppes , that they looked like a spring garden , in which grew flowers of gold , set in such order , & comely equipage , it would haue rauished any poore mans eie to behold them . here ( in the very midst of the rowe ) she allighted from her chariot , staid a prety space , & enriched both the shopkéepers and their wiues with her presence , cheapning of 2. or 3. of them some of their fairest iewels , the beautie of their faces béeing of farre richer value then the costliest iewels there , and more worth ( beeing rightly estimated ) then the best stone in the whole rowe , and by this her staying at their stalles , heaped on their heads this grace besides . all her chosen courtiers came hereby acquainted with their delicate wiues , and euer after their husbands had of them perpetuall custome . at last mounting againe into her chariot she rode on : being as richly attended as her selfe was glorious , desert and learning ran by her side as her footemē , bounty guided the horses that drew her , lust , epicurisme , pride , and follie , were 4. querries of the stable , and had much adoe to leade a goodly-coloured fatte beast called sensualitie , that ( for more state ) went emptie by , money neuer riding on the backe of that spotted panther , but onely for speede and to ride away . beautie , honestie , youth and pleasure , came in a caroach behinde her , as her wayting women . old age ( her treasurer ) rode bare-headed before her : thrift carried the priuie purse : riot ( a smooth-fac'd ganimed ) slept in her lap , whose chéeke she would so often ki●●e , that he grew proud and carelesse of her fauours . what a world it was to see men ( whose backe bones were almost growne compasse , because their eies should still be fixed vppon their graues ) running more gréedily after her , then after physitions , to take off those diseases that hang most spitefully vpon age. some ran out of the church to sée her , with greater deuotion following her all the way that she went , then the former deitie they worshipped . young men did onely cast a glaunce at her , and staid not long in her ●●ght , other women pleased them better , if they we●e young courtiers , they had their mistresses , if merchants men , their maisters maides , that go fine by weight and measure , imitating in darke corners , their maisters profession : if seruingmen , the waiting wenches doe commonly fit them a peniworth , in this state magnificence and royalty this empresse arriues in the very heart of the city , a strong guard being planted about her , trenches , bulwarkes and fortifications ( inuincible as walles of iron ) being cast , raised vp , and manned against the assaults of her tottred enemies , who brake like so many wilde irish , and are left without the citie ▪ onely to rub their backes against the walles . presently ( for more defence ) were all the gates shut , the porcullises let downe , double lockes put to making , thicke barres to hammering , and all the subtilties which the wit of man could possibly find out , were put in practise to kéepe money safe within the city . to second which prouident courses proclamations went presently forth to banish all those that were like to be of pouerties company , for feare they should reuolt in time of most néede , wherupon many thousands , with bagge and baggage , were compelled to leaue the citie , and cling onely to the suburbs . in whose roomes money entertaines rich strangers of al nations , hauing those ( that should be ) these she puts into office , and traines them vp for soldiers , to be néerest about her , because shee sées they come well prouided and armed out of forraine countries : and therefore dares trust their diligence against those her halfe-shirted enemies , the rather because they cannot abide to sée a begger amongst them , especially if he be of their owne nation . the fires of this dissention growing hotter and hotter on both sides , were more likely to flame more fiercely then to be quenched by the aproach of pouerty and her ragged regiments , who by her scoutes vnderstanding that the golden idoll ( which so many fooles knéele to ) was carryed and kept close within the walles of the city , being as the pollodium was to troy , thither she marches with all spéed , but perceiuing all places of entrance barred vp , she pitcheth her tents round about the suburbs , planteth her artilery against the walles , leuelleth her great ordnance vpon the very wickets of the city gates , and by the sound of trumpet , did often summon money to appeare in her likenesse , and not to hide her proud & cowardly head . parlies were nine or ten times called on the forreners part that dwelt without , but no answere returned from those that slept within the frée-dome . which scornefull disdaine being taken in snuffe by the poore snakes ( who already began to shiuer with cold ) pouertie , ( their ringleader ) quickned the chilnesse of ther frozen spirits , by the heate of a braue resolution newly kindled in her owne bloud : for calling scatter-good her owne herald , that still rides before her , when any tempest of warre is towards , him she chargeth vpon his life and allegiance , to go to the walles , and boldly to throw in her name , a proud defiance in the very face of money , telling her , that for the safety of liues ( which ly in the ballance of warre ) she desires that two onely may arbitrate the quarrell in a monarchy , and that therefore pouerty challengeth money to leaue the city if she dare , and hand to hand to grapple with her . scatter-good ( because he was knowne to be an herald ) was admitted to haue a sight of money , and vpon first presenting himselfe , very stoutly deliuered his ladies defiance . money was no●ed to change colour , and to looke excéeding pale , all the while the challenge was breathing forth , either for very anger , or extreame feare , but those that knew her qualities swore it was with anger , and the conclusion iustified their oath , for on a soddaine shaking her golden tresses with a maiesticall brauery , she defied that base defiance in regard the sender was of slauish and beggerly condition . her selfe being high-borne , of bloud royall , of noble discent , the other a penurious fugitiue , a méere canting mort , traytor to all kingdomes , corrupter to all learning , & mother of none but such as are ●urdensome to euery common-wealth . they both standing therefore vpon so vnequall bases , money may by the law of armes , refuse the combat , and in plaine tearmes did so , disdaining to defile her glorious hands vpon so wretched and infamous an enemy , but with a full oath swore and vowed to weary pouerty and all her lank-bellied army , by driuing them quite from the gates of the city , or else to hold her and them play within so long , till she and her suncke-eyed company , famish and dye vnder the walles . and for that purpose , albeit she her selfe swim in pleasures and in plenty , and though the earth opens her wombe liberally , powring forth her blessing to all thankfull creatures , yet will she ( onely to vndo them and punish their carkases with pennury and famine , send her precepts into euery shire , to all rich farmers , land-lords , and graziers , that they ( by exprrsse commandement from her and her lords , vpon their allegiance and loue they owe to money , and as they are her slaues , vas●●iles and subiects , cause hard times to be made , onely to pinch the poore hungarians , and to disable their sallow facd empresse from once approaching the walles . these words she vttred with indignation , and high colour in her chéekes , and hauing eased the greatnesse of her wrath , commanded the messenger away : yet ere he went ( to shew that a true prince when he wrastleth hardest with his owne passions , should be carefull still of his renowne , fame and honours , she bestowed a golden chaine on scatter-good , which pouerty tooke from him , as scorning to sée any fauours ( giuen by her enemy ) worne by any of her subiects , especially her housholde seruants . scarce was the herald turnd out at the citty gates , but the glorious mother of plenty , checking her owne great spirit , for giuing her enemy so much cause to triumph ouer her as to proclaime her a coward , was halfe mad with rage at her owne folly , and in that heate of bloud , charged her droms to strike vp , her colours to be spread , her armies to be put in array , and the gates of the city to be set wide open for ( in a brauado ) she vowed to issue forth , and bid battaile to the beggerly tartarians that beleagerd her . but her councel ( wiser then so ) kept her in perforce , doubling the guards about her , and inchaunting her eare with all the bewitched tunes of musicke to cast her into a slumber till these stormes in her were at quiet , which if they had not done , but had pitched the field , as she once determined , it is ▪ by many probabilities ) thought , that pouerty had had a great hand ouer her , and would haue put her to the worst . they therefore locked her vp , as it were by iron force , compelling her against her frée-borne nature and condition , to be directed by them , and to lye close for a time , till noble aduantage should call her into action : and making present vse of her owne former spéeches , a common councell was called : where by the generall head it was ordered that hard-heartednesse should haue the keyes of the city in kéeping , his office and charge being , not to suffer money to goe out of the gates , though she her selfe in proper person commanded it , and was further ordained that precepts should presently be drawne , into all shires , countries and cities . the tenor of which precepts followeth . by the queene of gold and siluer . to all and singular our shires , countries , cities , corporations , townes , villages hamblets , &c. by what name or title soeuer , to whom these presents shall come , and to all you our obedient subiects , slaues and vassailes , commonly stiled by the names of money-mongers , viz. rich farmers , yong land-lords , engrossers , graziers , forestallers , hucksters haglers , &c. with all the residue of our industrious , hearty & louing people , in all or any of these our shires or places formerly recited , either now resident , or at any time or times hereafter to be resident , greeting . these are to will and require you vpon especial and expresse commandement deliuered in our owne person , and as you will answere the contrary at your vtmost perrils . first that you ( the said rich farmers ) by your best power , meanes , sleights , pollicies , by-waies , and thrifty endeuours , cast all the nets you can , to get all manner of graine that growes within your reach , and being so gotten to aduance , raise , and heighthen the prices of them , worke vpon the least inch of aduantage , make vse of all seasons , hot , cold , wet , dry , foule or faire , in one rainy weeke your wheate may swell from foure shillings the bushell , to six shillings , seuen shillings , nay eight shillings . sweepe whole markets before you , as you passe through one towne , if you finde the corne ( like mens consciences , and womens honesties ) low-prized , & sell the same in other townes when the price is enhanced . let the times be deere , though the grounds be fruitfull , and the markets kept empty though your barnes ( like cormorants bellies ) breake their butten-holes , and rather then any of pouerties soldiers , who now range vp and downe the kingdome , besieging our cities , & threatning the confusion , spoile and dishonour both of you and vs , should haue bread to relieue them . i charge you all vpon your allegiance , to hoord vp your corne till it be musty , and then bring it forth to infect these needy barbarians , that the rot , scuruy , or some other infectious pestilent disease , may ●un through the most part of their enfeebled army : ori● i , who may command , may perswade you , let mice and rats rather bee feast●d by you , and fare well in your garners , then the least and weakest amongst pouerties starued infantery , should get but one mout●full , let them leape at crusts , it shall be sport enough for vs and our wealthy subiects about vs , to laugh at them whilest they nibble at the baite , and yet be choaked with the hooke . next , we will and command , that you the young land-lords , who haue cause to go dancing to church after your old rotten fathers funerals , with all might & main stretch your rents , til the heart strings of those that dwell in them be ready to cracke in sunder . racke your poore neighbours , call in old leases , and turne out old tenants , those which your forefathers haue suffered quietly to enioy their liuings , and thereby to raise fat commodities to themselues , and begger families : change you their coppy , cancell their old euidences , race out all workes of charity , vndoe them in a minute , that haue stood the stormes of many an age , make the most of your riches , and the least of such poore snakes . when you let your land , carry many e●es in your head , looke into euery acre , into euery bush , euery ditch , euery turfe , wey euery blade of grasse to the full , that those who take it , may saue nothing by it , no not so much as shall keepe a black-bird , or a sparrow , turne forty pence an acre , into forty shillings , and laugh at the simplicity of your forefathers , make bitter iests vpon your dead gaffers , now you are made gentlemen of the first head , though it be by their digging in muck-hils , & in your queanes company pittie the capacity of the kerzy stockingd vvhoresons , for not hauing so much wit to raise profit as you their sonnes haue , nor had euer the meanes to spend it so fast . thirdly our high pleasure is , that all you engrosers of what name soeuer , buy vp the prime and pride of all commodities , that done , keepe them in your hands , to cause a dearth , and in the time of deerenes , marke them with what price you list . first and principally , i charge you , as you loue me , and for my only sake , who haue euer beene good lady to you all , that in times of plenty you transport your corne , butter , cheese and all needfull commoditiess into other countries , of purpose to famish and impouerish these hated whining wretches , that lye vpon the hands of your owne . hire ware-houses , vaults vnder ground , and cellers in the city , and in them imprison all necessary prouision for the belly , till the long nailes of famine breake open the dores , but suffer not you those treasured victuals , to haue their free liberties till you may make what prey you please of the buyers and cheapners . at which time i will prepare a certaine people that shall giue you your owne asking , and buy vp all you bring by the great , who shall afterwards sell it deerer then it was bought , by three parts , of purpose to choake this starueling scallion-eaters , whose breath is stinking in my nosthrils , and able to infect a quarter of the world . the people whom thus i promise to haue in a readines ▪ are well knowne what they are , some call them huksters or haglers , but they are to me as honest purueyers and takers , and these politicke smooth faced harpyes , shall out of a dearth raise a second deerenesse . these and such like omitting my precepts , to bakers , whose vpright dealing is not now to be weied , no , nor stood vpon , are the effects of my pleasure , which on your allegiance to me your empresse , i strictly command you to obserue and put in practise . no sooner was this precept drawne , but it went post into the country , no sooner was it read there ▪ but the world was new moulded , yet some say it neuer looked with a more ill-fauoured face . the farmers clapt their hands , 〈◊〉 went vp and downe shrugging their shoulders , land-lords set all the scriueners in the country to worke to draw leases , conueiances , defeisances , and i know not what , in thrée market daies , dearth was made clearke of the maket , the rich curmudgeons made as though they were sorry , but the poore husbandman looked heauily , his wife wrang her hands his children pined , his hyndes grumbled , his leane ouer-wrought iades bit on the bridle . they , who were in fauour with money , and were on her si●e sp●d wel enough but pouerties people were driuen to the wal , or rather downe into the kennell : for corne skipt from foure to ten shillings a bushell , from ten to twelue shillings , stones of boose began to be pretious , and for their price had beene w●●re in rings but that the stone cutter spoiled them in the grinding . mutten grew to be doere , two crownes a buttocke of pee●● , and halfe a crowne a wholesome breast of mutton , euery thing ( to say truth ) riz , except desert and honesty , & they could and nothing to rise by . pouerty was somewhat grieued , ( but little dismayed ) at these tyranous , godlesse and base procéedings of her enemy , because she herselfe and most of her army , haue béene old sernitors to the warres , and béen familiarly acquainted with emptinesse and necessity , casting therefore all her troopes into seuerall rings , she went from one to one , and in the middest of each , councelled them all not to be disheartened , but with her to endure what miseries soeuer , sithente she would venture formost and fardest in any danger that could come vpon them . she told them by way of encouragement , that where as money ( their daring enemy ) brags that she is the daughter to the sun , and quéene of both the indies . it is not so : for she is but of base birth bred , and begotten onely of the earth , whom she cannot deny to be her mother : and albeit it cannot be gainsayed , but that by her gripping of riches into her hands , she is owner of many faire buildings , parkes , forrests , &c. yet doth she oftentimes so farre forget her high birth , ( whereof shee vainly boasteth and those beauties of which a company of old misers , churles , & penny-fathers are with dotage enamoured , that now and then ( like a base common harlot ) she will lye with a cobler , a car-man , a collier , nay with the diuels owne sonne and heire , a very damned broker , with these will she ly whole yeares together , they shall handle her , embrace her , abuse her and vse her body after any villainous manner to satisfie their insatiable lust , whereas on the contrary part , quoth she , i that am your leader , famous ouer all the world , by my name and stile of pouerty , vnder whose enfignes , full of rents , as tokens of seruice and honour , you are all now come to fight , am well known to be a princesse , neither so dangerous nor so base as money shewes herselfe to be . money makes all seruice done to her a very bondage in them that do it : those whom she fanours most , are her onely slaues ; but pouerty giues all her subiects liberty to range whither they list , to speake what they list , and to do what they list , her easist impositions are burdens , but the burdens which i throw vpon any , grow light by being bor●e . who hath béene the foundresse of hospitals but i ? who hath brought vp charity but i ? am not i the mother of almes-doedes , and the onely nurse of deuotion ? do not i inspire poets with those sacred raptures that bind men , how dull and brutish soeuer , to listen to their powerfull charmes , and so to become regular ? doe not i sharpen their inuention , and put life into their verse ? and whereas money vaunts and beares her head high , by reason of her glorious and gallant troops that attend her , you all know , and the whole world can witnes with you , that kings , lords , knights , gentlemen , aldermen , with infinite others that were her deerest and wantonnest minions , haue vtterly forsaken her and her lasciuious pleasures , onely to liue with pouerty ( your quéene ) though now she be a little deiected in the eye of the world , though not in her owne worth . thus she spake , and her spéeches kindled such fi●es of resolution in the hearts of her soldiers , that the allarum was strucke vp , ordnance planted for batterie , sealing ladders made ready , and all the instruments of terrour and death put in tune , which were set to be played vpon at the assault of a cittie . they that kept their dennes like foxes in their holes , slept not , hearing such thundring : but armed themselues with as braue resolution to defend , as the other had to inuade . it was excellent musicke ( considering how many discords there were ) to heare how euery particular regiment in pouerties camp , threatned to plague the gold-finches of the cittie , and to pluck their feathers , if euer they made a breach . taylors swore to tickle the mercers , & measure out their sattins & velvets without a yard before their faces , when the prowdest of them all should not dare to say bo to a taylors goose. shoomakers , had a spite to none but the rich curriers , and swore with their very awle , to flea off their skins ( and the tanners ) ouer their eares , like old d●ad rabbets . euery souldier prickt downe one goldsmiths name or another , or else the signe in stead of the name , as the goate , the vnicorne , the bull , the hart. &c. swearing damnable oathes to pisse in nothing but siluer , in méers scorne , because he had oftentimes walked by a stall , when his teeth hath watred at the golden bits lying there : yet could not so much as licke his lips after them . there was one little dwarfish cobler with a bald pate , and a nose indented like a scotch saddle , who tooke bread and salt , and praid god it might be his last , if he ran not ouer all the fine dames that withstoode him , in blacke reuenge that hee neuer had their custome in his shop , because it could neuer be found out or séene , that any of them did euer treade her shooe awry . and thus as they without shot their terrible threatnings into the aire , so did those within , laugh to thinke how they should domineere ouer the shake-rags , if the warres might but cease . all this while were trenches cast vp of a great height by the poldauies to saue them from shot of the walles , whilst pouerties pioners had digd at least a quarter of a mile vnder the earth , and the mine with gun powder to blow vp one quarter of the cittie : but this béeing quickly descryed , was as spéedily preuented by a countermine , so that all that labour tooke not such fire as was expected : yet went the artillerie off on both sides , wilde fire flew from one to another , like squibs when doctor faustus goes to the diuell , arrowes flew faster then they did at a catte in a basket , whē prince arthur , or the duke of shordich strucke vp the drumme in the field , many bullets were spent , but no breach into monies quarters could be made : they that fought vnder her cullers were very wary , polliticke strong , and valiant , yet would they not venture forth but on great aduantages , because they had somthing to loose , but pouerties wild bandetti , were desperate , carelesse of danger , gréedy of spoile , and durst haue torne the diuell out of his skinne to haue had their willes of money , but night ( like a surly constable ) commanding them to depart in peace , and to put vp their tooles . this assault ( which was the first ) gaue ouer , euery captaine retyring to his place , the desperueines ( on pouerties side ) comming off at this time with the most losse . few attempts were after made to any purpose : onely certain yong prodigall heires , who ( as voluntaries ) maintained themselues in seruice vnder money , were appointed to be light-horsemen for discouery of the enemies forces ( as she lay incamped ) who now and then in a few light skirmishes had the honour to issue forth , and to set vpon the assailants that beleagured the cittie : but pouertie still draue them either in to their owne shame , or else had them in execution ( euen in despight of the cittie forces ) and put them euer to the worst . the gold-beaters ( who knew themselues on a sure ground within the walles ) lingred of purpose , and would neuer bring it to a battaile , onely to wearie the aduersarie , whom they meant to vndoe by delay , because she could not hold out long for want of victuals . they within cared not though ten thousand diuels amongst them , so money ( their mistresse ) whom they worshipped as a god , would not leaue their company , and the rascoll déere that ( without the walles ) were euery howre hunted out of breath , vowed to eate vp one another , before they would raise the seige , and be hanged vp like dogs ( at the c●ttie gates ) for they were now accounted no better then dogs , but they would haue their peniworths out of money for a number of wrōgs which by her meanes they had endured , when she hath seene them and their children ready to starue , yet scornd to reléeue their necessities . thus both their stomacks beeing great , and aswell the defendants as the assailents resolutely confirmed to sta●d vpon their guard , and to stay the vtmost of any miserie that could waite vppon a lingring warre ▪ behold the rich-plumde estridges , who had most fethers on their backes , and least cause to murmure , began to mutinie amongst themselues , the imprisoning of money ( their sole soueraigne ) so close within stony battlements , did not shew well : they were loyal● subiects to her & would free both her & themselues , vnlesse she might vse her sports and princ●ly pleasures as she had wont mercers had their shops musty , and their silkes moldie for want of customers , goldsmiths had t●eir plate hid in cellors , where it lay most richly , but looked more pittifully and with worse cullour , then prisoners lying in the hole . haberdashers had more hats then they could finde heads to weare them , if they had béene such arrant blockes themselues to haue giuen their wares away , trades had no doings , all the men were out of heart by beeing kept in , and all the women ready to be spoyled for want of walking to th●ir gardens : euerie one spent & spent , but who tasted the sweetenes ? in stead of selling their wares , they plyed nothing now but getting of children , and scowring of péeces . in stead of what doe you lacke ? was heard arme , arme , arme. this géere was to be looked into , and therefore they desi●ed their gratious empresse ( money ) not to lye lasing thus in a chamber , but either that she would be more stirring , that they ( her subiects might haue better stirrings too , and ( opening the cittie gates ) to fight it out brauely , or else they vowed there were at least ten thousand ( whose names stood now in her muster booke ) that shortly if this world lasted , would shut vp their dores , shew her a faire paire of héeles , and from her fly into the hands of pouertie their enemie . upon the necke of this , came likewise a supplication from certaine troopes of uintners without the barres , inkéepers , common uictuallers and such like , who plaid y● iackes on both sides , and were indéede neuters , a linsey-wolsey people , that tooke no part , but stood indifferent betwéene money , and pouerty , the tenor of which petition presents it selfe thus to the world . the pittifull petition of vintners , victuallers , inkeepers , &c. without the barres : to the great empresse of old mens harts , and yong mens pleasures , yclipped money . hvmbly sueth to you● currant excellency , your vncustom'd drooping suppliants , the vintners , and innekeepers , and others of the ale-draperie , that are bard out of the cittie : whereas through the extreame deadnesse of time and terme , we all run backward in our condition , hauing great rents to pay , and greater scores , which will neuer bee paid , guests now being glad if they can make vs take chalke for cheese , our wines lying dead vpon our hands , and complaining for want of good doings : we our selues making many signes to passengers , but few comming at vs , and hanging vp new bushes , yet hauing onely beggers hansell , trimming our roomes for no better men then barbers and taylors , a rapier scarce beeing seene in a veluet scabert within 40. yards of our precincts . — quis talia fando , myrmidonum , dolopumi●e , aut duri miles vlissi temperet a lach●imis ! o neither the mermaide , no● the dolphin , not he at mile-end greene , can when he list be in good temper when he lackes his mistres ( that is to say money . ) may it therefore please thee ( o thou pay-mistresse to all the fidlers that should haunt our howses , if thou wouldest put them in tune ) to send ( at least ) some of thy harpers to sound their nine-penie musicke in our eares , but we rather humbly beg it , that thou wouldest enrich vs with thy angellike-presence , be no longer percullized vp in the citie , visit the subburbes , against thy comming all her cawseies shall be paued & made euen , how broken soeuer her conscience be left and vnmended . our houses stand emptie , as if the plague were in them , onely for want of thee , our drawers cannot be drawne to any goodnesse , nor our hostlers to deale honestly with horse or man , onely by reason of thee : issue therefore forth amongst good fellows , that will sooner fight for thee , then those snudges & miserable cormorants that now feede vpon thee . this lamentable supplication ( together with the feare of a mutiny amongst her soldiers ) so wrought with the empresse , that ( cleane against the perswasion of her councell ) she determined to leaue the cittie , and to march into the field : hereupon her army royall was set in order , to the intent she might take a full view of all her colonels , generals , captaines and men of warre . she went from squadron to squadron , not so much delighting her owne eies with beholding so many thousands ready to fight in her defence , as they were gréedy to enioy her presence , which with braue encouragement lifted vp the deadest spirit , all swore to follow her , none to leaue her , or if any did , a curse was laid vpon him to die a begger . the first regiment consisted of courtiers , some of them being lords ( who came very well prouided ) some knights , ( but most of the valiant knights that were true soldiers indéed , serued in the other armie ( councellors at law gaue directions where to encampe , what ground was best to defend themselues and annoy the foe , by what trickes and stratagems to circumuent her , how to leade the troopes on , how to come off , and by plaine demonstration shewed how easie it was to put pouertie to her shifts , and to haue her & her troopes in execution , if money would be pleased to say the word , and for that purpose they made orations to set the armies together by the eares , which accordingly tooke effect , attorneys were very busie , and serued as clarkes to the bandes , running vp and downe from one rancke to another expressing a kinde of puzled and dizzie distraction in all their businesses . but that which made the best shew of all , was a lane of brokers , who handled their pieces passing well , & were old dog at a marke , they had skill in any weapon , musket , caliuer , petronel , harguibusse , a crock , pollax , holbert , browne-hill , pike , dimilance , sword , bow and arrowes , nothing came amisse to them , and which was most strange they fought by the booke , at a breach none so forward as they , they had beene at the ransacking of many a house , and would vndertake to vndoe all the troopes that were led by pouertie . these brokers were armed with thrumd cappes , ( but they should haue had murrions ) and those they wore to keepe their wits from taking cold : for they had all diuellish heads , and were suited in sparke of veluet iackets with out sleeues , tuft taffatie bréeches , close to them like irish stroozes , sattin doublets with sagging bellies , as if ●agpuddins had bumbasted them , and huge dutch aldermens sleeues , armed strongly with back péeces of canuas , dugeon daggers instead of pistols hanging by their sides , fine p●●d silke stockens on their legs , tyed vp smoothly with caddis garters , all which had béene taken as spoiles from the other armie . the inuader vnderstanding that the quarrell would be decided in a pitcht field , and that crackt crownes would be both giuen and taken on either side , grew excéeding ioyfull : and therefore calling for sharker ( one of her boldest & wittiest heralds ) him she sent to money , to know where the rendeuous should be made for both armies to meete in , and what péece of ground should be best famous to posterities by their battaile . money tooke aduice vpon this , most of her old beaten captaines , laboured earnestly to haue it at bagshot , but all the gallants cryed baw waw at him that named bagshot , so that for a quarter of an hower , none could be heard to speake , there was such a baw wawing . the herald sharker , in name of his mistresse , who sent him , requested it might be at beggers bush . but euery soldier swore that was a lowzy place , and so for a day or two , it rested vncertaine and vndetermined . in which interim , a murmuring went vp and downe that not onely pouerty had maintained this terrible siege against the city , but that dearth also , famine and the plague , were lately ioyned with the same army , besides many strange and incurable diseases were crept into the camp , that followed money : for ryot her minion , was almost spent , and lay in a consumption . a hundred in a company were drowned in one night in french bowles : fiue times as many more were tormented with a terrible gnawing about their consciences . all the usurers in the army had hung themselues in chaines , within lesse then three howers , and all the brokers , being their bastards , went crying vp and downe , the diuell , the diuell , and thereupon because they should not disquiet the rest of the soldiers , they were fetched away . these and such other vnexpected mischifes , put money into many feares , doubts and distractions , so that she inwardly wished that these vnlucky warres had either neuer béene begun , or else that they were well ended ▪ by the conclusion , if it might be , of some honourable peace . and as these stormes of misery fell upon money and her troopes , so was the army of pouerty plagued as much , or more on the other side : nothing could be heard amongst the souldiers but cries , complaints , cursings , blasphemies , oathes , and ten thousand other blacke and damned spirits , which euer hawnted them and their generall herselfe . want pinched them in the day , and wildnesse and rage kept them waking and raueing all the night . their soules were desperate , their bodies consumed , they were weary of their liues , yet compelled to liue for furder miseries , and nothing did comfort them but a foolish hope they had to be reuenged vpon money . so that so many plagues , so many diseases , so many troubles and inconueniencies following both the armies ( by meanes of the tedious siege ) a perpetuall truce , league and confederacy was confirmed by money and pouerty , and the councellors on either part : that in euery kingdome , euery shire , and euery city , the one should haue as much to doe as the other : that pouerties subiects should be euer in a redinesse ( as the switzers are for pay ) to fight for money , if she craued their aid , & that money againe should help them whensoeuer they did néede : and that sithence they were two nations so mighty and so mingled together , and so dispersed into all parts of the world , that it was impossible to seuer them . a 〈…〉 presently enacted , that fortune should no longer bee blinde , but that all the doctors and surgeons should by waters , and other 〈◊〉 helpe her to eies , that she might see those vpon whom shee bestowes her blessings , because fooles are serued at her doale with riches , which they know not how to vse , & wise men are sent away like beggers from a misers gate with empty wallets . the armies hereupon brake vp , the siege raised , the citty gates set wide open . shop keepers fel●●● their old , what doe you lacke : the rich men feast one another ( as they were w●nt ) and the poore were kept poore 〈◊〉 in pollicy , because they should doe no more hurt . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20082-e360 〈◊〉 eliza●eth● death . king iames his coronation . * a booke so called , written by the author , describing the horror of the plague in 1602 , when there dyed 30578. of that disease . king of england , and christierne king of denmarke . notes for div a20082-e700 the maner how bank●uptisme is entertained , and at what gate . solamen miseris socios habuisse doloris . misery makes men cunning . his qualities . his disguises . his policy . against forced mariages . against cruell creditors . against vnconsionable maisters . 2700 and odde yee●es since london was first builded by b●ute . against want of places for buriall in extremity of sicknes . 1602. against want of prouision for those that dye in the fields . the conclusion . notes for div a20082-e7440 the miseres that a plague brings to men. play-houses stand empty . poets walke in me●ancholy . ne● dant proceres ●eque histriones . ignauum corrumpunt otia corpus . the beares are hardly put downe . paris garden an image of hell . poore men cōtending with rich men , are as dog● fighting with beares . innocence punished . no slaue like the soothing vp of fooles in their vices . nulla est sincera ●ai●●ta● . excellence of histories . et quae mox imitêre legas . discitur hinc nullos mer●tis obsifiere casus . discitur hinc quantum pau● pertas sobre● possit . a commotion . o quantum cogit egestus vvhat vices are companions ( for the most part ) with pouerty . the quarrel betweene money and pouerty . diuitis hoc viti●●● e●t auri . ciuell wa●res of fraunce . diuision of the two houses . low country warres . the chiefe cities of christendome . the princes that raise these warres . pouerty & her army . mony and her army . auri sacra ●ames quid non mortalia cog●s pectora . poore men fall not first out with the rich , but the rich with them . rich men hate poore men . the poore may begge . o nosiri infami● 〈◊〉 . onites diomedi● equi eusidis ●ra . clementes . sors vbi pe●●i●● ri●um sub pedibus timor est . qui nil potest sperare desperet nihil . money hard to be spoken with . open warre . pouerties speech to her councell . the villany of bank-routes . dum ciuitas erit , pauperes er unt . pouertie brings any man on his knees . discontent described . a●●●ic●●●ga●dereget . despaire . hunger . sloth . repining . industry . beggery . misery . a presse for soldier● to serue pouerty . low country soldiers come from thence to fight vnder pouerty here . hals of euery company furnish men on both sides . carelesnesse learning held ●n contempt . yonger brothers . old seruingmen the gaurd to pouerty . banckrowtes come to pourty but as spies . masters vndon by seruants , serue in the rareward . poore attorneys . pandors euer poore . baudes seldom rich . notes for div a20082-e11580 the life of a sensuall man. riches make men cowards . councellors to money . couetousnesse couetous men are slaues to that which is a slaue to them . prouidence . parsimonie . monopoly . deceipt hath many great friends in the cittie . violence . might ouercomes right . nullum violentum perpetuum . vsurie . a broker is an v●●●ers baude . parsimony . praises of money . 〈…〉 mana 〈…〉 . paren● . money entertayned into the citty . and by whom● mercers . silkemen . goldsmiths . hee is wise enough that hath wealth enough . any thing to be had for money . old men most greedy of mony when money & they are vpon pa●ting for euer . some for money will sell religion . riches are yong mens har●ots . how carefull rich men are of their wealth . strangers . pouerty layes siege to the city . rich men are deafe , and cannot heare poore mens cries . scatter good ●ent to mony . they that haue nothing en●y 〈◊〉 that are wealthy . money giues men courage . how scarcity of victuals gro●●● in the land. couetousnesse of ●●ch farmers makes the country poore , and the people to pine . how corne riseth in prise , & maketh deere the markets . cruelty of land-lords in ●acking of 〈◊〉 is the vndoing of many ●ousholders . how 〈◊〉 & chee●e grow deere . hagglers . bakers . euery man pin ▪ 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 . pouerty comforteth her followers . paupertatemque ferendo , ●ffe●ere le●em nec iniqua mente ferendo . et laris et sundi paupertas mapulet a●dax vt versus face . em . no trade loues one another . the citty besi●ged . tutum carpit inanis iter prodigall heirs meete soonest with pouerty . dead termes & times that are cold in doings pinch the rich as well as ●he poore . a supplication from the inhabitants of the suburbs . mony takes a view of all her army . lords , knights , lawyers . aturnies . brokers come well armde . famine and the plague come along with pouerty to besiege the city . nulla salus b●ll● pacem to poscimus omnes . a truce . the siege is raised . the coming of god in mercy, in vengeance; beginning with fire, to convert, or consume, at this so sinful city london: oh! london, london. gostelo, walter. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85469 of text r202235 in the english short title catalog (thomason e1612_3 e1833_1). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 98 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85469 wing g1319 thomason e1612_3 thomason e1833_1 estc r202235 99862599 99862599 170434 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85469) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 170434) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 203:e1612[3] or 228:e1833[1]) the coming of god in mercy, in vengeance; beginning with fire, to convert, or consume, at this so sinful city london: oh! london, london. gostelo, walter. [80] p. : ill. (woodcuts) printed for the authour walter gostelo, dwelling in broad-street london., [london] : 1658. signatures: a-e. annotation on thomason copy e.1833[1]: "april"; "april 15". reproductions of the originals in the british library. eng london (england) -history -prophecies -early works to 1800. great britain -history -prophecies -early works to 1800. a85469 r202235 (thomason e1612_3 e1833_1). civilwar no the coming of god in mercy, in vengeance;: beginning with fire, to convert, or consume, at this so sinful city london: oh! london, london. gostelo, walter. 1658 17600 3 0 0 0 0 0 2 b the rate of 2 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-10 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the coming of god in mercy , in vengeance ; beginning with fire , to convert , or consume , at this so sinful city london : oh! london , london . amos the 3. verses 6 , 7 , 8. shall a trumpet be blown in the city , and the people not be afraid ? surely the lord will do nothing , but he revealeth his secrets to his servants the prophets . the lion hath roared , who will not be afraid ? the lord hath spoken , who can but prophesie ? ( this to you i must or perish . ) printed for the authour walter gostelo , dwelling in broad-street london . 1658. to oliver cromwell lord protector ; to this city london ; to the people of these three nations , and christian world , is this matter of so high concernment dedicated . after how miraculous a manner god is coming in mercy to his , in vengeance to evil-doers , this book , made up of truth and good affection ( as the author ought to be for his countries good ) will tell you , which being sent as an herald to declare the coming of god . it doth not crave , but command protection ; and though i may not dedicate it , to any other then to whom god almighty hath directed the matter of it ; primarily to you of this so sinful city london , subsequently to all the people of the three nations and christian world , yet is it good manners fairly to intreat of you , oliver cromwell protector , that it suffer not by any prohibition of yours , in sale or otherwise . indeed i do not doubt of that from your lordship which i beseech from all , its good acceptance . especially if you did know or do remember , those two so considerable passages , both which not long since fel out at white-hall . a person well known to your lordship , e. c. gives to one near you , ( but purposely for your perusal ) a paper , of which you were to take cognisance . that paper he or they burnt ; now to let you or them see clearly gods dislike of that wicked act , his fire of displeasure not long after flamed out of the chimney , t was near you ; its rage frighted some , it was visible to very many : in vision was it said to the party that gave the paper , they have burnt thy paper , but go forth , and thou shalt see their chimney on fire : the party did so , and saw it so on fire . at another time , the same party endevours to set a paper on the chappel doors of white-hall ; white-hall still , the matter of that was , ( as much of this book is ) what god would have speedily done , for his injured king , and despised church : of all which your self , chaplaines and others under that roof , were to take special notice , and conforme unto . the chappel officer would needs hinder the setting up of that paper , for some time he did so ; in fine he boldly said , if ever it was set up , he would pull it down . he was then forewarned and charged not to do so , lest god took vengeance on him ; he slighted the counsel , and when it was set up , not fearing god but men , he puls it down . the next news heard and seen of him is , that very right hand of his , so misimployed as to pull it down , is suddenly bound up , becomes unuseful , and withers , a very few dayes after , some 15. or 20. himself dyes . these things are true , i can prove them . my lord , it is very seasonable here to remind you of what so sadly befall mr. whaley mayor of north-hampton in the very year of his majoralty , on tuesday easter next it is but two since , marke it well i beseech you , for these things are clearly of god , yea clearly so . that presbyter whaley , an early complyer with the worst times , most falsly and shamefully belyes me , he traduceth and endeavours to suppress the so miraculous proceedings of god almighty afforded in that town of northampton , on behalf of his own prophecy , my unworthy self , and what past the very night of my enlargement from prison there . after i had wrote to him , and followed him close to know his grounds or reasons of those his ugly practices , but could never receive any from him : at last i wrote to his fellow-iugler , and brother presbyter ball minister in that town , charged him that he should let whaley know , if i received not speedily from him in writing , he should from me in print , yea both of them should ; on goodfriday i finished what i intended to print against them : the tuesday follovving god takes the business into his own hand , whaley sinks down and dyes suddenly in his clothes . indeed i was unalterably resolved not to endure them or any to belye , endeavour to suppress , or oppose the proceedings of my god , and his prophecy ( for so this is ) if i could help it : and because i could not , god did it for me . the manuscript which your lordship had of mine declaring their bad practises against gods so wonderful proceedings in that place of northampton , because i could not get printed , i left it in the university library of oxford ; my lord , it is worthy your remembrance for ever ; i shall one day get most of it printed , the world must know what 's in it . for ball his minister he is now become a pulpit-defender in print , ( the world hath too many such ) not long known to be so ; but he sees early and comes round with the first : i have desired him , ball , by word of mouth , that his repentance be sincere , early , and publick , the rather because his aberrations were publick and with the first . oh presbytery , presbytery ! thou hast not hitherto done gods church and this kingdom many good offices , mend for shame presbytery . reader , i must therefore print these precedents of truth , that they may deter all presbyters or others , from belying , or impeding , the revealed decrees of heaven , in favour of gods king and true church ; which decrees he is pleased now to have made publick , and by all are to be conformed unto . but why complain i of ill offices done to me or others in these three kingdoms , seeing i know very well ( yea this book tells you truly as much ) that to remedy all this and more , god is coming ? whose almighty fire sent out up on the eight of april , is gone before him , commissioned to begin at this so sinful city london , converting or consuming the enemies of his king and church . believe it reader , our appeal is heard in heaven , and we shall shortly have a court on earth to remedy what 's amiss : for god hath revealed from between the cherubins , where he is said to dwell , that the restoration of our king is of god : and then all those lesser devils , waiting upon this kingdom of darkness will suddenly become invisible . to conclude , why should i in a preface tell thee what i have therefore made so very short in the book , on purpose , that it should be read , be believed , and practised by all ? all are infinitely concerned to do so ; certainly , happines will be had thereby . reader , distrust me not , there is a storm and change at hand , a greater , or any like it since our saviors time , i firmly and warrantably believe hath not been on earth : after which will ensue golden times and dayes . a church more conspicuously glorious then ever : for the defence and protection of which , god will afford his nursing kings and queens , as promised of old , but in his wisdom reserved for the fittest time . in good earnest i do pray for all men , duty binds me to it ; yet can i not but fear a very general confusion of the most . this is what i must faithfully let you all know , and stand to when i have done . so help me o god , as i ever own , in all times and places , thy prophecy i formerly printed , and this book i now publish to the world , being both of thee ; witnessed and sealed unto by me vvalter gostelo dwelling in broad-street london , at which church officiated as our pastor , the so deservedly beloved doctor oldsworth . men and brethren , divines learned , good , and of holy life like him , ever taught their auditors , to be peaceable sons of the true church , so is faithfully to serve you of this city and his country , vvalter gostelo . city london , the protector whom god will ever direct and bless , hath now put the militia into your own hands purposely , that if you will ruine , your judgement shall be of your selves . i wil likewise now send or put into your mayor , sheriffes , aldermen , every of your ministers and common council mens hands one of these books , for i do tell you truly , gods menace and decree is gone forth against london for its destruction ; continue your rebellions but a little longer against god and your king , who are both coming to you , and if you perish not , cut off my head , as you have done your chief magistrate and ministers , god give you repentance and life . w. g. the unquestionable restore of our king charles st. is revealed and assured by god almighty . c. r. his restore is of god . he hath revealed it , he hath assured it from between the cherubims , he did it , where he is known to dwell . god save the king , and oliver cromwell protector . the introduction . sober men know very well , that amongst us most sort of villanies have been committed by a law , god coming as now he doth , to give deliverance to his people , commanding them to lift up their heads , for their redemption draweth nigh ; it remains , what will become of such wicked law-makers as ours have been , in that day , whose sad fate being shewed me , and very short also , like their continuance , read that first i beseech you , for so i received it , and the rather read it , for as much as i am to let you see and know clearly , that the sign by which my self and you are given to understand , when the deliverance and redemption doth draw nigh , is their sudden dissipation , and trouble , yea perpetual rejection , as to law-makers , or rulers , and that it is now come to pass in this place where it was shewed me . in this city london , near two years since , particularly upon the eighth of march 1655. god shewed me with others this vision , which i presently wrote to the protector ; he that believes it not , may see my manuscript , left near two years since in the university library of oxford assuring it , there left , because i could not get it printed . as for the vision it self thus it was : i first saw the wicked governours and mis-rulers of these people met as in a convocation or parliament-house : that wicked council was no sooner set , but some of them hastily rose up , and bearded their fellow members , telling them you were for presbytery : others upbraid them with lying , cheating , and wicked practises . they go on to wrangle and discontents , agree not at all , nothing but animosities amongst them . indeed they there behaved themselves just as our glorified king prophesied it should come to pass : you that agreed in nothing more then to make me and this kingdom miserable , shall agree in nothing less then to make your selves happy ; so his majesty prophesied , and so god will certainly now fulfill . in this wicked assembly of black saints and justiciaries , ( for i heard not a man amongst them , condem himself , ) though guilty , and stunk at stake ( their looks discovered as much , yet , see i beseech you , even to admiration , how god brought truth from their own mouthes , ( they then charged themselves , to be most culpable ) not the people : oh the wayes of god are past finding out ! god will one day set the saddle upon the right jade ; when this disorder was at the highest , in comes a person very hastily as sent of god , oliver cromwell is this person sent of god , and looking boldly upon them spake thus , our lord iesus christ is at hand : presently these grandees startled , and looking pale as death , like cowards and villains , fastened their gastly eyes and looks upon that messenger ; the messenger reiterates the words , our lord iesus christ is at hand ; he after added , he is at the very doore , i saw him , he comes with flagons : when this was spoken and heard , those dirty fellows , and misgovernours of the people , hastily and confusedly broke up house , stayed not at all , disappeared immediately , whither they hasted to their own home , or their last home swallowed them quick , i cannot tell , but this i am most sure of , they were all made invisible in an instant . oh wickedness , wickedness in governors can not stand in the day of gods coming , though it be acted by a law of their own ; of which vile nature these mens wickedness was , and doubtless more should have been had not god so scattered them by his sent messenger oliver cromwell ; i told you it was but short , god having done with them because they were dirt . i have done with them also . for a further confirmation of this thing , time , & persons , as iam alive i shall declare truth unto you : upon the first day of ianuary last , being on a friday and new-years day , my unworthy self then in retirement , ( after i had passed my most infirme devotions of prayer and meditation that day by the side of the river meade in kent ) i was thus wonderfully dealt with . the lord carried me in vision to this city london , set me down in the inner chambers and places where the people of this city performed their devotion or sacrifices , and being there i was shewed the close hypocrisies , most irreverent and damnable irreligious practises of the ungodly people of this city and nation , committed in those very places where they pretended to worship god ; for which their great impiety and fornications , i then saw some of them carryed away and thrown into a bed , but it was a bed of destruction , for in it was a pit out of which they never rose nor appeared more , yet was it like a bed . this terrible sight made me make haste from amongst them ; going into other chambers i saw more , but nothing that pleased me , earthen vessels , goodly to look on , paintedboxes , but nothing in any of them ; at which i being much troubled , some of them persecuted me from place to place , out they drove me into the street ; looking behind me to see if the persecutors still followed me , i then saw them no more , but i did see a man making great haste , coming after me with a mete-wand , rod , or rule in his hand , it was about the length of six foot ; by his side came only a harmless little boy , very beautiful , and in appearance very innocent . being then in the streets of this city , i suddenly saw the people all of them wonderfully affrighted , and being so afraid , they run every man of them to my left hand , astonished at the suddenness of it ; i asked what frighted the people , and why they run so to the left hand : i was forthwith answered by the man with the measuring mete-wand in his hand , or rule , their sacrifices are dirt ; or thus , they offer dirt for sacrifices . in good earnest when i had heard the words i looked up to heaven , and i there saw such a cloud of blackness and dirt , as could not possibly arise from any place but hell , it was a cloud made up of nothing but devillish dirt , and thick stinking darkness ; which cloud almost totaly obscured a very great light , that was in the heavens above it , so that there appeared no more of that great light , but as a quarter moon . so soon as the lord had shewed , it me perfectly , he scattered that dirty cloud with a vengeance , t was done immediately , and the place of it no more seen . what i saw afterwards of beauty and wonder , as well in this vision as in the former , belongs not to these wicked ones , these were all to be first scattered and made invisible as well the wicked okes chosen for their law-makers or rulers , as the briars and thornes ( being the people , ) which sent them up , for so they are all termed in the word of god , and they must perish together . it is impossible in this depraved age of ours to have a good parliament , if the people must choose , who are now so generally bad ; and here is the reason the lord gives me , of this dirty parliaments and this suitable peoples dissipation and scattering , for a signe and signal watch-word , by which we were to know when our redemption did draw nigh , and when we were to lift up our heads , as in the next section i shall , and am to declare unto you . and now tell me reader , was there not such dirty wicked law-makers as these in this last dissolved house ? what think you , not to particularize any of that rable , were not the most of them ( too many at least ) bad from the beginning , and did they not so continue all along , did they not divide ? which of them repented himself of his former wickednesses ? find me the man that ever took the blame to himself ; they suddenly divided and fell to wrangling , they would have us believe , it is you , and you , him and him that committed the wickedness , none condemned himself ; were there not the highest animosities imaginable amongst them ? i dare say they would have fired , and imbroyled the kingdom in a new war , rather then some of that faction , should seem other then a true saint , or white devil , ( i still speak of the major part . ) i beseech you , what number of them ever agreed to make themselves or the people happy , by returning to every man , or but to any man , his own inheritance ? they spoke well of the covetous and deceitful person , whom god abhors ; that they did , themselves being so : is it not high time think you that such miscreants as these be scattered ? thanks be to god , who sent oliver cromwell hastily in amongst them , as in the vision , to do so ; in great haste he did come in upon them , yes he did so ; so in the vision , so in thefulfil . reader , did not oliver cromwell come in upon them in haste ? did he not then , or at their sitting down tell them plainly ( most sure he did ) that our lord jesus christ was at hand , and now at the very doore , and that he saw him coming with flagons also ? as in the 85. psalme , namely to establish peace , to have mercy and truth meet together , that righteousness and peace may now kiss each other , and that glory may dwell in our land , did he not further say unto them , that he ( our lord ) was coming to break in pieces all powers that were not of god , and for god , alluding to the leggs and feet of nebuchadnezzars image , which being iron for oppression , and dirt for irreligion , was now to have its end . thus was his speech , thus were his words to them , he told them , that both these prophecies were now fulfilling , he advised them so , and so instructed them : to this end he did it also , that they might now apply themselves to be subservient thereunto , here is what he directed unto , also what they should have done ; i told you before what they did , now see this very prophesies fulfill ; first , it must break in pieces the powers that are not of god , i am sure it points out them to be broken ( point blanck ) and more also if principled like them ; they and such as they broken to pieces , in comes that power and rule of gods , under which we shall be blest , and our land happy for ever , as in the former prophecy , and other part of his speech taken from the 85. psalm : here is what he said , here 's what he did , broke them to pieces , they are both of god , he did it in haste also , so in the vision so in the fulfill . o god , this thy signal signe given me , and then vision shewed me , having thus undeniable , in all circumsiances had its now fulfill , and being , as i may truly say , the very watch-word , and acting , by which i was to know when our redemption should draw nigh , and when we were to lift up our heads , our heads , to whom the vision was shewed with my self ; your heads , your with an emphasis ; none of theirs , theirs , are to be broken ; the words lift up your heads , were not spoken , nor heard by me and them , until those wicked ones were all dissipated and gone . truly i had been blind and most unfaithful to you , if i had not thus proceeded for an introduction ; i now see clearly the reason why i could not get this book printed as i intended before christmas , i penned it early , as once i did the like , for the good of the world , and a parliament then ready to meet and sit , intitled it charles st. and oliver cromwell united , so i have already printed , which i will ever stand to , and so will god certainly fulfill , let things seem to the world never so contrary , for it is of god . but i could never get that book forth , until those , as these , were turned out of doors , because good for nothing . indeed the work of the lord , as his secrets , is chiefly for those that fear him , and such the lord will certainly now in merey give us for rulers , for law-makers : we have no reason at all to doubt it . you may well wonder and stand amazed to read what the lord shewed me as to this last parliament sitting , on purpose he did it , that i might know the approch of my signes fulfill : the first of ianuary it is shewed me , the 20. they sit , also , why the lord would so dissipate and over-turne them , because there sacrifices were dirt . i must give you a short review of the whole , and then i get out of this dirty subject , in which dirt i am to stick untill i make you as clearly sensible as my self , that god hath fulfilled to a tittle , the signe given me for assurances , when deliverance to his church , king , and people , ( the israel of god ) was to be afforded , also when commanded to lift up their heads , redemption and deliverance being come unto them . on march the 8. 1655. this very signe and signal watch-word is given me . [ that i then declared it to the protector you have read , and he that doubts of it may read what i left almost two years ago in the university library of oxford . ianuary the first 1657. on earth , and in heaven , is it first shewed , then said unto me , their sacrifices are dirt , that very new moon , year , and day , points out their new moons and dirty sacrifices , both which god abhors . ianuary the 20. this dirty house meets , and falls to wrangling immediately , so in the vision , so in the fulfill . with in 15. dayes after god sweeps away this dirty house , by his sent messenger oliver cromwell coming to them in haste , so in the vision , so in the fulfill . if all these visions prove not themselves to be real visions of god , and that we have warrant and good occasion also now to lift up our heads , as the next section will fully shew you , then cut off my head , and reckon me a lyar for ever ; i beg not your favour , but your repentance . these things i have wrote to the protector presently after they were shewed me ; you have them more exactly in print , make therefore the best use of it . c. r. head and crown be lifted up , for deliverance is come to carolus rex , also to his good subjects the servants of the ever-living god . section the first assures it . sect. i. immediately after all those miscreants were swept away , my self with someothers plainly heard sung by most angelical voices , these words , lift up your heads , for your redemption draweth nigh : our lord iesus christ is at hand , he comes with flagons ; those celestial voyces continue singing , and reiterate the words , lift up your heads , still your , with an emphasis , for your redemption draweth nigh . ravished with the excellency of the voyces and the matter , i turned my head towards those heavenly aires , ( being faced about ) i then saw many glorious angels moving towards us in good order , two by two , they were all clothed in white , having on them girdles of gold , and in some of their hands were flagons of silver . the place they so appeared in , then seems a church , up the middle of that church they come , when advanced to the table , which was covered with fine and clean linen as themselves , they there set down those silver flagons ; that done , they stand round about the table , in a most reverent posture and comly beauty , fit for devotion , on which table , neer those flagons ; on a silver plate was placed one mauchet cut and prepared as at our best ordered communions ; this done , they altogether began and sung these words , blessed be the lord god of israel , for he hath visited and redeemed his people , and hath raised up a mighty salvation for them . this heard and seen , the vision and signe assuring deliverance upon their dissipation and rejection , as in the introduction upon the 8. of march , 1655. ended , the rest of new-years day follows . after the man with the mete-rod or rule in his hand had said unto me , their sacrifices are dirt , and god hath scattered with a vengeance that dirty stinking hellish cloud , ( gotten into the face of that great light ) as in the introduction and vision of last new-years day , forthwith the lord drew my eye to look again up into the heavens , but it was more upon my right hand : i then perfectly saw a wondrous high hill , upon which high hill was situate a very thick and high wall , the wall was made all of divers coloured stones , richly shining as painted glass , the morter or cement which held those several coloured stones together , appeared rich also , as the dust of gold . at the end or entrance into that wall , ( for it was like the wall of a great city ) yet i saw no house within it ; without the wall i did see many houses , but the stood at good distance from that wall , and all those houses were new , the foundation and building was raised some few yards above the ground , being all of perfect white stone , but not finished ; indeed the man with the mete-wand or rule to measure with , that answered to me , they offer dirt for sacrifice , that man and innocent boy appeared unto me among those new foundations which were on both sides of a largestreet . at the end of that rich wall , there stood a tree or trees , which were full as high , or higher then the rich wall . within the wall , ( and just over the place the wall surrounded ) i did see a wonderful great light , very glorious it was , and of a chrystaline colour , for bigness it appeared ten times as big as the moon . this light shewed me a lamb , and divers other clean creatures , as sheep and kids . what i saw afterwards , when i had wept and prayed to god that he would be pleased i might understand the whole vision , i will not now tell you what that was , the obtaining of it cost me dear ; i am sure i lay so long weeping and praying with a resolution i would have no denial , until the lord was pleased to let me fully understand the vision , that it is his unparalleld goodness to me i am alive at this time . but this i will tell you , serve you god , desire and endeavour from the bottom of your hearts , to live wholly to his glory , and you may see it also ; i pray you may , nothing is more worthy to be desired . what think you now , is not this one good ground more to believe that our redemption doth draw nigh , and that we are now commanded to lift up our heads ? you will say and believe as much presently ; read what follows , for i have done with what was shewed me on new-years day as in the introduction . the rest i told you concerned not those were scattered , but the redeemed of god . as i am a live and a christian , i continue to set forth truth unto you ; i was at oxford when the news came to me of the protectors dissolving that house of miscreants , he , oliver cromwell , was that very man the lord sent in in haste upon them , as in the sign and introduction , now mark and well consider , what immediately succeeds upon their dissolution . tuesday night , which was february the 9. just 5. dayes after this house was swept , i came home to my own house from oxford ; being come home , god then shewed me a very great and glorious people , standing orderly in the heavens , they were a people richly shining ; in the head of this so glorious body after a short time , there comes slowly moving , but in very great state prince-like , the most transcendently glorious person that ever my eyes beheld , he was clothed in a very rich coat or long vest , which coat or rich vest was girt about his middle with a broad girdle of gold , in his hand there was an extraordinary long and broad naked sword , which great sword he held upright ; this transcendent person had such a head , face and countenance , for beauty , majesty , power , and wonder , as i can never express or set forth unto you , the figure of his person being of a wonderful height , yet very straight , having no defection in any part , but tale beyond compare : this rich , glorious and wonderful person stood so long in the head of that beautiful and shining people , that i had a full view of him and them to my great contentment . the vision ended , my sinfull self fell a weeping , and praying that god would be pleased to afford me the understanding of it ; reader , in good earnest , thus it was , and no otherwise : for clear satisfaction , i was referred unto the twelfth of daniel , at the beginning of which chapter , you also , as well as my self , may read and know the import of that so great princes standing up in the head of his people , now to be delivered , the israel of god , be they here or throw the world : and thus in these several wayes and times ( all agreeing to gods word , and assured of god ) i am instructed , and sent to assure you , that deliverance is come unto you , gods , the kings , and your enemies are now to be scattered . upon so glorious visions as these are , declaring the coming of god in mercy to the redemption of his ( for that is what i am upon ) and that he thus comes with flagons also , what can the world expect i should say to all of it ? the gift of vision and prophecy is given to one man , the gift of discerning and interpretation of them and scriptures to another . ( friends ) i have here dealt with you of this land and our times , as zachariah , and the prophet daniel dealt with the people of their land and times , truly told you what i saw , truly told you what i heard ; wonder not i beseech you , if i cannot tell you what it all means , or set you the very time and day for deliverance : i often tremble at the visions shewed me , and words then spoken to me ; i read not some places of holy scriptures without amazement , though i do it for the better understanding of what is shewed me in vision , unto and by which word of god , all prophecy must come for trial and conformity , no thing that 's contrary to it can possibly be true , yet for all this , i may not from them hastily conclude . i beseech you let this truly spoken by me , keep you , my self and all men from rash speaking , and determining of things or times , both which to my understanding have gods appointment , if not limitation , upon our repentance , but if we despise his premonitions , a swifter motion to execute vengeance . prophecy is prophecy , and vision is truly shewed of the lord to zachariah , and daniel , yet zachariah confesseth in his fourth chapter and fifth verse , that he saw , but he knew not the meaning or import of what was shewed him in that vision . daniel in his 12. chapter and 8. verse tells us , he heard , but he understood not what he heard , ( in that his prophecy , yet both gods prophesies . ) tell me , o now tell me , you worthies of our church of england , i speak to men of clean conversation , wise , studious , and of holy life also , with such i may not doubt the secret of the lord is , because they fear him ; there are those that have forsaken all to keep god and a good conscience , such as those are now to lift up their heads ; for their redemption draweth nigh . i enquire not of , neither expect resolve from , the unsent and unblest number of vagabond bablers , who like unfaithful bowes in the day of battel have started aside , to the scandal of the true church , dishonor of our nation and the protestant religion ; from such villains as those i neither expect or seek for any true interpretation of the word or vision of god , their sacrifices being dirt , a mystery of iniquity they shall carry on , but no true sense of scripture , wisdom and counsel is not found with him that must perish . worthies sent of god , pray tell me , doth not these visions lively express and warrantably assure us , us i say , though hitherto persecuted and despised , are not we now to be invested in what was promised of old by our lord himself , as in the book of canticles chapter the 2. verse the 45. he brought me into his house of wine , covered me with his banner of love , and comforted me with flagons ? in the several evangelists he likewise assures us , how for ever happily blest they shall be , that eate bread , and drink the fruit of the vine , when new , with him in his fathers kingdom : certainly those very times are now at hand , who can doubt it , that hath trusted in the ever-living god , which hath now sent his so blessed angels , as ministring spirits to command us , that we lift up the head , with an emphasis , your heads , lift up your heads , for your redemption draweth nigh : he further comforteth us , adding he is at the very door , and that he comes with flagons . what think you worthies , can we wish for more assurance of happiness , or could i see more and live ? all this being true , what manner of persons ought we to be in all godliness and holiness of conversation ? here i could be content to lye down in happiness ; but i must go on to let you clearly see , how god is coming in vengeance to evil doers ; that 's at hand also , and comes next to be considered , but for his church , king and people , them he will deliver , their enemies he will convert or confound , michael that great prince and deliverer of his people is risen and now standeth up , having his sword in his hand , himself being in the head of those he will desiver , therefore king and people fail not to lift up your heads , redemption being come to both . the coming of god in vengeance to evill doers . sect. ii. at that time when michael the great prince standeth up , which is the deliverer of gods people , as the foregoing section assures to that purpose he is now risen , and i have seen him : the next thing the world is to look for , is , what they may read in the same verse , of daniel 12. chapter , the words are these : and there shall be a time of trouble , such as never was since there began to be a nation : upon whom , and in what place , that day of trouble and vengeance will fall , that 's the considerable question ; to which i reply . at bridges in flanders december 1656. the day gloomy and darkish , the people surprised with fear , stood gazing and looking up into the heavens ; hastily they called to me , saying , sir , come hither , and behold what we do , of wonder in the heavens ; being placed at more advantage to well observe , but still in that city bridges , i then looked up , and plainly saw ( at good distance ) coming from the north or north-west , very many small bodies of horse , having on them the best appointed riders . those horse and riders came towards the south and south-east ; as they came nearer to me , they seemed to increase , so that very much of the hemisphere was suddenly over-spread with them ; that part of the heavens they moved in was all over of a perfect fire colour , since i came into the world , i never beheld such horse and riders , for strength , courage , and resolution ; they came fiercely trotting on , stamping also with their feet ; their hoofes and shooes , which i perfectly saw , lookt like flint , or something harder then the nether mill-stone ; they were shod , for the lord knows what service and execution , i do not . horse and riders had unparalleld strength in every part , their heads all lift up , not a man or horse of them that had any defect , or apprehension of danger ; what speak i of danger ? there was nothing could stand before them , so sure as the lord lives , they were an host that shall not fail to effect whatsoever the lord of hosts shall commission them for , that is , to execute his vengeance on evil-doers . whilst with astonishment i looked upon all this , i prayed , and praying , besought the lord that he would be pleased to let me know what all that force signified , forthwith i heard a very strong voice , coming directly down from heaven , before the horse came up to me , which strong voice spake these words only , it is the coming of god , it is the coming of god . i neither saw more nor heard more , but i shall tell you what i read more , and it is the word of god , which suites in all things very well with this vision of gods , in the second chapter of the prophet ioel you have these words : a day of gloominess , clouds , and thick darkness : a great and strong people , there hath not been ever the like , the land is as the garden of eden before them , and behind them a desolate wilderness , nothing shall escape them ; the appearance of them is as the appearance of horses , and as horsemen , so shall they run to be avenged on his enemies : this is in ioel the second , in the 11. verse of that chapter you have these very words , and the lord shall utter his voyce before his host : so in the head of the host was it said unto me , it is the coming of god : the verse concludes with these words , the day of the lord is great , and very terrible , who can abide it ? for that word which came to ieremiah the prophet with command then to him , as now here to me ; that it be proclaimed to the people of his time then ripe , as now you , for vengeance and destruction ; decline to read it him that dares , i dare not but observe it to you , make ready the horses , let the horsemen get up . come up you horses , and rage you chariots , for this is the day of the lord god of hosts , and a day of vengeance , in which he will be eased of his adversaries . to others , there follow these words of comfort , but fear not then my servant iacob , neither be thou afraid o israel , none shall make you afraid , as you have it at large , in the 46. chapter of the prophet ieremiah : but what is all this to evil doers ? good things profit us not in their being , but in our enjoying them : that happy condition is not yours of london , for the very next thing shewed me , and i am to proclaim it also , assures you of this so sinful city london , that gods judgements begin at london , therefore look you to it , god is in earnest with you , and i must not flatter you ; repent or burn , you and your city london . i have a few words to the church of rome , which i dare not but observe to them before i quit this section . church of rome , deceive not your selves , but warrantably believe , and patiently provide for , your sad share of sufferance in this coming of god to take vengeance on evil-doers ; therefore church of rome read , and well consider my reasons , it highly concerns you , for with your church all is at stake . first , these horses , and host of the lords , which came from the north , and north-west , moved so hastily as if they would be with your church presently , having their faces directly set against the south and south-east , and so from thence , not onely rome , but the proudest part of that church lies ( south and south east ) is not onely the eagles nest , but that brood also of vultures , now to be deplumed , dashed in pieces , and made invisible . secondly , not long before this was shewed me , i was also shewed the altars of rome , and the priests of rome , both of them in their richest adorne and most suitable dress ; at which time their priests boasted of themselves and altars , proudly saying to me ; see , is not this to the glory of god ? in answer to which words , i presently heard a voyce which desended from above , and said , the altars of rome are not fitted for the worship of god . these words heard by her priests also , the priests cryed out , this is gostelo that hath prophecied and printed , our church shall fall ; away with him , away with him : the multitude derided me , and strove who should be formost to have me out ; the priests in their rich habits , followed and helped to drive me out , when forced out of their churches ; for out went multitude , my self , priests and all . i then lookt behind me , and saw the priests still in their rich habits ; but very strangely metamorphosed , for all their heads were then as the heads of wolves , foxes , dogs , and swine ; which whilst i stood wondering at , immediately in the twinkling of an eye all of them were struck down flat to the ground , on which they helpless lay grovelling and bleeding , wounded only on the heads ; at which wounds , and at the snout of their unclean heads , ( for they still retained them ) they there and then , on the ground , expired and bled to death ; i saw not the hand that struck them down , nor a man of them that ever rose from the earth again . my third reason is , in the prophecy i printed ; which prophecy i give you for the word of god ( agreeable thereunto certainly it is ) there it is said in that prophecy the church of rome shall fall ; and put me to death , if ever one word of that prophecy go unfulfilled ; flatter not your selves you of the church of rome : to some of your more sober ones , men in orders also , to such i have already imparted much that hath been shewed me of that churches sad fate : those sober ones have replyed to me , that truly they had reason to expect and fear , god was coming to punish them and their church also , but that she should fall , that could not be admitted ; the court of rome possibly might fall , nay they believed , it should fall , but for the church of rome , they believed , it was built upon that rock and foundation which could not fall ; would to god they were so . the court of rome acknowledged ( as well it may ) to be infected , now sick , and may fall ; certainly the body which already totters can not stand long : hear the words again you of the church of rome , men in orders and others , for clearly there is many of you , that i love well , and there is too many of you that merit not to be beloved , the very words of the infallible prophecy agreeable to the word of god also , are these , the church of rome shall fall ; the words heard in the vision are these , the altars of rome are not fitted for the service of god ; you have read what her priests suffered , suddenly struck down to the ground , wounded on the heads only , as prophecied of old , the seed of the woman shall break thy head , when a deceitful serpent , on no part else is the wound visible , what those heads were all unclean ; wolves , foxes , dogs and swine . lastly how they bled at them untill they expired . and now believe me you of the church of rome , if all the men on earth keep your church from falling , put me not only to death , but put me also into your roman calender in great red letters , and let my name stand there as a son of belial and a lyar for ever , if that i have prophecied of your church come not to pass , and i fear suddenly also , i would you did the like : a few years will make it visible to all , that she is a church may fall , shall fall , and never rise again : and this not raising against you , but as a friend i early tell you , and will for ever stand to ; i believe i shall shortly come amongst you , i intend so , and to this very purpose that you may turn from sin and do your first works , for what you do now is abominable and god abhors it , and you shall smoke for it . this digression made i return to my purposed method ; to london , and against you of london god is coming also ; but how think you ? the manner follows ; repent or burn , for he cometh , for he cometh to judge the earth , and with righteousness to judge the world , and the people with his truth , psal. the 96. 13. c. r. gods fire sent out on the eight of april shall convert or confound the enemies of god and our king carolus rex . sect. iii. arrived in flanders , december 1656. i there finde the forces his majesty was raising , full as glad that action was at hand , as those already sent by his enemies to keep him from the coast and port-town : i parted last with norfolk and yarmouth . to be inriched by violence is that too many souldiers on both sides wait for ; such firebrands and delighters in war god there shews me in a vision ; wherein they deride any man that doth but speak to them of peace , they having made themselves ready for war , would have war , being impatient and inraged , they began to scuffle , would not be parted : whilst this was so , and no perswasions of mine could prevail with them for quiet , a woman suddenly appears , and steps in between them ; at which instant of time i heard these onely words , waite until the eight of april . these words spoken , the souldiers presently desisted , strove no more ; the saying i kept to my self , knew not what it might import . christmas ended , i humbly took leave of his majesty and most heroick brothers , with full resolution to go to the court of france , to those four persons of majesty and royal birth , so highly concerned in this prophecy of gods ; but with this full resolution i parted , that i would be back again by the eighth of april , firmly believing that vision and those words ( waite until the eighth of april ) was shewed and spoken to me for his majesties interest : to flushing i came ; the wind serves not ; after long stay some shipping goes off , but by contrary windes are made to return , several times they did so , my self never went off with them ; god so over-ruled me , my port-mantell , in which were my papers , once did , at which i was wonderfully troubled , but suddenly i was quieted , believing in a day or little more , i should be repossessed of my papers again : the very next morning i met the master of the vessell returned . after all these vicissitudes and changes march came on , and truly then i considered with my self , should i now go for france , i could not return by the eighth of april , at which day i durst not be absent from my king ; back i went , i could have no quiet until i did so ; when come to court , i most humbly besought his majesty and princely brother the duke of york , that in private i might speak with them , and with them onely ; being in private i imparted to them much of gods so miraculous proceeding with me at flushing , as to the kings interest : wonder upon wonder , you will read them in my last section ; at last this came from me , the chief occasion of my return was to attend the eighth of aprill , which until then i concealed : of this his majesty and heroick brother took full notice ; but what would fall out upon that eighth of april , god onely knew , i did not , so i told them , wait i must untill then , i durst not depart till the eighth of april was past . at bridges in the morning of the eighth of aprill stylo novo , about day , i clearly saw our soveraign lord the king sitting in counsel with some six more , the duke of york one of the counsel , and whilst they so sate in counsel , there came down from above , into the midst of them , a very lively and wonderful bright fire of coles ; clear it was as the best charcole fire when all of a glow ; no smoke about it , no ashes under it : this fire was no more in compass , then what might well be contained upon such a censer or plate of the altar , as his majesty and heroick brothers offered their alms upon the sabbath day before , being easter day , on which they all received the most blessed communion of our lords body and blood , by them received with that due reverence , holy fear , and apparent contrition for sin , that upon my very conscience i may most warrantably say ' their prayers and almes reached heaven ; and to witness acceptance , their god sends down the very next sabbath , that his fire in their behalf , to do what you shall presently read it commissioned for . this fire so fallen in the midst of them , first moved round , discernable to all , next it comes to a stand at the feet of our soveraign lord the king , pointing him out to us , to be the servant and for ever beloved of god almighty : after it had stood some short time there , i heard these words commissioning it to go forth ; begin at london , and go throw all his dominions . fear all that read it , and you that hear it , i say fear and tremble , for they are the words of the lord almighty , and his also is this sent-out fire . so soon as the words were spoken , begin at london & go thorow all his dominions , the fire immediately removed from between the kings feet , to a distance some three yards from him , and there stood , but still kept in a right line before him ; there and then , that fire suddenly became dilated , and forthwith was big as the sun in appearance ; when so dilated it had then ashes all under it , which ashes were of the thickness of a pocket-bible , fire , ashes , and bible are made up of the word and power of god , who so contems his word , his fire makes ashes of them ; contemn god and the king , and you perish together . certainly on purpose is it thus shewed me with ashes under it , that i may let you all see and know its readiness to execute gods command , first upon you of london , begin at london , then his three kingdoms and christian world : men and brethren , either suffer your corruptions and rebellions of all sorts of which you are horridly guilty against god and his king charles stuart , ( your sacrifices are dirt , your hypocrisies are the greatest , your rebellions have no compare ) suffer all these things and whatever more to be burnt up and consumed in you by his sent-out fire of mercy ; which if you shall madly neglect to do , deceive not your selves , it shall suddenly do its other work commissioned , for to make ashes of you and all those mountains of opposition that men or devils , have , can , or dare , raise up to obstruct the way and rule of gods vice-gerent , charles stuart , your only lawful king and soveraign . god is irritated , and you have done it , look to your selves , when the almighty kindles and sends forth a fire as here he doth , read i beseech you to what purpose he doth it ; the prophet amos assures evil doers , no less then six several times in his first chapters , which are but very short , yet most admirable full to this very purpose , there he saith , that the lord will send a fire , that the lord will commission a fire , that the lord will kindle a fire . and to what purpose i beseech you is all this ? even as here , it shall devour , it shall burn up , it shall consume , if not sin , then sinful persons : do you ask me what it shall do ? i answer , you and all for i fear no man ; do ? what shall it not do , when commissiond and sent out by god as this is ? what shall it do ? why , it shall burn up his enemies on every side , if they repent not ; ps. the 97. 3 verse , there shall go a fire before him , and burn up his enemies round about : the army of horses went before , this fire comes next after , that nothing may escape . i dare not yet leave this commissioned fire of the lords , sent out upon this particular day the eighth of aprill ; what i have now to say in this so wonderful proceed of god almighty , is to you oliver cromwell , protector of these three kingdoms ( pro tempore ) sir , well look about you ; and best bethink your self , and know sir , that for more then three months it was my continual meditation , and amaze to think why it was dictated , waite until the eighth of aprill ; why to that day , i could never give his majesty and heroick brother any clear or certain reason for it , but having upon that day seen the vision , and then heard the words of commission to the almighties fire in our kings behalf , i can now give his majesty , his brother , you and all such a certain and true reason for it , as will astonish the world ; there is in it wonder upon wonder , it looks like the children of israel being brought out of egypt upon the very day , both the lords own doings : o that i were with you , your lordship should find , i would speak to you as sent of god , not flatteringly ; examin your self , sir , did not the lord some two years since , easter next it will be so , i again say , did he not then in mercy send to you oliver cromwell the wife of thomas chalener , a free-holder dwelling on the edge of sussex ? whose commission was to this very purpose : first , to ask you whether or no the vineyard you yet gathered the fruit of , was yours or gods ; if it was yours , then to say so ; if gods , then your duty forthwith to give the fruit of it to his steward , charles stuart , for god had given it unto him by inheritance ; if you refused forthwith to submit , or doubted his right of inheritance , she tells you that god had vouchsafed for the decision of his right three wayes ; chuse you either of them : god would appear for him , whose unquestionable right it was , for in the court and justice of heaven , the father having paid the debt , the son was to have the inheritance . her first offer to you is , to cast lots , and by lot you should see on whom the lord would resolve it : to that you wisely considered , and said , what if the lot should go against me ? she truly told you it would : your answer was , that way of lot you would decline . her second offer was , would you fight personally with charls stuart , and so decide it ? to that , as i have heard , you gave no answer ; indeed god forbid that any such damnable thought or word , should ever be found in your heart or mouth : an impiety of that ugly nature , i print to the whole world will never be found in you , as ill as men generally speak of you : who was most culpable before , god knows , i do not . the persons of kings are sacred , appointed of god , and anointed by his prophets , wise and honest men know it well , their persons are rarely to be exposed ; crowns , not to be worne by any but whom the lord sets apart ; with us it must be so , the law of god and our land best directs in that particular ; and i firmely believe , that as you said nothing to that second offer of the lords ( for they are all his offers , not hers ) so upon that very consideration , let the world say what they will , you have hitherto declined , and ever will do , to put on his crown : they were fools that said , you were afraid of the army when t was offered you ; no no , you were afraid of god , and your king ; do well and be so ever : i commend your wisdom in that you put that dirty assembly upon tryal what they would do with the crown , whereby you might clearly see and discover the enemies of god and the king , also the haters of monarchy ; how could you a served your king better ? you have out-witted all those arrant good subjects . the lord shewed me before their sitting , and told me when they were to sit , their sacrifices were dirt , you had it before , those were the very men , that was the dirty parliament ; his crown , i say and print to the world , you will not touch it , nor meddle with it upon any ill account , indeed upon no account , except it be to settle it upon the right head . i have heard of a king who being at sea , and his crown on his head , by some unhappy accident his crown fell into the sea ; a most excellent swimmer dives after it , recovers it , brings it above water ; which being too proud of , he staid there and put it on his own head ; at last the crown came to the right hand and owner , the king commands that the man should be royally rewarded for his swimming so well , and recovering the crown , but withall strictly charged he should be forthwith hanged , for putting the crown upon his own head . i speak not this to deter you , you know very well that the crown was none of those upright just dealing mens to give , neither were you to take it , it is gods only to give , and our lawful declared kings charls stuarts only to receive ; god and our laws , have both pointed him out , during life , and prohibited all others to be capable of it . god save the king , even ours charls stuart , yea god will save him for ever . her third offer was , ( you having been so well advised as to refuse the two former ) whether or no you would set apart persons on both sides , and let them persons so presented fight for the right of inheritance and future receit of the profits belonging thereunto ; if you would so fight , that you then declared when you would fight : ( here was a most merciful proceeding of the lords . ) davids three offers for choice were of another nature ; to this last also you decline to answer . i am glad to see now the power is in your own hand , that you are not for imbroyling the kingdoms in a new war : upon that very consideration it may fare much better with you , then it hath with those that set you to work ; god assures us in his word ( in this prophecy of mine also ) that he will scatter the men which delight in war ; and i praise his name for it , he hath done very much by your hand and wisdom , to avoid the shedding of any more innocent blood . she tells you , she is not to quit you , untill you do answer to this last offer , following and importuning you for it . in fine , after some short demurre , these very words , or words to this purpose come from you ; if fighting could not be avoided , and it must be so , then be it , upon munday come twelvemoneth : other answer untill then she might not expect nor stay for , but be gone : to all which , as her self hath since told me , she then replyed , god certainly would fight or appear in the behalf of his and our king charls stuart , before that time , so sure as the lord is in heaven ; there was prophecy in these , her last words , and she knew it not . my lord , and all that read this , now observe very well and see what god doth . the munday come twelvemoneth you set for fighting or further answer , was with us of this nation april the 6. 1657. and the very next day after low-sunday last ; where god shews me this vision , at bridges in flanders , low-sunday last fell out to be upon the eight of april 1657. just one day before that munday come twelvemoneth . oh all that read ! see here , how miraculously doth this make good what she said and prophesied , but knew not of , just as of old , to the children of israel , whom the lord wrought for , and by his mighty hand brought out of egyptian bondage , the very same day as promised , is not this our eighth of april ? so likewise , god lets it alone untill the very last day before that set munday . then he doth it , the very next day before , none betwixt , and on that very day he doth it ; as i foretold his majesty it should be done on the eighth of aprill . who sees not now clearly , we were all over-ruled of god , even you oliver cromwell also in your replyes ? for my unworthy self , in good earnest i profess unto you , i could never tell the king what he might expect on that day ; i deal clearly with you , i did in a very great measure expect , that some sudden judgement from heaven would that day visibly have fallen in england upon incorrigible sinners ; but see , and for ever praised be gods holy name , it is the clean contrary for the present . this fire from heaven must first burn up our corruptions , and make many of us true servants of god and our king charles stuart , in whose behalf it is sent out . this is that i am to let you all know , and came hither for , i warrantably tell you , neither men nor devils shall be of power long to keep out gods anointed and our lawful king charles stuart : god will not longer be mocked , undeniably thus it is , none shall prosper that opposeth him or his king ; he that but puld down her paper from the chappel doore , his arm withers ; god indeed suffers him to live some 15. dayes after , but it is to carry about with him a withered arm , that the judgements of god may appear the more publick , and sure to come upon evil doers , affording yet more time for him and us to repent , and amend for shame . in the epistle you have read when whaley of northampton belies , traduceth , ( and i fear ) endevours much more , to suppress gods so miraculous proceedings in that town , on my behalf prophecy and book , he drops down and dies in his clothes immediately without any more a do . the preface to the reader tels you as much , he that fears man more then god , and to lose an estate on earth more then heaven , certainly his impieties are of the worst nature and illest consequence : god would convert you , and you abuse his mercies , despise and persecute his sent messengers ; oh , mercy abused , leaves room for judgement , warning not taken is a certain presage of destruction ; if often we receive pardon , as you have done , to expect it longer is desperate . look back a little and well consider , what this fire of mercy hath done amongst us , and the kings enemies , since sent out by god on his majesties behalf , being but the eighth of aprill last ; did it not before or upon the fifteenth day of that very month of aprill , defeat and bring to nought , that so bloody and damnable designe , of the annabaptist fifth monarchy men , and levellers , all sworn enemies to monarchy , all mischievous brethren ? in that intended rebellion did it not do its work also at london , as commissioned , begin at london , after go through all his dominions ? ( so that visibly you shall know it ) in stead of setting up their standard , and arming of thousands , which they were provided of , and for , together with the spreading of their seditious pamphlets for a new rebellion , which the better to dispose others to joyn with them , they had well provided by specious pretences , and sharing of other mens estates , not willing that any should be poor amongst those only saints , which as they said and printed , were undonbredly the just ones that should now rule the world , us of this part of it , at the least ; so that if gods sent-out fire on the eighth of aprill had not prevented it , these saints , martin webb●rs , or iohn of leydens , all of them ( call them what you will , are the most implacable haters of all kings and monarches in the whole world ) had suddenly or in a short time molded and gathered an army of thirty or forty thousand , whose business certainly was to have embroiled this kingdom in a new and most dangerous war ; the principles of those men , with the now poverty of the most men , would a made mad work , had not this fire of gods burnt up , and prevented the confusions . as i am a christian , god shewed me in a vision that whole rebellion ; their contrivances , their actings , and their ruine ; he shewed it me in flanders , the wednesday before easter 1657. on goodfriday i told the king , after that i wrote it , and set my hand and seal unto it , that it was a true vision of gods , given by the lord , for a signe that it should all so and so come to pass by that day month , and this god did , to satisfie some that desired a signe of god , to the end belief might be created in the hearts of many that doubted . nay i was so impowred of god , that after i had wrote it and sealed unto it , i laid it upon the communion table , and there received the communion upon it , that this was gods vision , and he would fulfill it that day month , when as i am alive , i knew nothing of it , but what the lord shewed me of vision , from thence i wrote to the protector here , that he should fear nothing , for god would disappoint the designes of wicked men who were working mischief , and that he would do it before the twentieth of april . indeed i told the king the very day he would do it on , that wednesday moneth on which it was shewed me ; for so was it said unto me , after the vision ended , this day month this vision shall have its fulfill ; eight dayes before that day month came , was it said unto me by vision also , what shall be done that day is not of man , but that god may be glorified , god , my king , and his two princely brothers , are my witness , i told them of it long before ; and all this i now see is gods working fire , which on my kings behalf , shall convert , defeat , or consume his enemies . this is that stone cut out without hands which shall now do that great work of the lords , break in peeces the powers that are not of god , prophecied of old by daniel , but now fulfilling : and thus by the power of god , these mens arms , ammunition , standard , books , designe and persons , came all by that day month , ( nay your own books tell you in print , that very morning , they came all ) into and under the protectors hand and power . come i say he shall do the work of god and his king , he shall subdue the enemies of monarchy , yea his kings enemies he shall subdue , root out , and make them incapable to offend or hurt ; and this he shall do , because his heart doth or shall fear god and the king : and this i will ever stand to , this i have related unto you was the initiatory part and fulfill of that great vision , but the latter , and completory part of it is and will be the wonder of the world ; bur i must yet conceal that part of it from the nonconcerned ; a few shall know it , and but a few . for a second work of this fire sent forth in the behalf of our king , in may , the very next moneth after , six thousand men in arms are sent for france , a short time after them four thousand more , in all ten thousand men ; pray tell me , are not these men , being so great a number , converted or consumed ? how many of them now live the kings enemies ? adde to these , no small number sent , others blown back again from the cost of swedeland , to let us see god is not pleased with these warriours of ours , if gods and the kings enemies . i have heard some of them say , they repent themselves of their former disservices against the king : many of them dead also ; to-say nothing of the miscarriage by sea , wherein perished colonel reynolds , with others , captains and officers . as for that blow at the hermitage , and sudden burst by gun-powder , was it not given you and me , as a warning-piece to look about us ? it fell out so soon as ever i came over to print unto you , that god had sent out his fire in behalf of our king , to convert or consume : in good earnest i looked upon that blow , though a judgement , yet a mercy , a few men killed , many houses much defaced ; i viewed it well , and in sober judgement with neighbours and inhabitants there abouts ; we allowed fifteen hundred houses to be torn and damaged by it : all this is shewed me , and you , what your city should be , if you repent not , an heap of rubbish and chaos of confusion . for that so general sickness , which went almost through the whole kingdom the last summer , taking away very many , truly it was no other to my understanding , then the merciful shaking of gods rod over the whole land for amendment , for a menace if they amended not ; and look to it that you do amend , or assure your selves sudden death , plagus , sword , fire , violence , what not , shall in a very short time burst in upon you , to devour , to burn up , to consume , and to lay waste . and this brings me to the now sad fate of this so sinful city london . oh! london , london , read and well consider it , its judgement with a witness , nay many witnesses agree in this thy sad fate : thy sacrificers , and sacrifices are both dirt , the first generally , canting dirty fellows , the lowest and worst of the people , ( neither scholars nor honest men ) the latter altogether the abominations and horrid practises of this most sinful world . thy dirty parliament , gods sent out fire , did this very moneth scatter and bring to nothing ; are not all these a very great number of mercies and warnings for one year ? london , go on still in thy presumptuous wickednesses , put the evil day far from thee , and repent not , do so london , but if fire make not ashes of thy city , and thy bones also , conclude me a lyar for ever ; stand out london against god and thy king but a little longer , and then it will be high time for me to have done with that rebellions city and people , whose sins of all sorts unrepented of , have made them cease to be a city or a people . but i know you deride me ; therefore read on . oh london , london , sinful as sodom & gomorrah , the decree is gone out repent or burn , as sodom , as gomorrah . sect. iv. at bridges in flanders , upon whitson munday last , the morning of that day bright and clear , i saw my self placed on the north-fide of this so sinful city london , the people of this city then appeared before me very fine , very numerous , bargaining also , and full of jollity , every man putting the evill day far from him , deriding to the purpose my self or any that durst tell them they should see change or alteration : when all this jollity , security , and trade was at the highest , on a sudden the day over-cast , and became dark , that occasioned us to look up into the heavens ; looking up , i saw over the east part of this city london , in the aire , many strange figures of furious satyrs , as executioners of gods wrath and vengeance ; they had all shapes like devils , not like men . at this horrible sight , the people suddenly looked pale and trembled ; the day , that grew darker , and withall in an instant soultry hot . looking up again , the whole city then appeared to be surrounded with those furious satyrs and devils , so was it then surrounded by those executioners of gods wrath and vengeance , that there was no place left for escape , or to get out at . this sad and ugly appearance so possessed the people with fear and amazement , that they stood trembling , and bereft of all understanding , even as those that expected sudden destruction : when this was so , and the darkness become greater , i looked again upon the city , and then i saw lights shining in most parts of it , which lights clearly discovered to me the ruinous condition of the cathedral church dedicated to saint paul ; these lights were placed to so wonderful advantage , that they laid open to me , close corners , ware-houses , shops , dark places , places of sacriledge , theft , murder , damnable uncleannesses , hypocrisies as deep as hell ; indeed i cannot express all i saw , but so much was shewed me , that my heart smote me , and put me thus to reason . o lord , thought i , what art thou now searching this city london , as once thou didst ierusalem with candels ? must this so sad day be a day of wrath , destruction , and desolation ? shall this place now be devoured and consumed by the fire of thy jealousie ? while i thus sadly contemplated , there suddenly appeared , standing by me on my right hand , a very great number of black and white ensignes , which ensignes had in every of them , ten times as much black as white . here and there a pearl or diamond of white , as in the flag : but a very few that shall finde deliverance , his iewels shall , in that day of vengeance . the place these flags so appeared in , was the very place your ensignes of rebellion were held up in , against your king , law , and good conscience , when you usurped the militia from his majesties hand , the north-side of this city london , near the winde-mills , ( which fitly resembles your empty turning pates ) there were so many of these mourning ensignes , that every street , alley , and close corner of iniquity was provided for , whilst with admiration i looked upon them , first as being so vast a number , next as being all black and white , and my eye fastened on them , suddenly all of them were raised up from the ground , to such a height were they raised , that they might go over the highest wall or bulwark , observe with me if the devil be gotten as high as heaven , seeming an angel of light also , yet there gods hand reacheth him , and whirles him thence , i saw not any hand of man raising those ensignes , no mans hand touched any one of them ; being raised they moved all of them towards this city london , and just as they moved , i also was taken up from the ground , but my face was then turned towards the north ( from the city ) still i saw and beheld the flags moving towards the city , and those ensignes passing on by me they went the nearest way , at which time as they moved , i heard these words and no more , now the king marcheth : when the words were spoken , now the king marcheth , immediately , i also by that power which took me up from the ground , was in that very instant of time carried away with my face from the city , i neither heard more , nor saw more , what so sadly and in an instant followed me , is most tragical and full of lamentation , as to this so sinful city london . there presently overtook me such a stink , yea such a damnable stink , of fire and brimstone , that truly i thought it would have choked me , certainly the stink of hell can not exceed it ; for my own part i was not suffered then to pity you , nor once to look behind me . what think you now , have not your sins exceeded those of sodom ? i would to god your non-repentance , together with your certain punishment , might not answer theirs also ; but i have done with you . this seen and heard , i could not be quiet until i privately imparted all to his majesty and both his heroick brothers , indeed whilst i weeping imparted it to my pious king , i was forced to beseech him , not to mournimmoderately for them , to forgive them i told him it was his duty , and to pray for their souls , but certainly god would be glorified on them , whatsoever became of their bodies or estates , and that sinke of wickedness , brothell city of all sin and rebellion , now ripe for iudgement . that done , i took leave of them , and hasted hither , whither i am come on purpose to let you of this so sinful city london , know these sad things , that if possible , you might repent , live , and finde mercy . it is very true , i saw no hand of man in the whole vision , nor do i think other of those onely words heard , now the king marcheth , but that the workings against this city london , as well as the words , will be the workings of the almighty king of kings , he it is , the lord of hosts , that will so powerfully fulfil in the behalf of our king charles stuart . alas our good king is not rightly known to you , nor owned of you , but god owns him , and that you shall suddenly know and finde , he is misrepresented to you , and you are pleased with it , you are wilfully blind , and how should you know him ? you continue to injure him daily , beyond all compare , you traduce him still , as you did of old his glorified father , too many of you would willingly rid the world of him , as you did of charles the first ; and to what purpose is all this mischief and villany ? onely . that you might the better enjoy his inheritance , with those also which you have stollen from the church and others ; in this city london all this villany , with the lord knows what more , hath been committed by a law and laws of your own making . yet good ▪ king for all this he mourns for you , he daily prayes for you , and on my conscience he doth it from the very bottome of his heart , praying for you in the lords own words , that god would forgive him his trespasses , as he forgives those that have trespassed against ( his father and him ) he sees clearly judgement is hasting to you , and sorrows for it , you continue blinde , and will not so much as once see it moving towards you , by your non-repentance it appears so . oh take your king for a better pattern . his majesties charity , and sweetness of soul , in imitation of the highest example and best of patterns , his ever blessed saviour , and lately glorified father , according to both their precepts , hath begot in him our king , such a well grounded confidence , in the unchangeable favour of god almighty towards him , and to his just cause , notwithstanding , all those late inundations of evil , and other improbabilities of his restore , that in good earnest , when none present with his majesty but my most unworthy self , he hath been pleased cheerfully to tell me , several times , even to me hath his majesty said it , that he doubts not at all , but firmly believes , the lord will restore him to his ▪ right of inheritance ; indeed he needs not doubt of his restore , nor any thing else that 's best for him , god having given him a heart to refer all things , whether in matter of restore , or revenge , time or manner , to his merciful father and omnipotent god , most wisely considering that to god onely it belongs to take vengeance , to us not at all . as for you of this city and three nations , were your repentance what it should be , god would assure you of forgiveness in heaven and earth also , but hypocrites cannot trust him , they have , so irritated so dissembled with ; your sacrifices are dirt , and your selves are not other . c. r. his restore is of god . unquestionably so , the lord hath revealed and assured it , from between the cherubims , where he is known to dwell . sect. v. saint peter writing to the men of his generation concerning the coming of god , forewarnes them of scoffers and deriders , letting them know they should meet with such in the last and worst days , saying , where is the promise of his coming ? surely such as those , we have amongst us now , who do not onely deride what i have already said as concerning the now coming of god , to take vengeance on evil doers , but are as ready , if not more ready , to scoff and deride at the restore of our king , seeing things continue as they were , laws and militia in their possession still ; no god yet appears coming to avenge , no king as yet in any likely way of restore , be it so , this startles me not , it may them ; gods unexpected coming brings to such mockers and deriders unavoidable judgement . at flushing february last , god shews me such miscreants as those , mockers , deriders , and persecutors , met and congregated in a church , come thither to hear if any thing would be said in defence of him they had seemingly killed , which man had printed the restore of the king , to which they were declared enemies , as well as to him they had long since murthered , this rabble of evil doers , being come into the church , the church suddenly became much darker then formerly , by and by , in the upper part of that church , which we call the chancel , there shines forth a most glorious light , the colour perfect aurora , or fire colour like the sun when he riseth most gloriously ; this light terrible to behold , shewes me all the upper parts of the battlements , and pillars in the chancell , full beset with cherubims , placed all of them just one against the other face to face , but such was the transcendent beauty of their faces , heads , and wings , that my eyes never beheld the like : this light also shewed me those mockers and deriders of the kings restore , standing afar off towards the lower end of the church , my self with great admiration looking upon what then appeared , and my eyes fastened upon the cherubims , suddenly there glides in a light wonderfully transcending the former ; indeed that last light was so very glorious , and withall so beautiful piercing also , that i have often thought and said , a man could hardly look upon such a visio . twice & live : whilst this so miraculous light appeared , all the cherubims , which still kept their places and postures of face to face , then softly moved , and reverently bowed their so glorious heads , at the same time also they slowly shook and hovered their seraphical and snow-white wings , heads and wings were fuller of beauty then i can express . oh the order of their worship , whilst that unexpressible light continued there , t was heaven , so sure as i live it was the vision of god , gods vision it was , that is undeniable , the words i then heard were onely these ( it was of god : ) all which those mockers and deriders of the kings restore no sooner saw but they turned about , and immediately hasted out : here is a conviction of mockers , haters , and deriders of our kings restore , ( astonished all of them ) god here appeared for his and our king , as once he did on mount sinai , at the promulgation of the law , when he would have the incredulous and rebellious israelites know t was his , and obey it also , then ( on the mount ) the appearance of the lord was in the eyes of the children of israel as flaming fire : i now cease to wonder any more , that your brother rebells the iews desired moses onely to go up and near , for they could not approach the place , nor twice see without danger of life ; for those rebels as bold as they were at first , yet when it came to this vision , god made you stand afar off , you were not onely ashamed , but then afraid , yea sore afraid also , your haste to be gone shews it , for not a man of you durst look behind him , or stay so long as i did ; it will shortly be all or many of your portions , hastily to run away , or hide your selves : be gone , be gone , all you mockers , and deriders of the kings restore , for god hath set you packing , and rid me of you . now come near and rejoyce ye blessed of the lord , lovers of god and your king , and be for ever comforted ; first observe with me , where doth god appear in behalf of your king ? he appears as he did of old in the holy of holies , now with us a chancell : next , why there ? there his mercy-seat , our communion-table stands . thirdly , in view of whom ? he that must declare it , and will ever stand to it , neither run away , nor hide himself , his most unworthy yet sent messenger walter gostelo . what other witnesses ? all the cherubims : lastly , how know you this to be an appearance and vision of gods , and that he will fulfill it ? because it is shewed me between the cherubims , and he hath spoken it that cannot lye , whose dwelling is between the cherubims . from whence his prophets formerly received , as here , the so lively visions and oracles of the lord , in the behalf of his king , church and people ; in exodus the 25. verse the 22. it is there said , from between the cherubims i will declare my self unto thee , yea , i will there tell thee all things which i give thee in command unto the children of israel . in good earnest some eight or ten dayes after when i was at middlebourough , and came to some better sight ( for my eyes were much impaired ) i there read those very words in exodus , and if there be any truth in me , then considering again the vision it self how it was shewed me , in what place , and before what witnesses , ( the cherubims ) suddenly an over-joy took me , that i hardly knew where i was , or what to do . therefore reader expect not that i should say more of this and live . men , women , and children , of the christian world , if god restore not our king charles stuart , and make him not the greatest in the whole world , then let my name for ever perish off the earth . now men and devils do your worst , gods vice-roy , his beloved standard-bearer on earth , our king , charles stuart comes , he comes to reign , i see him coming , and god comes with him , of whom his restore and strength is : make your forces ten millions , and take twenty millions more into your assistance , god converts , scatters , or confounds them all ; i have for this time done with you : god prosper it to you . finished upon good-friday . 1658. city london , therefore have i made all possible haste to publish this , that repentance might come early into your hearts , and this book at a very cheap rate into all your hands . to your lord mayor , aldermen , sheriffes , every of your ministers , and common-councell men will i give one , to your militia , to the officers of the army also will i give them , that you may return to your duty , repent and live . i must yet print what god hath shewed me , referring to the jews , who shall now know the lord , receive mercy , and go into their own land . god save their and our king carolus rex : the end . londons tryumph celebrated the nine and twentieth day of october, in the year 1659, in honour of the much honoured thomas allen, lord mayor of the said city : presented and personated by an europian, an egyptian, and a persian : and done at the costs and charges of the ever to be honoured company of grocers. tatham, john, fl. 1632-1664. 1659 approx. 24 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a63201 wing t223 estc r38278 17286991 ocm 17286991 106310 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a63201) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 106310) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1103:28) londons tryumph celebrated the nine and twentieth day of october, in the year 1659, in honour of the much honoured thomas allen, lord mayor of the said city : presented and personated by an europian, an egyptian, and a persian : and done at the costs and charges of the ever to be honoured company of grocers. tatham, john, fl. 1632-1664. [6], 15 p. printed for thomas mabb, london : 1659. dedications signed: john tatham. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng allen, thomas, -sir. london (england) -history -17th century. 2003-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2003-08 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion london's tryumph , celebrated the nine and twentieth day of october , in the year 1659. in honour of the much honoured , thomas allen , lord mayor of the said city . presented and personated by an europian , an egyptian , and a persian . and done at the costs and charges of the ever to be honoured company of grocers . london , printed by thomas mabb , 1659. to the right honourable , thomas allen , lord mayor of the city of london . my lord , although i may seem a stranger to your person , i am not so to your worth and goodnes , which have so generally spread themselves , they are rooted in mens hearts and affections : as the glory of a city , consists in the prudence and magnanimity of her governor ; so she ought to be well read and acquainted with his vertues , whom she chooseth . this begat such acclamations of joy at your election ; witness your honourable companies , and indeed ( i may speak it without flattery ) the voice and heart of the whole city ; my lord , these motives have induced or rather encouraged me to make this my address & presentation , not dispairing of your gracious acceptance ; since things of this nature have been by use , partly made customary : however , i hope , the transgression ( if any ) carries not so ill an aspect , but that it may come within the verge of your candor , whereby i may be licensed to subscribe my self , my lord , your honours most humble and faithfull servant , iohn tatham . to the worshipfull company of grocers , the commons of rome conceiving some distast against their senators , under pretence of some great oppression , did in a mutenous manner depart to the mount aventine ; but things being brought to a head , by arguments of reason and power , they were reconciled ; and in memory thereof , they celebrated their games or tryumphs ; it is also reported by macrobeus that the romans in the very heat of of their games celebrated to apollo ; were suddenly invaded , and forced to betake them to 〈…〉 , and returning conquerours , assisted by an unknown hand ; clouds of arrows and darts , having covered their enemies , they found an old man dancing , and their sports in some manner continued , whereat with much joy they uttered forth , salva res est , saltat senex , which afterwards became a proverb , & is properly spoken when a sudden evill is seconded with a good event , beyond hope or expectation . gentlemen , the inference needs little explanation ; t is sufficient providence affords us that happinesse to return to our tryumphs , the glory of the city , an encouragement to arts , and an obliger of , gentlemen , your humble servant , john tatham . londons tryumph , presented by an european , an egyptian , and a persian ; performed at the costs and charges of the ever to be honoured company of grocers . october 29. 1659. the whole body appointed for the service of the day , being met together at grocers-hall ; that is to say : 1. the master , wardens , and assistants in their gowns , faced with foyns , and hoods . 2. the livery in gowns , faced with budge , and their hoods . 3. the foyns batchellors in gowns with hoods . 4. the budge batchellors in their gowns with sattin hoods . 5. the gentlemen ushers with gold chains about their shoulders , and white staves in their hands . 6. eighteen trumpeters . 7. four ensigns . 8. fourteen drums and fifes . 9. the master of defence , and his eight attendants . 10. the banners and standard bearers in white coats and red caps . 11. the pentioners in blew gowns and red caps , each of them a javelin in one hand , and a target in the other , wherein is painted the several coats of arms of the aldermen , assistants and benefactors . 12. the foot-marshall and his six attendants , in fustion dublets and white stockins . 13. four pages with white hats and cassacks , each of them a truntion in one hand and a target in the other , wherein is painted the coats of arms of the present master and wardens . about eight of the clock the said foot-marshal ranks out the said company two by two . beginning , 1. with the said pentioners , after them the standard and banner bearers , and in the front of the said pentioners , placeth four drums , two fifes , and two ensigns . 2. in the second division falls in six drums , two fifes more , and two other ensignes ; after them falls in six gentlemen ushers , and after them the budge batchellors . 3. in the third division fals in six trumpets , after them the banners of st. george , in the rear of which fals in eight more of the gentlemen ushers , and after them the foynes batchellors . 4. in the fourth division , fals in six other trumpets , after them the companies banners , in the rear of which , fals in ten other of the gentlemen ushers , and after them the livery . 5. in the fifth division , fals in six other trumpets , after them the lord mayors and cities banners , after them ten other gentlemen ushers , and after them the assistants . 6. in the sixt or last division , fals in foure pages , each of them a truntion in one hand , and a target in the other ; wherein is painted the coats of arms of the present master and wardens , after them fals in eight other gentlemen ushers , and after them the present master and wardens . in this equipage of ranks two by two , they march from grocers-hall towards the lord mayors house , the foot marshall and his attendants removing , the first two ensignes , foure drums and two fifes next the master and wardens , placing himself and his attendants in the front , doe lead the way , till either they meet his lordship or come to his gate ; and then removing the said ensignes , drums , and fifes to their first place or head of the pentioners , placing himself in the front ; they led back down cornhill and the old-jury , by guild-hall gate , there taking in the old lord mayor , do march up lawrence lain , down soper lain , cloak lain , colledge hill ; and at the foot of the said hill , the said pentioners , standard , and banner bearers , doe open to the right and left , making a gallory , through which the budge and foynes batchellors doe pass to the place assigned for them to dine at , the livery , assistants , the master , the wardens , and their attendant ushers ( except pages ) together with their trumpets pass through the said gallory to merchant taylor stairs ( at the east end of three-crain wharf ) into their several barges . the lord mayors ▪ aldermen and their attendants into their barge ; and being so , all convenient speed is made towards westminster by them and the severall companies of london , in barges adorned with streamers and banners , wind-musick , drums , and trumpets , where by the way severall peeces of ordnance are discharged ; but the banner and standard bearers , with the pentioners , pages , drums , fifes , ensignes , foot marshall and his attendants repaire towards baynards castle , there waiting his lordships and the companies return . the companies being landed , they set themselves as a guard on both sides , from westminster bridge round westminster hall , through which the company of grocers do pass , likewise the lord mayor , aldermen and their attendants , but the livery and their attendants doe return to their barge , the assistants the master and wardens and their severall attendants march up the chequer staires , making a guard from the chequer barr to the stayrs head , through which the lord mayor and aldermen doe passe ( the new lord mayor on the right , the old on the left of the recorder toward the said barr ) and after a speech made by the said recorder , shewing the cause of their addresses , & answer made by the lord cheif barron , his lordship is sworn ; and being so , the company fall in as before , leading to the chancery , the upper-bench , and the common-pleas barrs , seales a writ at each court , and presently the whole body marcheth to their barges , and being entred and the severall barges on floate , the former ordnance ( as a token of joy ) are again discharged , all convenient speed being likewise made by that body towards baynards castle ; but the severall companies to pauls wharfe , and other places in order to their making of a guard or gallory from the top of pauls wharfe , or pauls chaine hill , through pauls church yard , cheap-side , cornhill , & leaden-hall-street , to his lordships house ; through which said gallory the company of grocers , the lord mayor , aldermen and their attendants are to passe . the lord mayor , aldermen and their attendants being landed at the foresaid place ; doe meet the foot-marshall , the drums , fifes , trumpets , ensignes , silk-worke , pentioners , pages , gentlemen ushers , budge and foynes bachellers , set in order as at first , and ready to march , and placing himself and company in the front , marcheth up pauls wharfe-hill through pauls church yard into cheap-side , and between foster , and gutter-laine is saluted by one sceane , flankt with two griffins , on the back of one is placed a negar , on the other an indian with banners in the hands of both : the sceane representeth commerce in the figure of a young man sitting under a canopy , supported by foure figures or young persons , holding pendants and sheilds in their hands , wherein is painted the badges of the foure parts of the world ; his lordship drawing nigh the said sceane , commerce salutes him in these words . the first speech . my lord , 't is thought the world was but a plain levell , or champion , whil'st men did remain in idleness , the nurse of ignorance ; which lulls mens braines , in a lethergean trance ; at th' last necessity seem'd to infuse in them the art of arthitect , the use of huts and houses ; every one began to shew himself or more , or lesse a man . left their wilde kinde of living , and did build cities for safety , in the which they held , a civiliz'd comunication , each by a divine instinct the arts did teach ; nor did they perish when the world was drown'd their hyrogliphicks were in pillars found , that by degrees succeeding ages did reveale to one another secrets hid ; which though before were seeds in them , yet they shew'd not untill experience taught the way . then did the navigator search the mayne , how to steere forth , how to return again with prize and safety ? straight that art was hurld , into our lap , the center of the world , by divine hand ; that we in a short time , made our selves countrymen of every clymb , searching the spacious universe , our skill , and courage did the mouth of wonder fill , riding on dangers neck , as though t' were meant , we should be lords of the whole continent . such were our darings , that , what , histories forget to speak of our discoveries . greenland , lapland , michar , isles remote and many more , which later times denote , unto our countryes glory , we made ours , by the direction of fore-seeing powers : thus are we nourish't from the breasts encrease ; could we among our selves but mediate peace . the antient poets pyramids of praise , did to the honour of their countryes rayse , in all my reading , or my travells ( sir ) i must our own above the rest preferr . for as th' magnetique courts , the adamant with her simphatick faculty , the want of whose assotiation makes her seem uselesse , regardlesse , as of small esteeme : so we from most parts of the universe are sought , rather petitioned for commerce . traffique brings profit , towards which they bend , as though their welfare did on ours depend : thus doe we ( sir ) still by our patriots care , or'e take their riches at their full carreire . my lord , you are our cities hope , whereon she doth rely , her father and her son ; shee gave you breath , and education too , which made you fit for what 's conferr'd on you : then since th' extention of her love was such ; your care of her , cannot be shewn too much : which , as shee doubts not of , so we rejoyce , and celebrate your triumphs in her uoice . the speech ended , the scene quits the place , and ( hastning towards his lordships house ) is placed in the rear of a ship , not yet visible to his lordship , and his lordship , the aldermen and their attendants pass through cheap-side , and the poultry ; towards the exchange they meet another scean , representing several of the places or countries , in which the commodities belonging to the grocers trade doe grow , and the natives disporting therein , in habits of each nation ; on one part of the said stage is placed a clove tree , in another a nutmeg tree and a current tree , on another part thereof is planted rice , rasons , figgs , and druggs ; and in the front is placed or fixed a crockadile , with an egyptian on his back , a banner in his hand , at each angle of the stage a nymph ; when his lordship draws nigh , the egyptian salutes him in these words : the second speech . where am i ? what auspicious wind convey'd me to this isle ? what sudden thoughts invade my faculties ? egyptian darkness , hence , i now discern the cause and th' influence ; it was the soft and winning breath of fame , fanning the way unto the honoured name of him , that this dayes tryumphs wait upon , wafted me hither , and hath put me on this bold attempt . my lord , all nations are bound to this seat , and must concenter here in point of traffique ; other parts but stand like marginal notes , directing to this land : or , as in times past mercurie's statues were fixt in high-wayes by th' hand of publique care , to point at consequents , this little round is in it self a world ; istmus and sound , memphis no more of your fain'd rampiers boast ; lysbone your tagus , caria your coasts persia , scythia , parthia , thratia , lydia , syria , syberia , caspia , ty up your numerous glories , with your tongue , that heretofore the want on muses sung ; for in this inch of earth's comprized more , than all the poets fanoi'd yours before . it is our wishes ( sir ) your belov'd name , may adde a breathing to the breath of fame ; to sound you great and good , that your just fate may fix you a firm pillar to this state : may you in her , and she in you this year propitious be , as th' motion of a sphere . the speech ended , this scene likewise quits the place , and is conveyed through leaden hall street toward his lordships house , where meeting with the former , is divided into two parts ; that stage whereon the spaniards and negars are , being placed on the right hand of commerce , the persians and indians on the left , and the griffins flanking of each ; in the front is placed the ship , and on the right wing thereof is the crookodile placed , and on the left a camel , with a negar on his back , having a pendent in the one hand , and with the other takes out of his dorcers ▪ cloves , currence and other fruit , and throwes among the people ; and on the head of that stage stands one in a persian habit , with a two attendants , on each side : the several scens thus placed , and his lordship with the aldermen and their attendants coming nere , the mariners presented his lordship with this song : the marriners song . since the ●pan● reap , by hazard grows cheap ; and that we are now within ken , boyes : let 's cast anchor here , no city more freer , to harbour such iovial men boyes : then merily sing , and as merily quaf't , let 's drink up the riches of th' world in a draught . the song ended , the foot marshal with his company , and likewise the pentioners , being come nere to the lord mayors doore , the foot marshal placeth the said pentioners in a single file , on the north side the said street , and causeth every man to hang his target on the top of his javelin , then openeth the remaining part of the said company to the right and left , himself and company passeth through , till they come to the masters and wardens , and then marcheth them , and the whole body through that intervail , placing the master at the lord mayors gate , and the whole body successively , on the wing each of other , before the said pentioners , and the drums , fises , trumpets , ensignes , banners , and streamer bearers , in equall divisions as a front guard before them , who as the lord mayor , aldermen , and their attendants pass ▪ do each one perform his part ; but the lords being come nere , the scenes being placed as aforesaid , the person representing a persian merchant , makes his address in this manner : the third speech . my lord , the european traveller with experienc'd keyes ▪ open'd the gate to his discoveries , sh●wing th' essentiall species of commerce the very hinges to the universe . the egyptian seem'd in his discourse to treate of places , and for trade made this the seate . and now my lord to amplyfy what they before have spoke , the candid winds this day set me on shore , as though the twins had known , what tyumphs to your honour would be shewn . the marriners their severall voices reare for joy they safely have arrived here ; and brought their vessell to their wisht for home laden with easterne treasure , spice and gum ; the dulcid trees , whose substances do bear , heart pleasing synamon , cloves , mace nutmeggs are from fam'd arabia brought , likewise from thence comes casia , myrrh , and precious frankinsence , from pharo figgs ; zant , currans ; maligo , affords you reasons ; dates and pepper grow in other places ; sugar and what not but brings a benefit unto this spot . the manner how they grow ( my lord ) you 'l see , in th' perfect figure of each branch and tree . then sena , rhuberb , china , rootes that doe not onely purify , but strengthen too , sarsaparella , aggrick , then comes in storax , aloes , indico , benjamin , and hundreds more , that th' indies and the streights heape in to add unto your wealth by freights , as though the company of which y' are free with your own trade twisted society in their commerce and profits doubtles so and may that linck and firme affection flow t' inrich this citie , that the nation may participate the comfort of this day ; for ( sir ) the causes our disturbance bred are now composed , rage and fury fled to their dark celles ; that by your light we move the second subject of our hopes and love . may to th' addition of your name and blood be attributed all that fame speaks good ; that so your praises may like lynes from hence the center , fill the worlds circumference . the speech ended , and my lords and their company within the gate ; the foot marshall ranks the whole body as before ; and placing himself and attendants in the front , do lead towards grocers hall , and the sceanes or pageants make what haste or speed , they possibly can after them . 1. from th' indies and th' streights , we come with full freight , to add to your wealth , your pleasure , and health , ingrediences such , would puzle one much : to search out their natures , and define their names : for their growth , and their places ; hard things , as the case is , ye must travell further than th' river of thames . 2. your currans from zant , when your worships want , come flying as wood , in vessels so good : and reason you know come from maligo ; dates , figs , cloves , and nutmegs , with sugar and rice : then pepper and ginger , that nose ●osting twinger , then 〈◊〉 and mace 〈…〉 spice . 3. then casia and myrrh , we next must prefer , with fine francking sense , that doth cost you pence : then sweet bejamine doth draw storax in with seva , and china , and rhuberb so good : all the next i can tell a , is sarsaparella which strengthens the body and cleanseth the blood . this was an entertainment to the committee appointed for carrying on the charge of the whole businesse ; and presented before them on thursday night last at gresham colledge . although the gentleman whose singular judgment designed and modelled the several fabricks , structures and sceanes of this days tryumph , desired to have his name concealed ; i hold it a piece of prejudice to omit theirs imployed by him ; in the performance thereof , as capt. andrew dakers and mr. william lightfoot , painters : mr. thomas whiting , ioyner : mr. richard clear , carver , each of them in their qualities deserving ample commendations . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text known defects for a63201.xml defect summary 3 missing or defective tokens known defects on page a63201-009-a incomplete or missing word on page 9-a, word 3089: ●pan● known defects on page a63201-010-a incomplete or missing word on page 10-a, word 3386: sh●wing known defects on page a63201-011-a incomplete or missing word on page 11-a, word 3935: ●osting mercy in the midst of judgment by a gracious discovery of a certain remedy for london's languishing trade : in a sermon preached before the right honourable, the lord mayor and the citizens of london, on september 12, 1669, at the new repaired chappel at guild-hall / by d. barton ... barton, william, 1598?-1678. 1670 approx. 66 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a31107 wing b989 estc r37078 16204963 ocm 16204963 105071 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31107) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105071) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1087:2) mercy in the midst of judgment by a gracious discovery of a certain remedy for london's languishing trade : in a sermon preached before the right honourable, the lord mayor and the citizens of london, on september 12, 1669, at the new repaired chappel at guild-hall / by d. barton ... barton, william, 1598?-1678. [6], 55 p. printed for james allestry ..., london : 1670. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wealth -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. london (england) -commerce -sermons. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2004-10 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mercy in the midst of judgment : by a gracious discovery of a certain remedy for london's languishing trade . in a sermon preached before the right honourable , the lord mayor and the citizens of london , on september 12. 1669. at the new repaired chappel at guild-hall . by d. barton , m. a. and rector of saint margarets new fish-street , london . london , printed for james allestry , at the rose and crown in s. paul's church-yard , 1670. to the right honourable , sir samvel starling knight , lord mayor of the city of london , and the court of aldermen . right honourable , this sermon , savouring of the countrey , in which it was conceived , and brought forth , without the midwifry of a library ( my own perishing in the same flames with your city , and the place of my now residence not affording an assistant ) was intended onely for your religious ears , in them to have both its birth and buriall ; but since it hath pleased you to reprieve it to a longer and more publick life , where should it be more justly laid than at your doors ? who for your able parts and endowments have been fitted for the publick imployment , and intrusted with the weightiest affairs of this city ; and who by your favour and countenance are able to cover the rawness , and rudeness , or what other defects in my weake and unworthy handling so necessary a subject . i have in publishing it , regarded more your opinion than my own conceipt ; and i hope ( because you think so ) that the matter will not be altogether unprofitable , or unseasonable ; although it be not handled so artificially , and rhetorically as it ought , my main study being to be plain and to apply the things delivered to the present times : whatever it be , ( and i wish it much better ) it is now no more mine but yours ; and if under the beames of your goodness , it shall so thrive , as to become an instrument for the furthering that important work mentioned in it ; next under god your honour and your worshipful assessors are to have the praise , and i therein shall receive a sufficient reward of my labour ; accounting it my greatest happiness on earth , to have been able to performe any acceptable service to that royal city , to which for many yeares past , and my whole life for the future , i have dedicated all my endeavours . i will not detain your honour , &c. any longer from your more publick and serious affaires , but only beseech the almighty and all-wise god , that he would give you understanding and valiant hearts to manage them couragiously and prudently , that you may be instruments in gods hand for the making up the breaches in our syon and jerusalem ; which is , and shall be the dayly prayer of , your honours and worships unfainedly devoted , in all christian duty and observance , dav : barton . haggai i. 9. ye looked for much , and loe , it came to little ; and when ye brought it home , i did blow upon it ; why , saith the lord of hosts ? because of mine house that is waste , and ye run every man unto his owne house . some geographers have observed that there is no land so placed in the world , but from that land a man may veiw some other land : though between land and land you may see seas enraged with stormes and tempests , yet land is still within ken . an observation , perhaps , of more curiosity than verity in the material sea of this world : yet most certain if it be applyed to the mistical sea of gods judgments , ( which the royal prophet compares to a great deep ) and the dry land of his mercy : though between mercy , and mercy god interposeth a raging ocean of trouble and calamity , raised by the storme of his indignation , so that men seeme to be in the condition of the material world , gen. 7. when the waters prevailed exceedingly upon the earth , and all the high hils that were under the whole heaven were covered . omnia pontus erant , deerant quoque littora ponto . all was a sea and that sea had no shores , yet if they looke but onward they cannot miss of a prospect of dry land , of mercy . the almighty god hath so interwoven these two in the dispensation of his providence , that the one is never discernable without the other . when god landeth his people in the haven of prosperity , he would have them look back on the tempestuous sea from which they are escaped , and fear his justice : when he lancheth them forth into the depth of misery he carries them not out of sight of land , that there may be hope of mercy . thus doth the most gracious god in the midst of judgment remember mercy , and giveth even the vally of achor , the vally of trouble for a door of hope , and in the deepest ocean of his judgments , discovers a little island of mercy to repaire to . and thus did he of old deal with his people the jewes ; he caused the king of babylon to arise like waters out of the north , and to become an overflowing flood , and to overflow the land and all that was therein , whereby they were swept away into captivity ; yet then when these waters did so overflow their heads that they said they were cut off , the all-merciful god lifted up their heads , and shewed them a prospect of mercy , by a faithful promise of deliverance after seventy years : at which harbour they are no sooner arrived , but their sins provoke god to bring them back into the sea of his judgments , and he afflicts them with famine , ye have sown much and bring in little : ye eat but have not enough : ye drinke but ye are not filled with drinke : &c. vers . 6. of this chapter ; yet even here though the sea roared , and the heaven was black with clouds , that god which gave to the sea his decree , saying , thus far shalt thou go and no farther , and there thy proud waves shall be staied ; not only discovers a cape of good hope , and makes a path in that mighty water for his ransomed to pass to it , go up to the mountain , and bring wood , and build the house : and i will take pleasure in it , and i will be glorified , saith the lord , vers . 8 : but also gives them a faithful representation of their present state and condition , with the by-path that brought them into it , that so they might be induced to consider their waies , and leave them and return into the way of peace , and this he doth in the words of my text : ye looked for much , and loe it comes to little , &c. so that my text is made up of the two parts of davids song , psalm 101. 1. mercy , and judgment , which in god are alwayes twisted together , gracious and righteous is the lord , psal. 25. 8. and all his pathes are mercy and truth , v. 10 , not one path of mercy , and another of truth , but every path mercy , and truth both . the red cross of his justice ( as in your city armes ) is born on the white field of his mercy : as these therefore were the burden of david's ditty , so they must be the support of my meditations , and the object of your attentions judgment and mercy , the former included in the very words of my text , the latter in the designe and scope of those words . and first of the judgment , that so i may end with that , which is not onely the end of all our aimes , and desires , but of all gods judgments too , and that is mercy . in the judgment we may consider , first , the judgment it self , which was famine . secondly , the author of it , the lord of host. thirdly , the cause moving god to it , the neglect of gods house . the judgment very dreadfull , the inflicter most powerful , the cause provoking exceeding sinful . and first of the judgment , which we shall consider , first in it's nature : secondly , in it's severity . first , of the nature of it , it was famine , a generall want of the supports of this life , because of the failing of the creature , both in the production and breeding ; ye sow much and bring in little : and in the vigour , and nourishing power of them ; ye eat , but are not satisfied . and this is a sore , and dreadfull judgment , king david choseth the pestilence as the lesser evil , which yet was so destructive , that there died of the people in less then three daies space , threescore and ten thousand men , of whose destructive nature too , he could not be ignorant , having an instance in the law of moses ( wherein he meditated day and night ) of three and twenty thousand slain by it , while aaron was putting incense into the censer ; and as he prefers the pestilence , so the prophet jeremy , the sword : they that be slain with the sword , are better than they that be slain with hunger : for these pine away , stricken through for want of the fruits of the field . lam. 4. 9. and yet the sword makes a deplorable desolation ; take it in the words of the prophet joel : a fire devoureth before them , and behind them a flame burneth : the land is as the garden of eden before them , and behind them a desolate wilderness , yea and nothing shall escape them . neither is it less dismal in its effects , for necessity is an hard weapon , and want will make a man part with any thing : fourscore pieces of silver ( ten pound sterling ) for an asses head , and five pieces of silver ( 12 s. and 6 d. ) for the fourth part of a kab ( which is but halfe a pint ) of doves dung , 2. king. 6. 25. the aegyptians who were famous , or rather infamous for their covetousness , yet can part with all their mony for corn. gen. 47. it not only makes men forget common humanity , for the people are ready to stone moses , who had done so great things for them , when they are ready to starve , exod. 17 : but it dissolves all the bonds of nature , making men to eat , not only dogs , cats , and rats , but one another ; pone pretium humanae carni , was a proclamation in rome in honorius daies . and in england an. 1316. men did eat one another , and thieves newly brought into the goale were torn in pieces and eaten halfe alive , by them that had been longer in : nay it stifles natural affection . in this famine of my text , the jewes sold their sons and their daughters for bond-slaves to buy corne ; and in the before mentioned , in samaria parents did devour their own children . the prophet esay foretels of one , wherein every man should eat the flesh of his owne arme ; and our chronicles tell us of one in england about an. 700. so violent that not only many dyed for hunger , but great numbers joyned hand in hand 40 or 50 in a company , and threw themselves headlong into the sea. but we shall better understand how sad , and dreadful this judgment was , if we shall consider it in relation to several circumstances hinted in the text. the first whereof is the country afflicted , a most plentiful and fruitful land , a land like not only the garden of eden , but the garden of god , full of all kind of pleasant and delightful fruits ; which cannot be described more fully , and signally , than moses hath done it to our hands : deut. 8. 7. a good land , a land of brooks of waters , of fountaines and depths that spring out of the vallies . a land of wheat and barly , and vines , and figtrees , and pomegranats : a land of oyle-olive , and hony : a land wherein they might eat bread without scarceness : a land whose stones were iron , and out of whose hils they might dig brass . and again , c. 32. 13. a land wherein they might suck honey out of the rocks , and oyl out of the flinty rocks ; butter of kine , and milk of sheep , with fat of lambs , and rams of the breed of bashan , and goats , with the fat of kidnies of wheat , and drink the pure blood of the grape . a land which had not only plenty for it self , but bounty for others : for the country of tyre , was nourished by this country . that this fruitfull land should become barren ; that this paradise should be turned into a wilderness ; that there should be scarcity in such a fruitfull land , is the first aggravating circumstance . the second is , that it was national , universal , an over-spreading famine ; a comprehensive judgment , like a chain-shot bearing all before it , reaching to all men , the great and good , as well the mean and wicked : zerubbabel the governour , and joshua the high priest ; for to them the prophet speaks , verse 1. they are included in this , ye look for much , &c. wisedom , riches , or strength may secure from other annoyances , but scarcity , and famine strike at the life of every man. the king as well as the clown must beg for daily bread ; and the profit of the earth is for all . that the king himself is served by the field , was wise solomons observation . and king ahab may be an evidence of it ; who in time of dearth could not help himself , much less others , out of the barn-floor , or out of the wine-press . even the saints have their share , and portion in it , as being parts , and members of that people which is to be punished ; and though not actors in those gross impieties which kindle the fire of gods vengeance , yet are guilty of sins , though of a smaller nature , which add to the fewel of gods wrath . zerubbabel and joshua , though perhaps not themselves in fault , or at least not so much , for they were both very religious , yet because not so forward , and putting forth as they should have been , are lyable to the common judgment . the third character of the severity of this judgment , was the season of it , which was immediatly after their returne from the babylonian captivity ; they had but a very little breathing space from the burden of that yoake , when god laies on an heavyer : there , to use jeroboams expression , they were chastised with whips but here with scorpions . there , very probably , they had meat after their labour , and though they trod out the corn , their mouths were not muzled , their masters sometimes lifted up the yoake , and set meat before them . as in aegypt , although they had hard taskes , and cruel task-masters , yet they had their fleshpots , and their garlicks , and their onyons to the full ; bnt now they labour , and have nothing to eat , thus the messengers of ill newes , as to job , did throng upon them , one at the heeles of another , which was none of the smallest aggravations of this calamity , that it followed so immediatly on the neck of the other . the fourth marke of the severity of this judgment , was the frustration of their hopes , and expectations : ye looked for much , and loe , it came to little . if hope deferred makes the heart sick . prov. 13. 12. hope frustrate , and lost , can do no lesse then breake it . when men thinke themselves sure , as esau did of the blessing , and it then failes them , this is matter of bitter weeping . for god to take away the corn in the time thereof , and the wine in the season thereof , that is just at harvest , when it is to be inned : when the old store is spent , and they looke for a new recruit , then to have the meat cut from their mouths , and the morsel from between their teeth , then to have their hopes defeated , hightens the misery . a fifth print of the severity of this judgment , was the loss of their labour . it is very frequent , and scarce ever otherwise , to see the sluggards hopes blasted ; he that will not sow in winter , can never promise himselfe to reap in harvest ; but after plowing , sowing , nay reaping too , and bringing home , to find but little , that adds to the weight of the want : nothing so much discontents men as labour in vain ; to take paines , and to see nothing come of it , is enough to make a prophet complain ; to labour all night in fishing , and take nothing may tempt an apostle to desist . to labour in the fire , and to weary themselves for vanity , to lose oleum & operam , cost and paines , is sufficient to bring men to desperation ; especially when that little which is coming in , doth no good ; when god blows on it , and takes away the nourishing virtues , so that either men dare not eat their fill ▪ for feare of want another day ; or if they do eat , the staffe of bread being broken for want of gods concurrence , they are not satisfied a boulimy , or canine appetite , being a disease common at such times , when in the fulness of their sufficiency ( as zophar in job speaks of the wicked ) they are in streights ; that little is so far from abating , that it encreaseth the calamity : and so much for the first particular , the judgment with the severity of it . the second thing is the author of this judgment . i did blow upon it , saith the lord of hosts . shall there be evil in the citty , and i have not done it , saith god himselfe , am. 3. 6. god challengeth the execution of justice to himselfe ; not only at the last day , but in this world , and it is as agreeable to his nature now , as it will be hereafter . it is not luck , or fortune that tosseth or tumbleth things below ; but god sits at the stern , and steers the affairs of this world. the genealogy of all the good creatures is resolved by god into himself , hos. 2 ▪ 21. unless he hear the heavens , and the heavens hear the earth , no corn , or wine , or oyle can be expected . the earth is a kind mother , yet it cannot open her bowels to yield seed to the sower , or bread to the eater , if it be not watered from above . the heavens are the storehouses of gods good treasure , which he openeth to mans profit and nourishment , yet they cannot drop down fatness on the earth , if god close it up , and with-hold the seasonable showers , which he can do if he please , and will do , if he be provoked . first , he can do it easily . secondly , he will do it justly . first , he can do it easily . it is but his blowing upon it , and it is done . as he made all things , so he can dissolve them by the breath of his mouth . he hideth his face , and the creatures are troubled ; he taketh away their breath and they dye . he sendeth forth his breath and they are created , and reneweth the face of the earth . he turneth man to destruction , and again he saith , come again ye children of men . and this he can do so easily because he is the lord of hosts ; a title frequently used by these three last prophets , haggai , zachary , and malachy , who prophesying after the jews return from the babylonian captivity , when their state was at the lowest , scarce ever name god by any other title ; to denote unto them , how easie it was for him to bring his judgments upon them , and to remove them again ; all creatures being at his command as lord of hosts ; and like the centurions servants , if he say to one , go , hee goeth , to another , come , hee cometh : and to a third , do this , hee doth it . when he will do a thing , who shall hinder him ? nature may be resisted , and stopped in her course ; men and devils , though never so potent , may want of their will , and be crossed in their designes and desires ; but the lord of hosts doth whatsoever he will , both in heaven and earth without controul or contradiction . secondly , he will do it justly . gods judgments are not alwaies manifest , they are alwaies just . and he may say as david to his brethren in another case ; what have i now done ? is there not a cause ? god never punisheth a people : but there is a just cause for it , and could men but see it , the root of the matter would be found in themselves . it is the plague of their own hearts , that procures them all their mischief ; and this might have been put among the aggravations of the judgment , that it is from themselves that they are the cause of their own ruine ; that they may thank themselves , and blame their sin , as the mother of their misery , and cause of their calamity , o israel thou hast destroyed thy self , saith god. so that there is no ground of complaint : why should a living man complain : a man for the punishment of his sin ? had man never been sinful , he had never been miserable ; had he never lift up his heart against heaven to provoke , god , god had never lift up his hand on earth to punish man. if these jewes would but have considered their own waies , as god himselfe exhorts them twice in a breath , vers 5. and 7. they might have easily found the serpent that bit them , to be lurking in their own bosom ; the contempt and neglect of gods worship , which brings me to the third particular , the cause of this judgment , why saith the lord of hosts ? &c. wherein three things offer themselves to our consideration : first , the sin it's selfe , gods house lyes wast . secondly , the aggravation of that sin , ye run every man to his own house . thirdly , the proportion between the sin , and the punishment . first , the sin it selfe , is , that gods house is suffered to lie wast . this house , which god challengeth to himself , as his own possession , was that glorious fabrick of the temple at jerusalem , built by king solomon , and consecrated by him to gods immediate worship , and which god was pleased to accept of , and wherein he promiseth to dwell for ever . this is my rest for ever , here will i dwell , for i have desired it , saith god. although he be the high and lofty one , that inhabiteth eternity whose name is holy ; although he be infinite , and comprehended in no place , and so dwelleth not in temples made with hands : yet it was his good pleasure , that solomon should build him an house , wherein as to his manifestative presence , he was resolved to dwell more especialy among his people the children of israel , whither he would have the tribes goe up , the tribes of the lord , unto the testimony of israel to give thanks unto the name of the lord. and this he calls his house . my house , saith he , shall be called the house of prayer , and in my text , because of my house , which is wast . wast , the hebrew word signifies properly dryed up . a similitude taken from a piece of ground , dried up , and parched by the sun , so that nothing is able to grow in it , and is used by the holy ghost to express an extreame desolation , and destruction . his spring shall become dry , and his foundation dryed up , saith the prophet hosea of samaria , when he would set forth their utter ruine : so that their sin was the permitting gods house to lie in it's ruines , and not repaire it . and it is observable that these jews had not demolished it themselves , they had not laid it wast ; that was done by necuchadnezzar , and his officers , it was they which set fire to the temple , these had no hand at all in it : and yet it is looked on as a sin in them , that it is wast . not only pulling down churches , but not repairing , when god gives oportunity is a sin . omissions are sins with god , as well as commissions . it was the rich mans ruine , not that he robbed the poor , but that he did not relieve them . fasting as well as fulness may breed diseases , and make work for the sexton or physitian . not onely the commission of evill sinks men to hell , but the omission of goodness . the fig-tree had no bad fruit on it , and yet was cursed because it had none at all ; the forbearance of wickedness is not enough to acquit the soul , unless there be a performance of righteousness . these jews are condemned , not for wasting gods house , but letting it lye waste . that 's the first , the sin . the second thing is the aggravation of this , by their self-seeking . ye run every man to his own house , or , ye take pleasure every man in his own house : ye are all self-seekers private-spirited persons , all for your own interest , none for the honour and glory of god. they were like the tortoyse , toti in se , wholly drawn up into themselves , and insensible of the publike good , or common danger of church and religion : far from nehemiah's temper , who drowned all selfe-respect in gods glory , and the publick good ; far from true goodness , which will be publick spirited , although it be to private disadvantage : and if nature will venture its own particular good for the general , as heavy things will ascend , to keep out a vacuity and preserve the universe ; much more will grace make men in all their desires and designs to study gods end more then their own , and as solomon did to build gods house first , and afterward their own ; and not like these jews , who so themselves were warm in their feathers , in their own houses , never did regard the ruines of gods house . secondly , this self-seeking is aggravated in two particulars ; first , in the persons guilty ; and secondly , in their earnestness in that guilt . first , in the persons guilty . the first universally ; secondly , emphatically . first , ye ; universally ; every man of you , even the best of you , zerubbabel , and joshua too . when all flesh have corrupted their way , when all the foundations are out of course , when as in sodom , all the people from every quarter , both old and young , are guilty ; no wonder then that god punisheth . when not onely private men , but publick run into the same sin , it is then incorrigible as to man , those that should punish it being themselves guilty , and therefore then it is time for god to lay to his hand ; for private men to have private spirits and to run every man to his own house , to mind their own particular good , is no such rare thing , but for publick persons to have private aims , to have such narrow souls as to mind themselves only , this is an aggravation of the crime . secondly , ye , emphatically ; ye that are so much concerned in it , when others not so much , or not at all concerned in it , have been so zealous . when cyrus and darius , a payr of outlandish , and heathen kings , shall not onely give leave to the jews to return to their countrey , and build both their city and temple , but also restore the vessels and jewels , which had been taken from it , and allow the expences of the building out of their own revenues ; and supply them with sacrifices , with a check to all adversaries ; be ye far from thence , and a peremptory decree , that whosoever should alter that sentence , that the wood should be pulled down from his house and he hanged thereon ; and lastly , a direful imprecation on all those , whether kings or people , that should put their hands to alter and destroy the house of god which is in jerusalem ; the history whereof you may read at large in the books of ezra and nehemiah ; when these shall thus zealously , and earnestly promote the work , and the jews themselves universally , who were most concerned , be careless and negligent , this is a first aggravation of the sin . a second is their diligence and earnestness in their own private interest , ye run every man , &c. when ye do not so much as creep , crawl , or go to gods house . they thought no time , no labour , no cost , too much for their own house ; and every little portion of either of them too much for gods. the least cost is esteemed mispent , saying with judas , to what purpose is this wast ; the lazyest labour is accounted lost . it is in vain to serve the lord , and what profit is it that we have kept his ordinance , say these very men , mal. 3. 14. the shortest time is thought cast away ; the time is not come , the time that the lords house should be built , say they , vers . 2. they followed the business of their own houses earnestly and industriously , but of gods very negligently ; which , if nothing else ; were enough to condemn them . the third considerable in the sin , is the proportion between that and the punishment , they leave gods house , chareb , wast ; god , vers . 11. cals for chereb , a drought , or as the septuagint probably read it , choreb , a sword , which shall in like manner lay their land wast , and their house desolate , they had pinched on gods side , and he pays them home in the same kind , they thought in the famine to have kept the more for themselves ; and they had less for keeping from him , that which was his own . a just hand of god upon all such , who think every thing too much for his service , for the most part they are alwayes in want and needy , their wealth melting away like snow before the sun. the merchant that denyes to pay his customs , forfeits all his commodities ; they forfeit their own portion , who with-hold gods from him . god tames his prodigals , and starves their bodies , who by neglect of his worship starve their owne souls ; god denies the same external things to them which they deny to gods house . but might not these jews have pleaded against this sentence , and charged god with too much severity , saying with their forefathers , the way of the lord is not equal ? what is this temple more then another place ? cannot we worship god in any house as well as this ? is not god a spirit , and will be worshiped in spirit and truth ; and that we may do in any mountain as well as this ? whereunto although it might be a sufficient answer to say with s. paul , o man , who art thou that replyest against god ? shall the thing formed say to him that formed it , why hast thou made me thus ? shall sinful man plead with his maker ? yet because this malapert sauciness is the temper of many in this age , as well as that ; that the most just god may be justified when he speaketh , and clear when he judgeth , we may take notice of the equity of it , by a twofold consideration ; first , of the nature of the place ; and secondly , of the nature of the punishment , first , gods equity will be cleared from the nature of the place , which was , first , a visible sign and token of gods more immediate and gracious presence ; for although god dwels not in temples made with hands ; that is , so as we dwell in our houses to be comprehended in them , yet god is sayed to dwell there where he manifests himself ; and therefore what was done before the temple , was sayed to be done before god ; called therefore , the throne of his glory ; the place of his rest ; the place of his habitation ; his dwelling place : now we know that affronts offered to the kings chayre of state although in his absence , are as much resented as when he is present . secondly , that house was the choisest , and chiefest instrument of gods worship in the jewish administration , they were to direct all their worship towards it : it was the king of heavens court of requests , which he had appointed for the hearing their prayers , and granting their petitions ; and which had the priviledge of an universally gracious audience ; in this place will i give peace , saith the lord , c. 2. 9. now because the honour done to any part of gods service reflects on himself ; as those that offered any polluted bread on gods altar are sayed to despise his name , therefore to punish this offence so grievously could be no over much severity . thirdly , that house was a type of christ , it was a sacred mystery representing their messiah to them , who was the true temple made without hands ; as himself makes the application , john 2. 19. destroy this temple , and after three dayes i will raise it up ; which s. john who was his beloved disciple , and lay in his bosome , interprets as meant of his own body , vers. 21. he spake of the temple of his body ; and this the apostle asserts at large , in the ninth chap. of the epistle to the hebrews . jesus christ was that true temple in which the god-head dwelt bodily ; that is , really , fully , substantially ; by the neerest union , and most intimate conjuction as the soul dwels in the body ; and so the neglect was the neglect of christ himself . fourthly , that place was the spring-head of all their blessings ; god had made that the staple of all his favours ; in all places where i record my name , i will come to thee and bless thee . from whence it is that in scripture , gods blessings are not said to be given from heaven immediatly , but from syon the place of gods worship ; there the lord commanded the blessing , even life for evermore , psal. 133. 3. and the lord that made heaven and earth , bless thee out of syon , psal. 134. 3. the ocean of blessing is in heaven , but the well-head is syon , and so by neglecting gods house they forsook their own mercy ; so that the nature of the place acquits the lord of hosts from the imputation of over-rigorous proceeding , which likewise will appear , secondly , from the nature of the judgment , if we shall consider those veins of mercy which run through it , which is the second general part , and is included in the scope and designe of the words of my text. and this mercy is visible in four particulars . first , in the judgment it self . secondly , in the matter of that judgment thirdly , in the measure of it . fourthly , in the discovery of the cause , and consequently the means of removing it . first , it was mercy that they were punished at all , correction being a signe of gods paternal care ; for every son , whom he loveth , he chastneth ; and scourgeth every son whom he receiveth . immunity from chastisement and correction , is the bastards , not the childs prerogative . gods forbearances are his most dreadful severities ; and a prosperous iniquity is the most unprosperous condition in the world . it is cruelty , not mercy , to suffer men to go on in sin unpunished , it being that which hardens men in sin , and consignes them over to ruine and reprobation . it is a deplorable condition when god shall say ; why should ye be stricken any more ? ye will revolt more and more . vis indignantis dei terribilem vocem audire ? will you here the terrible voice of a provoked god ? hear it saith origen in that of hos. 4. 14. i will not punish your daughters when they commit whoredome . never was jerusalem's case so desperate as when god sayd to her ; i will make my fury towards thee to rest , and my jealousy shall depart from thee , and i will be quiet , and will be no more angry . ezek. 16. 42. that 's the first beame of mercy ; that they are punished . a second , is that their punishment is in external temporal things , and not in internal and spiritual , which as they are most necessary , so the loss is most dangerous : man may be happy without the one , he cannot be so without the other . the lord of hosts might instead of a famine of bread have sent a famine of the word of god , which is the souls proper food , and without which it cannot live , which he threatens in another prophet as the most dreadful famine . behold the day is come , saith the lord , that i will send a famine in the land , not a famine for bread , nor a thirst for water , but of hearing the word of the lord. we never fear a dearth if we have bread-corne , though we want apples and plums . let god deny us the worldly toyes of earthly enjoyments , if he continue his spiritual blessings , we cannot be esteemed miserable . a third island of mercy appearing in this sea of misery , is the measure of it . they had a little , though not much ; god did not take away all , but left them a pittance , as we say , enough to keep life and soul together . i will correct thee in measure , saith god to his people , and not leave thee altogether unpunished . if he should have been extreame to have marked what had been done amiss , he might have utterly destroyd them as he did sodome and gomorrha , and set them forth as perpetuall examples of divine vengeance , but it was of the lords mercies that they were not consumed , because his mercies fail not . there is yet a fourth ray of mercy shining in this judgment , and that is the discovery of the cause , which he doth not onely in respect of himself , for the vindication of his justice , but also in respect to them , that they might provide for deliverance . god by reason of that independent dominion , which he hath over all his creatures , which in their very being depend upon him , hath no obligation lying on him , to give any other reason of his acting , than his sic volo , sic jubeo ; and therefore it must be an act of great mercy , to come to debate and reason with his creature , to be content to bring himself as it were before mans tribunal , and to plead his cause , and make even sinners his judges , yet so he doth frequently ; come now , and let us reason together . and now , o inhabitants of jerusalem , and men of judah , judge i pray you between me and my vineyard . should he have made short worke with them , and dispatcht them in a moment , yet he would have continued just and holy , and he might have justified his proceedings ; but to stoop so low as to give an account of his doings , and to render a reason of his sentence , is a condescention of mercy that can be never expressed , and never enough admired , or praised . and thus having run through the two stages of my text , judgment and mercy ; i cannot dismiss you without making you partakers of some observations , which you may improve to your advantage , as , first , that all the industry and labour of man in his calling , is in vain , if god withhold his blessing ; he may sow , and reap , and bring in too , he may export , nay import too , and little come of it , if god do but blow upon it . not but that men may , nay must take paines in their vocations . adam even in his innocency and integrity , before his fall , had his employment set out to him to dress and keep the garden ; much more since the fall , when all the creatures are under the curse for the sin of man ; and the earth is so farre from yeelding fruit without our labour , that it is often fruitless , and barren with it . so that now it is not so much our curse as our duty , that in the sweat of our brows we should eat our bread , and he that will not labour , as he doth not deserve , so he hath no promise that he shall eat : labour then they must , but in that they must depend upon god for the success , whose blessing only can make rich . moses , saith , it is not bread that man liveth by only , but by the word of god , that is his blessing ; and therefore , except the lord build the house and watch the city , mans labour and watching is to no purpose ; it is but lost labour that ye rise early , and so late take rest , and eat the bread of carefulness if god doth not give sleep . joyne then to your honest labour , trust in god , and fear not a good success ; you have king davids warrant for it . trust in the lord and do good , and verily thou shalt be sed . psa. 37. 3. let your labours as well as the creatures for which you labour , be sanctified by the word of god , and prayer . secondly , the use or abuse , the care or neglect of the instruments of gods worship , is no indifferent thing , no matter of slight consequence it procures a blessing or brings down a curse . these jewes neglect to build gods house , and god neglects to provide for their families . they no sooner go up to the mountain and bring wood , and begin to build , but from that very day , god begins to bless them . take one instance more ; the arke , which before the building of the temple , was the dwelling place of gods name , was among the philistins , who profanely insult , and triumph over it , and are smitten with sore diseases , and the hand of god is heavy upon them ; afterwards it comes to the bethshemites , who are bold with it and pry into its secrets , and fifty thousand of them are slain for it . after this vzzah toucheth it irreverently , and is struck dead before it ; whereas obed-edom entertains it reverently , and cheerfully , and is blessed in all that he hath . when god sends the instruments and means of religion among a people , it concerns them deeply to look about them ; god intends something towards them , either of judgment or mercy , and counts it an high indignity , if men think he will do neither good or evil . the prophet isaiah compares gods word to rain , which returns not voyd , but accomplisheth what he pleaseth , and prospers in the thing whereunto he sends it ; it either brings up wholsome herbs , or noysom weeds , it either furthers our salvation , or hastens our destruction . the gospel of christ is savour either of life unto life , or of death unto death . gods ordinances are all of the same nature , with the lords supper , they are either for the better , or for the worse . christs coming to a nation , as to capernaum , is fatal , it either lifts neerer to heaven , or throws lower into hell. thirdly , the neglect of gods worship forfeits all our temporal estate ; as tenants that refuse to do their homage , to perform suit and service , and to pay their land-lords rent , do make their estates lyable to a seizure . these outward blessings are the appurtenances of gods worship ; and it is piety onely which hath the promises both of this life and that which is to come . these provisions are properly for gods household , and those that wait in the house of the lord ; if a profane person that regards not gods worship hath them , it is but at adventures , and they are so farre from beeing a blessing to him that they become a snare , making him fall into many foolish and hurtful lusts , which drowne men in destruction and perdition : search the chronicles and annals of the kings of israel , and you shall still find those times wherein religion was advanced , as under david , solomon , asa , jehoshaphat , and hezekiah , to be prosperous times , whereas under idolatrous kings all things went contrary . so that the best way to secure what men have , is to employ part of it in gods service : honour god with all thy encrease , and thy estate shall be increased . gods storehouse is the best assurance-office ; pay thy dues to that , and the rest will be secured to thee . as samson's strength and glory lay in his haire , so doth the honour and prosperity of your city depend on the true religion , and sincere worship of god , which if it be once deprived of , it may say with phinees wife ichabod , the glory of london is departed . fourthly , god expects that our first care should be for his service , that his glory and worship should have the precedency in our thoughts . these jews upon their return home from babylon , set up their own houses , fell to husbandry , plowed and sowed their lands , they thought it not time to undertake so costly a work as building the temple ; and flesh and blood might have thought that delay excusable if not reasonable , but god counts it matter of just exception , and sends them two prophets to reprove them for it ; what an obvious excuse had they ? that that god who had dwelt so long of old in a tabernacle , and was now worshipped at his new created altar , would bear with them if they first built their own houses , intending afterwards to build his with greater care and cost ; but what saith god to them , vers. 4. is it time for you , o ye , to dwell in your ceiled houses ( not covered only , but ceiled with cedar , as the chaldee renders it , arched and garnished as the greek ) and my house to lye waste . the man after gods own heart was of another mind , he would not come into his house , nor go up unto his bed , nor give sleep to his eyes , or slumber to his eye-lids , until he had found out a place for the lord , an habitation for the mighty god of jacob. noah's first care after he came out of the arke , was , not to build an house for himselfe , but an altar for gods worship ; he pleads not necessity of preserving store , nor stays till the creatures are multiplyed , but takes of every clean creature that came out of the arke , and offers them to god. true faith teacheth to prefer god before our selves ; the world as it is inferiour in worth to religion , so it must be in our repute and respects ; seek ye first the kingdom of god and the righteousness thereof , was the councel of our saviour . god will crown such early piety with encrease of store , for all these things shall be added unto you : if the widow make a little cake for the prophet first , and bring it to him , her barrel of meal shall never wast , nor her cruise of oyl fail . thirdly , if the not repairing the house of god be so severely punished , what shall become of those that demolish his houses : if the innocent be scarcely saved , where shall the wicked and sinner appear ? is s. peter's way of arguing . if the labours and hopes of these jewes , who onely suffered the temple to lye in its ruines , come to little , certainly theirs shall come to nothing , or at least worse than nothing , eternal destruction , that are the instruments of ruining it . if god shall destroy him that defileth the temple of god , what shall he do to them that destroy it ? if ananias and sapphira withholding that which was their own , were accounted church-robbers , and punished with sudden death ; what a severe revenger will god be against those that rob the temple of that which hath been dedicated to it by others ; christ would not suffer gods house , which was to be called an house of prayer to all nations , to be made a den of thieves , by prophane usage of it , much less will he endure to have it destroyed after he hath reformed it ; this is sacriledge , and that the apostle ranks with idolatry , as being full out as evil , if not worse than it ; for what idolatry but pollutes , sacriledge quite pulls down ; and easier it is to new hallow a temple polluted , than to build a new one out of an heap of stones . once more , sixthly , if the flood of gods indignation ariseth so high against those that suffer the material temple dedicated to his service to be waste , how shall it rage against them that do not repair his spiritual temples , their own souls and bodies which have been consecrated to him in baptism ; for so saith the apostle , ye are the temples of the living god , as god hath sayd , i will dwell in them , and walk in them : and god takes more delight in these , than in the other . for , thus saith the high and lofty one , that inhabiteth eternity , whose name is holy , i dwell in the high and holy place , with him also that is of a contrite and humble spirit . and he refuseth all the services that are done him in his external temple , as an abomination ; if the spiritual temple be defiled with sin and demolished by inquity . sin not onely defiles but destroyes these houses of god , let us therefore build them againe by our sincere repentance and reformation , let us cleanse them from all filthiness of flesh and spirit : we cry , shame ! to see a church turned into a barn , or stable ; to see a christian all for the world is no better sight ; let us take heed that we do not make this house of god a den of theeves , a brothel house for uncleaness , a cage for unclean birds , but let us adorne it with all the grace of gods spirit , for holiness becometh the lords house for ever . especially since the ruines of this spiritual house will draw with it the ruines of the material , as god threatens the jewes to do to their temple , as he did unto shiloh for the wickedness of his people israel . and now to close up all . if any man shall think this concernes him not ; because god sends no prophets now to tell us that for such and such sins , god sends such and such judgments . let him know , that all these things that are recorded in the prophets , happened unto them for examples , and are written for our admonition upon whom the ends of the world are come . 1 cor. 10. 11. when therefore we may see a paralel of sins and punishments with those registred in sacred writ : we may without presumption conclude that those sins were the provoking cause of those judgments . and here the paralel is so visible , that he that runneth may read ; and i make no question but your owne meditations have run paralel with my discourse so that most of my labour that way is already saved . for is it not the general complaint , and out-cry of this city , that there is an universal decay of trade ? do not the merchants complain ? we looke for much , and that upon good ground ; for we have sent forth our ships richly laden and ventured them on long and dangerous voyages ; but lce it comes to little , our ships return not , or if they do , the income doth not answer the expence , our commodities hardly yeeld what they cost . doth not the shop-keeper complain ? we look for much , having taken houses at great prices and furnished our shops with rich wares , but loe it comes to little , there are few buyers , and but small gaines , we can scarce pay our rents . doth not the handicrafts man complain we look for much , for we labour hard and work good and sufficient wares ; but loe it comes to little ; the shop-keeper will not buy but at his own rates ; so that we have little more than our labour for our paines . and that which adds to the unhappiness of all this is , that every one of these is apt to impute this calamity to any thing , rather than the right cause and so hinder themselves of the true remedy , because they will not understand the true cause of the distemper : either a forreigne nations ingrossing trade abroad , or the magistrates neglect of trade at home must bear the blame ; who is it that considers that gods house lyes wast , while every man runs to his owne house ? gods house said i , nay gods houses , how many of them lie in their ruines , in their rubbish ? for we must not fancy that god hath no houses now , and that because that temple at jerusalem together with it's ceremonial worship is abolished that god hath not adopted any other places , which he will own for his ; for before the foundations of that temple were laid , and since they have been razed , and one stone not left on another which was not thrown downe , god always had a place appropriated to his worship , and where he was pleased to afford a more gracious presence than elsewhere . even in paradise , adam had a place to present himself before god. which was called gods presence or face . gen. 3. 8. from which he hid himselfe , for from gods general presence nothing can be hid , but all things are naked and open . and his sons out of paradise had their places where to bring their sacrifices , gen. 4. 3. from which when cain stood excommunicate for the murther of his brother abel , he is said to be cast out from the presence of the lord. vers. 16. abraham , besides altars in several places , planted a grove , gen. 21. 23. to be a fixt place for gods worship , for there he called on the name of the lord. and so it is expounded by one that was no great friend to our churches . and afterwards when he is commanded to offer his son isaac , the very mountain is prescribed him , gen. 21. 1. and gods title to it ceased not with that one act , for there solomons temple was afterwards built , which god in my text calls his house ; nor did it then begin , if we may believe the general consent of the jewish rabbins , who assert that to be the place where cain and abel , nay adam himself offered : when jacob consecrated that place where he saw the vision of the ladder reaching to heaven , gen. 28. 18. he called it beth-el , gods house , the ground of which both consecration and name is rendred , vers. 16 , 17. surely the lord is in this place and i knew it not , how dreadful is this place ? this is none other , but the house of god , the gate of heaven . so that gods houses began not with the temple of solomon , no nor that ambulatory temple of moses the tabernacle , which is peculiarly by david called gods house ; nor while they were in being , did they ingross that title to themselves , for there were both in jerusalem and in other places of the land no small number of synagogues for the people to resort unto for their devotions , which are called synagogues of god , and houses of god , in the plural number : and these were frequented by christ and his apostles as well as the temple . and since the destruction of that temple , god was never destitute of houses for his worship . true it is that in the primitive times of christianity , when they had not the publick allowance and countenance of authority , they could exercise their religion only in private , yet then they had places for the saints to meet in for divine worship , such were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the upper-roomes mentioned so frequently in the acts of the apostles , and distinguished by st. paul from private houses . 1 cor. 11. 22. have ye not houses to eat and drink , or despise ye the church of god ? understood by most interpreters both ancient and modern of the publick place of gods worship ; those perhaps not so sumptous and stately as afterwards , the churches mean condition and the worlds envy would not permit that , but such as their poverty would allow they had . but when it pleased god to raise up kings and emperours to favour sincerely the christian faith , churches were then erected in all places , and no cost spared , nothing thought to deere which that way was spent and these were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the lords from whence the scots kirke and our english church doth proceed , and is the same title which is given to his day rev 1. 10 ; and not improperly since we find the place and time of gods worship joyned together by the holy ghost in scripture , ye shall keep my sabbaths , and reverence my sanctuary ; and then what the son of syrach saith of one may be applied to the other , and we may say why doth one place excel another ? by the knowledg of the lord they are distinguished , and some of them he hath made high places and hallowed them , and some of them he hath made ordinary places . as the one is the day of rest , and when we hallow it , it is called gods rest , so the other when consecrated to his name is called gods rest , this is my rest for ever . and such were those houses in this city , which are now wast , for they were dedicated and consecrated to gods service , in them the saints were assembled , the gospel of jesus christ was preached , the lords holy name was invocated , and the sacraments of the new covenant duly administred , to all which christ under the gospel hath promised a gracious presence . where two or three are gathered together in my name , there am i in the midst of them . mat. 18. 20. and to this promise he hath set to his seale by converting to , and confirming many a soule in the doctrine of jesus christ from these places . now , that these are wast , is as legible , as if writ in text ; but where to lay the blame is not perhaps so easily discovered . to impute it to the magistracy of this city , this honorable bench would be no less then scandalum magnatum . their zeale in general is sufficiently evidenced by this place wherein we are now assembled ; and in particular many of them either by actual contribution , or subscription , have testified abundantly their respects to these houses : and of the commonalty , i have reason to have as good an opinion , if their abilities were consonant to their desires , when i consider their ancient zeal while the city was flourishing to these houses of god , how they opened their hands , and filled with blessings many churches both at home and abroad , both in their own and forreign countries ; yet even the best saylers may be becalmed and want the gale of a prophet to encourage them , to go up to the mountain and bring wood , &c. your hearts i am confident are good , it is but setting to your hands , and the worke will be done . do but begin , and never feare the reproach of not having wherewithal to finish ; do but lay the first stone , and never distrust the providence of that god who is the alpha and omega , the beginner and finisher of every good worke . when moses was about building the tabernacle , his charge was no more but this , every one that is of a willing heart , let him bring into the offering of the lord , and they brought in so fast both men and women , that there was too much ; and a proclamation was made in the camp that they should bring in no more . when stuffe was to be provided for the temple , king david left it at large : whoso is willing to consecrate his service to the lord. and both kings , princes and people offered abundantly and willingly , insomuch that he for himselfe and them giveth thanks to the lord in this forme ; who am i , and what is my people ; that wee should offer so willingly ? do but lead the way , and i doubt not but god will stir up the hearts of others to follow ; there is not a soul , that feareth god but the zeal of gods house will eat it up , there will be many a true hearted araunah who will offer not his land but his timber for the house of the lord ; the rich out of his abundance will give more , and the poore widdow out of her penury will give a mite . even the labourer out of his hire , the servant out of his wages , and the souldiers out of their pay , will dedicate somthing , as the two generals of saul and davids armies did . the living will lay up in store for themselves a good foundation against the time to come , that they may lay hold on eternal life , and the dying , ( i perswade my selfe ) will not make a will , but gods house shall have a legacy in it . even , the covetous usurer will out of compliance with the times , if not out of remorse of conscience throw down some of his silver with judas into the temple : do but propose the meanes , and you have a great and gracious king , the churches nursing father , and faiths defender , who will promote the worke , and rather than it shall not go on , will with his countryman constantine the no less religious than magnificent emperour , be content to carry stones on his own shoulders towards it . you have a loyal and religious parliament the churches nursing mother ; ready to enact whatsoever shall be propounded to them for the advancement of so great and glorious a worke ; nay do but set earnestly about it , and god himselfe will go before you to make the crooked places streight , and to break in pieces the gates of brass , and to cut in sunder the bars of iron , that is , to remove all rubs and impediments , which would hinder the foundation of the temple to be laid : and he also will lay the head-stone thereof with shouting , saying , grace , grace unto it . i cannot conclude better then with the exhortation of this prophet . c 2. v. 4. be now strong o zerubbabel , saith the lord , and be strong o josuah son of josedech the high priest and be strong all ye people of the land , saith the lord , and worke for i am with you , saith the lord of host ; with you by my helpe , and assistance ; with you by my care and acceptance ; with you by my reward , and recompence : for then will i fill these houses with glory , dwelling and having a delight in them , and in them will i give peace , and in them will i furnish you with plenty too : and then happy would be the people that are in such a case yea blessed will this city be , which hath this lord of hosts to be their god. now to this lord of hosts , father , son and holy ghost , three persons but one infinite god , be ascribed in his holy temple all praise honour and thanksgiving now and for ever , amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a31107-e240 psa. 36. 6. hos. 2 15. jer. 47. 2. lam. 3. 54. 2 sam. 24. neh. 5. 5. isa. 9. 29. act 12. 20. ecc. 5. 9. 2. king 6. 27. 1 king. 12. 24. isa. 49. 4. job . 20. 22. psa. 104. 29. 30. psa. 90. 3. mat. 8. 9. 1. sam. 17. 29. job . 19. 28. hos. 13. 9. lam. 3. 36. psa. 132. 14. psal. 122. 4. hos. 13. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joh 4. 24. rom. 9. 20. jer. 14. 21. psa. 132. 14. psa 76. 2. exod. 20. 24. heb. 12. 6 , 7. am. 8. 11. jer. 30. 11. lam. 3. 22. esa. 1. 18. esa. 5. 3. prov. 10. 22. psa. 127. 1 , 2. 1 tim. 4. 5. c. 2. 8. psa. 74. 7. 1 sam 5. c. 6. 19. 2. sam. 9. 9. vers . 6. zeph. 1. 12. esa 55. 10. 2. cor. 2. 16. 1. cor. 11. 17. mat. 11. 23. 1. tim. 6. 9. 1 sam. 4. 22. psa. 132. 3. 5. 2 k●ngs . 17. 14. pet. 4. 18. 1 cor. 3 17. 2 cor. 6. 16. esa. 57. 15. jer. ● . 12 , 14 ainsworth in l c. maimony in misnoth l. 8. and in treatise of the temple , c. 2. s. 2. psa. 66. 13. psa. 74. 8. psa. 83. 12. lev. 19. 30. 8 , 26. 2. ecclesasticus 33. 7. psal. 132. 14. exod. 35. 5. 1. cr●n . 29. 5. vers 14. 2. chr. 26. 28. esa. 45. 2. c. 2. 7. v. 9. vers . 19. by the commissioners for sewers, pavements, &c. in london it is ordered, that the clerk do forthwith send to the deputies and common council-men of the several wards, a note of the names of the pavier or paviers designed for each ward ... city of london (england). 1671 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48974) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107411) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:24) by the commissioners for sewers, pavements, &c. in london it is ordered, that the clerk do forthwith send to the deputies and common council-men of the several wards, a note of the names of the pavier or paviers designed for each ward ... city of london (england). city of london (england). commissioners of sewers. 1 broadside. printed by andrew clark ..., [london] : mdclxxi [1671] at head of title: lunæ, decimo tertio die novembris, 1671. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng pavements -law and legislation -england -london. pavements -england -london -maintenance and repair. london (england) -history -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms lunae , decimo tertio die novembris , 1671 . by the commissioners for sewers , pavements , &c. in london , it is ordered , that the clerk do forthwith send to the deputies and common council-men of the several wards , a note of the names of the pavier or paviers designed for each ward ; and because the present season of the year , being sometimes frosty , and at other times foul and dirty , is judged inconvenient for a thorough paving of such streets and common passages , as are needful to be altered , paved , and amended ; ( the high-streets being designed to be paved causway or round fashion ) the commissioners do hereby desire the said deputies and common council-men to employ and set to work the said paviers in amending such pavements in each of their respective precincts , which they shall observe or have notice , are much broken and are needful and of necessity at to be amended for the present : and the said pavier or paviers giving timely notice to any the officers attending the commissioners , such stones and gravel shall be sent as shall be requisite and needful for the same works : and the commissioners do further order , that upon certificate of the said deputy or common council-man of any precinct , under his or their hand or hands of such workmanship performed , the same shall be forthwith paid ( according to the rates agreed on by the commissioners and the fellowship of paviers ) out of the moneys now rating or collecting within this city and liberties , touching this affair . and the commissioners do desire the deputies and common council-men in whose ward any grate or grates , belonging to any common drein or sewer , is or are standing , to return to the commissioners the name of a fit person for each grate , with the place of his habitation , who will undertake constantly to look after and cleanse the same grate and cest-pools thereto belonging , and to certifie what they adjudge fit to be allowed him yearly out of the chamber of london . and for that falls or cest-pools are wanting to some of the said grates , whereby the said grates and sewers are presently choked with soil , to very great charge and other inconveniences ; the commissioners do again earnestly intreat the said deputies and common council-men to cause the same forthwith to be made by the advice of the surveyors of new buildings or one of them , and to certifie the charge thereof to the commissioners , and thereupon the same shall be immediately paid . and lastly , because some questions have arisen by several persons touching the present car for pavements , whether the same be for a year , or otherwise , or intended to be a rule for a standing and yearly payment . the commissioners do desire the said deputies and common council-men to send for their scavengers or collectors , and to declare to them , that so they may acquaint the persons dissatisfied , that the said present car was rated , and is to be paid into the chamber of london , as by the act of parliament is directed , for putting in good order and repair all the pavements in the streets and common passages complained of to be greatly broken and defective and to be employed to no other use than such as shall relate to paving , without making the same any rule for a yearly or other certain payment for the future , but that in all after-assessments for this affair , such prudent care and respect shall be taken and had as ( if possible ) will tend to general satisfaction . ja. cole , cler. printed by andrew clark , printer to the honourable city of london at his house in aldersgatestreet . mdclxxi . the rights and authority of the commons of the city of london in their common-hall assembled, particularly in the choice and discharge of their sheriffs, asserted and cleared in answer to the vindication of the lord-mayor, court of aldermen, and common-council. atwood, william, d. 1705? 1695 approx. 165 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26181 wing a4180 estc r28315 10521999 ocm 10521999 45191 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26181) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 45191) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1394:23) the rights and authority of the commons of the city of london in their common-hall assembled, particularly in the choice and discharge of their sheriffs, asserted and cleared in answer to the vindication of the lord-mayor, court of aldermen, and common-council. atwood, william, d. 1705? 28 p. [s.n.], london : 1695. attributed to william atwood by nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng city of london (england). -court of common council. sheriffs -england -london. london (england) -politics and government. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-07 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the rights and authority of the commons of the city of london , in their common-hall assembled , particularly in the choice and discharge of their sheriffs , asserted and cleared . in answer to the vindication of the lord-mayor , court of aldermen , and common-council . london , printed in the year mdcxcv . the rights and authority of the commons of the city of london in their common hall assembled , particularly in the choice and discharge of their sheriffs , asserted and cleared . in answer to the vindication of the lord-mayor , court of aldermen , and common-council . if the present controversy in the city of london be unhappy , and ill-tim'd ; the blame of continuing , if not of raising it , must fall upon that side , which shall appear to have been in the wrong . but since such a contest is begun , in some respects the present time may be thought propitious , for bringing it to a fair decision . for , 1. there is the less danger in it , because it happens chiefly among men united in the same cause and common interest ; who have always stood up for the rights of the city , and are likely to manage the question , who are principally entrusted with the care of its rights , without animosities ; and quietly to submit to authority , or conviction . 2. the learning and integrity of the present judges , and the independency of their places , assure the right side of justice . 3. if it could be imagin'd , that they would be influenc'd by the court : it is an happiness that there is no colour to suspect , that our present ministry should interpose to the prejudice of either's right . and as no prince , who is not truly popular himself , can be pleas'd to have power lodg'd in any great body of his people ; the common hall could not , in any reign but this , since queen elizabeth's , have expected to bring on their cause without great disadvantage . and certain it is , there never was so great a body of men , of more steady loyalty to their prince , than this common hall is to his present majesty king william . yet i cannot but hope , that this controversy may be ended , without recourse to westminster-hall , or the last resort to parliament . for to me it seems , there wants nothing to the quieting the controversy , but the setting it in a true light : which i shall endeavour to do with that faithfulness and impartiality , which becomes a constant servant to truth , and the old english liberties . but i must premise , that tho the author of the pretended modest essay , runs the dispute as high as if the common-council and common-hall , were like rome and carthage ; the sole point now in question is , whether the lord-mayor , and court of aldermen , by themselves , or in conjunction with the common-council , as now composed or acting , have rightful power to discharge any person , whom the citizens assembled in common-hall have chosen sheriff ; and to exempt him , or others , from the service , for a year , or years to come ? bating what relates to the higher controversy , he uses but three topicks to justify the defeating , or vacating the election of the common-hall . i. the resolution of the judges , 40 & 41 eliz. ii. by-laws . iii. custom . every one of which i shall shew to be fully against him : and that both such by-laws and custom , unless of another nature than is or can be pretended , would be absolutely void . i. the resolution of the judges is no more in substance than this ; that tho the choice of officers in cities and towns incorporated by charters , be granted to mayor and commonalty , or the like ; yet antient and usual elections , by a certain select number , are warrantable , by reason of by-laws , made to avoid popular confusions ; by virtue of a power of making by-laws given by the charters . and that tho such by-laws cannot be found , they shall be presum'd : and that this was by common assent , because of such especial manner of antient and continual election . and according to this resolution , the elections are said to have been in the city of london . but since the common-council do not pretend to chuse the sheriffs , otherwise than as part of the common-hall , which has long been in possession of this right ; it is evident , that the resolution of the judges is so far from proving the pretended authority of the common-council , to set aside elections made by the greater body of the city ; that it manifests the illegality of the attempt : since , according to this resolution , the common-hall is , to this purpose at least , not only the fullest , but the truest representative or the body of citizens ; who , according to grotius his distinction , are the common subject of this power , while their representatives assembled in common-hall , are the proper subject by which it is exercised . and if it were admitted , that an authority to make this power useless , or to weary them out of it , were by some by-law given to the common-council as now composed ; or that the custom has so long been on their side , that such a by-law is now to be presumed ; yet it is very evident , that there is nothing to warrant it in that resolution . for besides , that , as i have observed already , it only concerned elections : 1. the case is only of such provisions as have been made , or are presumable to have been made , to avoid popular confusions : which the common-council may , if they please , urge , for the setting aside the usage for elections in common-hall : but then they must consider , that an arbitrary court would be sure to fight them with their own weapon , and , with parity of reason , to set them aside . and i submit it to their calm consideration , whether the indefeazibleness of elections , without the consent of those who made them ; or the defeating them at the pleasure of others , and from time to time requiring a new choice , be the most likely to occasion popular confusions ? 2. the case put is only of corporations by charter , and deriving their power of making by-laws from such charters ; in most , if not all of which , that power is by the charters lodg'd in a select ●umber there appointed . when , as i shall shew , the citizens of london were a body politick , with power of making laws for the welfare of the city ; and had the ●hoice of their portreve , since called mayor , and of the sheriff of their ●ity , by prescription , before they had any charter : which if they had , tho the sheriffwick of middlesex were annex'd to london by charter ; that would fall under the same government , and be subject to an authority independent on any charter ; especially if such annexation has been before time of memory , and confirmed by acts of parliament . and further yet , if it will appear , that no charter to the city of london about making by-laws , appoints any select number for the exercice of this power ; it will if possible be more evident , that the resolution of the judges has nothing to support the authority claim'd by the present common-council . however it must be remember'd , that the resolution says , such especial manner of antient and continual election , could not begin without common assent . since therefore common assent has plac'd the election of sheriffs in the common-hall ; it will lie upon the other side to shew at least the presumption of common assent , to place the discharge in the common-council . and they must not for this urge any act of common-council as authoritative in it self . 2. i do not find that the vindicator pretends , that the custom for the mayor and aldermen by themselves , or in conjunction with the common-council , to discharge a person chosen sheriff by the common-hall , is so antient , that a by-law to warrant it , made by the common-council as now acting , much less by the common-hall , is to be presumed . but he insists upon positive by-laws made in the common-council , for their excusing any persons duly chosen , by admitting them to fine for one year . this he supposes to have been established by several acts of common-council , one of which he pretends to have transcribed . but certainly no act ever began with [ and ] as his transcript does : and it is visible , that what he gives as the whole act , 7 c. 1. is very lame and imperfect . had he publish'd the beginning of it , the pretence of more acts of common-council than that one , unless they be of very late and suspected date , must have vanish'd . for tho , as may appear by comparing it with former acts , it makes in great measure the same provisions , and uses almost the same words with some of them , only altering the penalties , and values of estates requir'd for a qualification , with some other necessary circumstances ; yet it in express terms repeals all former acts made upon that subject . the substance of what he is pleas'd to communicate , is this ; if any freeman of the city , being duly chosen sheriff , shall not personally appear before the mayor and aldermen , at their next court , unless he have such reasonable excuce as the mayor and greater part of the aldermen then present shall allow ; and there enter into bond to take the office upon him in common-hall , on michaelmass eve ; or shall openly refuse ; he shall forfeit as is there provided ; unless he shall be duly discharged for want ☞ or defect of ability in wealth ; and shall nevertheless remain eligible yearly afterwards , as if he had never been chosen . upon thus much of the order it is observable ; 1. that the excuce to be allowed by the lord-mayor and aldermen , is not for not taking the office upon him ; but for not attending at the next court-day ; and not entring into bond before-hand , to oblige himself to take the office upon him in common-hall . now it is probable , that men may have been out of town , or detain'd by sickness , or necessary affairs , which hindred them from engaging at the next court-day to take the office ; and yet they might appear in common-hall time enough to enter upon it . and therefore the court of aldermen might be judges of the reasonableness of the excuce , for not engaging before-hand ; or at least not so soon as the order in strictness requires : and yet there would be no consequence from thence , that it is in their power totally to excuse from holding . further yet it will appear , that this of entring into bond , was an additional provision made 34 eliz. and repeated 7 car. 1. beyond what was in any former order ; nor was there any custom in the city for entering into such bond. this therefore being a creature of common-council , might be left to the discretions of the mayor and aldermen , without the least prejudice to the right of the common-hall . 2. the excuce of which the mayor and aldermen are made judges , is only such as is reasonable ; so that their discretion is a legal discretion : and if the excuce be for not holding the office , it is evident that no excuce for that is to be allowed , unless it be want of sufficient estate ; in which case , only , the party is dischargable by the words of that order . 3. paying a penalty is not properly any excuce . 4. he is to be discharged duly ; the order does not mention by whom : but this , as it will appear , ought to be by the common-hall ; either in express terms , or by implication , in their proceeding to a new choice . but for what time the discharge shall be , will , notwithstanding that order , be absolutely at the discretion of the common-hall . some would infer from the words , [ be shall be yearly eligible ] that the person who is excused by the mayor and aldermen on paying his fine , shall not be eligible till another year . whereas , 1. it must be remembred , that the excuce of which they are made the judges , is not from holding ; but tho he should hold , he is subject to the penalty , if he does not in due time oblige himself to hold . 2. the [ yearly eligible ] may be in every year after that order , when the penalty should happen to be incurred . accordingly , the order speaks only of the discharge of persons to be chosen ; and without such an interpretation as this of [ yearly ] , could not be taken to extend to persons actually chosen . or else it may be for every year following his default : according to the usual entries , that such a man was chosen sheriff for the year ensuing . besides , by the express words , the party is eligible , as if he had never been chosen : and therefore he must remain eligible , as if he had never paid his fine ; which follows the choice . this will be yet more evident , if we compare this with the act of common-council , 19 h. 8. repeated in substance by that 34 eliz. with only necessary alterations ; and by this 7 car. 1. for it will appear to have been the intention of this , as well as of former orders , as indeed it is of most laws , to oblige men to their duty by exacting the penalty : not to take the penalty to excuse from their duty ; much less thereby to exempt from penalties , when the offence shall be repeated . and it is observable , that the order , 19 h. 8. has not the word [ yearly ] , which gives colour to a dispute ; it declaring , that such person shall be eligible , notwithstanding his paying the penalty . 3. if there had been any intention of exempting the offender for a year , upon suffering the penalty ; it would certainly have been in the negative , that he should not be eligible till the next year . which , indeed , would have been no very wise provision ; and , as will appear , directly contrary to the preamble , and declar'd intention of that very order . but for certain , whatever power may have been entrusted with the common-council ; they cannot , according to the known rule of law , set aside the city's common law-right of chusing any person capacitated for the service , without a clause in the negative ; that is to say , that they shall not chuse a person , discharg'd by the mayor , aldermen , and common-council , upon paying his fine , till another year . tho , as it will appear , it signifies nothing to the merits of the cause , what the mayor , aldermen , and common-council have done , for drawing to themselves jurisdiction or authority from a greater and higher court in being , and full exercice of authority , and of which they make but a small part ; yet what is call'd argumentum ad hominem , is never to be neglected . for to prove , that those very arguments in which men place their strength , make directly against them , is to disarm , if not convince them . to this end it may be of service to shew , what provisions had formerly been made in this matter : and what has been omitted by the vindicator , out of the order 7 c. 1. agreeing with those former provisions . in the 24 th of e. 3. a publick act or ordinance had been made , which taking notice , that many sufficient persons us'd to absent themselves out of the city to avoid the office of sheriff ; by means whereof persons less sufficient were chosen thro their default ; to the great mischief of them , and to the desolation of the city ; and so following to the great jeopardy of the franchises of the same : disfranchises such absenters , and allows of no excuce , unless they swear with six vouchers , that they did not absent themselves for that purpose . this was manifestly made in common-hall : for one evidence of which it is to be observ●d , that it was on the feast of st. matthew , which had been the usual day for such elections , till the day was altered 19 h. 8. and it is observable , that tho the common-council 19 h. 8. as some would think , to colour their authority to alter the day and penalty ; say it was ordain'd and establish'd by the mayor , aldermen , and commons , in their common-council , 24 e. 3. yet it is plain it was the common-council of all those who assembled at that day for the election . and the common-council , 18 h. 8. voting that antient act to be put in execution in the case of one hynde , and of all other such offenders ; calls it , according to the stile it had at the making , an ordinance made by walter turk mayor , simon franceys , and others , [ with the assent of the whole city ] . it will further appear , that whatever councils may , before the time of that old act , have been summon'd to particular purposes ; no common-council separate from them that used to assemble in the common-hall , was ever settled as a standing council , of any considerable authority , before that time . this publick act of the whole city , having therefore absolutely required all sufficient persons chosen sheriffs to serve , upon pain of disfranchisement ; and allowing of no excuce but insufficiency in estate ; all acts of common-council allowing any less or other court , to discharge sufficient persons chosen , or to exempt 'em from being chosen , must be void in themselves : and , according to what the city has declared in its fullest authority , is the assuming a power , not only to injure those persons , who thro the default of others , serve before their turn : which is a stretch beyond the exercice of a dispensing power by the most arbitrary of our kings : but as it tends to the desolation of the city , and hazards the loss of its franchises ; is beyond , and contrary to , any power that they can pretend to for the making by-laws : which can be only for the benefit of the city . but , in truth it will appear , that common-councils after this solemn declaration of the sense of the city , only took care to inforce the substance of what was then enacted ; expressing what shall be adjudged sufficiency ; and making other penalties more likely to be effectual , than the bugbear of disfranchisement , can be with a wealthy citizen , who is above his trade , or any need of the privileges of the city . wherefore the common-council , 19 h. 8. having alter'd the day of election to a more convenient day than the feast of st. matthew ; which was too near the day on which sheriffs were to be presented at the exchequer , making almost the same recital with the act 24 e. 3. provides , that if the person chosen shall make default , he shall pay 200 l. to the vse of the commonalty of the city ; 100 l. of which shall be given to him who next serves thro his default . but expresly declares , that every person so making default , at all times be eligible unto the said room and office of sheriffwick ; the said former act , or any ☞ thing therein contained to the contrary , [ or the paiment of the said 200 l. for such default , notwithstanding ] . thus the by-laws in this matter stood , till 13 eliz. when an order of common-council was made , expresly affirming , or confirming , all former acts of common-council , and decrees of court , herein . where decrees of court may well be taken to include the decrees of the common-hall pronounc'd on the hustings ; and consequently that 24 e. 3. as to the requiring persons chosen to hold , without any excuce but insufficiency , stands affirm'd 13 eliz. that of the 13 th of eliz. continued the same penalty as 19 h. 8. but made nothing under 2000 l. to be a sufficient qualification : yet that , as well as the order 19 h. 8. stood in need of some amendment . wherefore 34 eliz. it was prudently provided , 1. that the day of election being within too few days of the time for presenting the sheriffs at the exchequer , should be put back to the 24 th of june . 2. there being no sufficient means of securing the city before-hand , that they might depend on a person 's standing ; a bond was required for that purpose . 3. the penalty proving over-mild , it was rais'd from 200 l. to 400 marks ; and if the person chosen were an alderman , to 600 marks . 4. it was not express'd , 19 h. 8. what estate should qualify a person for the service ; and the qualification required 13 eliz. became insufficient ; wherefore the order , 34 eliz. requir'd 5000 l. upon these accounts it repeal'd all former orders about this matter ; that a more effectual one might take place . but then it must be agreed , that till the 34 th of eliz. there was no manner of colour to imagine , that paying a fine could discharge any man without consent of the common-hall . and as it has appeared already , that 7 car. 1. made no alteration herein , or plac'd any power of discharging or exempting , where it had not been before : neither did that 37 eliz. which that 7 c. 1. transcribes as to this matter . but notwithstanding the requisite alterations made 34 eliz. the expensiveness of shrievalties , and mens backwardness to hold , occasioned the provision , 7 car. 1. which has given ground , tho no true colour , for the present dispute . that act repeals all former acts of common-council : but does not pretend to repeal any act of common-hall . so that all the obligation which lay upon citizens to be concluded by their own consent , publickly , and solemnly declared , 24 e. 3. still remains unshaken . nor does the act , 7 c. 1. repeal former acts of common-council , as too severely keeping men to their duty : but , [ for that the same have not taken so good effect as might be wished ; by reason that the penalties and forfeitures therein contained , have been over-mil'd : and thereby his majesty's services have been in danger of prejudice ; and the good citizens of this city , by reason of the often refusals of the said office of shrievalty , have been much troubled and disquieted . the better to secure good sheriffs , it appoints the day of election to be the 24 th of june . and that no freeman of the said city , so to be chosen or elected as aforesaid , shall be exempted from the execution of the said office of shrievalty , by supposition , or excuce of defect or insufficiency of wealth ; [ except ] he will voluntarily take his corporal oath , before the mayor , and greater part of the aldermen , in open court of lord-mayor , and aldermen for the time being ; that he then is not of the value of ten thousand pounds , &c. now considering how the former provisions were , this is as much as if it said , whereas according to former by-laws , no sufficient person is to be discharged or exempted from holding sheriff ; and what was sufficiency then , is not so now ; but the penalties upon sufficient persons were over-mil'd : therefore every sufficient person chosen shall serve , upoin pain of forfeiting the sum of 600 marks , if an alderman , and 400 l. if a commoner : unless he can swear , as is hereby required . wherefore , according to the plain scope and meaning of this order , and which , indeed , is expressed in that very part which the vindicator uses , no man is to be discharged , or exempted , but for insufficiency in estate . but however that order were ; it is evident , that the act of common-hall , 24 e. 3. is far from being antiquated or repealed : and is of force as to the obligation , which the body of the city laid upon every individual person of the city , and upon all inferiour courts or councils : and if the penalty be duly taken away , that will not weaken the sanction of such a declaratory law. and surely no man can say , that because of this alteration , the exempting or discharging a sufficient person from being sheriff , will not be to the prejudice of less sufficient persons , who shall be oblig'd to serve before their turn : or that it will not tend to the desolation of the city , and to the hazard of its franchises . as i take it , all the citizens are precluded by this act from saying otherwise , than themselves did so long since by their predecessors ; and yet speak in this their standing law. iii. i come now to consider how the custom has been : which , by what has already appeared , could not signify much , if it were contrary to these by-laws ; and yet , as i shall shew , that is quite otherwise than the vindicator would seem to believe . in the * 18 th edw. ii. one john causton had been chosen sheriff at the usual time , he not appearing ‖ whether upon personal notice by order of the common-hall , or upon a proclamation , is uncertain ; the aldermen and commons were summon'd to be at guildhall the michaelmas day next following : on which day causton was * disfranchised , and put out of his aldermanship . and one alan gill was chosen sheriff , and sworn : afterwards , at the hustings holden on monday next after the feast of simon and jude , causton came and put ‖ himself upon the mercy of the mayor , aldermen [ and commonalty ] and begg'd to be restored to his former estate , proffering to take the shrievalty upon him . the * mayor , aldermen [ and commons ] having the same day consulted together ; and respect being had to the impotency or insufficiency of gill ; causton was admitted to his former state , and sworn sheriff : after which he was accepted , and sworn at westminster . observe , 1. here was a disfranchisement by common hall , before any act of other common council was made in the matter : and indeed , as it will appear , before there was any other common council ; or any authority to make by-laws given or confirmed to the city by any charter . 2. the common hall restores a man who had been disfranchised . 3. it discharges a man who had been actually sworn sheriff . to come to times after the supposed settlement of the present common-council , and of the livery common-hall . in the 18 th hen. 8. one thomas hinde was chosen sheriff by the common hall : he not appearing , his default was recorded ; and the mayor directed the persons that were of the common council of the city , to resort up to their place accustomed , there to hold a common council ; and that all others should abide within the hall. in that common council the ordinance above-mentioned 24 edw. 3. was read , and agreed to be put in execution . hynde not yet appearing ; it was shewn to the commons by the common clerk , in the recorder's absence , that inasmuch as the city was destitute of a sheriff ; and also in consideration , that the day of presenting the sheriff at the exchequer drew near , they should immediately proceed to a new election . then the commons chose simon rice on a saturday . the day for presenting the sheriffs being the next monday , the commons were appointed to meet on the sunday . but rice not being to be found , such persons as were of the common-council were again ordered to resort up to their place accustomed to council ; where it was ordered , that every citizen who had dep●●●ed out of the city since the friday before , should forfeit 20 l. thereupon the commons being ordered to proceed to another election , chose william robins : who appearing before the lord mayor , aldermen , and commons , swore , [ before them all ] that he was not worth 1000 marks ; upon which oath he was immediately clearly dismissed . the commons being again commanded by the mayor to proceed to a new election ; the mayor and aldermen returned to the great chamber ; in whose absence the commons chose mr. william lok : who making humble supplication to the mayor , aldermen [ and commons ] shewed them , that considering his youth and great charges , he was nothing apt nor liable to take the office upon him : which mayor , aldermen [ and commons ] having pity and compassion of the said mr. william lok , upon his said declaration , clearly discharged him for that time , without making of any oath . the commons being commanded to proceed to a new election , the mayor and aldermen withdrew as before , and the commons chose mr. nicholas lamberd , who was sworn sheriff . at this time it is evident , beyond contradiction , that though the lord mayor gave the rule , as chief in the common-hall ; and he , with the common-council in the council-chamber , set the penalty upon absenters ; the discharge of the persons chosen was in the common-hall , and the act of the common hall. within three years after this the authority of the common-hall in this matter , exclusive of all other powers , is asserted in a very remarkable instance . they having chosen sheriff one mr. ralph rowlet , an officer in the royal mint ; the king wrote to the mayor and citizens , shewing that mr. rowlet was occupied in the charge of the mint ; and therefore will'd them , having knowledg of his privilege , no farther to inquiet him , but to proceed to a new choice . whereupon it was ordered , decreed and determined , by the mayor , aldermen , and commons , that the persons there named should repair to the king in the name of the mayor , aldermen , and citizens , in their most humble manner to beseech him , that the liberties , customs and franchises of the city , by his most noble progenitors granted to the same , and by his highness ratified and confirmed , may stand , and be in their strength and virtue , concerning the said ralph rowlet ; that he may take upon him the said room of sheriffwick , according to the effect of the same . the persons so deputed having attended the king , returned with a second letter ; directed , to our trusty and right well beloved the mayor of our city of london ; and our trusty and well beloved the aldermen , citizens , and commons of the same . wherein , as he says , tendering the entire conservation , and maintenance , of the liberties and privileges of the city ; and seeing that his learned councel were absent ; for which cause he was in suspence and doubt , whether his letters patent to rowlet were of such force , that by virtue of the same he ought to be discharged ; he desires them to proceed to the election of some other person , [ so to discharge ] the said ralph rowlet : not in contemplation of the said letters patent , but of those presents , being only of request . whereupon it was agreed , by the said mayor , and aldermen , that a common-council should be warned against the vigil of st. michael the arch-angel , concerning the same : and [ to their advyses ] in the premises . the common-council meeting , it was then and there agreed , according to the tenor , and effect , of the said letter . it must be own'd , that in the entries of the common-council there are these words ; it is agreed , that the said ralph rowlet shall be discharged of the said office for this time only : and that thereupon the commons proceed to a new election . where they do not pretend actually to discharge him , but agree that he shall be discharged : which shews , that the discharge was to be in the place where another was to be chosen : and they only advised this , or recommended it , to the common-hall . that this was only by way of advice appears farther ; not only by the declared end for which they were summon'd ; but by what follows the former part of the journal ; which , after mentioning what was done in common-council , has these words ; and then immediately , the said letter was openly read in the guild-hall aforesaid , [ to all the commons in their liveries , then and there assembled . ] and in like manner were agreed , in manner and form as the said common-council had agreed and granted . and thereupon , the said mayor , aldermen , and commons , by one assent , and consent , proceeded to the election of a new sheriff , in the stead and place of the said mr. rowlet . here 't is observable , 1. that it was held and declared , whether by the common-hall , or ordinary common-council , it matters not ; that the king's prerogative to require the service of his subjects , could not defeat the right of the city , to employ its citizens : tho' the king had exercised his prerogative , before the city had applied that right to the particular person . 2. that the king did not think it in the power of the mayor , and aldermen , or any other body of men , without the commons , to discharge the person chosen . 3. that he suppos'd the choice of another person , to amount to the discharge of the first . 4. that tho' the common-council among themselves agree , that the person shall be discharged ; they did not insist upon this order or vote , as conclusive to the common-hall . but caus'd the king's letter to be read in common-hall . where all agreed in manner and form as the common-council had done before : that is , they agreed to discharge the party . so that the agreement of the common-council was but matter of advice , or a probationary order ; which wanted the placet , or fiat , of the commons . the next case which i find to this point , is that of richmond , 33 h. viii . in which , as i am informed , the asserters of the authority of the common-council much triumph : and yet it will prove to have been the effect of a strong prepossession ; or of not attending to those governing passages and expressions , which will fully explain what may seem doubtful in this , or other entries of the like kind . richmond having been chosen by the common-hall , and his election certified to the mayor , and aldermen , in the utter chamber of guild-hall ; the mayor , and aldermen , are there said lovingly to have confirmed and allowed the same . after this , the lord-mayor , and his brethren the aldermen , returning [ into the hall ] richmond came up unto the lord-mayor , and his brethren the aldermen , and [ then ] and [ there ] made right humble and hearty suit , petition , and request , both [ unto them ] and [ unto the whole commons there present ] that , forasmuch as he had not sufficient estate , it might please [ them all ] to be so good lord and maisters unto him , and to discharge him thereof again . notwithstanding his allegations and reasons for his excuse and discharge , because it seemed [ unto them ] that he was a man very meet and hable for the same , his said petition and request would not , nor was not granted unto him . he proffer'd his oath , that he was not worth 1000 marks : but the mayor , aldermen , and council of the city answer'd , that such oath was not sufficient without six vouchers , according to the late act of common-council . however , he swore to his insufficiency , before the mayor , aldermen , and [ commons ; ] whereupon , forasmuch as his own othe did not discharge him , according to the laws and usages of the said city , of and from the said office ; but that he stood still , and remained chargeable to the same , and expresly refused , and denied there openly to take it upon him , and to meddle withal ; he was sent to ward for his disobedience , and obstinacy , by the whole court [ and consent of the commons ] there assembled . after this , he was several times brought in custody before the mayor , and aldermen , and as often remanded ; till at last he agreed to pay 200 l. to the use of the city , for his discharge ; and gave bond for the money . thereupon he was discharged from his imprisonment . then the mayor , aldermen , common-council , and [ other the commoners assembled at guild-hall , for the discharging of the said richmond ] of and from the said office , and for the election of another . whereupon , great part of the premises , and the circumstances of the same , by mr. recorder , first to the common-council , and afterwards [ to the commons aforesaid ] [ then ] and [ there ] being substantially , discreetly , and prudently , published and declared [ at length ] the same mr. richmond was [ then ] and [ there ] by the said mayor , aldermen , and [ common-counsail there holden ] clearly discharged for that time only , of and from the said office , for his said fine . here they will take no notice of what was transacted in the first common-hall ; where richmond petition'd [ the whole commons ] as well as the mayor , and aldermen , for a discharge , which he could not then obtain ; and further , the commons agreed , that he should be committed to prison : wherein they , with the mayor and aldermen , acted as a court of justice , and common-council . if the council of the city , which urg'd an act of common-council , were the common-council it self ; then it is evident , that they acted there but as of counsel or advice to the common-hall ; in which that entry places the authority of discharging . if they were the cities counsel at law who mention'd this ; then the common-council had no share in any part of that transaction , otherwise than as part of the common-council in common-hall assembled , who consented to the committing richmond . still some will hang upon that part of the entry concerning the second common-hall , where richmond is said to be discharged by the said common-counsail there holden . when it manifestly was the very same body of men , to whom he petitioned for a discharge , which he could not then obtain ; and by whose consent he was committed to prison for his disobedience and obstinacy . to give colour to their sense , they must have it , that tho' richmond sued to the mayor , aldermen , common-council , and common ; who would not then discharge him ; and tho' , after he had fined all met to discharge him , and chuse another ; yet the commons met only to chuse another ; and the mayor , aldermen , and common-council , to discharge him . and tho' the discharge is plainly shewn to have been in common-hall , where the common-council cannot pretend to act as a council , with authority ; and that [ at length ] after the commons , as well as the common-council , had been applied to by the recorder ; yet they must fansie , that the common-council withdrew out of the common-hall , and went up to the council-chamber , to make a particular order for his discharge . of which there is not the least mention or intimation , in relation to that second common-hall . but , as this is meer imagination , not only without ground , but directly contrary to the careful and solemn entry of the proceedings , from the beginning to the end ; it is evident , that the common-council was but part of the common-counsail , there holden , consisting of mayor , aldermen , common-council , and other commoners . farther yet , if it should appear by other evidences , as i make no doubt but it will , that the commons of the city , with their officers , and council , assembled in their common-hall , or other folk-mote , in their own persons , or by representation ; have , from long before the reputed conquest to this day , been and continued the common-council of the city ; and that the common-hall , wherein richmond was discharged from serving sheriff , was a true representative of all the commons ; it will be certain that all together were properly called a common-counsail . and if the common-hall , as now compos'd , be the same with that which discharg'd richmond ; it will also follow , that the right of discharging belongs to this common-hall : and that it is the true common-counsail , or rather council , of the city . take all the precedents together , as they strengthen and give light to one another ; and , i think , there can be no question , but they will so explain and govern following orders of common-council , that not one of them shall be taken as a precedent to the contrary : unless it can be shewn , that the person discharged by the common-council , has been look'd upon in law as duly discharged ; before the commons have allowed of the discharge , by proceeding to a new choice ; and even tho' they absolutely refus'd to chuse again . however , lest it should be thought , that all the entries since the reign of h. viii . to 7 car. i. ( when the order was made on which the vindicator lays his chief stress ) are on the side of the common-council ; i shall give the words of the journal of the common-hall , 1 eliz. which may govern all the entries to 7 car. i. common hall. in congregatione majoris , aldror ' & communitatis , civitatis lond ' apud cuihalde , xxi die sept ' anno reg ' dnae eliz. dei grat ' ang ' franciae & hiberniae reg ' fidei defensor ' &c. primo . forasmuch , as mr. walter jobson , citizen and cloth-worker of the said city of london , who was lawfully elect and chosen the 11th day of august last past , by the commons of this city , one of the sheriffs of the same city , and of the county of middlesex , for the year next ensuing after the feast of st. michael the arch-angel now next ensuing ; hath since that time signified and given sufficient knowledge unto my said lord-mayor , and aldermen ; that he , by reason of sickness and debility of body , wherewith he a long time hath been and yet is fore vexed , detain'd , and troubled ; as he saith , is not in any wise able , to take upon him the exercice and execution of the same office accordingly . in consideration whereof [ the said commons ] have this day eftsoons assembled for the election of one other able and sufficient person , to bear and exercise the said room and office of shrievalty for the said time , in the stead a●d place of the said mr. jobson ; did this day elect and chuse mr. roger martin , alderman , one of the sheriffs of the said city and county of middlesex , to have , occupy and exercise the said office of shrievalty , from the feast of st. michael the arch-angel now next coming , unto the feast of st. michael the arch-angel then next ensuing , acc●rding to the ancient custom of this city in that behalf . here observe ; 1. that in the first of eliz. the common-hall was a court which kept the journals of its proceedings . 2. that the matter of which the mayor and aldermen had taken cognizance , was not within any by-law : so that they could not pretend to any authority to discharge . nor is it said that the party was discharged , tho' they were satisfied that he was not able to hold . wherefore this matter represented to the common-hall , could be no more than as the opinion , and advice , of the mayor and aldermen . 3. accordingly , the common-hall takes the matter into consideration : for they , being assembled for the election of another , did elect , in consideration of the matter represented to them in common-hall . 4. to put this matter beyond controversie , it is observable , that no common-council was held upon this occasion ; and there is no colour of authority , or ancient usage pretended , for the mayor and aldermen to discharge without the consent of the common-council . therefore mr. jobson must have been discharged by the common-hall , or otherwise he continued sheriff ; which , 't is certain he did not . 5. no other discharge of the party is mentioned , or implied , than the common-hall's proceeding to a new choice . and if in any following instances they have proceeded to new elections , upon such inducements as they had at the respective times , whether upon taking fines , or otherwise , the entries of clerks can be no prejudice to their right so manifest upon many entries in the common-hall journals . according to what is said in slade's * case , the returns of sheriffs , or entries of clerks , without challenge of the party , or consideration of the court , being contrary to common law , and reason , are not allowable . and therefore , whatever may have been entred in the books of the common-council , it shall not be suppos'd that the common-hall ever admitted any man to have been discharg'd , till they had actually consented to it ; or did it virtually , in chusing another in his stead . and the same may be applied to exemptions , of which i will admit there are some instances to be found in the books of the common-council . 4 th . that no man was ever duly discharged or exempted , till there was the consent of the common-hall , may sufficiently appear by what i have shewn of the by-laws and custom in this matter . and yet if both favour'd the mayor , aldermen , and common-council , i shall make it evident , that they would be void in law. to which purpose i shall shew , 1. that the exempting a person from being chosen sheriff within the city of london , and the discharging or amoving one chosen , is contrary to the common-law right of the electors . 2. that it is contrary to their charters , confirm'd by parliaments . 3. that magna charta , and other acts of parliament , declaratory of the common-law , have so vested the exemption and discharge in the electors ; that if their free consent out of parliament might divest them of it ; for certain nothing less can . 4. that they have never parted with , or quitted it : yet if they had , are restor'd to their right by his present majesty's gracious act of restitution . a canon of waltham having , in the reign of h. 6. been arrested by a serjeant of the city , in the close of st. martin le grand ; the legality of it coming in question , because of the pretended privilege of that place , granted by w. 1. there called conqueror . the mayor , and citizens justify , and say , all the close is and ought to be , and of all time beyond memory of man was , of and in the liberty and jurisdiction of the said city : for the verifying which they say and shew , divers reasons and evidences . first , they say , that the said city is , and beyond memory of man was , the capital city of the whole kingdom of england , before the rest of the cities and towns of the same , adorn'd as well with honours , as liberties ; and very many free customs of divers kinds : for it was founded of old by the famous progenitors of our lord the king that now is , after the likeness , and manner , and in memory of antient troy the great : and from hence was long called trinovant . which city , in the time of st. edward , king and confessor , and [ of all time before ] was of it self , and in it self [ one sole and entire county ] , and one sole and entire jurisdiction and liberty , [ held at farm by the said citizens and their predecessors ] of the said king and his predecessors . and the same citizens then , and from all the time aforesaid , by reason of their said jurisdiction and liberty , have among other , such liberties and free customs : to wit , to chuse and make of themselves , every year , certain principal officers in the said ●●●y , who may faithfully answer the king of the said farm , and immediately under him , the people of the said city , and others resorting to the same , in peace and justice according to its antient laws and customs , to rule . and also they could , ought , and for all the times aforesaid , us'd to make other ministers under them , in aid of the sustaining and 〈◊〉 ●●ising the premisses : so that all the said time , no summons , attachment , distress , or execution , ought , or us'd to be made , in the place where the said close now is , nor elsewhere in any part of the city ; unless by the officers and ministers aforesaid , except on their failure . and they say , that the said lord william the conqueror , before the foundation of the church aforesaid , and the making the said charter , of which before was mention , by the authority of his parliament ; and by two charters which the said mayor and city here proffer : to wit , by one of them demised to the citizens of london , the whole said city and county , with all its appendences , things , and customs , to them in any manner appertaining . and by the other he granted , and by the authority aforesaid confirm'd , to the same citizens , and their successors , that they should have the said , and all other their liberties and free customs unhurt , which they had in the time of the said holy king edward his progenitor : and that they should peaceably use and enjoy them , &c. and , speaking of other kings , his successors , which kings severally , some by their charters , and some by their charters and the authority of divers their parliaments , granted and confirmed , to the said citizens and their successors , all the said city and county , with all the rights , jurisdictions , liberties , and free customs before-mentioned , with their appurtenances whatsoever [ in fee farm ] . indeed , i find no judgment upon this , but it seems the plea quieted the dispute . that the plea was rightly founded , may appear from two considerable authorities , not to name more . 1. the * confessor's law ( received and sworn to by wil. 1. more than once ) out of which the passage concerning the antiquity of the city , and its being founded in imitation and in memory of old troy , is transcribed : that law derives the city's laws , rights , liberties , and royal customs , from its first foundation ; and says it has preserved them with an entire inviolability ; and consequently affirms those laws , rights , liberties , and royal customs , to have been at common law before any charter . a † charter passed in parliament 1 e. 3. and at the request of the city , express'd by the recorder , ‖ enrolled in the king's-bench soon after . this charter , mentioning the great charter's confirmation of all the city's antient liberties and customs , adds , that at the making of that charter , and in the times of edward king and confessor , and of william the conqueror , and other e. 3 d's progenitors , the said citizens had divers liberties and customs , as well by charters of kings , as without , of antient custom : where the custom is laid from before the reputed conquest . and thus their plea above , which i find likewise pleaded or prepared , * 25 h. 8. is in effect warranted by act of parliament . it appears that the charter to st. martins , which occasioned this plea , was granted 2 will. 1. and that in parliament , for it was at the queen●s coronation , which , as appears ‖ by the old rituals and histories , could not then be without the consent of the states : though in the charter to be seen in the tower by inspeximus , there are words exempting the place from all secular jurisdiction ; yet the whole county of london being the city's farm , jurisdiction in every part of it was such an incident as could not be taken away by general words in an act of parliament : according to a case , * 2 e. 3. wherein it was adjudged , that though the stat. of westminster gave an attaint against a jury for a false verdict ; an attaint would not lie upon a verdict in the city of london , because of the credit the oaths of a city-jury had by prescription before the statute . since therefore the county of london is the city's farm , and of such a nature , that what belongs to the farm is not separable by the general words of an act of parliament ; neither will the discharging the sheriffs otherwise than at the pleasure of the electors , that is , of the city duly represented , at least for that purpose , be to be taken from the electors by a less authority than a parliament : and if a parliament cannot do it by general or doubtful words , much less can any others . but to evince that the discharging or amoving is incident to the right of the election , i must observe , that in other counties , which are not of fee , though the choice of sheriffs was at common law in the freeholders of the counties , yet the sheriffs had their commissions and authority from the king. and as they have their several bailywicks under them , they were and are the king's bailiffs of the whole county ; which in many records is stiled their † balliva or bailywick . and though ordinarily the king constitutes them his bailiffs for a year , they at common law were amoveable at his pleasure . but as the county of london is the city's farm , it is the sheriff's bailywick under the city , whose election and confirmation constitutes him sheriff , without any commission from the king. and because the city is answerable to the king , if the sheriff be not able , ( though not for his crimes , which several charters provide against ) the sheriffs used antiently to find ‖ sureties to indempnify the city . the sheriffs therefore being but bailiffs to the electors , in the nature of the thing , are amoveable or dischargeable by them ; and consequently by them only : unless we suppose two supreme powers within the city ; which , according to * grotius's argument against the plurality of gods , are absolutely inconsistent . 2. if there were any question , whether the discharging sheriffs at common law belongs to the electors ; charters confirm'd by parliament put it beyond dispute . in a charter † 1 joh. after the confirmation of the sherifwick of london and middlesex , with all the customs and things to the sherifwick belonging , at the rent of 300 l. per annum , with a special saving to the citizens of london of all their liberties and free customs ; it adds , moreover , we have granted to the citizens of london , that they from among themselves may make sheriffs whom they will , and amove them when they will. this is not only confirm'd in general by that king 's great charter at * runny-mead , or redden-mead , and by h. third 's great charter , under the cities liberties , and free customs ; but by the express words of a charter , 11 h. iii. and by two acts of parliament at the least ; one 1 , the other 7 of r. ii. in the first of which this is preserv'd , ‖ among other rights , tho' not us'd : and in the later , tho' not us'd , or abus'd . and all of them are repeated and confirm'd † , 2 e. iv. and that of 7 r. ii. is exemplified under the broad-seal * , 8 j. i. it is observable , that the managing part of the city took care to leave the parliamentary confirmations of this , and other clauses ; which , possibly , they thought too much to favour the commonalty , out of the confirmation of their charter , 16 c. ii. however , the acts of parliament stood in no need of confirmation ; and the late exemplification , of the most considerable of them , confirming the rest , removes the pretence of their being antiquated , or lost , by any supposed disuse . and , besides what i have mentioned , according to the cities plea to the quo warranto in michaelmas-term , 1681. the entire benefit of these charters , in this point , was confirm'd , 5 h. viii . 2 e. vi. 1 mar. 4 eliz. 6. j. i. 14 c. i. to which , not to mention others , i may add the statute , ‖ 7 h. iv. which , after providing that holy church , the lords-spiritual , and temporal , and all the cities and burghs , have , and enjoy , all their liberties and franchises before that time granted ; adds , and that the great charter , and the charter of the forest , and all the ordinances and statutes made in the time of our sovereign lord the king , and in the time of his progenitors , [ not repealed ] be firmly holden and kept , and duly executed , in all points . it may be material here , to shew how the law , as to the cities liberty and franchise , for the chusing and amoving sheriffs , was taken in the next reign after the making that statute . in the 6th of h v. a sheriff dying in his shrievalty , the mayor , aldermen , and the more sufficient of the commons , that is , as will afterwards appear , the livery-men , were summon'd † before the king in council , to shew their right to chuse , upon the death of a sheriff . they appearing , answer by the recorder , that , ‖ among other , the libertus granted to the citizens of london , and ratified in divers parliaments , it is con●●i●ed , that the citizens of london may make sheriffs of themselves , as often as they will , and amove them when they will. by reason of which liberty they say that often hitherto , after they have chosen sheriffs from among themselves , who have behaved themselves ill , or died , as it now happened , they have chosen others in their stead . this plea was then allowed by the counsel , or before the king in council , where such matters us'd to be determin'd . and it was said to the mayor and commons , that they should use as they had done hitherto . where the chusers and amovers are agreed to be the same : and that these were the mayor and aldermen , with the more sufficient of the commons . and , if it will appear , that these were the livery-men ; here is a judgment of that time , that , according to the charters confirm'd by acts of parliament , the chusing , and amoving , or discharging of sheriffs , belongs to the livery-men , and , consequently , to none besides . if the above-mentioned charters and acts of parliament , in affirmance , as i have shewn , of the common-law , are not enough to preserve the cities right of amoving , or discharging sheriffs , as well as chusing them ; and if they may not chuse persons exempted by order of a common-council , as well as others ; it is in vain to talk of such a thing as legal rights : for none can be more firmly and plainly established . if it be said , that the city has this , but not the citizens which meet in common-hall : it may as well be said , that they are not the electors in any case ; for whoever are , by law , the electors , have right to disallow exemptions by others , even by the king himself , as in rowlet's case ; and to amove , or discharge , in as full a manner as they have the chusing . farther yet , whatever is inconsistent with an undoubted right , is absolutely void ; but for the common-council to discharge a person whom the common-hall and they themselves as part did chuse by an undoubted right , is inconsistent , as it makes the right useless ; and therefore such a discharge must be void . and the same will hold against exemptions ; and indeed , if others may exempt , they cannot chuse whom they will. in either case they are defeated of what the common-law and charters , confirmed in parliament , vested in ' em . 3. since therefore , they remain the electors , it will be a great question , whether they could barr themselves , or succeeding common-halls , from a right so incident , and annexed to the election , as the amoving , or discharging , a person chosen sheriff ; or exempting persons being chosen ; according to the notion of sir robert filmer , and others , of supreme power ( in which they mistake only for want of observing how the power , which is in its nature indivisible , is seated , and enjoyed . ) to this matter i may well apply what that great man , the late earl of clarendon , says of the supposition , that our ancestors had absolutely submitted to the will of a conqueror . if it * can be supposed , that any nation can concur in such a designation , and devesting themselves of all their right , and liberty ; it could only be , in reason , obligatory to the present contractors : nor does it appear to us , that their posterity must be bound by so unthrifty a concession of their parents . to which i may add that of ‖ grotius ; no man can oblige himself by way of law , that is as a superior : and hence it is , that the authors of laws have right to change their laws ; yet any body may be oblig'd by his own law ; not directly , but by consequence , ( that is to say ) as he is a part of the community ; according to natural equity , which requires that parts should be compos'd with respect to the whole . but here the electors stand in the place of the whole body of citizens , and therefore might at any time re-assume the right which belongs to them as electors . however , that they shall not be thought to have parted with it by implication , in suffering a common-council to act as if the sole authority in this matter rested in them ; tho' for a longer time than can be pretended here , may , besides the reason of the thing , appear : 1. from observing some parallel cases . 2. from the resolution of judges , directly in this point . first , i may observe some cases , of many , wherein a greater length of time than is supposed here , can take away no right . 1. discontinuance of part of the services , belonging to tenure , when the lord of a mannor has been possessed of other part , or at least of the principal ; as in bevil's case . according to which , possession of the right of chusing carries with it the incidental right , of exempting and amoving , or , discharging . 2. where a custom which has long obtain'd , is contrary to the common-law right , confirm'd by magna charta , of a considerable body of men. thus from the precedent in the case of the earl of warwick , 14 or 15 h. vii . a custom and suppos'd prerogative had obtain'd , for the king to name a select number of peers to try any one of them for his life . and this is supported not only by the opinion of the lord coke , but by the year-book , 1 h. iv. where there is a formal account of the trial of an earl of h. in such manner , at that time . when it appears by the summons to parliaments at that time , that there was no other earl of h. besides the earl of huntington : and the record * of 2 h. iv. shews , that he being taken in open rebellion , was executed by the people without any legal process . this , and other evidences of the right of the lords to fair trials , having been communicated to several of them , occasioned their resolution , jan. 14. 1689. that it is the ancient right of the peers of england to be try'd only in full parliament , for capital offences . which they explained three days after , excepting appeals for murther , or other felony . which resolution was 189 years since the precedent to the contrary , which had been followed ever since to that day . 3. it is to be consider'd , that the right here in question , is a right belonging to the citizens of london by prescription , confirm'd by charters and acts of parliament : and a right , which , as has appear'd above , the present representatives of the citizens , for the election of sheriffs , were possess'd of in the reign of h. viii . if not as late as 1 eliz. but if the custom ever since , or for a much longer time , had placed the exemption and discharge in others ; such a custom could not destroy the cities prescriptional right : for tho' interruption may destroy the prescriptional rights of particular persons , it shall not such rights of cities and boroughs , as may be regularly exercised without confusion . accordingly , tho' some ‖ boroughs never sent burgesses to parliament above once , twice , or thrice , in one or two , and some not in three hundred years , they , in pursuance of several votes of the house of commons , from the 18th of j. i. downwards , have been restored and remitted to their antient right : as (b) agmondesham , st. albans , alverton , alias allerton , andover , (c) asperton , beverley , botolph , dunster , fawy , gatton , herewich , honyton , lancaster , leychesfeld , lee , (d) malton , marlaw magna , okhampton , oreford , (e) pontefract , preston , richmond , seaford , web●eley , wendover , wych . i shall take leave to observe what is cited upon this occasion , in one of the reports of the ●ommittee of privileges , an. 1628. from hankford , 11 h. 4. the long discontinuance might come from poverty , or the nescience or neglect of the sheriff . tho for certain , in so long a succession of parliaments , these burroughs had sufficient opportunities of freeing themselves from any prejudice which might arise from such ●●science , or neglect ; and by so long a sufferance , seem to have given up their right : yet it appears to be a right of such a nature , as is assumable whenever they are in a condition to exercise it . for evidence of which , i take leave to add a farther instance , that no discontinuance , tho for several hundreds of years , shall destroy such a right . which is the case of st. edmond's bury in suffolk . this by king * cnute's charter , confirm'd by † edward the confessor , and afterwards by w. 1. and ( whatever some talk of the publishing his laws in french ) according to the usage of his and former times ‖ published or proclaimed m●re than once , in the sax●n tongue ; appears to have been a burrough , from the time of k. edmond , who died about 800 years since , and yet but one precept can be found for this burrough to send members to parliament till within late days : and that single precept was as early as 30 edw. 1. nor was there any return upon it . but this appearing to have been an antient burrough ; the right of being represented in parliament was such an incident , as no discontinuance could sever . 4. nothing appears to the contrary , but that from the time that this common-council receiv'd its settlement , whenever that was , they have been chosen by the inhabitants in the several wards , free and unfree : tho directly contrary to the charters , which place the rights of the ●ity in the freemen . and thus it continued , till the mayoralty of that prudent magistrate , sir thomas stamp : when it was declared , that it is , and antiently hath been , the right and privilege of the freemen of the said city only , being housholders , paying scot and bearing lot , and or none other whatsoe●er , in their several and respective wards , from time to time , as often as there was or should be occasion ▪ to nominate aldermen , and elect common-council-men , for the same respective wards . there is not in that act the least intimation , that there ever was a custom for the freemen to chuse , exclusive of all others : and yet the sense of the common-council was , that such right remained , notwithstanding the long disuse , and the usurpation of foreigners , with the permission of the freemen . 2. among resolutions of judges , directly to the present point , i may very well use that which is cited on the other side , 40 & 41 eliz. according to which , it is to be presum'd , that common assent has placed the elections of sheriffs in the livery-men : but the claim or exercice of authority to discharge or exempt a person chosen , can have no foundation in law , unless transferred from the electors to others , by the express common assent of the electors , or at least such as is presumable to have been very long since given : for which presumption , i challenge any man to shew the least ground . but there is another resolution of judges of yet greater authority ; that 40 and 41 eliz. being extrajudicial upon a case put at serjeants-inn . whereas i shall shew a formal judgment , that common assent , to be of any force in such case , ought to be express , and not by implication . the judgment follows in these words : 3 d. it was agreed by coke , chief justice , and the whole court , in this case of colchester , concerning their corporation , that if there be a popular election of the mayor , and aldermen , in corporate towns , and this happens to breed confusion amongst 'em , this may be altered by their agreement , and by the common assent of all , to have their elections by a fewer number ; but not otherwise . but if by their charter they are to be elected by them all : then this is not to be altered , but by and with the general assent of the whole town , and so by this means to take away confusion . this is so plain , that it needs no comment , only that it must not be objected , that this speaks only of elections , not the discharging of persons chosen , or any other incident . for if even in the case of elections , where there is a necessity to restrain the numbers of electors , to avoid confusion ; this restraint will not bind without a general assent ; much less can it be pretended , that where elections can be , and are , duly made , it shall be in the power of others to defeat or vacate the election ; and put the electors in danger of wanting sufficient men to serve , or of confusion by elections often repeated : when the power of doing this was never parted with in express terms , or so much as by implication . 4. but that the common-hall have never parted with this ; or if they had , are restored to it , may very easily appear , if we consider , 1. that the right of chusing what qualified persons they please , or amoving or discharging 'em at pleasure , is not only vested in 'em by common law , confirmed by charters , and acts of parliament ; but has been exercised by the common-hall , not only before the supposed settlement of the present common-council , and the livery common-hall , but after ; and that in instances very remarkable , and fully expressive of their authority . and if there had been any discontinuance , their adhering to their choice of sir christopher lethieulier , and sir john houblon , and obliging them to hold , after they had fined ; according to a known term in law , would work a remitter , by which they would be restor'd to their best right , which is so favour'd in law , that if one who has been disseis'd of land , enter under a lease from the disseisor ; he shall be adjudg'd to be in possession upon his former right . 2. that whereas the vindicator will have a supposed custom for the mayor , aldermen , and common-council , to discharge , or exempt , to have been confirmed by the late act , restoring the city charter ; it restores to the mayor , commonalty , and citizens , all their rights , [ which they lawfully had ] at the recording or giving the judgment : but surely a custom of so late days as this is , take it with the greatest colour of pretension , ( especially when the custom is of such a nature , that whatever entries may have been in the books of the common-council , the common-hall's unanimous choice of any other person , may be well taken to have been the only legal discharge ; as it plainly was so late as 1 eliz. ) cannot come within the meaning of those words ; and that to the prejudice of a right which magna charta , and so many other charters and statutes ; and some of them not very antient , have vested in the electors . wherefore the lawful custom in this matter , used by the common-hall , from the beginning , till within the time of queen elizabeth , and of which they were possess'd at the making the statute , 2 w. & m. is indisputably restored and confirmed by that statute . and if all this cannot fix a right in the common-hall , i must needs think the rights of english-men very precarious . which leads me to the higher controversy ; where the vindicator supposes , that if there has been no former by-law or practice , directly in this point ; yet the common-council may exercise such a power , by a right inherent in them , as the city's legislators , who were not only prior in time to the livery common-hall , but gave being to 'em in the time of e. 4. and can controul their acts. not here to insist upon the plain consequence of these assertions , that if what the vindicator holds be true , the common-council may not only place elections of sheriffs in themselves , but of all other officers , and even of members of parliament , and common-council men ; and make themselves a body of perpetual continuance , supplying vacancies by the choice of the survivers ; and so by one single act of a common-council overthrow all the rights of the city ; to leave this reflection to be improv'd by others . i shall prove , that the present common-hall is by law chiefly entrusted with executing the powers given by common law , and charters confirmed by divers parliaments , to the body of freemen : where i shall shew , 1. that the rights and liberties of the city rested in the whole body of the freemen : and the whole body of them have regularly voted in making laws , for the benefit and government of the city , before they had any charters , and since . 2. that whoever are legally possess'd of the publick common-hall , are intituled to all the authority which the whole body ever had : especially in those matters wherein the present possessors exercise authority : and that the livery-men have this right . 3. that a representation of the commons , by the mysteries , was settled in the council-chamber , with authority to make by-laws , before any common-council of the present form had such authority . and , however , that the authority of that council was soon taken away by act of common-hall ; and lodg'd for some time in the representation by the mysteries . 4. that whoever are intituled to the council-chamber ; that council is a meer creature and committee of the common-hall , by it entrusted with the dispatch of some things ; and for preparing others for its ease . and whatever power they have about circumstances , cannot by their act deprive the common-hall of any right . 5. that there is no colour to believe , that the common-hall , as now compos'd , received its being or authority from such common-council as now acts : or from any thing but the general consent of the freemen , express'd in some act of common-hall , before the time of e. 4. or imply'd in the long submission of the rest of the freemen , before that time , or since . ( 1. ) as i before observ'd , the confessor's law derives the city's laws , rights , dignities , and royal customs , from its first foundation . i may add , that it says , in every county there ought to be a (a) folkmote on the first of the kalends of october , there to provide who shall be sheriff , and who shall be their (b) heretochs : and there to hear their just precepts , by the counsel and assent of the peers , and [ judgment of the folkmote ] . that london had such a folkmote , and the judgment of that folkmote extended to the making by-laws , before the time of the confessor , appears by the following instance . in the time of king (c) athelstan , above 120 years before the reputed conquest , laws had been made at gratelie , exeter , and winresfeld ; or rather the laws made at gratelie , were ratified at the two other places ; all the wise men not being able to meet at the first . these laws are not only received by the earls , or rather companions , and townsmen , or citizens of london ; but they make considerable additions to them for the good of the city . (d) their act or judgment is called the constitution , (e) which the bishops , and head-boroughs , who belong to the court of london , have made or published : and which the earls , or rather companions , or companies , and townsmen , have confirm'd by oath in their free-gild . there , among other things , they provide , that no thief above 12 years old , found guilty by inquisition , or upon trial , shall be spared . and that (f) he who was rob'd , having receiv'd his capital or principal , the king should have half ; the society should share the rest with the lord , of whom he held book-land , or bishops-land . it provides (g) for a common stock for the good of all : and that all in common shall inquire into the disposal of it . it settles (h) decennaries , or tythings : and that there shall be one over 'em , who shall summon them for their common profit ; and take an account what they send , (i) when they are to contribute , or be taxed ; and what , (k) when they receive money , by order of all the citizens , upon their treating together . with other particulars , which i need not mention ; this being enough to shew their authority at common law , before the reputed conquest . (l) then , which was above 750 years since , they had their guildhall ; and , as the * confessor's law shews , their court of the hustings ; which in that law is spoken of as an antient court : and all things of moment seem to have been transacted there ; till the numbers of freemen so encreased , that they could not all meet in the hall , but were forc'd to keep their folkmotes in the open air at st. paul's cross ; where was a very wide field before there were buildings to the water-side . i shall not detain the reader with the many presidents of their assemblies there upon all emergent occasions ; but must observe , that as late as † 19 e. 2. they prescribed to a right of holding assemblies there . i shall give but one instance , how early the aldermen , with those who called themselves the more discreet of the city , would have usurp'd upon the rights of the commons in their guildhall , or folkmote in the open air. at the end of h. 3 's reign , the citizens , according to custom , had met in guildhall for the election of a mayor : the aldermen and more discreet of the city would have chosen philip the taylor ; the commonalty contradicted it with great noise , and chose one hervey , and placed him in the chair . upon this the aldermen and their party complain to the king , that they were over-run by the commonalty . the people follow'd them with great noise , to the disturbance of the king , who lay upon his death-bed ; and cried , that they were the commons , and to them belong'd the election of a mayor . the others said , they were the head , and the people but the members : the king's council put them off till next day , and bid hervey not to come to court with more than ten in his company : however he summoned all the citizens , except those who adhered to the aldermen : and next day a vast number of horse and foot came to westminster . the king's council finding they could not agree , threatned to amove hervey , and put a custos over them . to avoid which they agreed , that five should be chosen of each side to settle who should be mayor . however , this being in diminution of the right of the commons , took no effect . h. 3. dying , the archbishop , the earl of glocester , and others of the nobility , came into the city , where they caused e. 1. to be proclaimed king ; and then went into guildhall , where a common hall was then assembled ; and enquiring about the business of the mayor , the aldermen told them , the matter was left to arbitration . the earl of glocester not valuing this , bids them hold a folkmote the next day at st. paul's cross ; and he should be the mayor to whose election the major part of the city should assent . the great men going into the church with the aldermen , perswaded them to yield : upon which hervey was declared mayor before all the people . and thus were they in full possession of their right , 1 e. 1. that this people who had the right to carry elections and other matters in guild-hall , or their folkmote in the open air , were the freemen , appears by the words of some of their charters declaratory of their antient right . many of which are granted to the citizens , which the charter pass'd in parliament 1 e. 3. explains , of freemen of the city ; where it provides , that they shall not be impleaded or troubled at the exchequer , or elsewhere , by bill , except it be by those things which touch the king and his heirs . and how careful the city has been to keep foreigners from partaking in the privileges of freemen , appears from the act of common-hall , return'd under the common seal into parliament , * 12 e. 2. and there confirmed ; whereby it is provided , that if foreigners be of any mystery , they shall not be admitted into the liberty of the city without sureties of six honest men of the mystery , for their indempnifying the city : and if † they be of no mystery , they shall not be admitted without the assent of the commonalty of the city . that the freemen of the mysteries had their several gilds or halls , where the society or fraternity met , not to mention more authorities , appears by a charter of ‖ e. 3. reciting one of e. 1. which recites h. 2 d's granting to the weavers of london their gild , to hold in london , with all liberties and customs which they had in the time of henry his grandfather , which was h. 1. * and that no man , unless by them , should within the city meddle with their ministry , unless he be in their gild. as therefore the gild was that company , or the hall where the men of that mystery met ; the common guildhall was where all the mysteries or companies met . ( 2. ) that whosoever are legally entituled to the common hall are entituled to all the authority which the whole body ever had , especially in those things wherein the present possessors exercise any authority ; though they are not the whole body of men who used to assemble , as long as they are a large part of that body , may appear . 1. in that the folkmote in the open air , and that in guildhall , were antiently taken to be of the same nature . accordingly , i find † a writ to the mayor , sheriffs , and whole commonalty of the city , requiring them to swear allegiance in their hustings , or at paul's cross . 2. guildhall has , time out of mind , been the * common-hall of the citizens ; and the assemblies there have of all times , before ‖ the first supposed settlement of the livery common-hall , and since † , been accounted the assembly of all the commonalty , as some entries have it ; of all the city , as others . and if the whole city can regularly act together , it is absurd to imagine , that its acts can be controled by a small part of the great body . 3. the chief power of making by-laws for the benefit of a city , or burrough , is an incident to the having a gild , or common-hall . accordingly in the * reign of h. 2. the archbishop of york , by the counsel of his barons , granted to the men of beverlay in yorkshire † their hanse ; that there they may treat of their statutes for the honour of god and st. john , and the canons , and for the bettering the whole town ; with the same kind of liberty as they of york have in their hanse . h. 2. ‖ confirming this , grants to the men of beverlay free burgage , according to the free laws and customs of the burgesses of york , and their gild of merchants . so that gild is the same with hanse ; and hanse , as bertius * tells us , in the old german tongue signifies a league or council . according to this , in a case which i shall have another occasion to mention , the turning out of the council of the citizens was the turning out of the gild , and that was plainly a disfranchisement . 4 such of the commons as have from time to time assembled in the common-hall , have , with others , been a true common-council of the city , and acted as such since their numbers have been restrained , as well as before . it must be observed , that the city had , or made , a common-council before any such restraint ; which is plainly intimated in magna charta , † 17 of k. john : which mentioning a common-council of the kingdom ( whether only for aids belonging to tenure of the crown , or such a common-council as the cities , boroughs and villages were at in person or by representation , which d. ‖ brady at last yields , need not here be determined ) adds , in like manner let it be concerning the city of london , that is , that the cities aids shall be taxed in its common-council . * sutably to this , 11 h. 3. a tallage was assessed in the city , by the will of all the barons or citizens . and thus the commonalty of london , in the time of † edw. 1. plead that the citizens , and their heirs and successors may , for the necessity or profit of the city , among themselves , by their common assent , assess and raise tallages without troubling the king. so ‖ ipswich , not to name other burroughs , had its common-council of the town , &c. and 25 h. 3. i find the choice of sheriffs in london by the common counsel and assent of the honest men of the city . the hustings i find to be the court of these honest men ; there they joined with the mayor and aldermen in the grants of city-land ; were judges at trials , and parties in the making by-laws . prosecutions for offences against the rights of the city were in their name : and quo warranto's upon supposed abuses of their liberties were brought against them : and therefore they not being represented by the common-council , now using that name ; those two great ornaments of their profession , the late and present chief justices of the common pleas , maintained , with the strength inseperable from their arguments ; that no act of the present common-council could be a forfeiture of the city-charter . indeed as the clerks generally favoured the prerogative , often exercised by the chair , with the advice of private cabals ; i find a mayor , 47 h. 3. blamed for making the aldermen and great men useless , while he did nothing without the assent of the commonalty . that they acted as a council , and exercised a judicial power at the hustings , after that time , i might shew by numerous instances , but shall here content my self with one , 3 e. 1. * which was in the judgment against hervey above-mentioned ; who , though he was the darling of the people when he was chosen chief magistrate , was soon overcome with the infection of the chair . some time after his mayoralty , the mayor and † citizens having met in guildhall for trying common pleas ; a dispute arose before all the people between hervey and the then mayor , and it seems hervey's party there was then the strongest ; for the mayor found himself obliged to withdraw , and make complaint to the king. the ‖ next day the mayor and citizens returning to guildhall , to finish the pleas depending before them ; a roll was shewn , and read before all the people , containing several notorious articles of hervey's presumptions ; one of which was , that in the time of * his mayoralty he acted contrary to the ordinances made by the aldermen and discreet men of the city . another was , that he used the common seal , which was in his custody , without the assent of the aldermen [ and others : ] which others , as i could shew , were to be particularly chosen by the common-hall , for that purpose . for these offences , among others , † against the whole commonalty of the city , and contrary to his oath , he was judicially degraded from his aldermanship , and ‖ for ever incapacitated to be of the council of the citizens : which was plainly a depriving him of his former right of voting in gildhall ; and indeed a disfranchisement , as it turn'd him out of the gild. and thus i * find privileges in canterbury granted to all the burgesses of the gild of merchants . 5. the present possession of the common-hall is or must be agreed to be a legal possession : and therefore in all things which they have not parted with , the possessors are the legal successors to them who exercised power in greater numbers . 6. even when those numbers could regularly meet , they were concluded by such a number as came upon general notice , though the number which met were very small ; according to the resolution , 33 eliz. † in the case of the vestry of st. saviour's in southwark . 7. ‖ though it may be proved that the great barons in parliament were antiently only those who held by baronies , or were created in parliament ; yet those who have been made peers by patent or writ , succeed to the same jurisdiction ; as they are possessed of the same house which the lords formerly had . 8. a corporation by one name is entituled to the prescriptional rights which that city or town had by another name . and thus it was held , that though the * town of colchester was incorporated by the name of bayliffs and commonalty ; the mayor and commonalty might prescribe to the antient customs of that town . that the livery-men have such a right to the common-hall , appears by their long possession ; for which , according to the resolutions of judges before-mentioned , we are to presume , that there had been the express assent of the body of freemen , or of such of them as met upon a general summons . if i shew an act of common-hall , as antient as the time of e. 3. for the mysteries to chuse such as should represent the commons , which i shall have occasion to shew under the next head ; if we find that they had been represented in common-hall , by the mysteries , before that time , and downwards to this day ; and no act of common-council , or common-hall , will appear to have first settled the right of elections in the livery-men of the mysteries ; then it will be evident , that tho originally the mysteries might have been represented by such as they should chuse , from time to time ; it is to be presumed , that they agreed to be represented by the livery-men , as a standing representative . 8 e. 2. above 30 years before the pretence to any act of common-council , or common-hall , which may be thought to restrain the freemen from the exercice of the power originally vested in them ; i find a writ to prohibit the multitude from meeting to chuse a mayor , and sheriffs , alledging , that such elections for times past , us'd to be made by the more discreet men of the city , especially summon'd : but then , lest this special summons should seem at the discretion of the mayor , and aldermen , it forbids all to meet , unless specially summon'd , or [ at the time bound to come ] . and a proclamation which was publish'd in the city , in pursuance of that writ , says , that no man , upon pain of imprisonment , shall come to any election , but mayor , sheriff , alderman , and other good people of the chief of the city , who by the mysteries , are especially summon'd to come thither ; or to whom it belongs to be there . these representatives of the mysteries , according to what i have before observed of the legal possession of the common-hall , are to be supposed to have been the livery-men , and none others : but because the partiality of the masters and wardens might occasion the not summoning some of the livery-men ; therefore there is liberty left for them who had right , to come , though not summoned . that they and none others had this right , will further appear when i come to prove , that no act can be found , from whence their right , exclusive of others , is or could be derived , or so much as occasioned . 3. that a representation of the commons by the mysteries was settled in the council-chamber , with authority to make by-laws , before any common-council of the present form had any such authority ; and however , that the very being of a council of the present form was soon taken away by act of common-hall ; and a representation by the mysteries settled in their places with greater authority , will appear very evidently . i must agree , that 20 e. 3. it was ordered by the common-hall , that every alderman , at the holding of his wardmote yearly , should cause 8 , 6 or 4 of the ablest and wisest of his ward to be chosen , to treat of the affairs concerning the commonalty of the city . but upon this it is observable . 1. that though according to the lord coke the wardmote is of the nature of an hundred court ; that is , in relation to the districts or divisions of the city , and chiefly as to the returns of juries ; but in relation to the present debate , it is more fully of the nature of a court leet , where all resiants are obliged to attend , and upon the account of resiancy are to bear offices ; and contribute in several things together with the citizens , who in this respect are as the barons or free-tenents of a mannor . wherefore this order does not restrain foreigners from being electors , or elected . 2. this is not said to be appointed for the common-council of the city ; but in truth the common-hall , as they were before , then continued the only common-council . nor , taking the original entry of that order to import more than [ affairs ] , does the treating of [ the affairs ] concerning the commonalty , in this place imply more than such affairs as concern them , according to their divisions by wards , in the choice of constables , or the like ; or the assessing of aids and tallages : for which purpose i find certain numbers in every ward , appointed very antiently , before there is the least pretence of the settlement of any other common-council besides the common-hall . but it is far from appearing , that the men of the wards appointed to treat of affairs , 20 e. 3. were to treat of such as concerned the commonalty , as divided or acting by mysteries : or , however , if the treating of affairs extends to all the affairs of the city ; it can here imply no more than treating of them by way of advice , to that supreme power in the city which made them what they were , and divested it self of no authority : nor indeed could any form of words have passed away the authority of that , much less of succeeding common-halls . and it is certain , that antiently whatever power the common-hall placed elsewhere , they never thought it abridg'd their own power : of which i shall give a considerable instance . 21 e. 1. the commonalty of the city in their several wards chose their aldermen freely and with full consent ; and presented them to the custos then over them , in this form . that all and singular the things which the said aldermen of their counsel and discretion , with the custos , and superiour for the time being , should make and ordain to be firmly observed ; for the government of the city , and for keeping the king's peace ; and for [ other provisions touching the commonalty of the city , ] they will hold ratified and firm , without challenge or reclaim for the future to be made . and also every ward chose its alderman , for whom as to his deeds touching the city and commonalty , and state of the same , they will answer . notwithstanding the power so amply conferr'd upon those aldermen , they did not pretend to use the common seal without the express consent of those who set them up , and could then pull them down at pleasure , at least at the year's end . that very day after the commons had presented their aldermen in common-hall , a grant of city-land pass'd with the common assent , and consent of all then present . and that the common-hall thought themselves in full possession of their power , notwithstanding the ordinance they had made 20 e. 3. for some to treat about their affairs ; appears in that they being found useless , or too assuming ; the mayor , aldermen and commons , who seem to have turn'd them off * before ; within 23 or 24 years after they had received them into their service , and 28 or 29 years after the city's power of making by-laws was first expresly affirmed by charter ; referring † to that grant , by common assent , agree upon a method for putting it in execution : but till then seem never to have exercised that power otherwise than in common-hall : then the mayor and aldermen [ by the assent of all the commons ] ordain , and firmly establish for ever , as the most convenient manner they could find , to debate of the mischiefs which had at that time been complained of ; and to eschew all suspitions , and outragious tumults , which often happen'd to great assemblies ; that every year against the day that the new mayor shall be sworn , the surveyors of every sufficient mystery of the city shall assemble the mysteries each by it self , where they shall please ; and * they shall chuse certain persons in whom the mysteries shall hold themselves content , with whatever shall by the mayor , the aldermen , and these chosen , be assented and ordained in the guild-hall ; and that these chosen and none others , be summon'd to the election of mayor , and sheriffs ; and also at all times that any matter shall be touched at guild-hall , for which they ought to assemble and take counsel of the commons . hence it appears ; 1. that this provision agrees with what was 8 e. 2. affirm'd to have been the custom then : so that this was but in affirmance of the custom . 2. that the commons in person , or by representation , made a council ; or counsel was to be taken of them ; which comes to the same thing . 3. that whatever representation may have been at some times , by certain numbers out of the wards , or any other way ; the settled representation was by the mysteries or companies : and this amounted to a repeal of all former acts which might have placed this in others . 4. that they who were entituled to the common-hall for elections , were to the council-chamber for making by-laws . thus it continued 50 e. 3. when the commons having by their common sergeant complain'd , that the mayors us'd to call together such mean people as depended upon them , and to pretend that what was done at such meetings was with the assent of the commons : the mayor , by advice of several principal citizens , summon'd the mysteries , according to the order of 43 or 44 e. 3. they meeting in great numbers , the like order as the former , and with the like recital , was made by the mayor and aldermen , with the assent of all the commonalty . indeed , they particularly provide , that at their assemblies to treat and consult of the common business of the city , no action shall be try'd before them , if it does not touch at least an entire ward , or a whole mystery . and they restrain the mysteries to a certain number of representatives , providing that the greater mysteries shall not send more than six , the less than four , and the least but two : but this was looked upon as too great a restraint of common-right ; and therefore was never followed . a * council being holden in the city 9 r. 2. about the case of one john of northampton , there met 13 of the ward of cordwayner-street . and i find it upon † record , to have been one of the articles in an appeal brought against him , that against the meeting of every common-council in his mayoralty , he caused a man or two that for that year was chosen to be in the common-council of the crafts which held with him , to meet at a tavern to prepare matters for their carrying his designs with one voice at the common-council . and that in an assembly at goldsmiths hall he caused persons of divers crafts more than were enter'd for the common-council , to be ‖ called at the day of election into the common-council , to help his election . which not only shews that the common-council at that time was , as it is elsewhere call'd in those articles , the common-council of crafts ; but that they who made the elections in common-hall made ordinances in the council-chamber ( tho as it will appear they were to be ratified in common-hall , or else had no force : ) and that they were not confin'd to a certain number according to the ordinance 50 e 3. or that 7 r. 2. which i shall soon consider . and argues strongly that those who were then brought upon the livery , tho not before return'd , were held to have right to be at the elections , and common-councils . and it appears by most entries concerning elections from those times downwards to the present time ; that tho orders have been made to keep some elections within the council-chamber ; those orders have been look'd on as absolutely void , and the elections have been made by great multitudes , or the immense community , as often stiled ▪ nor has the common-council assembled in the council-chamber kept within the number appointed by former ordinances . but it is observable , that in h. 6 th's time the common-council is called commune concilium ministratorum , that is , of those who exercised the ministeries or mysteries , as a trade is call'd in h. 2 d's charter to the weavers company . and it will appear by the by-laws 7 and 15 e. 4. that the common-council then consisted of the mysteries ; that is , as the ordinance 15 e. 4. explains it , the livery-men of the mysteries . and 6 h. 7. i find the common-council called the common-council of the wardens , and other honest men of all the mysteries . according to which instances it seems the council appointed 7 r. 2. was very short-liv'd : and the present common-council must date it self from after the 6 th h. 7. 4. but whosoever are entituled to the council-chamber ; that the council there is a meer creature of the common-hall , and in the nature of a committee entrusted with the dispatch of some things , and the preparing others in ease of the common-hall ; and that they cannot deprive the common-hall of any right ; may appear beyond contradiction , if we consider , 1. the only foundation upon which the present common-council now stands . 2. the nature of the power of making by-laws ; and some particular evidences that that power is subject to the controll of the common-hall . ( 1. ) some have supposed the present common-council to have had its establishment and settlement 20 e. 3. the contrary of which has appeared . but the true foundation of such a sort of establishment as it has , was the act of common-hall , 7 r. 2. in the infamous mayoralty of brember , when john of northampton before mentioned was ruined , for standing up for the rights of the city ; in which he was * afterwards justified by act of parliament . whereupon all the ordinances made against him in the city were repealed by † the then common-council . the act which gives some sort of settlement to this common-council is as follows . on friday next before the feast of the purification of the blessed virgin mary , in the 7 th year of the reign of king richard ii. in the presence of the mayor , aldermen , and the immense community ‖ of the honest and discreet men of the said city , in guildhall , for diverse affairs touching the said city assembled ; the under-written * petitions by the honest men of the city before , by the mayor , aldermen , and commonalty , chosen and assign'd † to ordain with mature deliberation , how judgments in times past in the common-council of the said city given and made were made by noise more than by reason , and sometimes by men less sufficient deputed to the said common-council : for the taking which away , the said honest men , in the said assembly , with full deliberation ordained the said underwritten ordinances , and caus'd them to be read in form following , ‖ for as much as by complaint of many honest men of the town , made to the mayor that now is , how divers times in the counseils used within the hall and chambers of the guyhalde , great rumour and peril had been perceived , as well by great assemblies , as often by insufficient persons deputed to the said counseils ; seeing that oftentimes the judgments of the said counseils were more by clamour than by reason , to the great disturbance of the peace , and quiet between the people for times pass'd , and more likely to be in time to come , if remedy be not provided . whereupon , the mayor , with the aldermen , and the good commons , chose certain persons thereupon by deliberation to advise them , how such rumour and peril might be eschewed and remedied : which persons being divers days assembled upon the matter aforesaid , have [ by their advice ] ordain'd , for remedying such perils , the articles after-written . if this please the mayor , and the other good men of the town , to try for a time , to such intent , that if good and peace be found in such counsels by the ordinances after-written , in the name of god let them be confirmed ; and if the contrary , as god forbid , that this may in time be amended , for the common good of all the town . for the continuing a common-council of the town by sufficient persons , as well of substance as sense , let it be ordained ; " that every year on the day of st. gregory , when the aldermen are established for the year ensuing , let them be firmly charged 15 days after the said day , to go to assemble their wards ; and by good deliberation , charge them to chuse four of the most sufficient persons that are in their ward , without regard to the state which they bore before , to be of the common-council the year ensuing : and the names of the said four to present to the mayor for the time being ; which persons shall be accepted by the mayor , and commanded to take their oath as is comprized in writing heretofore made . provided always , that the mayor for the time being shall not receive throughout the town , of any mystery , for the common-council more than eight persons of a mystery : altho it happen that more than eight of one mystery be presented and chosen , &c. which ordinance was approved , and confirmed to endure for ever . here it is observable , 1. that at the time of this common-hall , there was no standing common-council other than the common-hall , all others being discontinued ; and that before that time , the common-council filled both the hall and chambers belonging to it : and matters were carried as the noise was communicated , from one place to the other . 2. that the persons who are said to have made the ordinance were only a committee , appointed and chosen by the mayor , aldermen , and commons , for that single purpose , and for that time only . 3. they suppos'd themselves , and all common-councils for the future , according to the provision then made , to have no farther power , than to prepare matters for the common hall , and propound them for their fiat . 4. they do not propound the constitution of that common-council as an absolute form ; but that it may continue as long as it proves convenient , and that it may be try'd for a time . 5. therefore the establishment , according to the very words , as well as the nature of the thing , is of no farther force than as a probationary order ; to be observed only till the common-hall should think fit to set it aside . 6. as they who propound this ordinance , in relation to that body of which they were part , were inferiours , and therefore petitioners , to the body assembled in common-hall ; they set a good example to all future common-councils . but that the common-hall has not thought it self bound always since that act of common-hall , which ratified the ordinance above , to keep to that form of common-council there appointed , we may gather from the entries , which argue representations at councils after that , by the mysteries . 't is certain , the number of common-council-men appointed 7 r. 2. was never kept to ; no not the very next year : for then , as has before appeared in the case of john of northampton , the representation was by the mysteries , and sent from the several halls . and in the year after that , there were in the council-chamber , 13 of cordwayner-street ; that is , as i should think , cordwayner's mystery . and it is certain , companies used antiently to keep together within the same streets , or districts . and some wards to this very day retain the names of the companies , or guilds , which liv'd there ; as the last above-named , candlewick-ward and the vintry . and cornhil-ward , as i take it , was from the gild settled there . nor can i omit the observation , that in some (a) records i find ward and gild , or company , synonymous . 2. having trac'd this common-council to its weak and infant state , we may consider it as possessed of a power of making by-laws : but then we must observe , that this will bear no comparison to the possession which the livery-men have of the common-hall , which has been exclusive of all others . whereas all the possession which the present common-council have had of the common-chamber , has been only as a committee entrusted by a greater court , having continuance , and acting with supream authority . besides , it has been resolved by the judges , that a by-law to make a monopoly , and a prescription of such a nature , to induce a sole trade or traffick to a company or person , and to exclude all others , is against law. which is easily applicable to the common-council's engrossing the power of the common-hall . it would be endless to heap authorities which might be brought to evince , that the common-council has no colour of pretence to make by-laws , of such a nature as they now insist upon . but i cannot pass by the resolution in the case of the chamberlain of london , in an action brought by him for a penalty raised by a by-law . all such ordinances , constitutions , or by-laws , are allowed by the law , as are made for the true and due execution of the laws or statutes of the realm ; or for the good government and order of the body-corporate : and all others which are contrary , or repugnant to the laws or statutes of the realm , are void and of no effect . to apply this to the case in question ; for the common-council to vacate an election made in common-hall , or to exempt any person from being chosen , is not for the good government and order of the body-corporate ; and besides , is directly contrary or repugnant to the laws and statutes of the realm , which have fixed the election of any sufficient citizen in the livery common-hall ; and have provided it with authority to oblige them to hold : and therefore any by-law made in the common-council contrary to this right , is void . nay , and thus they themselves have judg'd but lately in the like case . in the mayoralty or sir john fleet , he acquainted the common-council , that 40 or 50 foreign merchants would pay 400 l. a-piece to the use of the orphans , if they might be admitted to the freedom of the city , and have an act of common-council to exempt 'em from bearing chargeable offices . after several long debates , this project , though of apparent advantage to the city , was laid aside ; the common-council declaring it was not in their power , to restrain the right of the common-hall to chuse any sufficient citizen . the opinion of the learned judg bracton , is very applicable to this matter ; where speaking of the english laws , he says ; which since they were approved by the consent of those who use them , and confirmed by the oaths of kings , cannot be changed or destroyed , without the common consent , and counsel , of those by whose counsel , and consent , they were promulged . but they may be changed for the better ; because that is not destroyed which is made better . with such a limitation we may allow the common-council to act for the ease of the common hall , in relation to times , places , and other circumstances ; for the better execution of the laws and customs of the city . but that the power of making by-laws , exercised by the common-council , is controlable by the common-hall , will , besides what i have already observed , appear by the charter 15 e. 3. which is the only charter expresly affirming the city's power of making by laws . moreover , we have granted , that if any customs in the city of london , [ newly arising ] where a remedy was not before ordain'd [ want amendment ] the said mayor and aldermen , and their heirs and successors [ with the assent of the commonalty of the same city ] remedy convenient , consonant to good faith and manners , for the common vtility of the citizens of the said city , and other our liege people flocking to the same , may apply and ordain , as often , and when it shall seem expedient to ' em . provided ☜ nevertheless , that such kind of ordinance be of utility to us , and our people , and consonant to good faith , and reason as abovesaid . according to this charter , 1. the power of making by-laws relates to amendments for the common utility of the citizens . 2. those amendments cannot sap , or weaken any antient constitution or custom . 3. they are to be made with the assent of the commonalty of the city . neither of which can be pretended in the matter in question : and since , as is said in the chamberlain's case , corporations cannot make ordinances or constitutions without custom or the king's charter , unless for things which concern the publick good , as reparations of churches , or high-ways , and the like ; but the power now claimed , is neither of that kind , nor is there legal custom or consent or charter for it : i need raise no consequence upon it . to conclude this point ; if this common-hall legally succeeds the common-hall which appointed this committee ; and the committee may be set aside at the pleasure of the common-hall ; if since the raising this committee , and that of late days , the mayor , aldermen , and common-council , have acted together as one court : if farther , as in the case of rowlet , before-mentioned ; they have acted with a superior authority in those very things , wherein the mayor , aldermen , and common-council , have exercised authority by themselves ; if most of these premises hold , especially if all do ; there can be no question but by-laws , and other acts of the common-council , are controlable by the common-hall : and then it would be very strange to imagine that it should be in the power of the common-council to take away , or abridg , any right of its superior , from whence it came , and in which it is contain'd . i shall not so much question the judgment or memory of my readers , as to repeat the proofs of every one of these premises . but i would desire 'em to remember the instances of disfranchisements by common-hall , before any standing rule for ' em . this power , i must confess , the common-council have pretended to ; and as if they not only had it , but had it without delegation , have fansied they could delegate it to others . accordingly i find an act of common-council , impow'ring the mayor and aldermen to disfranchise , upon competent proof by oath , before them , of any citizen's trespass , act , disobedience , or offence , against the city , and the liberties , franchises , and free customs and privileges of the same . which would be a very dangerous weapon in the hands of aldermen , who by act of parliament obtain'd by surprize , and contrary to the sense of the city , declared more than once , and ratified by former parliaments , have their stations , in effect , for their lives . but as it appears by the resolution in baggs's case , the above-mention'd act of common-council is void in law ; no such power having been derived to them by the express words of any charter , or prescription . yet this power the common-hall undoubtedly has , and , i may say , incommunicably , till that part of their court , or the committee from them , which sits in the council-chamber , shall have legally possess'd themselves of the hall. i shall add but one precedent , of many , where the mayor , aldermen , common-council , and commons , acted together as one court , and true common-council of the city ; and that since the time that the present common-council , and livery common-hall , are suppos'd to have been setled . a mayor * dying in his mayoralty , the locum tenens , or senior alderman , with the rest of the aldermen , appoint a day for the choice of a new mayor ; and order the servants of the chamber to summon the immense community of the city . there met the ‖ common-council , and the immense multitude of commoners , in their last livery but one . aylmer was there chosen mayor , and sworn before the aldermen , and commons . in that common-hall they , after the election was over , acted together as a council : for whereas the mayor should , as it seems , according to the usual course in such cases , have been sworn to the king the next day ; the aldermen , and commons , for certain reasons moving them thereto , appointed a farther day . that the commons who did this were the livery-men , appears by what immediately follows in the same entry : where it is said , that the aldermen conducted the new mayor to the taking his oath , in their violet-colour'd gowns , and the common in their last livery . 5. that there is no colour to believe , that the common-hall , as now compos'd , receiv'd its being , or authority , from such a common-council as now acts , or from any thing but the general consent of the free-men , express'd in some act of common-hall before the time of e. iv. or implied in the long submission of the rest of the free-men , before that time , may sufficiently appear by what has been prov'd under former heads : and yet if any act or acts of common-council , in the reign of e. iv. were the occasion of elections having been restrain'd to the livery-men , it may appear by what has been formerly shewn , that the submission of the free-men , implied in the custom ever since that time , gave the only force to that restriction ; that of it self carrying no manner of authority to diminish the right of the common-hall . but any one , who remembers the evidence that the mysteries had representatives of their own , before the time of e. iv. and the legal presumption , that those representatives were the livery-men , will be more fully satisfied , that they were so before the time of e. iv. when he observes the words of those orders , which are pretended to have given being to the livery common-hall . the first order is thus : at a common-council holden on wednesday , in the 7th year of the reign of king edward the fourth , it was agreed by john young mayor , john norman , &c. aldermen , and the commonalty of the city of london , ( inter alia ) that the election of the mayor and sheriffs , shall hereafter be made [ only by the common-council : ] the master and wardens of every mystery of the said city coming in their liveries ; and by other honest men for that purpose specially summoned . 1. it must be remember'd , that the common-council in hen. the sixth's time , was the council of the mysteries ; and consequently , unless an alteration can be shewn , must be thought to have continued so at the time of that order , 7 e. iv. 2. this representation of the commons being so large as has appear'd above , their act is call'd , the act of the commonalty of the city : and this we must suppose to have been made in common-hall . 3. none besides the masters and wardens are by this act oblig'd to come in liveries . 4. here is no restriction of elections to the liveries ; but to the common-council : that is , as is there explained , the masters , and wardens , and other honest men of the mysteries , specially summoned . to which special summons , as has been shewn before , the livery-men , and no others , were entituled . wherefore , this was no more than a repeating , or affirming , former orders , often occasioned upon the breaking in of other free-men , to the disturbance of elections , before plac'd in the more discreet , which the custom has interpreted to be the livery-men : who , according to this ordinance with which the present common-council triumph , were the only common-council at that time . and thus , as appears by the entry before-cited , 6 hen. vii . they continued after this ordinance , and after the next , 15 e. iv. which has these words . then in the same common-council it is agreed , that the master and wardens of the mysteries of the city , in their halls , or other places of the city , fit and convenient ; associating to them the honest men of their mysteries , being clothed in their last livery , shall go together to the guild-hall of their city , for the election of mayor , &c. and in their last livery but one , to the election of the sheriffs of the city , &c. and that no others , besides the honest men of the common-council of the city , shall be present at the said elections . all that this adds to the former provision , 7 e. iv. is only the requiring all the livery-men , for distinction's sake , to go in their liveries , to prevent the interposition of others . which was no restraint upon persons ; but a requiring the persons who came according to their former right , to wear their proper habit , to distinguish 'em from others . some may suppose , that this speaks of honest men of the common-council , besides the honest men of the mysteries : whereas the common-council is plainly here mentioned as exegetical , or explanatory , of the honest men of the mysteries : that is to say , such honest men of the mysteries as are of the common-council , and no others , shall be present at the elections : which , as has appear'd , were , long before that ordinance , the livery-men only . if this and the other be not taken in this sense , then they neither confine the election to livery-men ; nor suppose the livery-men only , to have right to come ; but allow any commoner , who is chosen to the common council , to vote at the elections , tho' no livery-man : whereas they who would derive the authority of the common-hall from these ordinances , suppose , that they restrain elections to the livery-men only . but , could it be imagin'd , that those ordinances , or either of them is , or are conceiv'd in terms importing a restriction of elections to the livery-men ; and that the ordinances were made by a common-council chosen by the wards , it appears by the ordinance which laid the moveable foundation , upon which following common-councils of the wards have built up themselves ; besides , other evidences of the superior authority continuing in the common-hall , ( the true common-council of the mysteries or crafts , as it is called 8 r. ii. ) that the force of such restraint could not proceed from the authority of the common-council ; but that subsequent common-halls not having thought fit to alter this ; and the generality of the free-men having rested contented with their livery-men ; such sufferance and consent has made that become a legal settlement , which at first could be no more than matter of advice . and , according to this , i find writs from the crown , and acts of common-council , place the legality of such restrictions in the custom of the city . but i must submit to consideration , whether there is not better ground to believe , that the livery-men were the standing representatives of the rest of the free-men , before ever such a council as now acts had any setled being ; or , at least , before the time of e. iv. than there is to think , that the words of either of the ordinances of his time , so much as recommend any other designation of electors , than what custom , and consequently the consent of the free-men , had setled before . in short , it has appear'd , that the resolution of the judges , cited on the other side , and more particularly , mother upon the like occasion us'd by me , are strong for the common-hall . that according to that very act of common-council , 7 car. i. on which the vindicator relies , no man chosen sheriff is dischargeable , unless for want of sufficiency in estate : nor is there any ground for other exemption : and whatever discharge or exemption may have been given by any besides the common hall ; the party is nevertheless elegible , as if he had never been discharged , or exempted . this is made yet more evident , by comparing the act of common-council , 7 car. i. with former acts : but chiefly , with the act of common-hall , 24 e. iii. which was reinforc'd , 18 hen. viii . and to this very day stands in full virtue , declaring the sense of the body of free-men , that for the common-council to vacate or defeat their elections , is to the prejudice of particular persons , who are oblig'd to serve , through default of others ; and of the whole city in general , who may want sufficient persons to serve : or , at least , cannot find men of the like qualifications in every respect , with those whom they first chose . if we look into the custom , it is manifest , that the authority of the common-hall , and of none besides , to discharge , or exempt , has been fully exerted ; and own'd , not only by common-councils , but by the crown ; and that in times neither too long since past , nor such wherein precedents on the side of the commons could have obtain'd , if their right had not been undoubted . and , as this authority has been exercised by the common-hall , before ever any common council of the present form or nature , had a setled being ; so it has been after ; and since the time that the vindicator supposes the livery common hall to have been instituted . and the seeming practice of later days to the contrary , has been of such kind , as has been far from proving any authority to go along with acts of common-council , for the discharging or exempting any one person . the discharge arising from the common-hall's proceeding to a new choice . farther yet , if either by-laws or custom , or both , have crept in to the seeming diminution of the right of the electors ; as has appeared ; they would have been void in law , being contrary to their common-law right declared by charters , and confirmed by acts of parliament . and whatever force , custom and by-laws , supposing them clear , might have had against rights so established , the act of restitution , 2 w & m. being made while the commons were in possession of their power , to oblige the person whom they had chosen to hold , notwithstanding any pretended discharge ; certainly wrought a remitter to their antient right . and this was remitted and restored to the livery-men . i may add , that by the express words of that statute it is enacted , that the several companies , that is , the mysteries ( so often named in the city-journals ) shall have all their lawful liberties ; and particularly every person admitted into the freedoms or liberties of the companies , shall enjoy the rights and privileges of a freeman , and livery-man . which confirms the livery-men in the possession of the common-hall , with all the rights and incidents belonging to that possession . and whereas the vindicator supposes that the common-council can set aside the rights and privileges of the livery-men , as they of the common-council are the city's legislators . if they were such , the restrution , 2 w. & m. settles the livery men beyond being shaken by any authority within the city , for the making by-laws . and in truth the authority of making by-laws , both at common-law , and by charter , originally rested with the whole body of freemen ; and has formerly been regularly exercised by the whole body , in their assemblies in guildhall , or other folkmote . the exer●ice of this has by custom been confined to guildhall ; and is now become impracticable elsewhere . of this common-hall , and the authority of this court , the livery-men , with the mayor and aldermen , were in full legal possession , before such a common council as now acts had any settled being : nor has any act of common-council so much as occasioned the privileges of the livery-men , much less has it created them . but , according to the presumption of law , they have had an uninterrupted possession from before 8 e. 2. nor does it appear that any man can gave any vote among them , otherwise than as a livery-man , ; the right of suffrages in the common-hall being settled in the livery-men ; who have been , and yet are the true common-council of the ●ity on the other side , that which now obtains the name of the common-council , has been from its several institutions , and yet is , a mere creature of the common-hall , and dependent upon its pleasure : at the most is but of the nature of a committee , and has no greater or higher relation than of a part to the whole : and whether it acts by it self , or in conjunction with the greater body ; must be concluded by the majority . to close this argument , which may seem tedious to many ; and , yet possibly , is no more labour'd than the strength of prepossession requires ; i may well say , with the vindicator , while some strive to make breaches , my business shall be to promote peace . but it must be consider'd , that men have very different notions of peace . when our governors , in church and state , valued themselves upon the peacefulness of former reigns ; many , who now would have the commons of the city of london to sacrifice their right , to the quieting this controversie , were thought properly to have applied that old sarcasm ; " they make solitude , and call it peace . for my part , i always thought the asserting and adhering to the fundamental constitution of the great community in the first place ; and next of the city of london , which , according to the confessor's law , is the head of the great body , to be the best means to secure such a peace , as english men may rejoice to transmit to posterity . and i cannot but hope , that both sides may receive this my sincere endeavour , as a seasonable peace-offering . finis . sold by richard baldwin near the oxford-arms in warwick-lane . price 6 d. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26181-e110 the question , of the resolution of the judges , 40 & 41 eliz. vid. 〈◊〉 . de jure belli & pacis . of by-laws , particularly that 7 c. 1. vid. vindic. vid. inf . vid. inf . of by-laws before 7 c. 1. in archiv . civ . lib. dunthorr . f. 416. b. & lib. o. f. 10. a. the act of common-hall , 24 e. 3. in arch. civ . lib. o. f. 10. 18 h. 8. in arch. civ . lib. o. f. 53. of the act of common-counc . 19 h. 8. in arch. civ . lon. 13 eliz. the act of common-council , 13 eliz. of the act of common-counc . 34 eliz. com , council , 7 c 1. deucy mayor . this part omitted by the vindicator . of the custom . * in arch. civ . lond. lib. d. f. 76. b. causton 's case . ‖ solemniter vocatus . * depositus fuit à libertate & de aldermannia . ‖ posuit se in gratia maj. ald. & communitatis . * maj. aldris . & coitat . super hoc eodem die consultis . habitoque respectu ad impotentiam , &c. in arch. civ . i. lib. o. f. 10. a. 18. h. 8. of several elections , and two discharges by the common hall in one day . 2d choice . 3d choice . 4th choice . 5th choice . in arch. civ . journal seym. 1.163 . a. 21 h. 8. ralph rowlet 's case . fol. 165. in arch. civ . li● q. f. 35. a. 33 ● viii . richmond 's case . note , this was upon the hustings in guild-hall . vid. infra . of a discharge in the common-hall , 1 eliz. * 4. rep. f. 93. that if the by-laws and custom were on the side of the lord mayor , aldermen , and common-council : such by-laws and custom would be void in law. lib. k. f. 120. temp . h. 6. that for any to amove or discharge sheriffs , but the electors , is contrary to their common law-right . * lambert 's archaionomia , f. 148. fundata enim erat ad instar & ad modum & in memoriam maguae trojae & usque in hodiernum diem , &c. † vid. rot. cart. 1 e. 3. m. 45. n. 76. by i nspex . 1 r. 2. m. 31. n. 22. & 2 e. 4. pars 5. m. 23. ‖ placita coram rege apud ebor . 1 e. 3. * journal seym. f. 385. h. 25 h. 8. ‖ vid. bir. cor. sub effi●ie claudil a. 3. coronatio regis athelredi an. 989. & h 1. an. 11 co . * lib. e. f. 174. a 2 e. 3 coram rege . vid. mitton's c. 4. rep . tho. the king even before he makes a sheriff grant away the office of county clerk , the king's grant is void , because it is an incident to the sheriff's office , † vid. selden's tit. of honour , f. 587. 15 johannis omnes milites ballivae tuae qui sum moniti fuerunt ad nos , &c. rot. claus . 38. h. 3. m. 7. n. 12. d. omnes de ballivâ tuâ qui tenent 20 horat . terrae , &c. ‖ lib. c. f. 111. n. 32. e. 1. * vid. grot. de veritate religionis christianae . † vid. this in the printed charters , p. 13. and in several inspeximus's . * a 〈◊〉 place for great councils in the open air. hence call'd pratum concilii . vid. rot. cart. 7 r. 2. m. 8. n. 11. a charter of cnute's , with the advice of his redgynen wisemen . ‖ rot. cart. 1 r. 2. m. 31. n. 37. 7 r. ● . n. 37. † rot. cart. 2 e. 4. pars 5. m. 23. * vid. lib. q. arch. civ . l. ‖ 7 h. 4. c. 1. lib. dunthorn , f. 442. a. 6. h. 5. † mora questione inter dominos de consilio regis mittebatur , &c. ‖ quòd inter ceteras libertates civibus l. concessus ac in diversis parl. ratificat . &c. vid. infra . a question , whether the cōmon hall could barr themselves of this right . * survey of hobbs 's leviathan . ‖ grot. de jure belli & pacis , lib. 4. c. 12. not parted with by implication from a suppos'd custom . 4. rep. 1 h. iv. f. 1. * rot. parl. 2 h. iv. n. 30. vid. journals of the house of lords , jan. 1689. jan. 14. 1689. of rights of boroughs , not loss'd by discontinuance . vid. the resolutions sup . ‖ vid. pryn 's 4 th register of writs , p. 1176. (b) pr●n 's 4 th reg. p. 900. 28 e. 1. 1 e. 2. 2 e. 2. none since till late days . (c) lb. p ●05 . 26 e. 1. not before or since , tell ut s●pra . (d) lb p. 1●5● . 26 e. 1 〈…〉 . (e) p. 1180. 26 e. 1. not before or since , till . 8 j. 1. * vid. inspex . rot. cart. 7. r. 2. m. 8. n. 11. † cart. antiq. in tur. lond. litera p. n. ● . ‖ cart. orig. bib. cotton . of the choice of common-council men. vid. act of com. council , anno 1692. f. 2. of resolutions of ju●●es to this point . bulstrod , f. 71. corp. of colchester . vid. 1 st inst . f. 347. lit. sect. 695. stat. 2. w. & m. sess . 1. c. 8. the higher controversy rais'd by the vindicator . p. 1 , 2 , 3. of the authority of the common-hall . of the rights and liberties belonging to the body of freemen . (a) lambert 's archionomia , f. 148. (b) that is their earl , or other chief commander . (c) his reign began , ann. 924. ended 940. (d) vid. corpus legum in bibliothecâ cottonianâ sub e●fi● . claudii d. f. 14. c. (e) hoc est constitutum quod episcopi , & prepositi qui londinensi curiae pertinent , e●ixerunt & jure jurando confirmaverunt , in suo fridegildo . comites & villani in adjectione judiciorum quae apud grate leiam , &c. (f) excipiatur imprimis captale repetentis , & dividatur postea superplus , &c. (g) diximus ut unusquisque nostrum ponat unum denarium ad nostrum commodum , &c. (h) et habeamus nobis omnes eam inquisitionem . (i) fraternities by tens . (k) quando ipli gildare debebunt . (l) et quid recipiant , si nobis pecunia surgat , à nostro communi locutione . * vid. leges sancti edw. declaring they shall be held weekly every monday , and so in charters after tha● time . † mic. 19 e. 2. coram rege rot. 22. lib. de antiquis legibus in archiv . civ . f. 132. a. a. 1272 * rot. par. 12 e. 2. m. 2. par . 2. † et si non sint de certo mysterio , tune in libertatem non admittantur sine assensu communitatis civit . illius . ‖ rot. cart . 1 e. 3. m. 33. n. 68. * ib. et quod nullus nisi petillos incromittat infra civir . de cor . ministerio ; nisi fit in eor . gilda . † in arch. civ . lib. de antiq . leg . de a. 1270. 54 h. 3. in hustingo vestro vel ad crucem , &c. * rot. de 18 e. 1. a grant of a message prope communem aulam in civitate lond. ‖ in arch. civ . lib. dunthorn , f. 416. the ordinance 20 e. 3. de assensu totius communitatis in gihaldâ † lib. x. f. 73. 13 eliz. congregatio majoris , ald. & totius civitatis in gihaldâ . * cartae antiq . in tur. lond : r. n. 18. † suam hansiam , &c. ‖ ibid. * bertius de urbibus germaniae , p. 25. ●oedus & concilium prisca germanorum voce hansan dicunt . † an. 1215. 17 j. ‖ vid. dr. b's appendix to his compleat history . * rot. claus . 11 h. 3. † lib. dunthorn in arch. civ . f. 89. temp . e. 1. ‖ rot. cart . 4 joh. p. 2. m. 28. n. 188. gipsewich burgus , quod iidem burgenses nostri per commune concilium villarae suae eligant , &c. lib. d. f. 46. 25 h. 3. * in arch. civ . lib. de antiquis legibus 3 e. 1. † venientibus maj. & civibus ad gildhalliam ad coia placita placitanda ‖ pervenientibus majore & civibus in gildhalliam ad placita quae incoata fuerunt , &c. * tempore majoratus sui tenetur conservare & observari facere omnes assisas factas per aldermannos & discretiores viros civitatis , &c. † contra totam communitatem civitatis , &c. ‖ et à consilio civium in perpetuū privatus * rot. cart. 2 joh. m. 16. n. 44. † lane 's rep. f. 21. ‖ vid. communia de term . st. hil. 19 e. 2. rot. penes rememb . in secio where thomas de furnival pleads , that he was no baron , nor held his land by barony , or part of a barony ; yet father and son had been specially summoned to a great many parliaments from the 3d of e. 1. downwards . vid. rot. claus . 23 e. 1. m. 9. dorso 24 e. 1. m. 7. dorso , &c. * carter 's reports , f. 122. rot. claus . 8 e. 2. m. 3. temporibus retroactis . in arch. lib. dunthorn . f. 313. a. 414. b. etautres bones gentz de la dite citee que per ministrez de mesine la citee illoques avenir especialment sont somons , &c. a representation by mysteries first settled in the council-chamber with authority to make by-laws . vid. a paper entituled , the right of the citizens to elect sheriffs , &c. citing the books in gild-hall , 20 e. 3. this , according to the reference which i have to that time , is lib. dunthorn , f. 416. b. 417. a. in arch. civ . lib. c. f. 6. a. 21 e. 1. ibid. * 43 or 44 e. 2. † in arch. civ . lond. lib. legum , à 15. e. 3. * et islirent , certain persons en qui eux ils se tendront content . &c. in arch. civ . l. lib. h. f. 45. 50 e. 3. ward mayor . * in arch. civ l. lib. h. f. 198. b. † rot. in ●ur . lond. 8 r. 2. ‖ cleped . journ . foster . f. 1●6 . a. 210 , b. 218. b , 32 , & 33 h. 6. ●id inf. lib. l. f 〈…〉 6 h. 〈…〉 mai a. 〈…〉 mu●● . 〈…〉 gard●● 〈…〉 & al. 〈◊〉 ru●n 〈◊〉 omnium ●●●steria●um . the common-council a creature of the common-hall . the foundation of the present common-council . * in arch civ . lib h. f. 262. b. 15 r. 2. † ib. f. 300. a. 18 r. 2. in arch. civ . lib. h. f. 173 , & 197. ‖ immensae communitatis , proborum , &c. * ●ot . petitions . † this seems not very good sense : but the original is ad ordinandum cum maturâ deliberatione quomodo judicia tempore praeterito in communi concilio reddita & facta , &c. fiebant . ‖ par causeque , &c. note , they chosen only to advise the mayor , aldermen , and commons . note , a probationary order . note , the aldermen used to be chosen annually . vid. the rest in the right of the common-hall , &c. rot. pat. 21 h. 6 p. 1. m. 25. to several parishioners there . (a) vid. rot. pat. 12 e. 2. m. 5. n. 4. pro mercatoribus de societate gardarum de florentiâ . of the nature of by-laws , and the common-council's pretence to make ' em . moor 's rep. f. 576 , & 591. 5 rep. f. 63. anno 1693. bracton , lib. 1. c. 2. temp. h. 3. vid. by inspect . rot. cart. r. 2. m. 31. n. 22. 5 rep. sup . journal cotes , f. 103. 36 h. 8. bagg 's case , 11. rep. f. 99. * in arch. civ . journal haddon , f. 34. a. and b. aylmer mayor , 23 h. 7. ‖ commune consilium ac immensa multitudo communario um in penultimâ liberaturâ . note , this is not according to the ordinance , 15 e. 4. communiarii in ultima liberaturâ . that the present common-hall did not receive its being , or authority , from such a common-council as now acts , &c. vindic. p. 2. li. l. young mayor . vindic. p. 3. lib. l. f. 113. vindic. p. 8. caput legum & regni . by the major. whereas by severall orders of the house of commons in parliament assembled, and by a letter to the the speaker of that house, from the committee of the countie of york, this day delivered to the common-councell by a committee of the said house of commons, it is declared, that the parliaments army in the northern parts are in a sad and distressed condition for want of food and other necessaries; ... city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88476 of text r210884 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[9]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88476 wing l2882h thomason 669.f.13[9] estc r210884 99869636 99869636 162904 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88476) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162904) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[9]) by the major. whereas by severall orders of the house of commons in parliament assembled, and by a letter to the the speaker of that house, from the committee of the countie of york, this day delivered to the common-councell by a committee of the said house of commons, it is declared, that the parliaments army in the northern parts are in a sad and distressed condition for want of food and other necessaries; ... city of london (england). lord mayor. warner, john, sir, d. 1648. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes printer to the honorable city of london, [london] : 1648. collection of arrears for the army; dated at end: 29. day of august, 1648. annotation on thomason copy: "aug ye 31". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -militia -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a88476 r210884 (thomason 669.f.13[9]). civilwar no by the major. whereas by severall orders of the house of commons in parliament assembled, and by a letter to the the speaker of that house, city of london 1648 723 1 0 0 0 0 0 14 c the rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 jason colman sampled and proofread 2007-08 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms by the major . whereas by severall orders of the house of commons in parliament assembled , and by a letter to the speaker of that house , from the committee of the countie of york , this day delivered to the common-councell by a committee of the said house of commons , it is declared , that the parliaments army in the northern parts are in a sad and distressed condition for want of food and other necessaries ; and that a present supply must of necessitie be made : and to that purpose it is desired that twenty thousand pounds should be forthwith advanced by the city , out of the arrears of the severall assessements made within this city and liberties thereof , for the army under the command of the lord fairfax . and for the better getting in of the said arrears , it is required by the said orders , that the common-councell doe forthwith send and certifie to the said committee , the names of such persons that hav● not paid their said assessements , and the summs they are in arrear , to be by the said committee reported to the said house of commons . upon the reading of which orders , letter , and severall other relations made by the said committee concerning the great necessitie of the said army and northern parts ; the common councell have declared their sensibleness of the premises , and their desire to answer the expectation of the said committee , in effecting to their power what is desired , as a thing of great consequence to the city and kingdom ; and in pursuance of an order of the common-councell thereupon made ; and for the prevention of further inconveniencies that may ensue ; these are to will and require you , that presently upon sight hereof , you call the severall collectors within your ward before you ; and that the said collectors , with some of your selves , doe on thursday and friday next use your best diligence and endevours for the collecting and getting in of the said arrears ; and acquaint the severall persons that are to pay the same , that the names of all that doe not now pay their arrears are to be certified as aforesaid ; and that they may expect that further trouble and dangers will fall upon them for their neglect therein . and further , that you or some of you doe examine the said collectors accounts , and take notice what moneys every of them have in their hands ; and require them on saturday next at the furthest , to pay the same unto the treasurers at warre , in the guild-hall london : and that you on monday next in the afternoon make return unto the grand committee for the arrears , sitting at the guild-hall london , in the orphans court , of your doings and proceedings therein ; and also a list of the names of all such persons within your ward , as shall be found to be in arrears for the said assessements , and the summes by them owing , and the reasons by them given , why they refuse to pay the same , under the hands of the respective collectors , with your opinions therein : and if you find any of the collectors or others , remisse or carelesse in the performance of their duties , in any thing herein required , or that might conduce to the furtherance of the worke , that then you also certifie to the said grand committee at the time aforesaid , the names of him or them so neglecting or refusing to performe their duties concerning the same , that they may be also certified to the said committee of parliament , and otherwise proceeded against , as the neglect of such a weighty businesse shall deserve . and herein i require you to use all diligence for the effecting what is desired , as you will answer the contrary at your perill , this 29. day of august , 1648. michel to the deputy and common-councell-men of the ward of _____ printed by richard cotes printer to the honorable city of london , 1648. a thanksgiving sermon: preached to the right honorable the lord maior, aldermen, and common councell of the citie of london, upon occasion of the many late and signall victories, and deliverances vouchsafed to the parliaments forces, in pauls church london, july 28. 1648. by stephen marshall, b.d. minister of gods word at finchingfield in essex. marshall, stephen, 1594?-1655. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a89588 of text r205009 in the english short title catalog (thomason e455_2). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 68 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a89588 wing m791 thomason e455_2 estc r205009 99864455 99864455 116684 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a89588) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 116684) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 72:e455[2]) a thanksgiving sermon: preached to the right honorable the lord maior, aldermen, and common councell of the citie of london, upon occasion of the many late and signall victories, and deliverances vouchsafed to the parliaments forces, in pauls church london, july 28. 1648. by stephen marshall, b.d. minister of gods word at finchingfield in essex. marshall, stephen, 1594?-1655. [4], 32 p. printed by r. cotes, for stephen bowtell, at the signe of the bible in popes-head alley, london : 1648. running title reads: a thanksgiving sermon, preached to the lord major, aldermen, and common-councell of the city of london. annotation on thomason copy: the '7' in 'july 27. 1648' in title altered to "8" then crossed out and restored to "27"; "sept 9" written by imprint, yet item bound with other items from late july. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng city of london (england). -common council -early works to 1800. england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. sermons, english -17th century. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a89588 r205009 (thomason e455_2). civilwar no a thanksgiving sermon:: preached to the right honorable the lord maior, aldermen, and common councell of the citie of london, upon occasion marshall, stephen 1648 12928 7 0 0 0 0 0 5 b the rate of 5 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 angela berkley sampled and proofread 2007-08 angela berkley text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a thanks giving sermon : preached to the right honorable the lord maior , aldermen , and common councell of the citie of london , upon occasion of the many late and signall victories , and deliverances vouchsafed to the parliaments forces , in pauls church london , july 27. 1648. by stephen marshall , b. d. minister of gods word at finchingfield in essex . psalme 66. 11 , 12 , 13. thou broughtest us into the net , thou laydest affliction upon our loynes . thou hast caused men to ride over our heads , we went through fire and water ; but thou broughtest us out into a wealthy place . i will goe into thy house with burnt offerings , i will pay thee my vowes . london , printed by r. cotes , for stephen bowtell , at the signe of the bible in popes-head alley , 1648. to the right honorable john warner lord major of the citie of london . my lord , this plaine sermon was preached in obedience to the call i received from you , it is published according to your request , and that it may be ( though in never so weak a measure ) a strengthning of your hands in your great work , it is humbly presented unto you as a pledge of the unfeigned respect and service of your lordships much obliged stephen marshall . a thanksgiving sermon : preached to the right honorable the lord maior , aldermen , and common-councell of the citie of london . isaiah 9. 4 , 5. for thou hast broken the yoke of his burden , and the staffe of his shoulder , the rod of his oppressour , as in the day of midian ; for every battell of the warriour is with confused noise , and garments rolled in blood , but this shall bee with burning and fuell of fire . the first word of my text for , ( for thou hast broken the yoke of his burden ) doth tell us this hath dependence upon what is laid down before ; if you please to looke into it , you 'l find it to be thus : the lord in the former chapter had threatned the terriblest calamitie that ever came upon the jewish nation , a wofull darke night of affliction of severall hundreds of yeers was now beginning , and such calamities were threatned , as the lord professed that many men amongst them , when they look'd up to heaven , and saw nothing but darknesse there , nothing but confusion upon earth , they should rave and be mad , they should curse their god that would not helpe them , curse their king that could not helpe them , should bee driven into utter darknesse ; but yet notwithstanding in the beginning of this chapter the lord saith , that unto those that feared him , to his own people , the darknesse and uncomfortablenesse of it , should not bee so great , as they had formerly met with in some lesser afflictions ; for god did ( as i● were ) create a new star , that should shine unto his people , all that long and darke night , that is , a most glorious promise of jesus christ , and salvation by him , which is laid downe in the seven first verses of this chapter , and there are severall degrees , or breakings out of the light of this comfort , i 'le but name them so farre as may leade me to the text . first , the lord tells them whence this comfort should come , there should a glorious light shine to them , in the second verse ; the people that walked in darknesse should see a great light , they that dwelt in the land of the shadow of death , upon them hath the light shined , which is the promise of jesus christ setting up his gospel amongst them , as it is expresly interpreted in the fourth of matthem . this text seemes to bee a propheticall description of capernaum , where christ first set up his ministery some hundreds of yeers before it was built , which stood in the land of galile by the sea side in the way leading to the gentiles . secondly , the next degree is , what the comfort is , that they should have from this light , in the third verse , they should have great joy by it , the lord had formerly more multiplied their nation , but never gave them more joy then now they should have , though they should bee in a very afflicted condition , yet they should have as much joy in the gospel of christ , as ever that nation injoyed in the dayes of david or solomon ; though now they should live after a precarious manner , and should be tributaries to all the foure great monarchies of the world in their succession , first to the assyrian , then to the persian , then to the grecian , and then to the roman , and all this time , a space of some 700. yeers , they should bee a despised , contemned people , yet from the lord christ and the promise of the gospel , should they have as much joy as ever they had when their nation was most enlarged , yea such joy that it should bee like the joy of harvest , or the joy that souldiers have when they divide the spoile , that is the second degree ; now my text is the third degree or breaking out of this glorious comfort , and that tels you , what the mercy shall bee that shall bee the cause of so much joy ; what it is that should fill them with so much joy , why hee would breake every yoke of their burden , every staffe that lay upon their shoulders , every rod of their oppressors , that whipped them , hee would break all as hee did once doe it in the day of midian , he will burn up their enemies with fewell of fire , hee would free them from them all , and tread them under their feet ; then the last branch of all , and the height of their comfort is , that christ will not only break other yokes , but would put the yoke of his own sweet and easie government upon them , himselfe will bee their king ; to us a son is given , to us a child is borne , upon whose shoulder the government shall bee , his name is wonderfull , counsellor , the mighty god , the everlasting father , the prince of peace ; and in these things should the hearts of gods people rejoyce in their most afflicted times . thus stands the dependence of my text , so that these two verses that i have read , containe the cause of all the joy that the people of god should finde in christ in their afflicted times ; and there are two branches of the text to bee handled . first , here is the blessing that should bee conferred upon them , in these words , thou hast broken the yoke of his burden , the staffe of his shoulder , the rod of his oppressors : that is the mercy they should receive . secondly , here is the manner how this should bee done ; and that is laid downe , first , it should bee as in the day of midian ; that is , as in the day when in gideons time with 300. men with lamps and pitchers the lord destroyed an innumerable multitude of midianites ; so would the lord christ now worke this great deliverance , that he promises to his people . then , secondly , the manner of it is yet more clearely and fully laid downe in the 5. verse , by shewing that the way of gods working of this , shall bee diverse from the manner of other deliverances : every battell of the warriour is with confused noise , and garments rolled in blood , but this shall bee with burning and fewell of fire ; the meaning whereof in a few words is this , this victory that god would give his people , should not bee in the way of humane helpe to doe it , as nations get victories one over another by bringing one a greater army then the other , or better disciplined or trained men then the other , or with pollicy and valour , with shouting and making the others lie wallowing in their blood , and so mans arme to bee the instrument of it ; no , this should bee with fewell or burning of fire , that is , it should be done by gods own hand ; for what the lord doth immediatly himselfe , that is ordinarily said to bee done by fire , or fewell of fire , it hath been the ordinary way of gods manifesting himself by devouring fire , when he threatens to shew himselfe hee will come in devouring fire , seldome hath hee appeared , but it hath been either in smoak or fire ; so then this expression signifies it should not bee done by mans helpe , but the lord alone would come and doe it by his owne immediate hand . let us now first inquire into the matter , what it is that they should injoy ; the lord would break the yoke of their burden , the staffe of their shoulder , the rod of their oppressor : and here we must consider , first , what this signifies , what doth god intend in this ? for the grammaticall meaning the yoke of his burden , this is an hebrewisme , and signifies his burdensome yoke , hee will breake his burdensome yoke , that is , the heavy yoke that was put upon his shoulders , by those that had enslaved him ; the staffe of his shoulder , that is , the staffe wherewith his shoulders used to be beaten ; the rod of his oppressor , that is , either the scepter of those tyrants that kept them under often expressed by a rod ; or otherwise the rod of correction , wherewith the enemies that kept them under did use to discipline them : and by all this congeries of words , these severall expressions of yokes , and burdensome yokes , and rods and staves , the lord doth signifie the greatnesse of that misery and bondage , that his people should lie under at that time , when jesus christ should come to deliver them . what are those yokes , and staves , and rods that are here meant ? i answer , that it will appeare cleer unto every one that markes the text , that here are two things intended . breaking of the temporall yokes , the yokes that they should lie under from the assyrians , the babylonians , and so the successive kingdomes and empires , that should keepe them under subjection and bondage ; but principally here is meant , the spirituall yokes of sinne , and death , and wrath , and curse ; and that both these are meant is cleare in the text ; that the outward yokes are literally meant is obvious to every ones eye that doth but compare this with the two former chapters , and all the chapters that follow , for five or six of them together : in the eighth chapter the lord threatned hee would bring the empire of assyria upon them , and the assyrians should carry them into captivitie , and fill their land with waters up to the necke ; and for a great many chapters together from the seventh chapter , i thinke there is not one but there is somewhat of the assyrian empire that should lie heavie upon the backe of gods people ; that is the literall , but another thing intended is , the mysticall , the spirituall babylonish yoke , the devill and sinne , and death and hell ; jesus christ will breake all these yokes from off the neck of his people . and that the spirituall is intended as well and more then the temporall , is cleer both by what goes before , the preaching of the gospel should doe it , and by all that followes , for unto a us child is borne , to us a sonne is given : both these sorts of yokes would christ beake by his owne hand ; if you would have it yet a little more cleer , i conceive the deliverance most immediatly intended in the letter was the destruction of that great army of senacherib that came in hezekiahs time , which came to swallow them up , and was destroyed with gods hand immediatly from heaven , which ( as all the rest of the jewes deliverances ) was intended as a type , to shew how god will breake all other the yokes of those that lie heavie upon his inheritance . this then for the meaning of it , that whatsoever enemies should rise up against the church or people of god , however they may keepe them under for a while , christ hath a purpose , and will in his owne due time break them , and their yokes in peeces , and he will doe it in a strange way , by his own hand , in a way that shall bee very easie to him to worke , but very hard for them ; either to resist or to beare . this is the plaine scope of the text ; now i proceed to some matter of instructions ; and first , if you looke upon these words , as they stand in their connexion or dependence with the former verse , they joy before thee as the joy in harvest , and as men rejoyce when they divide the spoile , for thou hast broken every yoke , the yoke of his burden , the rod of his oppressor ; because god destroyed his enemies that would have destroyed him , therefore they shall joy like the joy in harvest ; learn one lesson from it , very sutable to the occasion of our meeting ; namely , that the lord doth expect that his people should greatly rejoyce when he doth break the yoke of their enemies , and the staffe and rod wherewith they whip gods people when god uses to defeat the plots , and enterprises of wicked men against his servants , hee expects that the hearts of his people should bee fill'd with joy , and their tongues overrun with his praises . there is abundance of evidence for this in the scripture , in the 126. psalme you shall finde the church exulting , her mouth was fill'd with laughter , and her tongue with joy ; every one that look'd in the face of gods people saw them have a merry countenance ; why ? because god had broken the captivitie of babylon , hee had brought back the captivity of his people , and broken in peeces the enemies that kept them under , so likewise did moses and all the israelites , when they saw the egyptians sinke like a stone into the depth of the sea , in the 15. of exodus , and pharoah and all his chariots drown'd in the red sea , they all lift up their voyce , and sung to god praise and thanksgiving in the highest , i will sing unto the lord , for hee hath triumphed gloriously , the horse and his rider hath hee throwne into the sea : so did deborah , and barak in the fifth of iudges , when sisera and his host was broken before the servants of god , they rejoyced , and prayed god it might ever bee so , that all gods enemies might so perish , and all his people might so rejoyce ; thus you shall finde it prophesied in the new testament , in the 19. of revelations , you shall reade in the latter end of the 18. chapter of the destruction of the babylonian party , mystically babylon , the popish party , the antichristian partie , the malignant church that is risen up against the church of christ , there i say you shall reade the ruine of it , and the meanes of it , the saints helpe to doe it , and you shall there see all the kings of the earth weeping and howling , and all that were friends to the harlot were condoling one with another for that great losse ; but in the 19. chap. in heaven , that is , in the church of christ , there was nothing but hallelujah , praise yee the lord , for the lord hath avenged himselfe , and when her smoke arose up for evermore , againe they say hallelujah to see rome burning , and the instruments that would have oppressed gods people destroyed , and troden under foot ; it was hallelujah to the hearts of all that feare god : this i doe but touch , but , it may bee a notable tryall of your spirits , for certainly , it is a signe of a gracious spirit to refuse to bee comforted in zions ruines , and to refuse to be sadded in babylons ruines ; to finde a soule , or a people that will hang their harpes upon the willowes , and will mourn and lament , and rather wish that their right hand forget their cunning , then to sing one cheerfull song while gods people are in babylon , and yet to find them full of joy and rejoycing , when god is breaking the yokes of oppressors , and treading them under feet , that rise up against them ; this i say , is an argument of a heart that joynes with jesus christ , when they fulfill that of the 66. of isaiah , rejoyce with ierusalem all yee that mourne for her ; and that of psal. 58. 10. the righteous shall rejoyce when hee seeth the vengeance : and on the other side , it is an argument of a base spirit , of a spirit malignant against christ and his cause , that is either rejoycing when gods people are troden under foot , or malignes those that are the meanes or instruments of delivering of gods people , that with sanballat and tobiah , are vexed and grieved at the heart when they see god raised up any that may be for salvation to his people ; but it is a token withal that as their hearts are not with jesus christ , but against him , so they shall perish in the ruine of his enemies : this i doe but point at from the connexion , they shall joy like the joy in harvest , for christ hath broken the yoke of their oppressors , broken the yoke of the enemy and the enemies themselves , and the enemies themselves together ; but i come to the words , which i shall handle onely as they respect their temporall and outward deliverances ; and under that consideration there are these two lessons that i intend by the lords assistance to handle : the first is , that the lord doth sometimes leave his owne people to lie under heavy yokes , to have the staves and rods of oppressors lie upon their backs and shoulders : secondly , and principally , that jesus christ will in his due time breake in sunder all the yokes that lie upon his peoples neck , all the staves that beate their shoulders , all the rods that whip their backes , christ hath a time wherein he will break them all , both yokes and oppressors together , and set his people free from them ; this second i most intend ; a word or two of the first . that the lord doth sometimes leave his owne people to bee under the tyranny of them that hate them : i say his own people ( for this was emanuels land , you 'l read it called by the very name of emmanuel in the eighth chapter ) the assyrian shall come and fill the breadth of thy land o emmanuel ; they were emmanuels people that should have these terrible yokes put upon them : to understand this lesson , bee pleased to premise thus much ; that it is of all judgements one of the most terrible and uncomfortable that ever a people can be exposed to , to have those that hate them to tyrannize over them , that was davids prayer , i have done justice and judgement , give me not up to mine oppressors : o lord deliver mee from that judgement , that i bee not left to wicked men , to put yokes upon my neck , to beate my shoulders ; and god used to threaten it as one of the severest plagues that ever should come upon his people , when hee was angry with them , that hee would give them up , that they that hated them should beare rule over them : and truely it will easily appeare to bee one of the terriblest judgements of all , because it is a misery that is opposite and contrary to the greatest mercy that can bee enjoyed upon earth ; which is to have rulers and governors , such as are over a people , to bee as a sun or a shield , as a shepheard , as a protector , as a father , for these are names whereby the spirit of god deseribes good magistrates & rulers , to give such to a people as may defend every one in his own right , protect the fatherlesse and widow , and see that every one have justice and judgement , that there may be no complaining in the streets of a people ; but that they may live and serve god in godlinesse and honesty , in peace , to bee preserved in security and tranquillity , o happy are the people that are in such a case , faith the spirit of god in the 144. psalme ; now if this bee the greatest earthly mercy , then for god to give up a people , or to let them be given up to the judgement that is contrary to it , that their shepheards should bee like them in the 34. of ezekiel , who should kill the fat , and tread under feet the leane , that should pluck off the wooll , and teare off the skinne ; that should bee as they are described in the 7. of micah , as briars and thornes that should rend and teare the people that are under them , when the lord shall give men up to such a condition , that those that should defend them , should enter into the field of the fatherlesse , and undoe a man and his neighbour , without mercy and compassion , this of all judgements in the world is one of the cruellest , and the heaviest that a people can bee given up to : now i tell you that god sometimes leaves his owne people to this condition , there are abundance of examples , and i should spend the time needlesly to receite them to you , because you cannot bee ignorant of them ; so they were in egypt , when their lives were made burdensome to themselves , by reason of the heavy yoke of bondage that lay upon them ; so they were in the times of the iudges , oftentimes an enemy comes in , carries away the harvest that they are ready to reape , sometimes carries away the corne they had gather'd into their barnes , mightily oppressed them , put heavy yokes upon them ; so was it in babylon , if you reade but the fifth of lamentations , it will make you weep to consider the sad complaint that the church makes there , our inheritance is turned to strangers , our houses to aliants , wee have drunke our water for money , our wood is sold unto us , our necks are under persecution , we labour and have no rest , servants rule over us ; wee eate our bread with the perill of our lives , princes are hanged up by the hand , young men are taken to grinde , and the children fell under the wood , &c. such abundance of examples there are that i shall not need to prove it , onely let me a little discover to you out of the word , for what causes the lord uses to leave his owne people to this terrible judgement : i finde three cleer causes why god oftentimes hath left his own people to be given up to oppressors , to tyrants , to put such heavy yokes upon their necks , their states , their consciences , their liberties , and the first & greatest & most frequent is when god himself offer'd to be the king and ruler of his people , to put the yoke of his government upon their necks , a yoke that should be sweet and easie , honorable & profitable , and his people cast off gods yoke , would not be under that , then hath the lord frequently let them fall under the yoke of some others , that they might know the difference betwixt being gods servants , and the servants of other men ; take but two instances of this , one in the 2 chronicles 12. it was in rehoboams time , when shishak the king of egypt came against them , though egypt and iudah had been in a league , articles of peace betwixt them , shishak comes against them , and brings a mighty army , and rehoboams subjects knew not what to doe , they cryed to god , they prayed the lord to deliver them , no ( saith god ) i will not give you wholly up to a spoile , but you shall bee the servants of the kings of egypt ; why ? because they shall know the difference of my service , and the service of the other nations ; they shall see whether they had not been better to have let mee bee their king , then to bring those to rule over them , who i am now resolved shall bee over them for a while ; there is another terrible instance in the 11. of zachariah ; you shall see the purpose of that chapter is to signifie these two things : first , that jesus christ would come to bee a prince and a ruler over his people , as a faithfull and good shepheard , they would none of him , they sold him for 30. peeces of silver , which as it is noted , was but the price that a slave used to bee sold at ; christ the lord himselfe came from heaven , offer'd himselfe to them to bee their shepheard , and they sold him for 30. peeces of silver ; a gooly price that i was sold at , saith the lord ! well , but what becomes of this ? the rest of that chapter tells you , that hee will give them other shepheards that shall teare them to purpose ; in the 6. verse , i will give them up every man into the hand of his neighbour , i will give them up into the hand of their king ; who was that ? it is plaine that the roman was their king at that time , because christ came at that time when the roman was over them , now when jesus christ would have been their king , and they say nay , we have no king but caesar , god therefore gives them up into the romans hands , and then they shall have shepheards that shall teare them to purpose ; because they would have none of the lord christ , the lord would give them up into such hands as should discipline them after another manner ; that is one cause , when god offers himselfe to bee their ruler , and they will not have him to bee their ruler , then god puts other yokes upon them . againe secondly , another cause i finde is this , when the lord hath raised up to a people good rulers , and magistrates , that under them ( though possibly with many humane frailties ) they might bee ruled in godlinesse and honesty according to gods wayes , and the people have been ungratefull for them ; the lord then gives them up to the hands of others , that they shall not bee able to shake off , when they will ; so you find it in the example of gideon ; when gideon had delivered the israelites , they came to him , and say be our king ; not i ( saith hee ) god must bee your king , ( which by the way , let me interpret it to you , he meant , he would not change that forme of government , that god had set up in that commonwealth , which was this , that every tribe had their owne aristocraticall government , that is , the chief men of their tribe did rule all , as it might be the maior , aldermen , common-councell men in every tribe , and when a time of speciall danger came , that an enemy invaded them , god from heaven used extraordinarily to raise up some judge , & that danger being over the government of the commonwealth went in the old channell ) they would have had gideon to be their king , no ( saith hee ) not i , nor my sonnes , but you shall have god to bee over you ; well , but when gideon died they forgot gideon and they would have a king , and tooke abimelech , who proved a cruell tyrant to them , whereupon iotham in the 9. of iudges , ( when all the people were together ) tells them a tale ; the trees ( saith he ) would have a king , and they went to the olive , and the vine , and the fruitful trees to rule over them ; no ( say they ) we must keep every one our own ranke , i cannot leave my fatnesse nor my sweetnesse , &c. but a king the trees will have , and their king proves a bramble , so ( as his speech intimates ) will it prove unto you for your ingratitude to god for gideon and unto gideons family , it will come to passe that this bramble your king shall first rend and teare you , and afterwards you and your king consume one another , and this curse or prophesie came upon them , and for that very cause . another like instance wee have 1 sam. 8. god had raised up samuel in a time of much trouble , to be a judge and saviour to the jewes , they took occasion upon some miscariages of samuels sonnes to cast him off , and they would have a king after the manner of the nations round about them , and therefore god in his wrath gave them saul , who proved a tyrant : ingratitude for good governours is one cause why god gives people up to such oppressors . and then thirdly , i finde , when people use to teare and devoure one another in their petty precincts , when as any one gets a little power in his hand , hee loves to put a yoke upon the neck of his brother , for this doth the lord send them those that shall put yokes upon them all ; so you find it in this very chapter , in the latter end of it , manasses bites ephraim , and ephraim manasses , and these two confederate together to bite iudah , and for this the lord gives them up to senacherib , and he bites & devours them all ; thus was it also , ieremy 6. 6. when the people were given wholly to oppresse one another , the city was wholly oppression in the midst of it , violence and spoile , griefe and wounds were every where found , then was ierusalem a citie to bee visited by them who should gleane them as a vine , who should be cruell to them and shew no mercy . thus you see the lord sometimes leaves his people under heavy yokes , yokes put upon their lives , estates , consciences , liberties , when they will not bee under gods government , when they are not thankfull for good governours , when they according to their own power will be tyrannicall and oppressive one to another . i shall not stay upon the application of this , i onely say of it , as christ of the cup he was to drink , father , if it bee possible let this cup passe from me ; lord let this cup passe from us , let not our god give us up to spoyle , to confusion , to oppression ; for i am too well assured that in all these things i have spoken , wee have deserved to drinke this cup , and our sinnes cry loud in the eares of god for it ; and whatsoever you may say of the two latter , i am confident you 'l all beare mee witnesse wee have highly deserved it in the first of these ; the lord hath offer'd to england the government of his own scepter , the government of his gospel , & he is shewing us the way how he will rule us in ecclesiasticall things , but alas , there is not a thing under heaven more abominable to the people of this land , then to think that they should have such a yoke put upon them , though the aime and end of it bee onely to make them holy ; but we will have none of it , the thing we will have , is , to live as we list , wee will not have this man rule over us ; the lord grant wee bee not broken with other yokes ; and as for ingratitude for our other magistrates and rulers , and for our biting and devouring one another , the lord knowes it is to bee found in every corner of the land ; i onely mention these things that in this day of rejoycing for mercies received , you may all joyne in prayer that the lord bring not this evill upon us . thus briefly for the first ; the second lesson which i mainely aime at is , that howsoever the lord sometimes lets his people lie under heavy and terrible yokes , yokes upon their lives , names , estates , liberties , consciences , ( call them by what names you will ) yet jesus christ hath a time , when hee will break them all ; thou hast broken , it was not broken yet , but god uses to speak of his mercies intended for the church , in the preterperfect tense , as things already done , because they were so sure ; the lord christ will breake the yoke of their burden , the staffe of their shoulder , the rod of their oppressor ; when the lord doth at any time leave his people in this sad condition which i have spoken of , hee never puts them out of his own hand , though hee may deliver them into the hands of others , hee alwayes keeps the line in his owne hand , that the adversary cannot doe what they list , they are bounded by him , and it is not for want of love or of power , that the lord lets any such yoke ever come upon the neck of his people , but onely from his owne will , and from his own wisedome , the lord orders it so , that the heaviest thing that betides them , shall never hurt a haire of their heads , as christ hath it in luke ; though some of them be put to death , not a haire of their heads shall perish , hee never gives them so into the hand of wicked men , as to put them out of his owne hand , or to cease his owne care ; but this doctrine holds out a further mercy , that though the lord sometimes puts them into the hands of wicked men , and lets them be his rod to scourge them , beate them , pinch them , thresh them , yet in his due time hee will breake all those yokes , and the yokers together , all such as put them upon his peoples necks , they & their yokes shall all perish , for both of them are equally intended , as it is in the next words , as in the day of midian , not onely the people of israel were saved from midian , but the midianites destroyed also ; and so in senacheribs time , not onely the people delivered , but the enemies destroyed ; now that the lord will doe it , blessed be his name , there are 1000. promises that it shall bee so , and as great a cloud of instances , to prove it hath been so ; egypts yoke was broken , the philistims broken , ashur and babylon broken , yea the ruine of all the kingdomes of the earth who have successively laine heavy upon his church and people doe all beare witnesse to this truth , that the rod of the wicked shall not alwayes rest upon the back of his people . i shall not inlarge my discourse upon this , because i thinke it is a knowne theame , every one that hath read the scriptures can give proofes of it , i shall onely present to your consideration two or three texts , one is that of isa. 49. 24. the lord promised in the former verses a great inlargement , increase & prosperitie , so that their land should be too narrow for them , & kings and queens should bow unto them , now he knowing how hard it would bee for his people to beleeve this , because of the great bondage they lay under , and the utter improbability of getting out of that state , brings them in in this 24. verse , objecting thus , alas , our miseries plead prescription over us , our hope is gone , shall the prey be taken out of the hand of the mighty , or the lawfull captive delivered ? now our adversaries say , we are a lawfull prey , we are prisoners of warre , and they can plead right as well as might to bring us under , and now shall wee ever bee delivered ? yes saith the answer of god , even the captive of the mighty shall bee delivered , and the prey of the terrible shall bee taken out of his hand , for i will contend with him that contendeth with thee , and i will save thy children , and all flesh shall know that i the lord am thy saviour : and in the 51. of esay after hee had promised to consume their enemies as a moth eates a garment , and that his people should returne with the voyce of singing unto sion , hee then chides their feare and unbeleefe , why fearest thou a worme that shall die , why fearest thou because of the fury of the oppressor , as if hee were ready to destroy ? and where is the fury of the oppressour ? alas it 's gone as a puffe of wind : then followes , the captive exile hastneth that hee may bee loosened , that hee may not die in the pit , nor that his bread should faile , hee feares lest he should starve or die in his bondage , and therefore makes hast out of it ; but gods people shall not need to make such hast , their seasonable deliverance is sure enough ; many other scriptures speak this truth as plainely ; but that which i chiefly aime at for cleering this doctrine , is , the discussing of two questions , the one is , 1. when the lord uses to doe this ; 2. how hee doth it . for the first , that hee will deliver his people from all their oppressors , is not to be doubted , but when the lord will doe it , that is the time that every sad soule cries after , how long lord , holy and true , doest thou not avenge us ? or when lord shall it bee ? i answer , though it bee not for us to search curiously into the times and seasons that the father keeps in his owne bosome , as you have it in acts 1. 7. yet the lord hath left very comfortable prognosticks in his word , whereby wee may guesse when the time of the deliverance of gods people from their bondage is even at hand ; certainly it will come in the best time , in the fittest time , but when that time doth appropinquate , drawes nigh , you shall find it cleer in the word by these three things ; the one is , the lord ordinarily makes that the time of his breaking the power of the enemies of his church , when they are fill'd most with rage and fury against the church , when they breath out nothing but slaughter , and threatnings against them , blaspheme not onely them , but their god , and their profession , and their way , when they are risen up to that height that their sinnes are full against god , and their rage against gods people , that is the time when the lord suddenly uses to break out and crush his enemies ; i might give you many examples of this in the book of god , take that expression in ieremiah 30. 17. for one , the lord would speedily come to deliver his people , but why ? even because they said , this is zion , whom no man cries for ; zion was then a scorned company , i will therefore ( saith hee ) restore healing to them ; therefore would hee come , because the enemy said , this is zion that no body cares for , every one can tread it under foot ; so likewise , ezek. 25. 3. because the ammonites said aha against his sanctuary , against the land of israel and against the house of iudah , when they went into captivitie , behold i will therefore deliver them , &c. and ezek. 28. 67. because the king of tyrus had set his heart as the heart of god , therefore god would bring enemies upon him . what need i multiply examples ? you shall find it was thus to all the people that ever had gods people under them , goe from egypt , to those of syria , palestina , to the assyrians , the babylonians , the grecians , the romans , you shall find in them all , that when their rage was most furious against gods people , then was the time neer that god used to breake them , and deliver his people from them . secondly , another time is , when the lord by the threshings of their enemies hath purged the chaffe out of his people ; when the lord hath by delivering his people up into the hands of wicked men wrought in their hearts a spirit of repentance , a spirit of humiliation , a spirit of prayer , a spirit of looking unto god , the lord never stayes long before he doth deliver them ; i beseech you search the scriptures , and you will find that the morning starre is not a more infallible argument of the day , of the sunnes approach or rising , then a spirit of humiliation and prayer powered upon gods people , is an argument of their deliverance at hand : the burden of hadrach , and damasous , tyre and sidon , ruine to them is prophesied of in the 9. of zachariah , but when should it bee ? when the eyes of the tribes are towards the lord , when god puts it into the hearts of his people to looke to god , to humble themselves and seek his favour , the lord is then at hand , to ruine their enemies and deliver them : so also in the 102. psalme , vers . 13. thou shalt arise and have mercy upon zion , marke the phrase , thou shalt arise , it is somewhat akin to that place of isaiah , where the lord saith , aske me of things to come , and concerning my sonnes and daughters command yee mee ; so the people of god come in , thou shalt arise and have mercy , why ? what makes them so confident ? the set time is come , the time of deliverance of zion is come , even the set time is come ; how can they tell that ? thy servants mourne over the dust of it , thy servants are compassionate , they pitie , they poure out their soules , and mourne to god , and out of this ; the church could set downe the conclusion , the set time is come for it , when the lord hath prepared his people , and humbled them : and then thirdly , when hee hath broke all other meanes of deliverance , so that they see no hope or meanes of helpe in any other , the heart of man cannot thinke how prone even gods servants are to relie upon other crutches besides god , and to catch as sinking men at every twig , and every bulrush , but when the lord hath broke all their probabilities , and expectations elsewhere , that there is none shut up , nor none left , then doth the lord use to come himself & rescue his people , and break those that thought to swallow them up ; of this you may please to take two notable instances ; the one is a prophesie in deuteronomy 32. 36. the lord had said how hee would scatter his people , but ( saith hee ) when hee saw , that their strength was all gone , that there was none shut up , nor none left , that is , none to bee a helpe , there were enow of gods people left , but not any one that could worke any deliverance for them , what then ? then did the lord repent concerning his servants , and his owne arme delivered them ; you have it yet rather more cleerly in isaiah 59. 16. the words are these , the lord looked , and there was no man , and wondred that there was no intercessor , the lord could finde none that could speake for them , none that could act for them , when god saw that , then his owne arme will doe it , hee then put on his mercy and goodnesse , and arrayed himselfe with his zeale like a robe , and his owne arme did it ; that they might feare the name of god from the rising of the sunne to the setting of it : and that is the reason why the lord uses to come in at such a time , because hee hath the more glory . this for the time , when god uses to break the yokes of his people that lie upon them , when the enemies are at highest , when he hath humbled and prepared his people , and when all other helpes doe faile them , then the lord doth it : but then in the next place , how doth he doe it ? after what manner doth he use to deliver them ? i answer first in generall : which way soever the lord doth it , all wayes are alike easie to him ; alike easie for him to contrive ; alike easie for him to use his infinite wisdome , and his infinite power knows no degrees of ease or strength in any way , all are alike to him ; it is all one to him to save by many or to save by few . secondly , i answer , that when the lord comes to deliver his people , he seldome doth it that way that his people expect , seldome walks in the paths that we have causeyed for him , or by the line that we have chalked out for his direction ; seldome or never doth god take that way : we are prone to deal with god as naaman did , when the prophet had sent for him to cure , that he and his master might know there was a god in israel who knew how to cure him of his leprosie ; naaman believed it , but he had fancied by the way how it should be done : now ( saith he ) i shall finde a cure ; and he will surely come out to me , and strike his hand over the place , and stand and call on the name of god , and so i shall see a miraculous work wrought upon me ; the prophet went clean another way ; and because the prophet did not come out , and take that way he thought of , he went away in a rage , and thought there was no cure for him : so verily most people deal with god ; we think this is the way how our deliverance must come , by such a parliament , by such an army , by such a designe , by such an association , by such and the other way , here it must come , if this way fail , we think all is lost , and god seldome goes the way we have chalked out ; study you the scriptures and you will finde it : but yet if positively you 'll know what way he doth it ; i answer more particularly : very frequently by his own immediate hand , without the help of any other ; he alone trode out the winepress of the wrath of god , and there was none of the people with him to help him , but doth all himself , so my text saith in the next verse , the battail of the warriours , &c. if other nations conquer , they doe it by garments rolled in blood , and by confused noise , but this shall be by burning and by fuell of fire by gods own hand ; or which is all one , he ordinarily doth it by most unlikely and contemptible meanes , he will not alwayes work miracles , that is to doe a thing without any meanes at all ; but in the deliverance of his church , he alwayes works miranda , marvailous things , by doing it by such meanes as are altogether improbable and unsuitable to the great things that are to be done by him . this instance of my text is a most notable proof , he will break every yoke of the oppressor , as in the day of midian ; how was that ? you may read the story in the 17 of iudges : the way was this , there was such a numerous and mighty army of the midianites , that the text saith , they lay like grashoppers , and cover'd over all the countrey ; the lord meant to destroy them and gideon must goe with 300 men , and these 300 men must every one carry a pitcher , and a lamp therein in one hand , and a trumpet in another hand , and compass in this mighty company , every one at his post , and blow with the trumpet , and not strike a stroke , but cry , the sword of the lord and gideon ; and this routs and destroys an invincible army . as in the day of midian , saith the lord , so will jesus christ , that is , by some unlikely meanes : and give me leave to say confidently , that whosoever reads the book of god from one end to the other , will finde that most of all the deliverances which the lord hath given his church , have been by people that have been most unlike to doe their businesse ; a shepheard shall bring israel out of egypt ; rams hornes shall blow down the walls of iericho : a shepheards boy with a sling and a stone in it , shall overthrow goliah ; the israelites like two little flocks of kids shall overthrow the assyrians , that fill all the countrey , thus hath the lord used to doe it : if you 'l know the reason of this manner of proceeding as well as of the time when he doth it , it is , because then hee appeares like himselfe ; the truth is , let god doe it by never such probable meanes , it is god that workes all ; god did no more when hee destroyed the midianites by gideons 300. then hee did when he destroyed the army of the israelites , with 400000. of the tribes of iudah and benjamin , god did no more in the one then in the other , for it is god who workes all in all , but god doth not so much appeare , for wee that are thick sighted can see what the creature doth , but wee cannot see that this creature is in gods hand , and that it is god that doth all ; but now when the lord uses meanes which are altogether unlike to attaine it , and are wholly unfit for the worke then to doe it , all say this was digitus dei , this was the lords doing ; now the lord saith , when there was none to speak , then his owne arme did it , that gods name might have the praise from the rising of the sunne to the setting of it : these things i might have prosecuted further ; give me leave to wind it all up with an application , and i shall dismisse you ; and there are but two vses , which i intend of this lesson , the one is , first , a word or two of admonition to enemies , if there should be any such here , that are ill-willers to the church and people of god that love not christs cause in the hands of his servants , who wish ill to it , who are glad when power and strength comes into the hands of those that would , or are likely to oppresse gods people , and as farr as they can are contributing their power towards such designes ; let mee tell thee who ever thou art , thou wilt wholly be frustrate of thy expectation , flatter not your selves , o yee malignant spirits , if any such heare mee this day , i say againe flatter not your selves with any thought that you shall bee able to doe any great matters against the servants of christ , your plots will all come to nothing ; i will tell you a story , you shall finde it in 2 chron. 28. the church malignant , i meane the church of the ten tribes , ( who had made apostasie under ieroboam ) had rallied a mighty army together , and went against the true church of christ , against iudah , and they got the day , and carried away 200000. of their brethren , whom they made account to keepe or sell for slaves , and so keep them in bondage , and now they thought all was their owne , there comes a prophet and meets them , who tells them from god , with a rage that reacheth unto heaven , you have slaine many of your brethren , and now you think to keep the people of iudah under , it will not bee ( saith hee ) there are sinnes amongst you , great is the wrath of god that is kindled against you , let them goe home againe , meddle not with them : and truely though the people were naught , they tooke the prophets counsell , they saw it would be in vaine for them to kick against the prick ; so i say , it may bee there may bee some such here , for i can heare of strange insultings and threatnings in the mouths and tongues of many against those whom they thinke shortly to have under their feet , but doe not flatter your selves , the people of god are too heavy a stone for you to carry farre ; i will make ( saith the lord in the 12. of zachariah ) ierusalem a burdensome stone , for all people that burthen themselves with it shall bee broken in peeces , though all the nations of the earth should bee gathered together against it , the people of god will bee too heavy a weight for them : in the same place hee speakes to them that thought to drinke their blood , i will make ierusalem a cup of trembling unto all the people round about ; you cannot hurt them , you may bee gods flaile to thresh out their chaffe , bee a meanes to purge and winnow them ( which they will have cause to thank god for , ) but for you to thinke to oppresse them long , that the rod of the wicked shall remaine or rest upon the neck of them that feare god , it cannot bee , you 'l ruine your selves in the designe ; bee wise therefore and leave it off ; but i forbeare , for such ordinarily are more fill'd with fury and rage against that that is spoken in this kind , then willing to profit by it , and therefore my next vse is , to them that will profit by it , and whom i hope the lord will teach to profit by it , to all those that have sincerely owned christ and his cause amongst us , i would speake somewhat to them , the lord grant i may speake effectually , i am sure it is a word in season , you who are the lords people , that are in covenant with him , who desire to know & feare him , and to see the welfare and prosperity of zion , the thing i would leave with you is this , lay not to heart overmuch the dangers you seeme to be in for the present , from the hands of those who would destroy you , lay it not ( i say ) so far to heart as to be dismayed : i confesse it is as arrowes in the hearts , and swords in the bowels of many , to heare the extream threatnings and scornes wch in many places are cast upon those that desire to feare god , they are often told , you are not farre from hanging , you must shortly looke for it , england will bee too hot for you , your doores are mark'd , you are known well enough , the day is comming , you 'l be caught ere long , what of all that ? which if these things bee belched out ? i confesse if our lives were in the hands of men , if the lord would deliver us up to them to doe what they would , and put us out of his hand , i beleeve there would not bee a godly man left before to morrow night , so much rage and fury is throughout the land against them , if satan might have the ruling of the rost , and the determination of businesses ; but truely the servants of god are never nearer to deliverance , then when such threats lie upon them , and the lord jesus christ being the same yesterday , to day , and for ever , knowes his own best time , and his own best way , and we should fix our eyes upon him , when all other things goe crosse , and studie onely to walke so as wee may bee under the power of this doctrine , that wee may bee under the reach , and cover and wings of it , and when wee have done that , wee have done all wee should doe ; and therefore to this end , give me leave in this close of the sermon , to give a threefold advice to gods people , what they should now do in regard of the present straights and dangers that wee are cast in , that so wee may the more comfortably expect deliverance from christ : the one is , let us all ( in the first place ) take the counsell of the prophet in ieremiah 8. 14. when the lord was giving up his people to most wofull spoiles , the prophet speakes to them after this manner , why doe you sit still ? assemble your selves , and let us enter into the defenced cities , and let us be silent there , for the lord our god hath put us to silence and given you the water of gall and wormeword to drinke ; for wee have sinned against god ; so i would say to all , o that the voyce of god in this could reach his servants in the parliament , in the court of aldermen , in the common-councell , in the citie , and throughout england , that it might prevaile with all that have been unfainedly devoted to this work , to get into their closets , to lay their hand upon their mouth , and weep before god , and say , this cup of gall and bitternesse is given us to drinke because wee have sinn'd against god , my meaning plainly is this , i thinke the servants of god in england , since the gospel came into england , have never miscarried , nor dishonoured the gospel so , as we have done since god hath wrought these enlargements for us ; surely wee walked 100. times better in the dayes of persecution , then wee have in the middest of our inlargement ; o to what abundance of loosenesse even good people are come , what pride in many of their hearts , what scandalous walking in the eyes of those that are enemies to religion , what bitter divisions one against another , undermining one another , opposing one another , when one side gets power striving to beate downe the other , if the other get the ball , they kick as unmercifully against the other , even to the scorne of religion : truely wee have even lost our selves ; our foolish walking hath took off the awe that the profession of religion laid upon the hearts of wicked men , who heretofore though they did not love goodnesse , yet they saw such a conversation in those that were good , that it laid a bridle upon them , but now they see that many godly , or who at least pretend to bee godly , appeare so selfish , so bitter , so worldly , not onely to bee of differing minds , but of differing affections , falling into horrible rents , and abominable opinions , this i say , hath tooke off the awe that lay upon mens consciences , and therefore is there so much rage let out against us ; i desire therefore that we all that professe our selves to bee christs servants may get our selves into our closets , and bee silent , lay our hands upon our mouths , and say , it is most just with god wee should bee given up , wee had a little power and wee have abused it , wee have dishonor'd the gospel , and now the lord hath given us the water of gall and wormewood to drinke , because our finnes have called for it . beloved , our adversaries can speak of these things , and it is good for you to heare of it from the ministers mouth , for when wee lye low and submit , and say , god hath walked contrary to us , because wee have walked contrary to him , then the lord will quickly turne things about , and bee gratious to us : that is one ; let the servants of god wherein they have miscarried bee sensible of it , humbled and abased for it in gods sight ; and secondly , let our conversation for the time to come , bee according to the principles and wayes that wee walked in the beginning of this worke , when wee were first ingaged in it ; in the beginning of our work , what were our principles ? what were the things wee aimed at then ? did we not then aime at the reformation of religion , execution of justice , enjoyment of libertie , &c. were not these the hinges that carried us ? and the wayes wherein we walked then , what were they ? were they not the wayes of prayer , and the wayes of christian love , and a spirit of zeale ? was there not a spirit of prayer mightily poured out in every corner of the land , so that you could come no where , where there were any that feared god , but frequently in publique and private there was knocking at heaven gate , and wrestling with god ? and was there not a spirit of love amongst gods people then ? wee know not the divisions and animosities that are come in since , every one helped together ; and was there not also a spirit of activity ? were they not all vigorous and active laying out all their strength and all their talents , when the enemy was not so active as now ? which diligence many have given over , and the enemy hath taken up ; now let us indeavour that the same spirit may be revived amongst gods people for the time to come , let us remember our engagements , and what the things were wee vowed , when wee lifted up our hands to the most high god , and doe our first workes ; o that wee could see a restoring of these things , o that wee could see a restoring of the spirit of prayer againe among the godly people of england , and a spirit of love to unite one with another , ( i am sure wee see all our enemies unite against us ) o that they would now unite one with another , though they cannot bee all of one minde , yet of one heart , bearing one anothers infirmities , indeavoring to heale all that is sinfull in each other ; o that the spirit of zeale to promote the cause wee are ingaged in , might once more bee found amongst us , that wee might with abishai and ioab play the men and bestirre our selves , and let god doe what is good in his own eyes : let that be our second care , remember our first principles , and our first wayes ; and then thirdly , and lastly , with lamenting and bemoaning our failings , and with our recovering our first love , and our first wayes , let us quietly leave it to god , to doe what hee will ; o that god would once bring his servants to this passe , never to look for any great good from man , nor never to feare any great evill from man , neither good from the best of men , nor evill from the worst of men , but to resolve that the lord can and will himselfe doe his own worke , and were there not left in london , in england , in all three kingdomes any one of power to stand for the cause of god , were all swallowed up , yet let us conclude the fire of god will burne up all the briars and thornes that are risen up against the lords vineyard ; were our armies all lost , were our friends all gone ( as indeed wee are come to a very low ebbe ) yet is our deliverance never the further off , therefore hold up your confidence ; indeed if wee were engaged in an ill cause wee ought to give it over to repent of it openly , and take shame to our selves ; if wee have done ill , to stand for reformation , contend for our liberties , to contend to bee a free people , if this were sinfull let us bee humbled , and tell all the world of it , but if it be right , it 's not the falling away of this man or that man , or the revolting of this or t'other ship , or castle , or this partie or that partie , all this is nothing , if god turne but his face against them they are all gone ; brethren , let me speak truly of it , it is thus in scotland at this day , the godly party , they that are for the covenant and religion ; though they are overborne with an army , a degenerate party risen up against them , who threaten to swallow up all , and have plundred and wasted the estates and goods of them who will not joyne with them in this sinfull and wicked ingagement , yet they hold one and cleave to their old rules and principles , and confidently expect deliverance ; the lord teach us to doe the like , that as wee meet this day to praise god for his mercies and deliverances lately received , a whole catalogue whereof were now read unto you , so to resolve it for the time to come to seeke him in his own way , wee to doe what wee can , and with faith leave him to doe what he will . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a89588e-290 introduction shewing the coherence . 1. matth ▪ 4. 15 , 16. 2. 3. 4. scope and parts of the text . 1 which are a great deliverance of the church . 2 the manner how i● must be wrought . 1. judges 7. 2. interpretation of the text . 1. 1. 1. 1. 2. 2 chron. 32. 2 kings 18. 19. esay 36. 37. obs. from the connexion of these words with the former , gods people should rejoyce when god breakes their enemies & their yokes in sunder , psal. 126. exod. 15. judges 5. vers . 19. vse . a notable tryall of our hearts whether they be right to christ and his church . esay 66. 10. two doctrines from the deliverance promised in the text . 1 doct. christ sometimes leaves his own people under grievous yokes . esay 8. 8. psal. 119 , 121. esay 3. 12. deut. 28. 29. 33. psal. 106. 41. 42. hos. 5. 11. psal. 144. 12 , 13. ezek. 34. micah 7. 34. lamentar . 5. per totum . for what sins god useth to give up his people into the hands of tyrants and oppressors . for refusing to be under his government he gives them up to be under cruell governers . 2 chron. 12. 8. zach. 11. opened . 2. when his people are unthankfull for good governours , hee gives them up into the hands of oppressors . judges 9 , 7 , &c. 1 sam. 8. ho●ea 13. 11. 3. when people are tyrants and oppressors one over another , god useth to give : him into the hands of oppressors . esay 9. 21. jer. 66. 7. 23. application . 2 doct. christ will in due time break all the yokes which lie upon his peoples necks . luke 21. 1● . psal. 125. 3. esay 49 , 24 , 25 , 26. esa. 51. 13 , 14. quest . 1. when christ useth to deliver his people . answer to the first . he alwayes doth it in the best time . and that time may be known to approach . when the rage of his and their enemies is highest . jer. 30. 17. 2. when gods people are humbled and seek his face and favour . zath. . 9. 1. &c. psal. 102. 13. 3. and when all hope of deliverance by any other meanes is cut off . deut. 32. 35. esay 59. 16. quest . 2. how , and after what manner doth god use to deliver his people . resp. 1. all wayes are alike easie to him . resp. 2. he seldome delivers in that way his people expect it . resp. 3. esay 63. 4 he usually delivers his church without any humane help . resp. 4. or which is all one , by unlikely meanes and instruments , reason . because in this way of working god appeares most like himselfe . 2 chron. 13. 13. vse . admonition to them who have ill will at zion . 2 chron. 28. zach. 12. 3. vse 2. exhortation gods people not to be dishartned by the threatnings of ●●em●es . and to walke so as to be under the shelter of this doctrine directions how this may bee done . 1. first , bee humbled and ashamed for our unworthy walking in the middest of so many wonderfull administrations towards us . jen. 8 ▪ 14. 2. to walke according to our first good principles and wayes . 3. with confidence expect a good issue from god . die martis 29. februarii. 1647. resolved by the lords and commons assembled in parliament. that no person or persons whatsoever, presume to raise lift, muster, or gather together any souldiers, ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83432 of text r210819 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[135]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83432 wing e2241 thomason 669.f.11[135] estc r210819 99869576 99869576 162788 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83432) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162788) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[135]) die martis 29. februarii. 1647. resolved by the lords and commons assembled in parliament. that no person or persons whatsoever, presume to raise lift, muster, or gather together any souldiers, ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) for john wright at the kings head in the old-bayley, imprinted at london : 1647 [i.e. 1648] no person to enlist soldiers on pretence of transporting them for the service of any foreign prince in london or within 10 miles of it. no person to enlist soldiers for the service of any foreign prince without the special leave of the committee at derby house -cf. steele. ordered to be printed and published by the house of lords. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng soldiers -england -early works to 1800. great britain -militia -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a83432 r210819 (thomason 669.f.11[135]). civilwar no die martis 29. februarii. 1647. resolved by the lords and commons assembled in parliament. that no person or persons whatsoever, presume to england and wales. parliament. 1648 174 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die martis 29. februarii . 1647. resolved by the lords and commons assembled in parliament . that no person or persons whatsoever , presume to raise , list , muster , or gather together any souldiers , or forces upon pretence of transporting them for the service of any forraigne prince or state , within the city of london , or within ten miles of the said city . resolved &c. that no person or persons whatsoever presume to raise , list , muster , or gather together any souldiers , or forces in any place of this kingdome for the service of any forraigne prince or state , or to transport any souldiers or forces out of this kingdom , without the speciall licence of the committee of derby house die martis 29 februarii . 1647. ordered by the lords assembled in parliament , that these votes be forthwith printed and published . imprinted at london for john wright at the kings head in the old-bayley . 1647. by the mayor to all constables, beadles, and other his majesties officers and loving subjects within the city of london, and every of them. city of london (england). lord mayor. 1667 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49062 wing l2885k estc r41298 31354841 ocm 31354841 110274 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49062) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110274) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:7) by the mayor to all constables, beadles, and other his majesties officers and loving subjects within the city of london, and every of them. city of london (england). lord mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [london : 1667?] order to apprehend persons defacing or pulling down proclamations. right half of sheet contains "the oath of the constables within the city of london." place and date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the guildhall library (london, england) created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the mayor . to all constables , beadles , and other his majesties officers and loving subjects within the city of london , and every of them . these shall be in his majesties name , straightly to charge and command you and every of you to apprehend and take all such person and persons , as at any time hereafter shall deface or pull down any proclamation fixed upon any poste or wall , and them forthwith to commit to close prison , and to certifie me thereof . not failing hereof at your perils . god save the king . the oath of the constables within the city of london . ye shall sweare , that ye shall keep the peace of our soveraign lord the king well and lawfully after your power . and ye shall arrest all them that make contention , riot debate or affray in breaking of the said peace , and leade them to the house or counter of one of the sheriffes . and if ye be withstood by strength of misdoers , ye shall rear on them an out-cry , and pursue them from street to street , and from ward to ward , till they be arrested : and ye shall search at all times when ye be required by the scavengers or bedles , the common noyance of your ward . and the bedle and raker ye shall help to rear and gather their salary & quarterage , if ye be thereunto by them required , and if any thing be done within your ward against the ordinance of the city , such defaults as ye shall find there done , ye shall them present to the mayor and ministers of the city and if ye be letted by any person or persons , that ye may not duly do your office , ye shall certify the mayor and councel of the city , of the name or names of him or them that so let you . ye shall also swear , that during the time that ye shall stand in the office , and occupy the room of a constable , ye shall once at the least every month certify and shew to one of the clerks of the mayors court , and in the same court , as well the names as surnames of all freemen which ye shall know to be deceased within the month , in the parish wherein ye be inhabited , as also the names and surnames of all the children of the said freemen so deceased , being orphans of this city , and you shall enquire of all and every the offences done contrary to the statutes made , 1 jacobi , 4 jacobi , 21 jacobi , to restrain the inordinate haunting and tipling in innes and alehouses , and for repressing of drunkennesse , and due presentments thereof make according to the said statutes . and thus ye shall do as god you help . god save the king . londinum triumphans : londons triumphs celebrated in honour of the truely deserving sir anthony bateman, knight, lord maior of the honourable city of london, and done at the costs and charges of the right worshipful the company of skinners, the 29th of october, 1663 / by john tatham. tatham, john, fl. 1632-1664. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a63188 of text r568 in the english short title catalog (wing t221). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish.this text has not been fully proofread approx. 24 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a63188 wing t221 estc r568 11944911 ocm 11944911 51302

this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a63188) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51302) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 516:26) londinum triumphans : londons triumphs celebrated in honour of the truely deserving sir anthony bateman, knight, lord maior of the honourable city of london, and done at the costs and charges of the right worshipful the company of skinners, the 29th of october, 1663 / by john tatham. tatham, john, fl. 1632-1664. [2], 18 p. printed by w.g. for henry brome ..., london : 1663. reproduction of original in huntington library.
eng bateman, anthony, -sir, 1616-1687. london (england) -history -17th century. shcnolondinium triumphanstatham, john1663394940000010.13c the rate of 10.13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-06 assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 sampled and proofread 2005-02 text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 batch review (qc) and xml conversion

londinum triumphans .

londons triumphs celebrated : in honour of the truely deserving sir anthony bateman knight , lord maior of the honourable city of london . and done at the costs and charges of the right worshipful the company of skinners , the 29 th . of october , 1663.

by john tatham .

london , printed by w. g. for henry brome at the gun in ivy-lane . 1663.

the ordering and marshalling of the dayes businesse .

about eight of the clock at skinners-hall , to attend his lordship according to order , meet ,

first , the master , wardens , and assistants , in their gowns faced with foynes , and with their hoods . secondly , the livery in their gowns faced with budge , and their hoods . thirdly , fifty foynes batchelors in gowns and sattin hoods . fourthly , fifty budge batchelors in gowns and sattin hoods . fifthly , sixty gentlemen ushers in plush coats , each of them a chain of gold about his shoulder , and a white staff in his hand . sixthly , fifteen other gentlemen , for carrying banners and colours , eleven of them being in plush , the other four in buff. seventhly , the serjeant trumpet , and thirty six trumpets more , whereof 16. are his majesties servants , four the duke of york's , and four the duke of albemarle's ; the serjeant trumpet wearing not onely a scarfe of the lord maior's colours ( allowed by his lordship as his fee ) but also another of the companies colours . eighthly , the drum-major to his majesty , wearing a scarfe of the companies colours crosse his shoulders ; four more of his majasties drums and a fife attend the service ; also seven other drums and two fifes more , each of them ( except his majesties servants ) are habited in buff coloured doublets , black hose , and scarfes about their wasts . ninethly , the two marshalls for the city , with like scarfes , they have fix persons to attend them . tenthly , the foot-marshal with the like scarfe , and his six attendants . eleventhly , the master of defence , with the like scarfe , and ten persons to attend him . twelfthly , seventy pentioners in red gowns , red sleeves , and red caps , each of them carrying a javelin in one hand , and a target in the other , wherein is painted the coat of arms of their benefactors . lastly , the said gentlemen bearing enfignes , serjeant trumpet , drum-major , and each other trumpet , drum and fife , together with the several marshalls , master of defence , and the other attendants , have each of them the companies colours in their hats .

hereupon , the foot marshal divides the persons so met into seven divisions , ranked out two by two , beginning with the inferiour part , the standard-bearers ; and in the head of them are placed two drums , one fife , and one gentleman , bearing the companies ensign .

in the rear of those standard-bearers fall in six trumpets , two gentlemen bearing banners , being the arms of deceased benefactors ; after them march the aged pentioners in gowns , and in the center of them fall in two drums beating the switzers march.

in the rear of them fall in two drums , one fife , and two gentlemen in plush coats , bearing two banners or ensigns ; after them , fall in six gentlemen ushers , and in the rear of them fall in the budge batchellors .

in the rear of them , fall in six other trumpets ; after them two other gentlemen bearing two other banners or ensigns ; after them fal in eight gentlemen ushers � and after them the foynes batchellors .

in the rear of them , fall in the duke of york's , and the duke of albemarle's eight trumpets ; after them two gentlemen bearing two other banners or ensignes , then 12 gentlemen ushers , and after them the livery .

in the rear of them fall in the drum-major , and his majesties four drums and fife ; after them two other gentlemen , the one bearing the lord maiors , the other the cities banners , and after them twelve gentlemen ushers , and after them the court of assistants .

in the rear of them fall in the serjeant trumpet and sixteen other of his majesties trumpets , and a kettle drum in his majesties livery ; after them three gentlemen bearing three banners , the one the kings , the other the duke of york's , and the third the banner of st. george marching triangular ; after them fall in twelve gentlemen ushers , and in the rear of them the present master and wardens .

in this equipage two by two , they march from skinners-hall towards the lord maior's house in mincing-lane , the foot marshal and his attendants , make a lane to receive his lordsh�p and his attendants , together with the old lord maior and his attendants , which having done , the foot marshal ranks them as formerly , and the whole body march towards guildhall , and from thence to three crane wharf in the vintrey , his lordship enters his barge at the stairs next westminster , the company enters theirs at merchant taylors stairs , and the rest of the companies at several other places : but the gentlemen ushers budge and foynes batchellors , repair to their place of refreshment .

the lord maior and the several companies of london being thus imbarqued , they make all speed to westminster , where by the way several peices of ordinances are discharged , placed on the bank-side to that purpose , for congratulating his lordship .

the companies being landed at westminster , they set themselves as a guard on both sides , from westminster bridge to the hall , in which likewise they make a lane for the company of skinners to passe , the lord maior , the old lord maior , aldermen , and their attendants , but the livery and their attendants return to their barge , the assistants , the master , wardens , and their several attendants , march up the exchequer stairs , and from the stair head to the exchequer bar , make a lane , through which the new and old lord maiors with the recorder passe , the new lord maior on the right hand of him ; and the old lord maior on the left , where the recorder makes a speech .

a writ being sealed at the chancery , kings bench , & common pleas bar , and the accustomed ceremonies performed , his lordship and the rest in order repair to their several barges , and hasten to baynards castle , pauls wharf , and other places , in order to their making a guard or gallory , from pauls chain hill , and pauls church yard , to cheapside , through which the company of skinners , the lord maior , and aldermen , with their attendants pass .

his lordship being landed , and all things in a readinesse in reference to it ; he is saluted by one scene being two leopards richly set out , on whose backs are seated two negroes , habited very costly after their manner , two girles likewise placed on the stage thereof , one in the front , the other in the rear , and accommodated accordingly ; the negroes hold each a banner of the cities arms in one hand , and the arms of the company in the other , the girles hold the like .

this scene moves all the morning with other pageants up and down pauls church-yard , and upon his lordships approach retreat towards foster-lane end , where a pageant relating to the companies trade receive them ; the leopards ( as they are supporters of the companies arms ) flank each side thereof .

this pageant is made in manner of a wood or wildernesse , the stage thereof being fourteen foot long , and eight foot broad ; the front thereof is arched over with a wilde arbour , in which sits a living figure representing faunus . his head is circled with a crown of wool inter-mixed with ermyns , the upper part of his body habited like a forrester in green ; his nether pa�� like a woodman in russet ; he wears a long loose robe over it lined with fur , and inter-mixed with ermyns ; in one hand he holds a javelin , in the other a bugle horn. his attendants are three satyres habited accordingly , who are in continual motion , playing on several rude instruments , singing and dancing . upon four pedestalls sit four girles , alluding to the nymphs of the wood and forrests , called dryades , and habited accordingly . on the stage are placed several boyes in the shapes of bears , monkeys , and several other beasts relating to the placed several boyes in the shapes o f bears , monkeys , and several other beasts relating to the companies trade , who likewise are in continual action .

faunus is said to be god of the woods and forrests , and father of all the rural gods .

[ he is reported to be the ancient'st of all the kings in italy , and was the first that brought in any form of religion thither . he consecrated groves , gave names unto cities , erected temples , ordained sacrifices ; from whom the churches , as some say , were named fana . ]

upon his lordships approach faunus directs himself in these words ;

faunus's speech . e're scarce the face of government was known , or superstitious ceremonies shown , e're rome received from romulus a law , ( which did the sabines to subjection draw ; ) or that her gods into request became , and altars on her holy * mount did flame , i lead the way to those mysterious rights . by the pale tapers of instinctive lights : for nature ( then ) us heathens reason lent to worship what we held omnipotent . when now there are a sort strive to deface with oaths and blasphemy the seat of grace , worser then heathens live ; past sense of shame , from christian into atheist change their name , we were devout in what we did not know , they know , and yet will not devotion shew ; in woods and groves ( at first ) we sacrific'd , and then we temples to erect devis'd . as we grew up in knowledge we the more our unknown gods did honour and adore , these sort of men your temples do despise , and to their lusts do ( onely ) sacrifice ; that such who thus your government displease deserve the name of satyrs more then * these . licentious liberty obdurates hearts , and man from virtue more then beasts departs ; for they forsake not theirs , and as we do order our beasts , let them be order'd too ; wild beasts are tam'd by men , and wild-men may be brought in time to be as tame as they . 't is wisdome in the magistrate that must crumble all such prophaneness into dust . let such as in your church no service lovee confin'd be to a forrest , wood , or grove . let them be company for beasts not men , till they return unto the truth agen . by this their punishment you will appear unto the world , more vertuous then severe .

the speech ended , his lordship and his retinue move towards the place where cheapside-crosse stood , and there he is entertained by another scene or pageant , being a stately fabrick made after the dorick order , on the top whereof is seated a lively figure representing albion or england , taking her name from the white cliffs ; her hair is of a flaxen colour dishevelled , her temples are circled with an imperial diadem , her neck ornamented with a collor of ss , her garment cloth of silver , about her shoulders a loose flying scarf of gold : in one hand she holds a shield whereon is figured the heptarchy , ( or the seven petty kings that once ruled here ) , kneeling and tendring their crowns to her ; in the other hand she holds a rich banner , whereon the arms of england and portugall is impal'd . at her feet upon a pedestall is seated a living figure representing the city of london ; her hair of a light brown , on her head a coronet of gold , her garment white sarsnet fring'd with gold , over her shoulders she has a loose flying green sarsnet scarfe fringed with silver : in one hand she holds a banner of the cities arms , in the other one of the companies .

on either side of the pageant sit two more living figures , representing two cities , york and bristoll ; and in the rear sits another figure representing worcester .

york is habited in a flame coloured sarsnet robe , her hair a dark brown dishevel'd , on her head a coronet of gold , in one hand she holds a banner with the arms of that city , in the other the arms of england .

bristoll is habited in a limon-coloured sarsnet robe , her hair dishevel'd , on her head a coronet of gold ; in one hand she holds a banner with the arms of that city , in the other the arms of england .

norwich is habited in a crimson coloured srasnet-robe , her hair dishevel'd , on her head she has a coronet of gold , in one hand she holds a banner with the arms of that city , and in the other the arms of england .

all these banners are made of silk , about the pageant is painted the figure of every city in little .

his lordship and the rest drawing neer , albion directs her self to him in these words ;

albions speech . albion that not long since was left forlorn , her bosom ransackt , and her garments torn by her unnatural children , now presumes your presence , and her antient state assumes . bless'd be the happy change , the sacred cause of our religion , liberty , and laws . so great a work could not accomplish'd be , without restoring heaven-born monarchie ; how happy are you , could you prize your good , and your conditions rightly understood ; now peace has got the upper hand of war , and plenty hath exiled famin far remote from hence our fields are clad with corn whose laden ears do listen to be shorn . the husbandman hides not his cattel , now , lest that they shall be taken from the plough ; the shepherd fears not those sheep stealing men ( far worse then wolves ) of late , but laughs agen . and to his harmless flock tunes forth the praise of peace , and our revived halcion dayes . thrice happy england in so bless'd a king , vnder whose government the clergy sing the songs of sion in the sacred tongue , converting old men and informing young . where vile oppression is supprest by law , and clemency doth more then rigour awe . then london , and my other daughters , know how much to god for such a king you owe ; and let no dirty thoughts rebellious , prove the dark rewarders of his serene love .

the speech ended , his lordship and his retinue move towards milk-street , and there he is saluted by another scene or pageant , made in manner of a chariot , in the front whereof sits a living figure , representing a turk ( alluding to his lordships quality , a turkish merchant , and so to trade ) his habit is very rich , apted to the fashion of that countrey ; in the body of the pageant are three turks more habited accordingly , and three slaves employed in ordering and making up commodities .

upon his lordships adproach , the turk salutes him in these words ;

turks speech . hail to the honour that attends your name , we that ne'r stoop to fear , yet must to fame ; we that dare grapple with the universe , and mak 't our glory ( only ) to converse with horrid slaughter , do appeal to you , and for your amity and comerce sue : nor is it such a monstrous thing to be in league with us � rather securitie : the trembling nations where our sultan comes surrender up their rights , and quit their homes ; our numerous host staggers the christians faith , and our successe like admiration hath : th' inveigling french we neither love , nor fear , your deeds abroad draw our affections here . england's the seat of honour , and the flower of chivalry , valours imperiall bower ; her prince inur'd to arms , and rugged war , her souldiers ( like to alexanders , ) are so expert in their discipline , not one but may a title of commander own . her magistrates are sober , grave , and wise , not kickshaw-pated-fellows , butterflies , but such as rome did in her pride select for government , to traffique , and protect , and as to her , remotest parts did bow , let us not shame to doe the like to you .

the speech ended , his lordship and the rest move on towards soper-lane end , the four pageants by whom his lordship past , falling into the rear . at soper-lane end , another pageant waits his lordship , being a stately building , in the front whereof sits minerva ; her hair dishevell'd , on her head she wears a silver helmet with a plume of red and white feathers , her garment of changeable coloured sarsnet , alluding to her properties , as she is pallas , bellona , and minerva ; in one hand she holds a lance , in the other a shield , whereon is figured several sorts of books and instruments of musick , as she is goddesse of arts and arms ; upon the four pedestals of the pageant , sit four nymphs in several coloured habits , richly set forth , circled with wreaths of roses , and holding a sheild and a banner in each hand , on one whereof is figured the head of medusa , on the other the lord mayors arms.

on the top of the pageant is placed an other lively figure representing mercury ; his habit , and basis are cloth of silver : there are three children more which represent the three graces habited accordingly .

his lordship drawing neer minerva addresseth her self to him in these words .

minerva's speech . in all the primitive times learning did shine like to the sun both speculative , and divine ; the more she spread her self , the more she grew , in veneration and esteem ; this drew the youth of famous athens to admire not only her rich beauty , but acquire her as a bride ; for which their genii strove , and in their several orbs exprest their love . but as the sun cannot be said to give life to one plant ( though all by him do live ) so learning from her various rayes imparts the several species of both arms and arts. while they did flourish she was in request , and held a iewel for a prince's breast ; when now her glory is ecclips'd , and she wanders in rags , and despis'd povertie . let parts be what they will , fools onely scan the out-side , not the inside of a man. if she addresse her self to court ( the place where she should find acceptance , and a grace ) the wanton leere of a betraying eye bespeaks her ( straight ) a scornful injury . the country knows her not ; they with all right , but hardly to her help will add a mite ; to what place must her miseries repair , but unto athens ? of the which you are by divine hand appointed magistrate oh! let her not be starved at your gate , encourage her , and for your cities fame . both arts and arms shall gloryfie your name . perpetuate your memory , and raise from this dayes basis pyramids of praise .

the speech ended , his lordship and his attendants retire to guild-hall to dinner , and the companie to the place of their refreshment ; and after dinner are again by the foot marshal set in order as in the morning , only the pentioners carry in stead of javelins and targets , torches to attend my lord , the aldarmen , and companies from st. pauls , to which place his lordship directs his passage , and the pageants to wait his coming from thence , hasten towards his lordships house in mincing-lane , and the pageants are placed in grace church-street ; and at mincing-lane end neer cloth-workers-hall ; his lordship ( upon his return from pauls ) is accosted by the person representing the turk in these words ;

speech . my lord , the company on whom i waite , command me to salute you at your gate with their fraternal-hearty-wishes ; may your joyes exceed the glory of this day . may never night approach them , never ill divine them , but be fair and rising still . may you in traffique no disaster know , your riches never ebb , but ever flow. piety be your practice , and the poor . never go empty-handed from your dore . may you grow up in honours seat , and prove a subject for your king , and cities love . may you live centuries of years , and see your-self still young in your posteritie : and so your company bids ( in your own right ) good morrow to your glories , not good night .

which ended , and his lordship entred his house , all depart in order ( as the conveniency of night will admit ) and the several persons appointed to attend the service of the day take especiall care to lodge the silk-works and triumphs in some secure place til they can remove them to skinners-hall , in regard they are of some weight , and the burthen of the day was heavy to the undertakers .

finis .

licensed october 27 , 1663.

roger l'estrange .

notes, typically marginal, from the original text
notes for div a63188-e150 * mount aventine . * pointing to the satyrs .
the guls horne-booke: by t. deckar dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1609 approx. 94 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20060 stc 6500 estc s105251 99840980 99840980 5530 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20060) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5530) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 881:03) the guls horne-booke: by t. deckar dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. dedekind, friedrich, d. 1598. grobianus. [8], 39, [1] p. [by nicholas okes] for r. s[ergier?], imprinted at london : 1609. based on: dedekind, friedrich. grobianus. printer's name supplied and publisher's name conjectured by stc. the first leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -social life and customs. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-02 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the gvls horne-booke : stuliorum plena junt omnia . al sauio meza parola , basta . by t. deckar . imprinted at london for r. s. 1609. to all guls in generall , wealth and libertie . whom can i choose ( my most worthie mecaen-asses ) to be patrons to this labour of mine fitter thē your selues ? your hands are euer open , your purses neuer shut . so that you stand not in the common rancke of dry-fisted patrons , ( who giue nothing ) for you giue all . schollers therefore are as much beholden to you , as vintners , players and puncks are . those three trades gaine by you more then vsurers do by thirty in the hundred : you spend the wines of the one , you make suppers for the other , and change your gold into white-money with the third . who is more liberall then you ? who ( but onely cittizens ) are more free ? blame me not therefore if i pick you out from the bunch of booke-takers , to consecrate these fruits of my braine ( which shall neuer die ) onely to you . i know that most of you ( o admirable guls ! ) can neither write nor reade . a horne-booke haue i inuented , because i would haue you well schooled . powles is your vvalke ; but this your guid : if it lead you right , thanke me : if astray , men will beare with your errors , because you are guls. fare-well . t. d. to the reader . gentle reader , i could willingly be content that thou shouldest neither be at cost to buy this booke , nor at the labour to reade it . it is not my ambition to bee a man in print , thus euery tearme ; ad praelum , tanquàm ad praelium ; wee should come to the presse as we come to the field ( seldome . ) this tree of guls was planted long since , but not taking roote , could neuer beare till now . it hath a relish of grobianisme , and tastes very strongly of it in the beginning . the reason thereof is , that hauing translated many bookes of that into english verse , and not greatly liking the subiect , i altred the shape , and of a dutchman , fashioned a meere englishman , it is a table wherein are drawne sundry pictures : the callors are fresh : if they bee well laid on , i thinke my workmanship well bestowed : if ill , so much the better , because i draw the pictures onely of guls. t. d. the chapters contained in this booke . chap . 1. the old world and the new weighed together : the tailors of those times and these compared : the apparel & diet of our first fathers . chap. 2. how a yong gallant shall not onely keep his clothes ( which many of them can hardly do ) from brokers ; but also haue the charges of taking physick , with other rules for the morning : the praise of sleep , and of going naked . chap. 3. how a gallant should warme himselfe by the fire : how attire himselfe : description of a mans head : the praise of long haire . chap. 4. how a gallant should behaue himselfe in powles-walkes . chap. 5. how a gallant should behaue himselfe in an ordinary . chap. 6. how a gallant should behaue himselfe in a play-house . chap. 7. how a gallant should behaue himselfe in a tauerne . chap. 8. how a gallant is to behaue himselfe passing through the cittie at all houres of the night : and how to passe by any watch. the guls horn-booke : or fashions to please all sorts of guls. pr●aemium . i sing ( like the cuckooe in iune ) to bée laught at : if therefore i make a scuruy noise , and that my tunes sound vnmusically ( the ditty being altogether lame in respect of the bad féete , and vnhansome in regard of the worme-eaten fashion ) you that haue authority vnder the broad seale of mouldy custom , to be called the gentle audience , set your goodly great hands to my pardon : or else because i scorne to be vpbraided that i professe to instruct others in an art , whereof i my selfe am ignorant , doe your worst : chuse whether you will let my notes haue you by the eares or no : hisse or giue plaudities , i care not a nut-shell which of either : you can neither shake our comick theater with your stinking breath of hisses , nor raise it w t the thunder claps of your hands : vp it goes in despetto del fato : y e motley is bought , & a coat with foure elbowes ( for any one that will weare it ) is put to making in defiance of the seuen wise maisters : for i haue smelt out of the musty shéetes of an old almanacke , that ( at one time or other ) euen he that iets vpon the neatest and sprucest leather , euen he that talkes all adage & apothegme , even he that will not haue a wrinckle in his new satten suit , though his mind be vglier then his face , and his face so ill fauoredly made , that he lookes at all times as if a tooth-drawer were fumbling about his gommes with a thousand lame heteroclites more , that cozen the world with a guilt spurre , and a ruffled boote , will be all glad to fit themselues in will somme● his wardrob , and be driuen ( like a flemish hoy in foule weather ) to slip into our schoole , and take out a lesson . tush , caelum p●timus stultitia , all that are chosen cunstables for their wit go not to heauen . a fig therefore for the new found colledge of criticks . you courtiers that do nothing but sing the gamuth-are of complementall courtesie , and at the rusticall behauiour of our countrie muse , will skrew forth worse faces then those which god and the painter has bestowed vpon you , i defie your perfumd scorne : and vow to poyson your muske cats , if their ciuet excrement doe but once play with my nose . you ordinary gulles , that through a poore and silly ambition to be thought you inherit the reuenues of extraordinary wit will spend your shallow censure vpon the most elaborate poeme , so lauishly , that all the painted table-men about you , take you to be heires apparant to rich midasle , that had more skill in alchimy , then kelly with the phylosophers stone : ( for all that he could lay his fingers on , turned into heaten gold ) dry tobacco with my leaues ( you good dry brained polipragmonists ) till your pipe offices smoake with your pittifully stinking girds shot out against me . i coniure you ( as you come of the right goose-caps ) staine not your house ; but when at a new play you take vp the twelue-penny roome next the stage , ( because the lords & you may seeme to be haile fellow wel met ) there draw forth this booke , read alowd , laugh alowd , and play the antickes , that all the garlike mouthd stinkards may cry out , away with the foole : as for thée zoylus , goe hang thy selfe : and for thée momus chew nothing but hemlock , & spit nothing but the sirrup of aloes vpon my papers , till thy very rotten lungs come forth for anger . i am snake-proofe : and though with hanniball you bring whole hogs-heads of vinegar railings , it is impossible for you to quench or come ouer my alpine-resolution : i will saile boldly and desperately alongst the shore of y e i le of guls : & in defiance of those terrible blockhouses their loggerheads , make a true discouery of their wild ( yet habitable ) country . sound an allarum therefore ( o thou my couragious muse ) and like a dutch cryer make proclamation with thy drum : the effect of thine o-yes , being , that if any man , woman , or child , be he lord , be he lowne , be he courtier , be he carter , of y e innes a court , or innes of citty , that hating from the bottome of his heart , all good manners and generous education , is really in loue , or rather doates on that excellent country lady , innocent simplicity , being the first , fairest , and chiefest chamber-maide that our great grandame eue , entertained into seruice : or if any person aforesaid longing to make a voyage in the ship of fooles , would venture all the wit that his mother left him , to liue in the country of guls , cockneyes , and coxcombs ; to the intent that haūting theaters , he may fit there like a popiniay , onely to learne play-spéeches , which afterward may furnish y e necessity of his bare knowledge , to maintaine table talke , or else heating tauernes , desires to take the bacchanalian degrées , and to waite himselfe in arte bibendi magister : that at ordinaries would sit like bias●e , and in the stréets walke like a braggart , that on foote longs to goe like a french lacque , and on horse-backe rides like an english tailor , or that from seuen yeares and vpward , till his dying day , has a monethes mind to haue y e guls horn-booke by heart , by which in time he may be promoted to serue any lord in europ , as his crafty foole or his bawdy iester , yea and to be so déere to his lordship , as for the excellency of his fooling , to be admitted both to ride in coach with him , and to lie at his very féete on a truckle-bed . let all such ( and i hope the world has not left her olde fashions . but there are ten thousand such ) repaire hither . neuer knocke , you that striue to be ninny-hammer ) but with your féete spurne open the doore and enter into our schoole : you shall not néede to buy bookes , no , scorne to distinguish a b from a battle doore , onely looke that your eares be long enough to reach our rudiments , and you are made for euer . it is by heart that i would haue you to con my lessons , and therefore be sure to haue most deuouring stomaches . nor be you terrified with an opinion that our rules be hard and indigestible , or that you shall neuer be good graduates in these rare sciences of barbarisme , and idiotisme : oh fie vppon any man that carries that vngodly minde ! tush , tush , tarleton , kemp , nor singer , nor all the litter of fooles that now come drawling behinde them , neuer plaid the clownes more naturally then the arrantest sot of you all , shall , if hee will but boyle my instructions in his braine-pan . and lest i my selfe , like some pedanticall vicar , stammering out a most false and crackt latine oration to maiester maior of the towne , and his brethren , should cough and hem in my deliueries , by which meanes you ( my auditors ) should be in danger to depart more like woodcockes then when you came to me : o thou venerable father of antient ( and therefore hoary ) customes , syluanus , i inuoke thy assistance ; thou that first taughtest carters to weare hob-nailes , and lobs to play christmas gambols , and to shew the most beastly horse-trickes : o do thou , or ( if thou art not at leasure ) let thy mountibancke goat-footed fauni , inspire me , with the knowledge of all those silly and ridiculous fashions , which the old dunsticall world woare euen out at elbowes : draw for me the pictures of the most simple fellowes then liuing , that by their patterns i may paint the like . awake thou noblest drunkerd bacchus , thou must likewise stand to me ( if at least thou canst for réeling ) teach me ( you soueraigne skinker ) how to take the germanies vpsy freeze ; the danish rowsa , the switzers stoap of rhenish , the italians parmizant : the englishmans healthes , his hoopes , cans , halfe cans , gloues , frolicks and flap dragons , together with the most notorious qualities of the truest tospots , as when to cast , when to quarrell , when to fight , and where to sléepe : hide not a drop of thy moist mystery from me , ( thou plumpest swil-bowle ) but ( like an honest red-nosed wine bibber ) lay open all thy secrets & y e mystical hierogliphick of rashers ath coales , modicums & shooing hornes , and why they were inuented , for what occupations , and when to be vsed . thirdly ( because i will haue more then two strings to my bow ) comus , thou clarke of gluttonies kitchen , doe thou also bid me proface , and let me not rise from table , till i am perfect in all the generall rules of epicures and cormorants . fatten thou my braines that i may féede others , and teach them both how to squat downe to their meat , and how to munch , so like loobies , that the wisest solon in the world shall not be able to take them for any other . if there be any strength in thée , thou beggerly monarke of indians , and setter-vp of rotten-lungd chimney-swéepers ( tobacco ) i beg it at thy smoaky hands : make me thine adopted heire , that inheriting the vertues of thy whiffes , i may distribute them amongst all nations , and make the phantastick englishmen ( aboue the rest ) more cunning in the distinction of thy rowle trinidado , leafe and pudding , then the whitest toothd blackamoore in all asia . after thy pipe , shal ten thousands be taught to daunce , if thou wilt but discouer to me the swéetnesse of thy snuffes , with the manner of spawling , slauering , spetting and driueling in all places , and before all persons . oh what songs will i charme out in praise of those valiantly-strong-stinking breaths . which are easily purchast at thy hands , if i can but get thée to trauell through my nose . all the foh's in the fairest ladies mouth that euer kist lord , shall not fright me from thy browne presence : for thou art humble , and from the courts of princes hast vouchsafed to be acquainted with penny galleries , and ( like a good-fellow ) to be drunke for company , with water-men , carmen and colliers , wheras before , and so still , knights and wis● gentlemen were , & are thy companions . last of all , thou lady of clownes and carters , schoolemistres of fooles and wisacres , thou hemely ( but harmelesse ) rusticity , oh breath thy dull and dunsticall spirit into our ganders quill ; crowne me thy poet , not with a garland of bayes , ( oh no! the number of those that steals lawret is too monstrous already ) but swaddle thou my browes with those vnhansome boughes , which ( like autums rotten haire ) hang dangling ouer thy dusty eye-lids . helpe me ( thou midwife of vnmannerlinesse ) to be deliuered of this embryon that lies tumbling in my braine : direct me in this hard and dangerous voyage , that being safely arriued on the desired shore , i may build vp altars to to thy vnmatcheable rudenesse : the excellency whereof i know will be so great , that grout-nowles and moames will in swannes fly buzzing about thee . so herculean a labour is this that i vndertake , that i am enforcd to ball out for all your succours , to the intent i may aptly furnish this feast of fooles , vnto which i solemnely inuite all the world : for at it shall sit not only those whom fortune fauours , but euen those whose wits are naturally their owne . yet because your artificiall fooles beare away the bell , all our best workmanship ( at this time ) shall be spent to fashion such a creature . chap. i. the old world & the new waighed together : t the tailors of those times and these compared : the apparell and dyet of our first fathers . good cloathes are the embrodred trappings of pride , and good cheere the very eringo-roote of gluttony : so that fine backes , and fat bellies are coach-horses to two of the seuen deadly sins : in the bootes of which coach , lechery and sloth fit like the waiting-maide . in a most desperate state therefore doe taylors and cookes stand by meanes of their offices , for both those trades are apple-squices , to that couple of sinnes . the one inuents more phantasticke fashions , then fraunce hath worne since her first stone was laid : the other more likerish epvcurean dishes , then were euer serud vp to gallonius table . did man ( thinke you ) come wrangling into the world , about no better matters , then all his life time to make priuy searches in bucch●n-law for whale-bone doublets , or for pies of nightingale tongues in heliogabalus his kitchin ? no ▪ no , the first suit of apparell that euer mortall man put on , came neither from the mercers shop , nor the merchants ware-house : adams bill would haue béene taken then sooner then a knights bond now , yet was hee great in no bodies bookes for satten and veluets : the silk-wormes had something else to do in those dayes then to set vp loomes and be frée of the weauers , his bréeches were not so much worth as k. stephens ▪ that cost but a poore noble : for adam ▪ holyday hose and doublet were of no better stuffe then plaine fig leaues , and eues best gowne of the same péece , there went but a paire of sheeres betwéene them . an antiquary in this towne , has yet some of the powder of those leaues dryed to shew . taylors then were none of the twelue companies : their hall that now is larger then some dorpes among the netherlands , was then no bigger then a dutch butchers shop● they durst not strike downe their customers with large hilles : adam cared not an apple-paring for all their lowzy hems . there was then neither the spanish slop , nor the skippers galligas●● : the switzers blistred cod-péece , nor the danish sléeue , sagging downe like a welsh wallet , the italians close strosser , nor the french standing coller : your trebble-quadruple daedalian ruffes , nor your stiffe necked rebatoes ( that haue more arches for pride to row vnder , then can stand vnder fiue london bridges ) durst not then set themselues out in print : for the pattent for starch could by no meanes bee signd . fashions then was counted a disease , and horses dyed of it : but now ( thankes to folly ) it is held the onely rare phisicke , and the purest golden asses liue vpon it . as for the dyet of that saturnian age , it was like their attire , homely : a sallad , and a messe of léeke porridge , was a dinner for a farre greater man then euer the turke was : potato-pies and custards , stood like the sinfull suburbs of cookery , and had not a wall ( so much as a handfull hie ) built rownd about them . there were no daggers then , nor no chayres crookes his ordinary in those parsimonious dayes , had not a capons leg to throw at a dog . oh golden world , the suspicious venecian carued not his meate with a siluer pitch forke : neither did the swéet toothd englishman shift a dozen of trenchers at one meale . peirs ploughman layd the cloth , and simplicity brought in the voyder . how wonderfully is the world altered ? and no maruell , for it has lyen sicke almost fiue thousand yeares : so that it is no more like the old theater du munde then old paris garden is like the kings garden at paris . what an excellent workeman therefore were he that could cast the globe of it into a new mould : and not to make it looke like mullineux his globe with arownd face sleekt and washt ouer with whites of egges ; but to haue it in plano , as it was at first , with all the ancient circles , lines , paralels and figures , representing indéede , all the wrinckles , crackes , creuises and flawes that ( like the mole on hartens chéeke , being os amoris ) stuck vpon it at the first creation , and made it looke most louely ; but now those surrowes are fild vp with ceruse and uermilion , yet all will not doe , it appeares more vgly . come , come , it would be but a bald world , but that it weares a periwig . the body of it is fowle ( like a birding-péece ) by being too much heated : the breath of it stinks like the mouthes of chamber-maides by féeding on so many swéet meats . and though to purge it wil be a sorer labour then the clensing of augeaes stable , or the scowring of moore-ditch : yet ille ego , qui quondam , i am the pasquilles mad-cap , that will do ot . draw néere therefore all you that loue to walke vpon single and simple soules , and that with to kéepe company with none but innocents , and the sonnes of ciuill citizens , out with your tables , and naile your eares , ( as it were to the pillary ) to the musique of our instructions : nor let y e title gullery , fright you frō schoole : for marke what an excellent ladder you are to clime by . how many worthy , and men of famous memory ( for their learning of all offices , from the scauenger and so vpward ) haue flourished in london , of y e ancient familie of y e wiseacres , being now no better estéemd then fooles and yonger brothers ? this geare must be lookt into , lest in time ( o lamentable time when that houre-glasse is turnd vp ) a rich mans sonne shall no sooner péepe out of the shell of his minority , but he shall straight waies be begd for a concealement , or set vpon ( as it were by frée-booters ) and tane in his owne purse-nets by fencers and cony-catchers . to driue which pestilent infection from the heart , heere 's a medicine more potent and more precious then was euer that mingle mangle of drugs which mithrydates boyld together . feare not to tast it , a cawdle will not goe downe halfe so smoothly as this will : you néede not call the honest name of it in question , for antiquity puts off his cap , and makes a bare oration in praise of the vertues of it : the receipt hath béene subscribed vnto , by all those that haue had to doe with simples with this moth-eaten motto , probatum est : your diacatholicon aureum , that with gun-powder brings threatens , to blow vp all diseases that come in his way , & smels worse then assa soetida in respect of this . you therefore whose bodyes either ouerflowing with the corrupt humours of this ages phantasticknesse , or else being burnt vp with the inflāmation of vpstart fashions , would faine be purgd : and to shew that you truly loath this polluted and mangy-fisted world , turne pimonists , not caring either for men or their maners ; doe you pledge me : spare not to ●ake a déepe draught of our homely councell : the cup is full , and so ●rge , that i holdly drinke a health vnto all commers . chap. ii. how a young gallant shall not onely keepe his clothes ( which many of them can hardly doe for brokers ) but also saue the charges of taking physicke : with other rules for the morning . the praise of sleepe and of going naked . you haue heard all this while nothing but the prologue , and séene no more but a dumbe shew : our vetus comaedia steps out now . the fittest stay , vpon which you ( that study to be an actor there ) are first to present your selfe , is in my approued iudgement ) the softest and largest downe-bed : from whence ( if you will but take sound councell of your pillow ) you shall neuer rise till you heare it ring noone at least . sléepe in the name of morpheus your belly full , or ( rather ) sléepe till you heare your belly grombies and waxeth empty . care not for those coorse painted cloath rimes , made by y e uniuersity of salerne , that come ouer you , with s● breuis , aut nullus ; tibi somnus meridianus . short let thy sleepe at noone be , or rather let it none be . swéete candied councell , but there 's rats-bane vnder it : trust neuer a bachiler of art of them all , for he speakes your health faire but to steale away the maidenhead of it : salerne stands in the luxurious country of naples , and who knowes not that the neapolitan , will ( like derick the hang-man ) embrace you with one arme , and rip your guts with the other ? there 's not a haire in his mustachoo , but if he kisse you ; will stabbe you through the chéekes like a penyard : the slaue to be auenged on his enemy , will drink off a pint of poison himselfe , so y e he may be sure to haue the other pledge him but halfe so much : and it may be that vpon some secret grudge to worke the generall destruction of all mankinde , those verses were composed . phisitians i know ( and none else ) tooke vp the bucklers in their defence , railing bitterly vpon that venerable and princely custome of long lying a bed : yet now i remember me , i cannot blame them : for they which want sléepe ( which is mans naturall rest become either meere naturals , or else fall into the doctors hands , and so consequently into the lords : whereas he that snorts profoundly scornes to let hippocrates himselfe stand tooting on his urinall : and thereby saues that charges of a groates-worth of physicke : and happy is that man that saues it : for phisick is , non minus venefica , quàm benefica , it hath an ounce of gall in it , for euery dram of hony . ten tyburnes cannot turne men ouer y e pearch so fast as one of these brewers of purgations : the very nerues of their practise , being nothing but ars homicidiorum , an art to make poore soules kick vp their héeles . in so much that euen their sicke grunting patients , stand in more danger of m. doctor and his drugs ▪ then of all the cannon shots which the desperate disease it selfe can discharge against them . send them packing therefore to walke like italian mountibankes , beate not your braines to vnderstand their parcell-gréeke , parcell-latine gibrish : let not all their sophisticall buzzing into your eares , nor their satyricall canuasing of feather-beds and tossing men out of their warme blanckers , awake you till the houre that héere is prescribed . for doe but consider what an excellent thing sléepe is : it is so inestimable a iewell , that if a tyrant would giue his crowne for an houres slumber , it cannot be bought : of so beautifull a shape is it , that tho a man lye with an empresse , his heart can not be at quiet , till he leaues her embracements to be at rest with the other : yea so greatly indebted are we to this kinseman of death , that we owe the better tributary , halfe of our life to him : and ther 's good cause why we should do so : for sleepe is that golden chaine that ties health and our bodies together . who complaines of want ? of woundes ? of cares ? of great mens oppressions ? of captiuity ? whilest hée sléepeth ? beggers in their beds take as much pleasure as kings : can we therefore surfet on this delicate ambrosia ? can we drink too much of that whereof to tast too little , tumbles vs into a church-yard , and to vse it but indifferently , throwes vs into bedlam ? no , no , looke vppon endymion , the moones minion , who stept thréescore & fiftéene yeares and was not a haire the worse for it . can lying abedde till noone then ( being not the thréescore and fifteenth thousand part of his nap be hurtfull ? besides , by the opinion of all phylosophers and physitians , it is not good to trust the aire with our bodies till the sun with his flame-coloured wings hath fand away the mistrie smoake of the morning , and refind that thicke tobacco-breath which the rheumaticke night throwes abroad of purpose to put out the eye of the clement : which worke questionlesse cannot be perfectly finisht till the sunnes car-horses stand prancing on the very top of highest noone : so y t then , ( and not till then ) is the most healthfull houce to be stirring . do you require examples to perswade you ? at what time do lords and ladies vse to rise but then ? your simpring merchants wiues are the fairest lyers in the world , and is not eleuen a clocke their common houre ? they finde ( no doubt ) vnspeakeable swéet●esse in such lying , else they would not day by day put it so in practise . in a word , mid day slumbers are golden , they make the body fat , the skin faire , the flesh plump ▪ delicate and tender ; they set a russet colour on the chéekes of young women , and make lusty courage to rise vp in men : they make vs thirfty , both in sparing victuals ( for breakefasts thereby are sand from the hell-mouth of the belly ) and in preseruing apparell : for whilest wée warme vs in our beds , our cloathes are not worne . the casements of thine eyes being then at this commendable time of the day , newly set open , choose rather to haue thy wind-pipe cut in péeces then to salute any man. bid not good morrow so much as to thy father , tho he be an emperour . an idle ceremony it is , and can doe him little good ; to thy selfe it may bring much harme : for if he be a wise man that knowes how to hold his peace , of necessity must he be counted a foole that cannot kéepe his tongue ? amongst all the wild men , that runne vp and downe in this wide forrest of fooles ▪ ( the world ) none are more superstitious then those notable ebritians , the iewes : yet a iewe neuer weares his cap thréed-hare with putting it off : neuer bends it'h hammes with casting away a leg : neuer cries god saue you , tho he sées the diuell at your elbow . play the iewes therefore in this , and saue thy lips that labour , onely remember that so soone as thy eye lids be vnglewd thy first exercise must be ( either sitting vpright on thy pillow , or rarely loling at thy bodies whole le●●th , to yawne , to stretch and to gape wider then any oysterwise : for thereby thou doest not onely send out the liuely spirits ( like vaunt-currers ) to fortifie and make good the vttermost borders of the body ; but also ( as a cunning painter ) thy goodly lineame●ts are drawne out in their fairest proportion . this lesson being playd : turne ouer a new leafe , and ( vnlesse that fréezela●d curre cold winter , offer to bite thée ) walke a while , vp and downe thy chamber , either in thy thin shirt onely , or else ( which at a bare word is both more decent aad more delectable ) strip thy selfe starke naked . are we not borne so ? and shall a foolish custome make vs to breake the lawes of our creation ? our first parents so long as they went naked , were suffered to dwell in paradice , but after they got coates to their backes , they were turnd out a doores : put on therefore either no apparel at all , or put it on carelesly : for looke how much more delicate libertie is then bondage , so much is the loosenesse in wearing of our attire , aboue the imprisonment of being neatly and tailor-like drest vp in it : to be ready in our clothes , is to be ready for nothing else . a man lookes as if hee hung in chaines ; or like a scar-crow : and as those excellent birds ( whom pliny could neuer haue the wit to catch in all his sprindges commonly called woodcocks ( whereof there is great store in england ) hauing all their feathers pluckt from their backes , and being turnd out as naked as platoes cocke was before all diogenes his schollers : or as the cuckooe in christmas , are more fit to come to any knights board , and are indéede more seruiceable then when they are lapt in their warme liueries : euen so stands the case with man. truth ( because the bald-pate her father time , has no haire to couer his head ) goes ( when she goes best ) starke naked ; but falshood has euer a cloake for the raine . you sée likewise that the lyon , being the king of beasts , the horse being the lustiest creature , the unicorne , whose horne is worth halfe a city , all these go with no more clothes on their backes , then what nature hath bestowed vpon them ; but you babiownes , and you iack-an-apes ( being the scum , and rascality of all the hedge-créepers ) they go in ierkins and mandilions : marry how ? they are put into these rags onely in mockery . oh beware therefore both what you weare , and how you weare it , and let this heauenly reason moue you neuer to be hansome , for when the sunne is arising out of his bed , does not the element séeme more glorious then ( being onely in gray ) at noone when hée s in all his brauery ? it were madnesse to deny it . what man would not gladly sée a beautifull woman naked , or at least with nothing but a lawne or some loose thing ouer her , and euen highly lift her vp for being so ? shall wee then abhorre that in our selues , which we admire and hold to be so excellent in others ? absit . chap. iii. how a yong gallant should warme himselfe by the fire : how attire himselfe : the description of a mans head : the praise of long haire . but if ( as it often happens vnlesse the yeare catch the sweating sicknesse ) the morning like charity waxing cold , thrust his frosty fingers into thy bosome , pinching thée black and blew , ( with her nailes made of yce ) like an inuisible goblin , so that thy téeth ( as if thou wert singing prick-song ) stand coldly quauering in thy head , and leap vp and downe like the nimble iackes of a paire of uirginals : be then as swift as a whirle-winde , and as boystrous in tossing all thy cloathes in a rude heape together : with which bundle filling thine armes , steppe brauely forth , crying roome , what a coyle keepe you about the fire ? the more are set round about it , the more is thy commendation , if thou either bluntly ridest ouer their shoulders , or tumblest aside their stooles to créepe into the chimney corner : there toast thy body , till thy scorched shinne be speckled all ouer , being staind with more motley colours then are to be séene on the right side of the rainebow . neither shall it be fit for the state of thy health , to put on thy apparell , till by sitting in that hot house of the chimney , thou féelest the fat dew of thy body ( like basting ) runne trickling down thy sides : for by that meanes thou maist lawfully boast that thou liuest by the sweat of thy browes . as for thy stockings and shoos , ●o weare them , that all men may point at thee and make thee ▪ amous by th●t glorious name of a male content ▪ or if thy quicksiluer can runne so ●arre on thy errant as to fetch three bootes out of s. ma●ren● let it be thy prudence to haue the tops of them wide as y e mouth of a wallet , and those with fringed boote-hose ouer them to hang downe to thy ankles . doues are accounted innocent & louing creatures : thou in obseruing this fashion , shalt seeme to be a rough-●ooted doue , and bée held as innocent . besides , the strawling , which of necessity so much lether betwéen thy legs must put thée into , will bee thought not to grow from thy disease , but from that gentleman-like habit . hauing thus apparelled thée from top to toe , according to that simple fashion which the best goose-caps in europ striue to imitate , it is now high time for me to haue a blow at thy head , which i will not cut off with sharp documents , but rather set it on faster , bestowing vpon it such excellent caruing , that if all the wise men of gottam should lay their heades together , their iobber-nowles should not bee able to compare with thine . to maintaine therefore that sconce of thine , strongly guarded , and in good reparation , neuer suffer combe to fasten his téeth there : let thy haire grow thick and bushy like a forrest , or some wildernesse , lest those sixe-footed creatures that bréede in it , and are tenants to that crowne-land of thine , bee hunted to death by euery base barbarous barber ; and so that delicate and ticling pleasure of scratching , be vtterly taken from thée : for the h●ad is a house built for reason to diuell in : and thus is the tenement framd . the two eyes are the glasse windowes , at which light disperses it selfe into euery roome , hauing goodly penthouses of haire to ouershaddow them : as for the nose , tho some ( most iniuriously and improperly ) make it serue for an indian chimney yet surely it is rightly a bridge with two arches , vnder which are neat passages to conuey as well perfumes to aire and sweeten euery chamber , as to ●arry away all noisome filth that is swept out or vncle●ne corners . the cherry lippes open like the new painted gates of a lords maiors house , to take in prouision . the tongue is a bell , hanging iust vnder the middle of the roofe , and lest it should be rung out too déepe ( as sometimes it is when women haue a peale ) whereas it was cast by the first founder , but onely to tole softly , there are two euen rowes of iuory pegs ( like pales set to kéep it in . the eares are two musique roomes into which as well good sounds as bad , descend downe two narrow paire of staires , that for all the world haue crooked windings like those that lead to the top of powles stéeple : & because when the tunes are once gotten in , they should not too quickly slip out , all the walles of both places are plaistred with yellow wax round about them . now as the fairest lodging , tho it be furnisht with walles chimnies , chambers , & all other parts of architecture , yet if the féeling be wanting , it stands subiect to raine , and so consequently to ruine . so would this goodly palace , which wée haue moddeld out vnto you , bee but a cold and bald habitation , were not the top of it rarely couered . nature therfore has plaid the tyler , and giuen it a most curious couering , or ( to speake more properly ) she has thatcht it all ouer , and that thatching is haire . if then thou desirest to reserue that fée-simple of wit , ( thy head ) for thée and the lawfull heires of thy body , play neither the scuruy part of the frenchman , that pluckes vp all by y e rootes , nor that of the spending englishman , who to maintaine a paltry warren of vnprofitable conies , disimparkes the stately swift-footed wild deere : but let thine receiue his full growth that thou maiest safely and wisely brag t is thine owne bush-naturall . and with all consider , that as those trées of cob-web-lawne , ( wouen by spinners the fresh may-mornings ) doe dresse the curled heads of the mountaines , and adorne the swelling bosomes of the valleyes : or as those snowy fléeces which the naked bryer steales from the innocent nibling shéepe , to make himselfe a warme winter liuery , are to either of them both an excel-cellent ornament : so make thou account that to haue fethers sticking héere and there on thy head , will embellish and set thy crowne out rarely none dare vpbraid thée , that like a begger thou hast lyen on straw or like a trauelling pedler vpon musty flockes : for those feathers will rise vp as witnesses to choake him that sayes so , and to proue that thy bed was of the softest downe . when your noblest gallants consecrate their houres to their mistresses and to reuelling , they weare fethers then chiefly in their hattes , being one of the fairest ensignes of their brauery : but thou a reueller and a mistris-seruer all the yeare by wearing fethers in thy haire ▪ whose length , before the rigorous edge of any puritanicall paire of scizzers should shorten the breadth of a finger , let the thrée huswifely spinsters of destiny rather curtall the thréed of thy life . o no , long haire is the onely nette that women spread abroad to entrappe men in ; and why should not men be as farre aboue women in that commodity , as they go beyond men in others ? the merry greekes were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 long haird : loose not thou ( being an honest troian ) that honour , sithence it will more fairely become thée . grasse is the haire of the earth , which so long as it is suffred to grow , it becomes the wearer , and carries a most pleasing colour , but when the sunne-burnt clowne makes his mowes at it , and like a barber ) shaues it off to the stumps , then it withers and is good ●●r nothing , but to be trust vp and thrown amongst iades . how vgly is a bald pate ? it lookes like a face wanting a nose : or like ground eaten bare with the arrowes of archers , wheras a head al hid in haire , giues euen to a most wicked face a swéet proportion , & lookes like a meddow newly marryed to the spring : which beauty in men the turkes enuying , they no sooner lay hold on a christian , but the first marke they set vpon him , to make him know hée s a slaue , is to shaue off all his haire close to the scull . a mahumetan cruelty therefore is it , to stuffe bréeches and tennis balles with that , which when t is once lost , all the hare-hunters in the world may sweat their hearts out and yet hardly catch it againe . you then to whom chastity has giuen an heire apparant , take order that it may be apparant , and to that purpose let it play openly w t the lasciuious wind euē on y e top of your shoulders . experience cries out in euery citty , that those selfe-same criticall saturnists , whose haire is shorter then their eye-browes , take a pride to haue their hoary beards hang slauering like a dozen of fox tailes , downe so low as their middle . but ( alas ) why should the chinnes and lippes of old men lick vp that excrement which they vyolently clip away from the heads of yong men ? is it because those long béesomes ( their beards ) with swéeping the soft bosomes of their beautiful yong wiues , may tickle their tender breasts , and make some amends for their maisters vnrecouerable dulnesse ? no , no there hangs more at the ends of those long gray haires , then all the world can come to the knowledge of . certaine i am , that when neue but the golden age went currant vpon earth , it was hither treason to clip haire , then to clip money : the combe and scizers were condemned to the currying of hackneyes : he was di●franchized for euer , that did but put on a barbers apron . man , woman and child , woare then haire longer then a law-suit : euery head , when it stood bare or vncouered , lookt like a butter-boxes ●owle hauing his thrumbd cap on . it was frée for all nations to haue shaggy pates , as it is now onely for the irishman : but since this polling and shauing world crept vp , locks-were lockt vp ▪ and haire sell to decay . reuiue thou therefore the old buryed fashion , on ▪ and ( in scorne of per●wigs and shéep-shearing kéep thou that qu●lted head-péece on continually . long haire will make thée looke dreadfully to thine enemies , and manly to thy friends . it is in peace , an ornament : in warre , a strong helmet ! it blunts the edge of a sword , and deads the len●en thunip of a bullet . in winter it is a warme night-cap , in sommer a cooling ●a●ne of fethers . chap. iiii. how a gallant should behaue himselfe in powles-walkes . beeing weary with sayling vp & downe almost these shores of barbaria , héere let vs cast our anchor and nimbly leape to land in one coast● , whose fresh aire shall be so much the more pleasing to vs , if the ninny hammer ( whose perfection we labour to set forth ) haue 〈…〉 much ●oolish wit le●t him ▪ as to choose the place where to suche in : ●or that true humorous gallant that desires to powre himselfe into all fashions ( 〈◊〉 his ambition be such to excell euer complement it selfe ) must as well practise to diminish his 〈◊〉 as to bee various in his salle●s curious in his 〈◊〉 ; or ingenious in the tru●●ing vp of a new sretchhose : all which vertues are excellent and able to maintaine him , especially if the old worme-eaten farmer , ( his father ) bée dead , and left him fiue hundred a yeare , onely to kéepe an irish hobby , an irish horse-boy , and himselfe ( like a gentleman . ) hée therefore that would striue to fashion his legges to his silke stockins , and his proud gate to his broad garters , let him whiffe downe these obseruations , for if he once get but to walke by the booke ( and i sée no reason but hee may as well as fight by the booke ) powles may be prowd of him , will clarke shall ring forth encomiums in his honour , iohn in powles church-yard , shall fit his head for an excellent blocke , whilest all the innes of court reioyce to behold his most hansome calfe . your mediterranean i le , is then the onely gallery , wherein the pictures of all your true fashionate and complementall guls are and ought to be hung vp : into that gallery carry your neat body , but take héede you pick out such an houre , when the maine shoale of ilanders are swimming vp and downe : and first obserue your doores of entrance , and your exit , not much vnlike the plaiers at the theaters , kéeping your decorums euen in phantasticality . as for example : if you proue to be a northerne gentleman i would wish you to passe through the north doore more often ( especially ) then any of the other : and so according to your countries , take note of your entrances . now for your venturing into the walke ▪ be circumspect and wary what piller you come in at , and take héede in any case ( as you loue the reputation of your honour ) that you auoide the seruing mans logg , and approch not within fiue fadom of that piller , but bend your course directly in the middle line , that the whole body of the church may appeare to be yours , where , in view of all , you may publish your suit in what manner you affect most , either with the slide of your cloake from the one shoulder , and then you must ( as t were in anger ) suddenly snatch at the middle of the inside ( if it be taffata at the least ) and so by y e meanes your costly lining is betrayd , or else by the pretty aduantage of complement . but one note by the way do i especially we●e you to , the neglect of which , makes many of our gallants cheape and ordinary , that by no meanes you be séene aboue foure turnes , but in the fift make your selfe away , either in some of the sempsters shops , the new tobacco-office , or amongst the booke-sellers , where , if you cannot reade , exercise your smoake , and inquire who has writ against this diuine wéede : &c. for this withdrawing your selfe a little , will much benefite your suit , which else by too long walking , would be stale to the whole spectators : but howsoeuer , if powles iacks bee once vp w t their elbowes , and quarrelling to strike eleuen , as soone as euer the clock has parted them , and ended the fray with his hammer , let not the dukes gallery conteyne you any longer , but passe away apace in open view . in which departure , if by chance you either encounter , or aloofe off throw your inquisitiue eye vpon any knight or squire , being your familiar , salute him not by his name of sir such a one , or so , but call him ned or iack &c. this will set off your estimation with great men : and if ( tho there be a dozen companies betwéene you , t is the better ) hee call alowd to you ( for that 's most gentile ) to know where he shall find you a● two a clock , tell him at such an ordinary or such , and bée sure to name those that are déerest , and whither none but your gallants resort . after dinner you may appeare againe hauing translated yourselfe out of your english cloth cloak , into a light turky-grogram ( if you haue that happinesse of shifting ) and then we séene ( for a turne or two ) to correct your téeth with some quill , or siluer instrument , and to cleanse your gummes with a wrought handkercher : it skilles not whether you dinde or no , ( that 's best knowne to your stomach ) or in what place you dinde , though it were with chéese ( of your owne mothers making ) in your chamber or study . now if you chance to bee a gallant not much crost amongst citizens , that is , a gallant in the mercers bookes , exalted for sattens and veluets , if you be not so much blest to bée crost ( as i hold it the greatest blessing in the world , to bee great in no mans bookes ) your powles walke is your onely refuge : the dukes tomb is a sanctuary , and will kéepe you aliue from wormes and land-rattes , that long to be féeding on your carkas : there you may spend your legs in winter a whole after-noone : conuerse , plot , laugh , and talke any thing , iest at your creditor , euen to his face , and in the euening , euen by lamp-light , steale an t , & so cozen a whole coup of abhominable catch-pols . neuer be séene to mount the steppes into the quire , but vpon a high festiuall day , to preferre the fashion of your doublet , and especially if the singing boyes séeme to take note of you : for they are able to buzze your praises , aboue their an●hems if their v●y●es haue not lost their maiden-heads , but be sure your siluer spurres dogge your heeles , and then the b●yes will sw●rme about you like so many white 〈…〉 when you in the open quire shall dr●we forth a 〈◊〉 embrodred purse , ( the glorious ●ight of which ▪ will ent●ce ma●y country-men from their deu●sion to wondring ) 〈…〉 siluer into the boyes handes ▪ that it may 〈◊〉 hea●d 〈◊〉 the first lesson , although it be reade in a voy●e as big as one of the great organs . this noble and notable act being performed you are to vanish presently out of the quire , & to appeare againe 〈◊〉 the ●alk ; but in any wise be not obserued to t●e●d there long alone , for feare you be suspected to be a gallant , ●●sh●●rd from the 〈◊〉 of captens and figh●ers . sucke this humour vp especially ▪ put off to none vnlesse his hatband be of a 〈…〉 ●uainter : but for him that 〈…〉 about his h●tte , ( though he were an aldermans sonne ) neuer moue to him : for hee s suspected to be worse then a gull , ● not worth the putting off to , that cannot obserue the time of his hat●band , nor know what fashiond block is most kin to his head : for in my opinion , y e braine that cannot choise his felt well , ( being the head ornament ) must needes powre folly into all the rest of the members , and bée an absolute confirmed foole , in summa totali . all the diseasd horses in a tedious seige , cannot shew so many fashions , as are to be séene for nothing euery day in duke humfryes walke . if therefore you determine to enter into a new suit , warne your t●lor to atte●d you in powles who , with his hat in his hand , shall like a spy discouer the stuffe , colour , and fashion of any doublet or hose that dare be séene there and stepping behind a pilles to fill his table-bookes with those notes , will presently send you into the world an accomplisht man , by which meanes you shall weare your clothes in print w t the first edition . but if fortune fauour you so much as to make you no more then a méere country gentleman , or but some ▪ degrées remoud fi● him ▪ ( for which i should be very sor●e , because your london-experience wil cost you 〈◊〉 before you shal haue y e wit to know what you are ) then take this lesson along with you : the first time that you 〈…〉 powles , passe through the body of the church like a p●r●er , yet presume not to fetch so much as one whole turne in the middle i le , no nor to cast an eye to siquis d●o●e ( pasted & plais●●ed vp with seruingmens supplications ) before you haue paid tribute to the top of powles steeple with a single penny 〈◊〉 when you are mounted there , take heede how you ●oo●e downe into the yard ; for the ra●●es are as 〈◊〉 as your great grand-father : and therupon it will not be 〈◊〉 if you 〈◊〉 how ●it woodros●e durst vault ouer , and what reason h● had ●or● , to put his necke in hazard of reparations . from hence you may descend to talke about the horse that went vp , and 〈…〉 to know his keeper , take the day of the moneth , and the number of the steppes , and suffer your selfe to beleeue verily that it was not a horse , but something else in the likenesse of one . which wonders you may publish when 〈…〉 into the country , to the great amazement of all farme●s daughters that will almost swound at the report , and neuer recouer till their ba●es bee asked twice in the church . but i haue not left you yet : before you come downe againe , i would desire you to draw your knife , and graue your name , ( or for want of a name , the marke which you clap on your shéep ) in great caracters vpon the leades by a number of your brethren ( both citizens and country gentlemen ) and so you shall be sure to haue your name lye in a coffin of lead when your selfe shall be wrapt in a winding-shéete : and indeed the top of powles conteins more names then stowes cronicle . these lofty tricks being plaid , and you ( thanks to your féete ) being safely ariud at the st●●es ●oote againe , your next worthy worke is , to repaire to my lord chancellors tomb ( and if you can but reasonably spel ) bestow some time vpon y e reading of sir phillip sydneyes briefe epitaph in the compasse of an houre you may make shift to stumble it out . the great dyall is your last monument , there bestow some halfe of the thréescore minutes , to obserue the sawcinesse of the iackes , that are aboue the man in the moone there : the strangenesse of the motion will quit your labour . besides , you may héere haue fit occasion to discouer your watch by taking it forth , and setting the whéeles to the time of powles , which i assure you goes truer by fiue notes then s. sepulchers chimes . the benefit that wil arise from hence is this , y t you publish your change in maintaining a gilded clocke ; and withall the world shall know that you are a time-pleaser . by this i imagine you haue walkt your belly ful , & therupon being weary , or ( which rather i beléeue ) being most gentleman-like hungry , it is fit that as i brought you into the duke , so ( because he followes the fashion of great men , in kéeping no house , and that therefore you must go séeke your dinner ) suffer me to take you by the hand , and lead you into an ordinary . chap. v. how a yong gallant should behaue himselfe in an ordinary . first , hauing diligently enquired out an ordinary of the largest reckoning , whither most of your courtly gallants do resort , let it be your vse to repaire thither some halfe houre after eleuen , for then you shall find most of your fashion-mongers planted in the roome waiting for meate : ride thither vpon your galloway-nag , or your spanish iennet , a swift ambling pace , in your hose and doublet ( gilt rapier & poniard bestowd in their places ) and your french lackey , carrying your cloake , and running before you , or rather in a coach , for that will both hide you from the baseliske-eyes of your creditors , and out-runne a whole kennell of bitter mouthd serieants . being ariud in the roome , salute not any but those of your acquaintance : walke vp and downe by the rest as scornfully and as carelesly as a gentleman usher : select some friend ( hauing first throwne off your cloake ) to walke vp and downe the roome with you , let him be suited if you can , worse by farre then your selfe , he will be a foyle to you : & this will be a meanes to publish your clothes better then powles , a tennis-court , or a play-house : discourse as lowd as you can , no matter to what purpose , if you but make a noise , and laugh in fashion , and haue a good sower face to promise quarrelling , you shall bée much obserued . if you be a souldier , talke how often you haue béene in action : as the portingale voyage cales voiage , the iland voiage , besides some eight or nine imploiments in ireland and the low countries : then you may discourse how honorably your graue vsed you : obserue that you cal your graue maurice your graue ; how often you haue drunk with count such a one , and such a count on your knées to your graues health : and let it bee your vertue to giue place neither to s. kynock , nor to any dutchman , whatsoeuer in the seuentéene prouinces for that souldiers complement of drinking . and if you perceiue that the vntraueld company about you take this downe well , ply them with more such stuffe , as , how you haue interpreted betwéene the french king , and a great lord of barbary , when they haue béen drinking healthes together , and that will be an excellent occasion to publish your languages , if you haue them ; if not , get some fragments of french , or smal parcels of italian to fling about the table ; but beware how you speake any latine there , your ordinary most commonly hath no more to do with latine then a desperate towne of garison hath . if you be a courtier , discourse of the obtaining of suits : of your mistresses fauours , &c. make inquiry if any gentleman at boord haue any suit to get , which he would vse y e good means of a great mans interest with the king : and withall ( if you haue not so much grace left in you as to blush ) that you are ( thankes to your starres ) in mightie credit , though in your owne conscience you know , and are guilty to your selfe that you dare not , ( but onely vpon the priuiledges of hansome clothes ) presume to péepe into the presence . demand if there bee any gentleman , ( whom any there is acquainted with ) that is troubled with two offices ; or any uicar with two church-liuings ; which will pollitickly insinuate , that your inquiry after them , is because you haue good meanes to obtaine them ; yea ; and rather then your tongue should not be heard in the roome , but that you should sit ( like an a●●e ) with your sinner in your mouth and speake nothing : discourse how often this lady hath sent her coach for you : and h●w o●ten you haue swe●t in the tennis-court with that great lord : for indéede the sweating together in fraunce ( i meane the society of tennis ) is a great argument ●●most déere affection , euen betweene noble men and pesants . if you be a poet and come into the ordinary ( though it can be no great glory to be an ordinary poet ) order your se●●e thus : obserue no man , dost not cap to that gentleman to day at dinner , to whom not two nights since you were behold●n for a supper , but after a turne or two in the roome , take occasion ( pulling out your gloues ) to haue some epigram , or satyre or sonnet , fastned in one of them , that may ( as it were vomittingly to you ) offer it selfe to the gentlemen : they will presently desire it : but without much coiuration from them , and a pretty kind of counterfet loathnes in yourselfe , do not read it : and though it be none of your owne , sweare you made it . mary 〈◊〉 chaunce to get into your hands any witty thing of another mans that is somewhat better , i would councell you then , if demand bee made who composd it , you may say , faith a learned gentleman , a very worthy friend : and this séeming to lay it on another man will be counted either modestie in you or a signe that you are not ambitious of praise , or else that you dare not take it vpon you for feare of the sharpnesse it carries with it . besides , it will adde much to your fame to let your tongue walke faster then your téeth , though you be neuer so hungry , and rather then you should sit like a dumb coxcomb , to repeat by heart , either some verses of your owne , or of any other mans stretching euen very good lines vpon the rack of censure , though it be against all law , honestie or conscience , it may chaunce saue you the price of your ordinary , & be●et you other suppliments . ma●y i would further intreat our poet to be in league with the mistresse of the ordinary because from her vpon condition that he will but ryme knights and yong gentlemen to her house , and maintaine the table in good sooling ) he may eas●y make vp his mouth at her cost , gratis . thus much for particular men but in generall let all that are in ordinary-pay , march after the sound of these directions ▪ before the meate come smoaking to the board , our gallant must draw out his tobacco-box , the ladell for the cold snuffe into the nosthrill , the tongs and prining iron : all which artillery may be of gold or siluer ( if he can reach to the price of it ) it will bée a reasonable vsefull pawne at all times , when the current of his money falles out to run low . and heere you must obserue to know in what state tobacco is in towne , better then the merchants , and to discourse of the potecaries where it is to be sold , and to be able to speake of their wiues as readily as the pottecary himselfe reading the barbarous hand of a doctor : then let him shew his seuerall tricks in taking it . as the whiffe , the ring , &c. for these are complements that gaine gentlemen no meane respect , and for which indéede they are more worthily noted , i ensure you , then for any skill that they haue in learning . when you are set downe to dinner , you must eate as impudently as can be ( for that 's most gentleman like ) when your knight is vpon his stewed mutton , be you presently ( though you be but a capten ) in the bosome of your goose : and when your iustice of peace is knuckle déepe in goose , you may without disparagement to your bloud , though you haue a lady to your mother , fall very manfully to your woodcocks . you may rise in dinner time to aske for a close stoole , protesting to all the gentlemen that it costs you a hundred pound a yeare in physicke , besides the annuall pension which your wife allowes her doctor : and ( if you please ) you may ( as your great french lord doth ) inuite some speciall frind of yours , from the table to hold discourse with you as you sit in that withdrawing chamber : from whence being returned againe to the board , you shall sharpen the wits of all the eating gallants about you , and doe them great pleasure to aske what pamphlets or poems a man might thinke fittest to wipe his taile with ( mary this talke will bée some what fowle if you carry not a strong perfume about you ) and in propounding this question , you may abuse the workes of any man , depraue his writings that you cannot equall , and purchase to your selfe in time the terrible name of a seuere criticke : nay and be one of the colledge , if you le be liberall inough : and ( when your turne comes ) pay for their suppers . after dinner , euery man as his busines leades him : some to dice some to drabs , some to playes , some to take vp friends in the court , some to take vp money in the citty , some to lende testers in powles , others to bōrrow crownes vpon the exchange : and thus as the people is sayd to bee a beast of many heads ( yet all those heads like hydraes ) euer growing as various in their hornes as wondrous in their budding & branching , so in an ordinary you shal find the variety of a whole kingdome in a few apes of the kingdome . you must not sweare in your dicing : for that argues a violent impatience to depart from your money , and in time will betray a mans néede . take héede of it . no! whether you be at primero or hazard , you shal sit as patiently ( though you loose a whole halfe-yeares exhibition ) as a disarmd gentleman does when hée s in y e vnmerciful fingers of serieants . mary i will allow you to sweat priuatly , and teare six or seuen score paire of cards , be the damnation of some dozen or twenty baile of dice , & forsweare play a thousand times in an houre , but not sweare . dice your selfe into your shirt : and if you haue 〈◊〉 that your frind wil lend but an angell vpon , shaue it of● and pawne that rather then to goe home blinde to your lodging . further , it is to be remembred , he that is a great gamester , may be trusted for a quarters board at all tunes , and apparell prouided if néede be . at your twelue-penny ordinary you may giue any iustice of peace , or yong knight ( if hee sit but one degrée towards the equinoctiall of the salt-seller ) leaue to pay for the wine , and hée shall not refuse it , though it be a wéeke before the receiuing of his quarters rent , which is a time albeit of good hope , yet of present necessity . there is another ordinary to which your london usurer , your stale batchilor , and your thrifty atturney do resort : the price thrée-pence : the roomes as full of company as a iaile , and indéede diuided into seuerall wards , like the beds of an hospital . the complement betwéene these is not much , their words few : for the belly hath no eares , euery mans eie héere is vpon the other mans trencher , to note whether his fellow lurch him or no : if they chaunce to discourse , it is of nothing but of statutes , bonds , recognizances , fines , recoueries , audits , rents , subsidies , suerties , inclosures , liueries , indicements , outlaries , feoffments , iudgments , commissions , bankerouts , amercements , and of such horrible matter , that when a lifetenant dines with his punck in the next roome , hee thinkes verily the men are coniuring . i can find nothing at this ordinary worthy the sitting downe for : therefore the cloth shall bee taken away , and those that are thought good enough to be guests héere , shall be too base to bee waiters at your grand ordinary . at which , your gallant tastes these commodities ; he shall fare wel , enioy good company receiue all the newes ere the post can deliuer his packet , be perfect where the best bawdy-houses stand , proclaime his good clothes , know this man to drinke well , that to féede grosly , the other to swaggar roughly : he shall if hee hée minded to trauell , put out money vpon his returne , and haue hands enough to receiue it , vpon any termes of repaiment : and no question if he be poore , he shall now and then light vpon some gull or other , whom he may skelder ( after the gentile fashion ) of mony : by this time the parings of fruit and chéese are in the voyder , cards and dice lie stinking in the fire , the guests are all vp , the guilt rapiers ready to be hangd , the french lacquey , and irish footeboy , shrugging at the doores with their masters hobby-horses , to ride to the new play : that 's the randenous : thither they are gallopt in post , let vs take a paire of dares , and now lustily after them . chap. vi. how a gallant should behaue himsefe in a play-house . the theater is your poets royal-exchange , vpon which , their muses ( y e are now turnd to merchants ) meeting , barter away that light commodity of words for a lighter ware then words . plaudities and the breath of the great beast , which ( like the threatnings of two cowards ) vanish all into aire . plaiers and their factors , who put away the stuffe , and make the best of it they possibly can ( as indéed t is their parts so to doe ) your gallant , your courtier and your capten , had wont to be the soundest paymaisters , and i thinke are still the surest chapmen : and these by meanes that their heades are well stockt , deale vpō this comical freight by the grosse : when your groundling , and gallery commoner buyes his sport by the penny , and , like a hagler , is glad to vtter it againe by retailing . sithence then the place is so frée in entertainement , allowing a stoole as well to the farmers sonne as to your templer : that your stinkard has the selfe same libertie to be there in his tobacco-fumes , which your swéet courtier hath : and that your car-man and tinker claime as strong a voice in their suffrage , and sit to giue iudgement on the plaies life and death ▪ as well as the prowdest momus among the tribe of critick : it is fit y ● hée , whom the most tailors bils do make roome for , when he comes should not be basely ( like a vyoll ) casd vp in a corner . whether therefore the gatherers of the publique or priuate play-house stand to receiue the afternoones rent , let our gallant ( hauing paid it ) presently aduance himselfe vp to the throne of the stage . i meane not into the lords roome , ( which is now but the stages suburbs ) no , those boxes by the iniquity of custome , conspiracy of waiting-women and gentlemen-ushers , that there sweat together , and the couetousnes of sharers , are contemptibly thrust into the reare , and much new satten is there dambd by being smothred to death in darknesse . but on the very rushes where the commedy is to daunce , yea and vnder the state of cambises himselfe must our fetherd estridge like a péece of ordnance be planted valiantly ( because impudently ) beating downe the mewes & hisses of the opposed rascality . for do but cast vp a reckoning , what large cummings in are pursd vp by sitting on the stage , first a conspicuous eminence is gotten , by which meanes the best and most essenciall parts of a gallant ( good cloathes , a proportionable legge , white hand , the persian lock , and a tollerable beard ) are perfectly reuealed . by sitting on the stage ▪ you haue a signd pattent to engrosse the whole commodity of censure ; may lawfully presume to be a girder : & stand at the helme to stéere the passage of s●aenes yet no man shal once offer to hinder you from obtaining the title of an insolent ouer-wéening coxcombe . by sitting on the stage , you may ( without trauelling for it ) at the very next doore , aske whose play it is : and by that quest of inquiry , the law warrants you to auoid much mistaking : if you know not the author , you may raile against him : and peraduenture so behaue your selfe , that you may enforce the author to know you . by sitting on the stage , if you be a knight , you may happily get you a mistresse : if a méere fleet-street gentleman , a wife ; but assure your selfe by continuall residence , you are the first and principall man in election to begin the number of we three . by spreading your body on the stage , and by being a iustice in examining of plaies , you shall put your selfe into such true scaenicall authority that some poet shall not dare to present his muse rudely vpon your eyes , without hauing first vnmaskt her , rifled her , and discouered all her bare and most mysticall parts before you at a tauerne , when you most knighly shal for his paines , pay for both their suppers . by ●itting on the stage , you may ( with small cost ) purchase the déere acquaintance of the boyes : haue a good stoole for sixpence : at any time know what particular part any of the infants present : get your match lighted , examine the play-suits lace , and perhaps win wagers vpon laying t is copper , &c. and to conclude whether you be a foole or a iustice of peace , a cuckold or a capten , a lord maiors sonne or a dawcocke , a knaue or an vnder shreife , of what stamp soeuer you be , currant or counterfet , the stagelike time will bring you to most perfect light , and lay you open : neither are you to be hunted from thence though the scar-crowes in the yard , hoot at you , hisse at you , spit at you , yea throw durt euen in your téeth : t is most gentleman like patience to endure all this , and to laugh at the silly animals ; but if the rabble with a full throat , crie away with the foole , you were worse then a mad-man to tarry by it : for the gentleman and the foole should neuer sit on the stage together . mary let this obseruation go hand in hand with the rest : or rather like a country-seruingman , some fiue yards before them present not your selfe on the stage ( especially at a new play ) vntill the quaking prologue hath ( by rubbing ) got cullor into his chéekes , and is ready to giue the trumpets their cue that hée s vpon point to enter : for then it is time , as though you were one of the properties , or that you dropt out of y e hangings to créepe from behind the arras with your tripos or thrée-sooted stoole in one hand , and a teston mounted betwéene a fore-finger and a thumbe in the other : for if you should bestow your person vpon the vulgar , when the belly of the house is but halfe full , your apparell is quite eaten vp , the fashion lost , and the proportion of your body in more danger to be deuoured , then if it were serud vp in the counter amongst the powltry : auoid that as you would the bastome . it shall crowne you with rich commendation to laugh alowd in the middest of the most serious and saddest scene of the terriblest tragedy : and to let that clapper ( your tongue ) be tost so high that all the house may ring of it : your lords vse it ; your knights are apes to the lords , and do so too : your inne-a-court-man is zany to the knights , and ( many very scuruily ) comes likewise limping after it : bee thou a beagle to them all , and neuer lin snuffing till you haue sented them : for by talking and laughing ( like a plough-man in a morris ) you heape pelion vpon ossa , glory vpon glory : as first , all the eyes in the galleries will leaue walking after the players , and onely follow you : the simplest dolt in the house snatches vp your name , and when he méetes you in the stréetes , or that you fall into his hands in the middle of a watch , his word shall be taken for you , hée le cry , hee s such a gallant , and you passe . secondly , you publish ▪ your temperance to the world , in that you séeme not to resort thither to taste vaine pleasures with a hungrie appetite ; but onely as a gentleman , to spend a foolish houre or two , because you can doe nothing else . thirdly you mightily disrelish the audience , and disgrace the author : mary you take vp ( though it be at the worst hand ) a strong opinion of your owne iudgement and inforce the poet to take pitty of your weakenesse , and by some dedicated sonnet to bring you into a better paradice , onely to stop your mouth . if you can ( either for loue or money ) prouide your selfe a lodging by the water side : for aboue the conueniencie it brings , to shun shoulder-clapping , and to ship away your cockatrice betimes in the morning it addes a kind of state vnto you , to be carried from thence to the staires of your play-house : hate a sculler ( remember that ) worse then to be acquainted with one ath scullery . no , your oares are your onely sea-crabs , boord them , & take héed you neuer go twice together w t one paire : often shifting is a great credit to gentlemen : & that diuiding of your fare wil make y e poore watersnaks be ready to pul you in péeres to enioy your custome : no matter whether vpon landing you haue money or no , you may swim in twentie of their boates ouer the riuer , vpon ticket : mary when siluer comes in , remember to pay trebble their fare , & it will make your flounder-catchers to send more thankes after you , when you doe not draw , then when you doe : for they know , it will be their owne another daie . before the play begins , fall to cardes , you may win or loose ( as fencers doe in a prize ) and beate one another by confederacie , yet share the money when you méete at supper : notwithstanding , to gul the ragga-muffins that stand a loofe gaping at you , throw the cards ( hauing first torne foure or fiue of them ) round about the stage , iust vpon the third sound , as though you had lost : it skils not if the foure knaues ly on their backs , and outface the audience , there 's none such fooles as dare take exceptions at them , because ere the play go off , better knaues then they will fall into the company . now sir , if the writer be a fellow that hath either epigramd you , or hath had a flirt at your mistris , or hath brought either your feather or your red beard , or your little legs &c. on the stage , you shall disgrace him worse then by tossing him in a blancket , or giuing him the bastinado in a tauerne , if in the middle of his play , ( bee it pastorall or comedy , morall or tragedie ) you rise with a skreud and discontented face from your stoole to be gone : no matter whether the scenes be good or no , the better they are , the worse doe you distast them : and béeing on your féete , sneake not away like a coward , but salute all your gentle acquaintance , that are spred either on the rushes , or on stooles about you , and draw what troope you can from the stage after you : the mimicks are beholden to you , for allowing them elbow roome : their poet cries perhaps a pox go with you , but care not you for that , there 's no musick without frets . mary if either the company , or indisposition of the weather hinde you to sit it out , my counsell is then that you turne plaine ape , take vp a rush and tickle the earnest eares of your fellow gallants , to make other fooles fall a laughing : mewe at passionate spéeches , blare at merrie , finde fault with the musicke , whew at the childrens action , whistle at the songs : and aboue all , curse the sharers , that whereas the same day you had bestowed forty shillings on an embrodered felt and feather , ( scotch-fashion ) for your mistres in the court , or your punck in the cittie , within two houres after , you encounter with the very same block on the stage , when the haberdasher swore to you the impression was extant but that morning . to conclude , hoord vp the finest play-scraps you can get , vppon which your leaue wit may most sauourly féede for want of other stuffe , when the arcadian and euphuird gentlewomen haue their tongues sharpened to set vpon you : that qualitie ( next to your shittlecocke ) is the onely furniture to a courtier that 's but a new beginner , and is but in his abc of complement . the next places that are fild , after the playhouses bée emptied , are ( or ought to be ) tauernes , into a tauerne then let vs next march , where the braines of one hogshead must be beaten out to make vp another . chap. 8. how a gallant should behaue himselfe in a tauerne . whosoeuer desires to bee a man of good reckoning in the cittie , and ( like your french lord ) to haue as many tables furnisht , as lackies ( who when they kéepe least , kéepe none ( whether he be a yong quat of the first yéeres reuennew , or some nustere and sullenfacd steward , who ( in despight of a great heard , a satten suite , and a chaine of gold wrapt in cipers ) proclaimes himselfe to any ( but to those to whom his lord owes money ) for a ranck coxcombe , or whether he be a country gentleman that brings his wife vp to learne the fashion , sée the tombs at westminster , the lyons in the tower , or to take physicke , or else is some yong farmer , who many times makes his wife ( in the country ) beléeue he hath suits in law , because he will come vp to his letchery : be he of what stamp he will that hath money in his purse , and a good conscience to spend it , my councell is that hée take his continuall diet at a tauerne , which ( out of question ) is the onely rende-vous of boone company ; and the drawers the most nimble , the most bold , and most sudden proclaimers of your largest bounty . hauing therefore thrust your selfe into a case most in fashion ( how course soeuer the stuffe be , t is no matter so it hold fashion ) your office is ( if you meane to do your iudgement right ) to enquire out those tauernes which are best customd , whose maisters are oftenest drunke ( for that confirmes their taste , and that they choose wholesome wines ) and such as stand furthest from y e counters , where landing your self & your followers , your first complement-shall be-to grow most inwardly acquainted with the drawers , to learne their names , as iack , and will , and tom , to diue into their inclinations , as whether this fellow vseth to the fencing schoole , this to the dauncing schoole ; whether that yong coniurer ( in hogsheads ) at midnight , kéepes a gelding now and then to visit his cockatrice , or whether he loue dogs , or be addicted to any other eminent and citizen-like quality : and protest your selfe to be extreamely in loue , and that you spend much money in a yeare , vpon any one of those exercises which you perceiue is , followed by them . the vse which you shall make of this familiarity is this : if you want money fiue or six daies together , you may still pay the reckoning , with this most gentlemanlike language boy , fetch me money from the barre , and kéepe your selfe most , prouidently from a hungry melancholly in your chamber . besides , you shal be sure ( if there be but one fawcet that can betray neate wine to the barre ) to haue that arraignd before you , sooner then a better and worthier person . the first question you are to make ( after the discharging of your pocket of tobacco and pipes , and the houshold stuffe thereto belonging ) shall be for an inuentorie of the kitchen : for it were more then most tailor-like , and to be suspected you were in ●eague with some kitchen-wench , to descend your selfe , to offend your stomach with the sight of the larder , and happily to greaze your acconstrements . hauing therefore receiued this bill , you shal ( like a capten putting vp déere paies ) haue many sallads stand on your table , as it were for blankes to the other more seruiceable dishes : and according to the time of the yeare , vary your face , as capon is a stirring meate sometime , oisters are a swelling meate sometimes , trowt a tickling meate sometimes , gréene goose , and woodcock a delicate meate sometimes , especially in a tauerne , where you shall sit in as great state as a church-warden amongst his poore parishioners at pentecost or christmas . for your drinke , let not your physitian confine you to any one particular liquor : for as it is requisite that a gentleman should not alwaies be plodding in one art , but rather bée a generall scholler ( that is , to haue a licke at all sorts of learning & away ) so t is not fitting a man should trouble his head with sucking at one grape , but that he may be able ( now there is a generall peace ) to drink any stranger drinke in his owne element of drinke , or more properly in his owne mist language . your discourse at the table must be such as that which you vtter at your ordinary : your behauiour the same , but somewhat more carelesse : for where your expence is great , let your modesty be lesse : and though you should be mad in a tauerne , the largenesse of the items will beare with your inciuility , you may without prick to your conscience set the want of your wit against the superfluity and sawcines of their reckonings . if you defice not to be haunted with fidlers ( who by the statute haue as much libertie as roagues to trauell into any place , hau●ng the pasport of the house about them ) bring then no women along with you ; but if you loue the company of all the drawers , neuer suppe without your cockatrice : for hauing her there , you shall be sure of most officious attendance . enquire what gallants sup in the next roome , and if they be any of your acquaintance , do not you ( after the city fashion ) send them in a ●ottle of wine , and your name swéetned in two pittifull papers of suger , with some filthy apologie cramd into the mouth of a drawer ; but rather kéepe a boy in fée , who vnder hand shall proclaime you in euery roome , what a gallant fellow you are , how much you spend yearely in tauernes , what a great gamester , what custome you bring to the house , in what witty discourse you maintaine a table , what gentlewomen , or cittizens wiues you can with a wet finger haue at any time to sup with you , and such like . by which encomiasticks of his , they that know you not : shall admire you ; and thinke themselues to bée brought into a paradice but to be meanely in your acquaintance : and if any of your endéered friends be in the house , and beate the same iuy-bush that your selfe does , you may ioyne companies and bee drunke together most publikly . but in such a deluge of drinke , take héede that no man counterfeit him selfe drunck , to frée his purse from the danger of the shot : t is an vsuall thing now amongst gentlemen , it had wont bée the qualitie of cockne●es , i would aduise you to leaue so much braines in your head , as to preuent this . when the terrible reckoning ( like an inditement ) bids you hold vp your hand , and that you must answere it at the barre , you must not abate one peny in any particular , no , though they reckon chéese to you when you haue neither eaten any , nor could euer abide it , raw or toasted : but cast your eie onely vpon the totalis and no furder ; for to trauerse the bill , would betray you to be acquainted with the rates of the market , nay more , it would make the uintners beléeue , you were pater-familias , and kept a house which i assure you is not now in fashion . if you fall to dice after supper , let the drawers be as familier with you as your barber , and venture their siluer amongst you : no matter where they had it , you are to cherish the vnthriftinesse of such yong tame pigions , if you be a right gentleman : for when two are yoakt together by the purse strings ▪ & draw the charriot of madam prodigalitie , when one faints in the way , and slips his hornes , let the other reioice and laugh at him . at your departure forth the house , to kisse mine hostis ouer the barre , or to accept of the courtesie of the celler , when t is offered you by the drawers ( and you must know that kindnes neuer créepes vpon them , but when they sée you almost cleft to the shoulders ) or to bid any of the uintuers good night , is as commendable , as for a barber after trimming to laue your face with swéete water . to conclude , count it an honour either to inuite , or to be inuited to any rifling , for commonly though you finde much satten there , yet you shall likewise find many cittisens sonnes , and heires , and yonger brothers there who smell out such feasts more gréedily then taylors hūt vpon sundaies after weddings . and let any hooke draw you either to a fencers supper , or to a players that acts such a part for a wager : for by this meanes you shall get experience by béeing guilty to their abhominable shauing . chap. 8. how a gallant is to behaue himselfe passing through the cittie at all houres of the night , and how to passe by any watch . after the sound of pottle pots is out of your eares , and that the spirit of wine and tobacco walkes in your braine , the tauerne doore béeing shut vppon your backe , cast about to passe through the widest and goodliest stréetes in the cittie . and if your meanes cannot reach to the kéeping of a boy , hire one of the drawers , to be as a lanthorne vnto your féete , and to light you home : and still as you approch néere any night-walker that is vp as late as your selfe , curse and sweare ( like one that speaks hie dutch ) in a lofty voice , because your men haue v●d you so like a rascoll in not waiting vpon you , and vow the next morning to pull their blew cases ouer their eares , though if your chamber were well searcht , you giue onely six pence a wéeke to some old woman to make your bed , and that she is all the seruing-creatures you giue wages to . if you smell a watch , ( and that you may easily doe , for commonly they eate onions to kéep them in sléeping , which they account a medicine against cold ) but if you come within danger of their browne bils , let him that is your candlestick , and holds vp your torch from dropping ( for to march after a lin●k , is shoomaker like ) let ignis fatuus , i say béeing within the reach of the constables staffe , aske alowd , sir giles , or sir abram , will you turne this way , or downe that stréete ? it skils not , though there be none dubd in your bunch , the watch will winke at you , onely for the loue they beare to armes and knighthood : mary if the centinell and his court of guard stand strictly vpon his martiall law and cry stand , cōmanding you to giue the word , and to shew reason why your ghost walkes so late , doe it in some iest , ( for that will shew you haue a desperate wit , and perhaps make him and his halberdiers afraid to lay fowle hands vpon you , ) or if you read a mittimus in the constables booke , counterfeit to be a french man , a dutchman , or any other nation , whose country is in peace with your owne , and you may passe the pikes : for béeing not able to vnderstand you , they cannot by the customes of the citie take your examination , and so by consequence they haue nothing to say to you . if the night be old , and that your lodging bée in some place into which no artillery of words can make a breach , retire , & rather assault the dores of your punck , or ( not to speak broken english ) your swéete mistris : vpon whose white bosome you may languishingly consume the rest of darkenesse that is left , in rauishing ( though not restoratiue ) pleasures without expences , onely by vertue of foure or fiue oathes ( when the siege breakes vp , & at your marching away with bag and baggage ) that the last night you were at dice , and lost so much in gold , so much in siluer , and séeme to vex most that two such elizabeth twenty shilling péeces , or foure such spur-ryals ( sent you with a chéese and a bakt meate from your mother ) rid away amongst the rest . by which tragicall ▪ yet pollitick spéech , you may not only haue your night worke done gratis , but also you may take dyet ther● the next day and depart with credit onely vpon the bare word of a gentleman to make her restitution . all the way as you passe ( especially being approcht néere some of the gates ) talke of none but lords , and such ladies with whom you haue plaid at primero , or daunced in the presence the very same day : it is a chaunce to lock vp the lippes of an inquisitiue bel-man : and being arriud at your lodging doore , which i would councell you to choose in some rich cittizens house , salute at parting no man but by the name of sir , ( as though you had supt with knights ) albeit you had none in your company , but your perinado or your inghle . happily it will be blowne abroad that you and your shoale of gallants swom through such an ocean of wine , that you danced so much money out at héeles , and that in wild-●oule there slew away thus much , and i assure you to haue the 〈◊〉 of your reckoning lost of purpose , so that it may be ●ublisht , will make you to be held in déere estimation : onely the danger is , if you owe money , and that your reuealing ge●s your creditors by the eares ; for then looke to haue a peale of ordinance thundring at your chamber doore the next morning . but if either your tailor , mercer , haberdasher , silkeman , cutter , linnen-draper , or sempster , stand like a guard of switzers about your lodging watching your vprising , or if they misse of that , your downe lying in one of the counters , you haue no meanes to auoid the galling of their small shot , then by sending out a light-horseman to call your potecary to your aide , who encountring this desperate band of your creditors , only with 2. or 3. glasses in his hand , as though that day you purgd , is able to driue them all to their holes like so many foxes : for the name of taking physicke is a sufficient quietus est , to any endangered gentleman , and giues an acquittance ( for the time ) to them all , though the twelue companies stand with their hoods to attend your comming forth , and their officers with them . i could now fetch you about noone ( the houre which i prescribed you before to rise at ) out of your chamber , and carry you with mee in to paules church-yard , where planting your selfe in a stationers shop , many instructions are to bée giuen you , what bookes to call for , how to censure of new bookes , how to mew at the old , how to looke in your tables and inquire for such and such greeke , french , italian or spanish authors , whose names you haue there , but whom your mother for pitty would not giue you so much wit as to vnderstand . from thence you should blow your selfe into the tobacco-ordinary , where you are likewise to spend your iudgement ( like a quacksaluer ) vpon that mysticall wonder , to bee able to discourse whether your cane or your pudding be sweetest , and which pipe has the best boare , and which ●urnes black , which breakes in the burning , &c. or if you itch , to step into the barbers , a whole dictionary cannot afford more words to set downe notes what dialologues you are to maintaine whilest you are doctor of the chaire there . after your shauing , i could breath you in a fence-schoole , and out of that cudgell you into a dauncing schoole , in both which i could weary you by shewing you more tricks then are in 5. galleries , or 15. prizes . and to close vp the stomach of this feast , i could make cockneies , whose fathers haue left them well , acknowledge themselues infinitely beholden to me for teaching them by familiar demonstration , how to spend their patrimony , and to get themselues names when their fathers are dead and rotten . but lest too many dishes should cast you into a surfet , i will now take away : yet so that if i perceiue you relish this well , the rest shall be ( in time ) prepared for you . fare-well . finis . the tryal of tho. pilkington, esq., samuel shute, esq., sheriffs, henry cornish, alderman, ford lord grey of werk, sir tho. player, knt. chamberlain of london, slingsby bethel, esq., francis jenks, john deagle, richard freeman, richard goodenough, robert key, john wickham, samuel swinock, john jekyll, sen. for the riot at guild-hall, on midsommer-day [sic], 1682 : being the day for election of sheriffs for the year ensuing. pilkington, thomas, sir, d. 1691. 1683 approx. 235 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a63202 wing t2231 estc r14605 11845380 ocm 11845380 49826 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a63202) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49826) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 554:4) the tryal of tho. pilkington, esq., samuel shute, esq., sheriffs, henry cornish, alderman, ford lord grey of werk, sir tho. player, knt. chamberlain of london, slingsby bethel, esq., francis jenks, john deagle, richard freeman, richard goodenough, robert key, john wickham, samuel swinock, john jekyll, sen. for the riot at guild-hall, on midsommer-day [sic], 1682 : being the day for election of sheriffs for the year ensuing. pilkington, thomas, sir, d. 1691. shute, samuel, defendant. england and wales. court of king's bench. [2], 58 p. [i.e. 60] p. printed for thomas dring ..., london : 1683. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -history -17th century. 2006-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 jason colman sampled and proofread 2006-06 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the tryal of tho. pilkington , esq sheriffs samuel shute , esq sheriffs henry cornish , alderman . ford lord grey of werk . sir tho. player , k nt . chamberlain of london . slingsby bethel , esq francis jenks . john deagle . richard freeman . richard goodenough . robert key . john wickham . samuel swinock . john jekyll , sen. for the riot at guild-hall , on midsommer-day , 1682. being the day for election of sheriffs for the year ensuing . london , printed for thomas dring at the harrow at the corner of chancery-lane end in fleetstreet , 1683. may the 11. 1683. i do appoint thomas dring to print this tryal , and that no other person presume to print the same . edm. saunders . on tuesday the eighth day of may , at the sessions of nisi prius , at the guild-hall of the city of london , held there for the county of the said city , before the honourable sir edmond saunders knight , chief justice of his majestie 's court of king's-bench ; an information was brought at the king's suit , against thomas pilkington sheriff , samuel shute sheriff , henry cornish alderm . ford lord grey of werk , sir thomas player kt. slingsby bethel esq francis jenks , john deagle , richard freeman , richard goodenough , robert key , john wickham , samuel swinock , john jekyll senior , &c. the court being sate , the tryal proceeded . cryer , you good men of nisi prius summoned 〈◊〉 appear here this day between our soveraign lord the king , and thomas pilkington , and others , defendants : answer to your names , and save your issues . the jury appeared . mr. sommers , my lord , i am to challenge the array . mr. thomson , my lord , i desire this challenge may be read . the challenge read in french. l. c. j. gentlemen , i am sorry you should have so bad an opinion of me , as to be so little a lawyer not to know this is but a trifle , and nothing in 't . pray , gentlemen don't put these things upon me . mr. thomson , i desire it may be read my lord. l. c. j. you would not have done this before another judge : you would not have done it if sir matthew hale had been here . mr. thomson , my lord , i believe if there had been nothing in it , it would not have been sign'd . mr. att. gen. very few but mr. thomson would urge it . mr. thomson , i don't know whether you think so , or not , mr. attorney ; but i have a great deal to offer , if you please to answer it . we offer our challenge in point of law. l. c. j. there is no law in it . mr. thomson , we desire it may be read in english . l. c. j. why ? do you think i don't understand it ; this is only to tickle the people . the challenge read by the clark accordingly . mr. serj. jefferies , here 's a tale of a tub indeed . l. c. j. ay ▪ it is nothing else , and i wonder lawyers would put such a thing upon me . mr. thomson , my lord , we desire this challenge may be allowed . l. c. j. no indeed won't i , there is no colour for it ; and i am apt to think there are not many lawyers in england would have put such a thing upon me : because i am willing to hear any thing , and where there is any colour of law , i am not willing to do amiss : therefore you think i am so very weak , without you think i was always so , and therefore may be so at this time . for , pray now consider , if so be the king's counsel should come and plead this challenge , what is the consequence of it ? i thought you would have said , that the sheriffs had been a kin to the king , but you have made it worse . you do come with a long tale here of the whole merits of the cause , and more than yet doth appear ; and by this you would have the challenge to be allowed : in such a case a man may come and tell a tale of the merits of the cause , and then it must be tryed by the challenge . if the sheriffs do return an inquest for the king , and the sheriffs do hold of the king a fee-farm , or have a pension or an annuity from the king , the book doth say , that in some cases it is a challenge ; for though they cannot be challenged as being favourable for the kin●●et for those reasons they may be challenged . but what is here ? here you tell a long process concerning a difference between the mayor and the sheriffs , and all this matter is wrapt up altogether ; and if all this were true , it is no challenge at all mr. thomson , we shall speak with all submission to your judgment , my lord. — good mr. attorney , give me leave . mr. att. gen. i move for you . mr. thomson , if you please you may move for your self , i don't need you to move for me . my lord , with submission , the information is not good : my lord , it is an information that doth set forth that my lord mayor had right of adjourning the poll , when an election is to be for sheriffs . my lord , if he had not that right , it can be no riot according to this information . my lord , upon his adjourning mr. sheriff north was chosen : my lord , if that adjournment was not according to law , mr. sheriff north never was sheriff of london ; then , my lord , here is the case in this question of title , for mr. north doth come in question , whether he be a legal sheriff of london . l. c. j. prove to me now that of sheriff north ; pray what annuity , pension , or fee-farm hath he as sheriff of london , whereby he is concerned . mr. thomson , my lord , there are other reasons which i shall shew to you ; and the first reason , my lord , in this case , is this ; it will appear the election of mr. north is interessed in this matter ; and if sir john moor had not an authority to adjourn the poll , mr. north was not chosen duly sheriff ; now if there is a sheriff chosen in point of right , it is a good challenge . l. c. j. in point of profit , and not all neither ; for he that holds land in capite of the king , cannot be challenged for all that . mr. thomson . i think , my lord , this is a common case in our books , that if in case a sheriff be concerned in point of title , this is a principal challenge , because that he is interested in that title , he is no person by law to return a jury . i don't doubt but your lordship will do that which is right , and according to law. my lord , i say , where a sheriff is interested in point of title , he is no person by law to return a jury , and this question will appear plainly upon this information ; for if in case this was not a lawful adjournment by sir john moor , this is not a lawful return . — gentlemen , my lord , i know , will hear me , if you have but patience ; i always speak and stand up for my clients , as i ought to do . if you please to let me have your liberty , i have my lords . if a sheriff be concerned in point of title , it is a principal challenge , and the sheriff ought not to return the jury , but the coroner : and my lord much more in this case , for that the very title to the office of sheriff is here in question , and therefore he is no person fit to return this jury , my lord. we desire your lordships opinion . l. c. j. mr. thomson , methinks you have found out an invention , that the king should never have power to try it even so long as the world stands say you sheriff north is not a right sheriff , who should have been ? why say you dubois and papillon , or one , or both of them . now the king he hath brought his suit for a riot — mr. serj. jefferies . and an assault and battery upon sir john moor. mr. thomson . that is a fiction . l. c. j. the king hath brought his suit , and brought it to an issue . why now if so be this challenge should have any thing in it , then the king must have challenged north , and what must he have done then ? why , for papillon and dubois , they are not sheriffs in actu , then say you the coroner . pray mr. thomson , if so be the king had made the venire either to papillon or dubois , or to the coroner , whether or no had not the cause been found against the king , before one word had been said actually for him ? you say the question is , whether he be a sheriff or not ? if the king had challenged him , and made the venire to the coroner , for god's sake , had not that made an end of the question ? mr. thomson , no , my lord , not at all . l. c. j. no ? then i understand nothing . mr. thomson . my lord , if the sheriff appear to be concerned , it doth not determine the cause . l. c. j. but it does by your own opening now . you say the question is , for which you do now challenge the array , because it is returned by sir dudley north , supposed to be one of the sheriffs , and tell the whole process , how that in truth it is a question whether he be a sheriff or not , and therefore say you , or you say nothing , that the venire should not go to north. mr. thomson . no , my lord , i pray , good my lord — l. c. j. should it not have gone to dudley north , and then have been challenged for him ? mr. thomson . no , i beseech your lordship , we don't say so . my lord , we say , that whereas they do charge in the information , that there was an assembly for the election of sheriffs , and that sir john moor being then mayor , did lawfully , according to law , adjourn this assembly ; and that afterwards the defendents , pilkington and shute , did continue this assembly , and took a poll , and so they would make this a riot in the continuance of it . my lord , we do say this , that the election of mr. north upon this point doth come in question ; and , my lord , we do say , that if that prove not a legal adjournment , then mr. north is not legally chosen . l. c. j. right , now you have told it in more words . mr. thomson . we say , if the election be interested , they are all parties by law. mr. serj. jefferies . who would you have the process go to ? mr. thomson . to the coroner . l. c. j. very well upon my word . if he were sheriff , it cannot go to the coroner you know , and therefore if he were challenged , to go to the coroner — mr. thomson . sub judice lis est , my lord. mr. serj. jefferies . we desire for the king , that the challenge may be over-ruled . l. c. j. ay , ay . mr. serj. jefferies . i desire the jury may be sworn . mr. williams . certainly if they be impannelled by persons that are not sheriffs , that is a good challenge , that is admitted by every body ; now we have made a challenge , and that is a good cause of challenge certainly if that were the cause . but now , my lord , i must confess what your lordship says , it is a difficult matter to challenge any array , because they are arrayed by a person that hath an interest , or some such thing , that is a challenge of the array , but that is not the matter in this case . it cannot be denied , if these persons were not sheriffs of london , that that is a good cause . i take the result of the challenge to be this : say we , the principal question of this information , the riot , will depend upon this question , whether there were a regular adjournment or not ? there , say we , begins the question of the riot . if so be that my lord mayor of london that was , had power to adjourn the court , and it be admitted a regular adjournment , certainly the riot would follow , and what follows then ? then comes on a question , and it is immediately consequent upon it , that these gentlemen be actual sheriffs of london , they being actually chosen upon this adjournment , they are actually sheriffs : but if really my lord mayor had no power to adjourn , and that power was in the sheriffs , that they were actually taking the poll , and the poll was for mr. dubois and mr. papillon . then the question is , if so be the adjournment by my lord mayor were not a good adjournment , then the poll was a regular poll taken by the sheriffs , then consequently those that were elected upon that were truly chosen , and then it is a right challenge . these gentlemen , i must confess , they are sheriffs de facto , but we know very well there may be sheriffs de facto , and there may be other sheriffs de jure , these things are very consistent . if so be that mr. papillon and dubois be duly elected , they are sheriffs de jure , but they want the formality , for they are not sworn , and cannot return a jury . on the other side , the sheriffs are sheriffs de facto , but not legally chosen , and the riot will depend upon that question , of the other persons that are sheriffs de facto , and not de jure . this we suggest in this , whether your lordship will receive this challenge , or whether your lordship will proceed first to the tryal of the cause , and let this follow . my lord , might not there have beeen something in this case upon the roll at westminster , might there not have been a surmise to this purpose , because there is such a question upon the roll ; for it appears that the common hall was for the election of sheriffs , and that it was adjourn'd by the mayor : and what followed ? might there not be such a surmise , that the venire facias should not go to the sheriffs , but to the coroner ? might there not have been such a thing ? l.c.j. my speech is but bad , let me know what objection is made , and if i can but retain it in my memory , i don't question but to give you satisfaction . if the king had brought an information against mr. sheriff north , and charged him with a crime , there is no manner of question that the king should have challenged as he was a sheriff , and sent the venire to the coroner , or other officer ; here he is not accused , nor to be acquitted of any crime . gentlemen , i put you upon this , if so be the sheriff of london should get a great deal of money ( but i never understood that he got by it ) if you prove that he hath got any considerable matter by the office , it would be something in the case , that he should be greedy of the office. but look ye , on the other side , if there be nothing in it one way or another , that there is profit accruing to him by the office , what can the law say ? but here was the question between , indeed and in truth as you do open it , between the mayor , sir john moor i think , and the sheriffs that then were , that was the question between them . now what is this in point of law , that the sheriffs must be challenged ? they must be challenged , because it is return'd by these sheriffs : you can't , say the sheriffs do favour — the king. mr. sol. gen. my lord , we trouble your lordship about a question very unnecessary : the sheriff is not concerned in this question , neither can the consequences affect the sheriff any way . sir fr. win. my lord , if i don't shew that he is concerned , notwithstanding what mr. solicitor says , it is another matter . if this had been upon a common riot , and not related to the election of sheriffs , it would have been harder against us . i only offer a word or two , and submit to your lordship . this information doth take notice of the election of sheriffs , and of an irregularity in disturbing the late lord mayor about adjourning the poll ; i do believe my lord , it will not be denied but that in this cause a rriot or no riot will depend upon the poll , or the mayors adjourning . if that be so , that which your lordship is pleased to urge , that the sheriff gets nothing , yet that he hath assumed the office de facto , appears by the return , that is very plain , my lord , he hath assumed it , and did exercise it . if it appear to be legal or illegal upon the adjournment by the mayor , then it must have one of these two consequences , my lord , i humbly conceive , till the shrievalty had been agreed , it would have done very well for mr. attorney to let this riot alone , unless he would have made it a common riot ; if he would have been pleased to stay till the law had determin'd who had been the right sheriffs , then process would have gone for the king. and my lord , there is another thing under favour , if mr. attorney had been pleased to prosecute for the king ; then surely , my lord , there was a way to lay it so that the process should be returned by persons uninterested , and not by the sheriff whose election is in controversie : i don't argue out of the record , but by the record it self . if in case it doth appear still to be under consideration ; if that be so , i do humbly conceive , because that right of election of sheriffs is undetermined , that therefore he might have made the process to the coroner , if he would have made it before , but it should not be heard before the election of the sheriffs , because it will be a riot , or not a riot upon that . l. c. j. good now , sir francis , you mistake , it could not be to the coroner . mr. sol. gen. my lord , it is but wearying your lordship to no purpose . mr. wallop . if he be not sheriff , that title of his depending upon my lord mayors adjournment , which is reasonably set forth , it is concerned in the consequence of the cause . mr. attorn . gen. if you please , my lord , i will answer what hath been said . mr. thomson did first urge according to the rules of law , if the matter that appears upon the record to be the thing in question ; that if the sheriff be interested in that matter , that that is a good cause of challenge , that is a good rule , and the law is so ; but that is nothing to this purpose , my lord , here upon the record there is nothing in question but a fine for the king , nothing to be recovered : where lands are in question , as in an ejectment , if the sheriff be interested in that land , in that case that is a good challenge ; but here appears nothing by the record , here is nothing in question but a fine for the king ; so that certainly that case in point of law , is nothing to the purpose . then they say , it appears in the record by recital , and in the information , for that is the substance of all they say : it doth appear there , as it is said , that the mayor did adjourn the court , and so the question of the riot will very much stand upon the validity of that adjournment . but it doth not wholly stand upon that , for there are many outragious actions , assaults of the mayor , throwing off his hat , great clamors , thrusting and pressing many of the aldermen ; nay , bruising them , so that this riot , notwithstanding the adjournment , be that as it will , will appear in the upshot of the cause , to be a riot notwithstanding that question . but in the second place , the question of mr. north's being a sheriff or not a sheriff , no ways depends upon this adjournment , no pretence of the title depends upon that , so my lord , they have suggested a thing that is forreign to the record ; it depends purely that upon a custom of the city for my lord mayor to elect , not upon the power of my lord mayor's adjournment ; for after that they proceeded on with the former choice of mr. papillion and mr. dubois ; so that whether that adjournment be a good adjournment , or no good adjournment , his title will depend upon that , whether at the second meeting or no mr. papillion and the other gentleman be well chosen , and mr. north not well chosen , so that his title doth not depend upon this question one way or other . but , my lord , that which makes this as frivolous a thing as ever was urged in a court of law , my lord , that it should have been upon rule before any direction to the sheriff or coroner , if they would have had process ; they have suggested matter of fact wholly out of the record , matters have been suggested that it might have been tryed before it came to direction ; now there appears nothing in the record to bring a challenge to try the matter ; nay , as they themselves say , it is to try the merits of the whole information , that the information depends upon that question , whether the mayor may adjourn . it is a great usurpation upon the government of this city , as they have done in other things to the king. my lord mayor is the supreme magistrate here , and the sheriffs have nothing to do in this point , and therefore i pray it may be over-ruled , and that the jury may be sworn . mr. thomson , we would have , my lord , the benefit of a bill of exceptions . mr. serj. jefferies , swear the jury , swear the jury . mr. thomson , i have another challenge . l. c. j. i tell you plainly i see nothing in it for a bill of exceptions . mr. thomson , we desire we may have the benefit of a bill of exceptions . my lord , if this be the case of trying a riot , we must take what advantage we can in point of law. mr. serj. jefferies , we come to counsel the king as we ought to do by law. mr. thomson , my lord , i challenge on the behalf of my lord gray this jury . challenge read . seignior gray . mr. attorn . gen. they call that a newgate challenge . mr. wallop , that was a challenge taken at the old baily . mr. thomson , and over-ruled . mr. serj. jefferies , and i pray it may be so here . l. c. j. i think your challenge is that they are not sheriffs ? mr. thomson , my lord , is the fact true or false ? i desire of these gentlemen if it be insufficient in point of law , let them demur . mr. serj. jefferies , pray tell me robinhood upon greendale stood ; and therefore you must not demur to it . mr. thomson , if the challenge be not good , there must be a defect in it either in point of law , or in point of fact. i desire on the behalf of my lord gray , this challenge may be allowed . mr. serj. jefferies , and i pray for the king , that it may be over-ruled . l. c. j. i think you have owned them to be sheriffs already . mr. serj. jefferies , my lord gray did own it in his challenge , because there were no knights . l. c. j. we try a great many nisi prius here sometimes , two or three days after the term , every defendant that thinks it goes hard with him , we must have a tryal still , whether the sheriffs be sheriffs , or no ? this that you have done now , may be done in every cause that we may be trying . upon your evidence if you can prove them none you go a great way . mr. thomson , my lord , we desire the challenge may be allowed , or otherwise a bill of exceptions . my lord , we pray a bill of exceptions . mr. serj. jeoffries , this discourse is only for discourse sake ; i pray the jury may be sworn . l. c. j. ay , ay , swear the jury . sir benjamine newland , &c. sworn , mr. thomson , we challenge mr. fensil , he hath given evidence in this cause at the council-table . l. c. j. what then ? mr. attorn . gen. my lord , they shall have all fair . l. c. j. mr. attorney says he won't stand upon it . mr. thomson , my lord , we pray a bill of exceptions . l. c. j. i think many would not have offer'd it besides you . shall i go and sign a bill of exceptions , to let all the world know this is so , and so all the world must try whether they be sheriffs of london . mr. thomson , my lord , don't say so , for i think all the councel in the court would . l. c. j. if it doth fall out that in truth they don't happen to be sheriffs , surely you shall have all the advantage that can be for you ; but pray don't think that i will put off a tryal upon every suggestion that the sheriffs are not sheriffs . you shall have all that is law by the grace of god , and i am not afraid that you or any man should say , i don't do justice : i am not bound to gratifie every man's humour , i am to do according to my conscience , and the best of my knowledge , and according to my oath , and i will do that and gratifie no man. the jury . sir benjamine newland sir john matthews sir john buckworth sir thomas griffith sir edmund wiseman percival gilburne . henry wagstaff barthol . feriman . thomas blackmore . samuel newton william watton george villars . cryer . o yes , o yes , o yes , if any man can inform my lord the king's justice , the king's serjeant , or the king's attorney , or this inquest now to be taken , &c. mr. dolbin , may it please your lordship , and you gentlemen of the jury , this is an information brought by the king against thomas pilkington . gentlemen , the information sets forth , that upon the 24 th of june last in guildhall , there was a common hall summon'd by sir john moor knight , and thereupon held for the election of sheriffs for the year then ensuing the feast of st. michael : and that on the same 24 th of june , sir john moor then mayor adjourn'd the court till the tuesday following by proclamation . that after the said adjournment , my lord mayor made proclamation for all persons to depart ; and that the defendants intending to disturb the peace of the king after the adjournment aforesaid , did unlawfully , with many persons unknown , meet together , and riotously assault the lord mayor . and after the adjournment by proclamation , two of the defendants , pilkington and shute , by colour of their office as sheriffs of this city , and the rest of the defendants did continue the poll , and unlawfully affirm to the people , that sir john moor had no power to adjourn them . and that they continued this great tumult three hours , to the terror of the king's subjects , and the evil example of others , and against the peace of our soveraign lord the king. to this the defendants have pleaded not guilty , &c. mr. att. gen. this information , my lord , is brought for setling the peace in this city , and to shew before you all who is the supream magistrate under the king in this city : for that , gentlemen , you see , is grown a great question , whether my lord mayor is not only in the hall , but in his chair the supream magistrate . gentlemen , i must acquaint you , that my lord mayor in all times , even before the city had the election of him , was the king's lieutenant , and the supream magistrate in the city , and no publick assemblies could ever meet together without his summons , he was the great and chief directer , and this i believe in all your observations that are of the jury . i can make it evident , that this hath been the constant frame of this government in the city : for the sheriffs , gentlemen , they are no corporation officers , they are county officers , as in all the counties of england , and they are the king's officers for the execution of the king's writs , and the preservation of the king's peace ; but the government of the corporation is in the mayor , and not in the sheriffs . gentlemen , the question now arising here , is about the election of sheriffs ; it 's true , there was very disorderly tumultuous proceedings ; my lord mayor he comes and doth appoint another day for them , and discharges them at that time . we will make appear to you , that it was always his right in all times , both to summon a common hall , and dissipate it , and appoint them another day , or to dissolve them , as the mayor did see cause . the mayor having according to the ancient manner adjourned this court , the sheriffs they proceed , do not only refuse to obey , but they proceed , and make proclamation , that it is not in the power of the mayor , taking upon them that which never any sheriffs did in any time , they make proclamation contrary to what the mayor had done , and continue the poll , and proceed and proclaim the mayor had usurped that power which was theirs , though afterwards they transferr'd the supream power to the livery-men : but i think no age will suffer that the supream powower should be in the livery-men , that are expresly appointed to act by a common-council , which is indeed the representative of the whole city . but this , gentlemen , being done by the sheriffs , having usurped the power of the mayor , they did proceed in a riotous manner ; when the mayor attempted to go out of the hall , they struck him , struck his hat off , and pressed several of the aldermen , the evidence will make out in what an outragious manner it was carried on . if the others had made opposition , how soon had all been in confusion upon this usurpation , that the sheriffs had set up for themselves , that they are the delegates of the people , and must appear to be the supream magistrates of the city of london ; i think the citizens themselves will never endure , that those that are but county-officers , should ever invade the government of the corporation . gentlemen , we will shew you the particulars of this , and you have nothing to enquire after , but whether they are guilty of the riot , or no. mr. sol. gen. my lord , we will call our witnesses , and prove our case by these steps . for the question , that whether or no the defendants in the information were guilty of a riot , in continuing the assembly after my lord mayor had adjourn'd them , we will prove it by these steps , that it is in the power of the lord mayor to call a common hall , and adjourning the common hall : that my lord when the common hall was assembled for the purpose of electing sheriffs , that he did adjourn the common hall ; and that contrary to his adjournment the sheriffs continued it , declaring my lord mayor had no right so to do . and that afterwards my lord mayor commanded them to depart , and they continued their assembly there in a very riotous manner : and as my lord mayor came down , they offered insolencies to his person , and they continued the assembly there in a riotous manner , and commended the sheriffs that did assert their right , following them in a riotous manner into cheapside , crying out in a factious manner , god bless the protestant sheriffs . mr. serj. jefferies , my lord , we would call our witnesses , but for the sake of the gentlemen of the jury ; and that the thing in question may be more intelligible , i beg leave to acquaint your lordship with the methods that have always been observed in the elections of this city . my lord , we will make it appear , and i think it will not be doubted by any man that knows the city of london , that common-halls are always summoned to appear by the intimation of the mayor ; for the mayor himself at any time when he finds an occasion either for the assembling of a common-councel , or the assembling a common-hall , &c. issues forth precepts , ( they are words that you gentlemen do understand very well ) to summon a common-hall , or common-councel , as he thinks fit : it is very true , though they do usually make summons for midsommer-day , yet midsommer-day being a publick and notorious day appointed for the choice of some particular officers , they are not so exact in the summons for that day ; for they do presume that every body takes notice of the business of that day : but whereas in the record there is only notice taken concerning the election of sheriffs on midsommer-day , it is notoriously known to all gentlemen that are inhabitants in london . there is also on that day a choice of chamberlain and auditors of the bridg-house , and chamber accounts , and so down to ale-conners ; and the sheriffs of london , quâ sheriffs of london in these elections , are no more in the case , than any private man is ; that as soon as the election of these officers is dispatched , ( for i my self have had the honour to serve the city some time , and know their methods very well , therefore i take the liberty to explain it to some of these gentlemen that are foreigners . ) my lord , i say , as soon as ever this is done , an account is given to the mayor and aldermen , and the mayor orders the dissolving the assembly : and , my lord , it was frequent , before people were so ambitious to come into the office of sheriffs , as they have been within two or three years last past ; till which time it was not known that people were fond of the office ; for they used to go a birding , as they call it , to get in persons that would fine off from the office , rather than undergo the burden of it ; and when that was done , then the usual method was to call another common-hall for the election of another : but never made application to mr. sheriff to let them have a common-hall , but the common way was to go to my lord mayor's house , to know his pleasure , and he of himself appoints a common-hall at such time as he prefixes , and then intimates the purpose of their meeting , and orders the sword-bearer , or other officer that is attendant upon his person in his house , to send forth precepts accordingly , and there may be sometimes but one sheriff at a common-hall : i have known it sometimes when there hath been never a sheriff , and yet they have not thought they have wanted a judge , of that assembly ; but , my lord , when all the matter is over , and persons are declared to be chosen into this or that , or the other office , in the common hall , then an officer of the city ; not an officer of the sheriffs , but an officer which is called by the name of the common cryer ; he makes proclamation upon the hustings , where my lord mayor is judge , for all gentlemen to depart for that time , and to give their attendance there at another summons . and now , my lord , to make the thing a little more intelligible , there is a difference between the choice of the county officers and the corporation officers ; for at the election of city officers , the common serjeant , the common cryer , and town clerk , are the officers that attend and manage the common hall , where my lord mayor is looked upon to be the superintendent ; but at the election of parliament men , the writ is directed to the sheriff , and they interpose in all the management , and then the common serjeant and common cryer have nothing to do , but at such times the secondaries of the compter , which are deputies to the sheriffs , they come and manage the whole affair . this i tell you , because i have been pretty well acquainted with the methods of the city . i do very well remember i had the honour to serve the city of london at that time sir robert clayton was lord mayor , and there was a great occasion to try a person about the assassination of mr. arnold , and the question was , whether they should proceed to a poll or not , because they were to go to the sessions-house in the old baily , in order to the trying of that person . that worthy gentleman being then in the chair , i had the honour to sit by him ; ordered the court to be adjourned for a day or two , because they were to go to the sessions . there was no asking the sheriffs opinion when sir robert clayton was lord mayor , nor there was no such thing then , but now the case was altered , for sir j. moor was lord mayor . now , my lord , sir john moor , like a good magistrate , endeavouring to preserve the priviledges of the chair , there happened a controversie amongst the members of the common hall , whereby the publick peace of the kingdom might have been very much injured , as well as the peace of the city much disturbed . to prevent which , sir john moor , with the advice of his worthy brethren the aldermen , came upon the hustings , and found they were all in an uproar , and not cool enough for any debate ; for they were wound up to that height of fury or madness , that they had not a good word to bestow upon their magistrates , nor upon him whom their chief magistrate did represent . for we must tell you , when they cried , pray god bless the king , as is usual for the officer upon such occasions ; many cryed , no , god bless the sheriffs , the protestant sheriffs . whereupon my lord mayor for preservation of the peace adjourned the common hall , and required the members to depart and come down off the hustings ; the rabble , for by the way a great many of these persons in this information , as mr. goodenough , and the rest of them , were not livery men , nor concerned in the election one way or other , but came there on purpose to foment and to raise up the spirits and malignant dispositions of a sort of people that are enemies to the government ; they came to foment quarrels , and not maintain peace . my lord , when my lord mayor came off the hustings , they came upon him , had him down upon his knees , and his hat off , and if some gentlemen had not come in , they had trod him under feet ; such an indignity was then done to the lord mayor of london , who , i think i may say , deserved as well from the government of this city , as any gentleman that ever presided in that office , that before had not been heard . my lord , we will call our witnesses , to prove the manner of the elections to be as i have opened it , and to prove the matter in the information . — call the common serjeant and mr. lightfoot , the common cryer and the sword-bearer . mr. att. general . mr. lightfoot , pray give an account to the jury and the court of the manner of election and chusing of a common hall , and the manner of it . mr. lightfoot . my lord , i have been almost 25 years an attorney , i always took it that the serjeant of the chamber had order to go down to the clerks or beadles of the companies , to summon a common hall by such a day . mr. att. gen. by whose command ? mr. lightfoot . by my lord mayor's . mr. att. gen. in all your time did the sheriffs ever summon any ? mr. lightfoot . o no. mr. serj. jefferies . pray mr. lightfoot thus , when they were met , what was the usual method ? mr. lightfoot . before the lord mayor and aldermen were set , the people walked up and down the hall till the lord mayor did come , but as soon as my lord mayor came , the common cryer made proclamation , o yes , you good men of the livery summoned such a day for election and so , draw near , and give your attendance . mr. att. gen. whose officer was the common cryer ? mr. lightfoot . my lord mayor's officer . mr. serj. jefferies . a corporation officer . mr. att. gen. now for the dissolving them . mr. lightfoot . when they have done the business , mr. town-clerk , as i take it , takes his direction from the lord mayor , and he bids the officer make proclamation , you good men of the livery , depart hence for this time , and appear at a new summons . mr. att. gen. did the sheriffs ever dissolve them ? mr. lightfoot . never . mr. att. gen. did the common hall do it ? mr. lightfoot . no , there was no such thing . mr. jones . mr. lightfoot , after my lord mayor had dismist the hall , did you ever hear the sheriffs keep them together ? mr. lightfoot . all the people went away , till within this three or four years . mr. jones . since when ? mr. lightfoot . since mr. bethel , about that time . mr. serj. jefferies . ay , in bethel and cornishes time , then began the bustle . mr. williams . you say you have been an attorney 25 years , i would ask you , in all that time , mr. lightfoot , in all that time did you ever know the lord mayor adjourn the common hall to a certain day ? mr. lightfoot . there was never any occasion . mr. thomson . answer my question . mr. lightfoot . i never did . sir fr. winnington . i would ask you another question , mr. lightfoot , did you ever know before the election was over , when the electors were chusing sheriffs , or polling or debating it , did you ever know in the middle of it , the mayor against the will of the sheriffs adjourn it ? mr. lightfoot . no , no. mr. sol. gen. did ever the sheriffs undertake to keep them together before these late times ? mr. lightfoot . no , never . mr. thomson . pray , sir , this , though it is usual , after the sheriffs have taken the poll , to acquaint my lord mayor ; did you ever know that the sheriffs have adjourn'd the common hall , without acquainting my lord mayor ? mr. lightfoot . no. mr thomson . i ask you one question more , do you remember when there was a poll between sir thomas stamp and another ? mr. lightfoot . no , i did not charge my memory with it . mr. thomson . do you remember when there was a poll between sir robert clayton and mr. kaffen ? mr. lightfoot . i was about the hall. mr. serj. jefferies . do you remember when there was a poll between sir simon lewis , and mr. jenks ? who did manage that poll ? mr. com. serj. i did . mr. williams . are you upon your oath ? com. serj. yes , i am . mr. lightfoot . when they were gone to the poll , i went out of the hall. mr. att. gen. did you ever look upon it that the sheriffs had any thing more to do than others ? mr. lightfoot . no. mr. att. gen. who were induced to take the poll ? was it by the sheriffs , or the lord mayor ? mr. lightfoot . i have been appointed by my lord mayor . i do know that the sheriffs have taken upon them to appoint a poll , and then my lord appointed his clerks in the house to be assistant to the common serjeant , and the town-clerk ; i never was but in two polls , one for mr. box , and another for my lord mayor . one went on with the poll in one place , and the other in another . mr. att. gen. but before that time , sir. mr. lightfoot . i know nothing of that sir , i was never concerned before . mr. holt. pray , sir , who used to manage the poll before this time ? sir fr. winnington . mr. lightfoot , i would ask you a question , who managed the poll before ? mr. lightfoot . i have been in a common hall when they have been choosing sheriffs , when several have fined . and it hath been upon the question when the hall hath divided , and they have polled in the hall. sir fr. winnington . who polled them ? mr. lightfoot . the sheriffs and the officers stood and saw them go out , and this is within these few years . sir fr. winnington . mr. lightfoot , i ask you thus now in all your observations when there was any contest , who was sheriff upon the election and the divisions during the time of election , and before it were at an end , who did manage it , the sheriffs , or the lord mayor ? mr. lightfoot . when the court had been proclaimed , and the recorder had spoken to them , my lord mayor and the aldermen withdrew from the hustings , and the sheriffs and other officers stood there with them ; then the commons proposed who they would have put in nomination , and they were put up ; then the sheriffs have turned back to the gentlemen upon the hustings to ask their opinions , how are your opinions concerning the hands ? we do think it goes so ; then it hath been declared . sir fr. winnington . by whom ? mr. lightfoot . the common cryer , or the common serjeant . sir fr. winnington . you say , as soon as my lord mayor withdrew , during the time of election , the two sheriffs managed the hall. mr. lightfoot . in that manner with others . sir f. winnington . mr. lightfoot , do you remember who adjourned the hall , when mr. bethel and mr. cornish were chose ? mr. lightfoot . i can't tell . mr. ser. jefferies . mr. com. ser. are you sworn ? mr. com. serj. yes . mr. serj. jefferies . pray will you tell my lord and the jury what you have observed in particular , because i mentioned it in the time of sir robert clayton ; mention how that was . mr. com. serj. my lord , when the common cryer hath made proclamation , the lord mayor and court of aldermen being set upon the hustings , mr. recorder makes a speech ; as soon as that is done , my lord mayor and the aldermen retire into this court , leaving the sheriffs and me , and the rest of the officers upon the hustings , and i there manage the election , and when the election is made , i go up to the court of aldermen , and make report of what hath been done in the hall. i declare the election , and i manage the election , and do it as the duty of my place . mr. williams . who manages the election ? mr. com. serj. i manage the election ; i declare what is my opinion of the election in the hall ; and i come and make report to my lord mayor in this court ; then my lord mayor and the aldermen , and the recorder come down again . i remember particularly when sir robert clayton was lord mayor , it was about the choice of mr. bethel , and alderman cornish , and there was a great disturbance in the hall ; then i came into the court , and after i had made my report , i offer'd to give the paper to the recorder that then was : sir george jefferies , he told me that the people wou'd not hear him , and therefore he wou'd not take the paper . upon that sir robert clayton said to me , prethee , do thou speak to them , they will hear thee if they will hear any body ; for the hall was in a great uproar , and they call'd to throw me off the hustings , and then i made answer to sir robert clayton ; sir , it is not the duty of my office , and when i do any thing that is not my office , i shall expect particular directions . then , saith he , you must tell them , i must adjourn them till munday , because i go to the old baily to try the assassinates of arnold . thereupon the hall was adjourned , and proclamation made to depart ; and my lord mayor attempting to go , was beat back twice or thrice , but at last they let him and the aldermen go , and kept the sheriffs and me till evening . at last mr. papillon came up to me , mr. papillon says i , i am glad to see you , you will hear reason , says he , why do not you go on with the poll ? i told him , my lord mayor had adjourned the hall : says he , i did not hear it before ; but now you tell me so , i will go out of the hall : says i , sir , you will do very well to tell the hall so ; which he did , and some went away ; and further adjournments were made by the direction of my lord mayor . mr. att. gen. i would ask you a question or two ; who do you look upon to be the chief magistrate of the city ? mr. com. ser. my lord mayor , sir. mr. att. gen. pray , in all your time till this , was there no uproar ? did ever any sheriff undertake to control the mayor in the business of putting questions , or taking votes ? mr. com. serj. sir , there was never any dispute till mr. sheriff bethel was upon the hustings , and then there was . mr. att. gen. as whose officer did you do it ? mr. com. serj. my lord mayor's , and the city of londons ; i have nothing to do with the sheriffs , for when there is a writ comes for the choice of parliament men , directed to the sheriffs , i never do it , but mr. secondary . mr. att. gen. i speak of later disturbances . mr. com. ser. the first dispute about sheriffs , since i was common serjeant , was about mr. jenks , and that poll was taken by the direction of the lord mayor , by the town clerk and my self ; and our books say , if there be a dispute in the common hall , it must be decided as in the common council . it is in liber albus . mr. att. gen. liber niger . mr. serj. jefferies . no , liber albus . mr. att. gen. liber albus ? it is liber niger , they turn the white book into a black book now . sir f. winnington . at that time , sir , when my lord mayor was willing to go to the old baily , did the sheriffs do any thing farther ? mr. com. serj. the sheriffs did not meddle in the matter . mr. serj. jefferies . mr. king , pray give my lord and the jury an account of what you know of this matter . mr. peter king. i have been at a court of common hall 28 years , my lord , and have been concerned , i never looked upon the sheriffs to have any concern there . and i do very well remember , sir george jefferies , i do remember and know ; they did always in ancient times take advice of the officers by , and they never did esteem themselves in those days , to be any more concerned than as the best officers to be preferred before the rest : when my lord says , come up , they come in order , the masters and wardens of the companies . mr. att. gen. who did do the business upon the hustings ? mr. king. all of them , sir , altogether . mr. att. gen. was there never any difference about the votes ? mr. king. sometimes they have stood upon it . mr. att. gen. when there was a question made to know who had the most , who decided it ? mr. king , they generally asked one another , what do you think , and what do you think ? i speak for 20 years together since the king came in . mr. att. gen. i hope in god there hath been a king in england for 20 years , though perhaps some of the sheriffs that were then in debate , would have had none . mr. thomson , mr. king , i only desire to know this of you , because i know you know questions ; i desire , my lord , to know whether he speaks it to be a matter of right , or his opinion ; for we know mr. king's opinion will go a great way in this matter . do you speak it as a thing of right , or as your conceptions ? mr. king , sir , it would be a thing very confident in me to determine of the right , but only as i always esteem'd it . mr. serj. jefferies , mr. king , i would ask you this question ; pray do you tell your belief upon the observation that you have made from time to time of the practice there ? mr. king , an hundred and a hundred common halls i believe i have been at . mr. thomson , that 's good store . mr. ser. jefferies , that may be when there are many fines ; when i was common serjeant there were 5000 pounds fines one year . sir f. winnington , i desire you to give your opinion , you say they are all equal that are there . mr. king , every officer in his degree ; for if 20 men go together , he that is best speaks first . mr. att gen. were the sheriffs allowed to be there , or no ? mr. king , the sheriffs are always bound to attend my lord mayor by their oaths , unless they have lawful excuse . mr. jones , mr. king , did the sheriffs ever continue the assembly after it was dissolved ? mr. king , no , sir. mr. jones , or could they do it ? mr. king , i can't say that . mr. thomson , did you ever know my lord mayor adjourn the court till the hall had done ? mr. king , i can't tell . mr. thomson , i tell you , sir , sir samuel starling did . mr. serj. jefferies , but the sheriffs could not do it . mr. thomson , nor he neither , for he paid for it . mr. holt , mr. king , i ask this question ; who declares the poll in the hall ? mr. king , the common serjeant . mr. holt , who directs him usually ? mr. king , his office directs it self . mr. holt , i ask if the sheriffs don't agree , who is elected before the common serjeant make proclamation ? mr. king , they always agree , unless it be very clear ; i have known the common serjeant do it several times without disputing . mr. com. serj. when persons are put in nomination , and the hands are held up ; i generally ask the people about me , who have most , and particularly the sheriffs , and so make declaration . l. c. j. the officers ask one another , who they think has most ? that doth not give them the jurisdiction , that they chuse officers without the lord mayor or sheriffs : but , for ought that i see , these officers have had more to do about the choice than the sheriffs have . these officers consult one with another commonly , and conclude which side have most ; and then report it to my lord mayor . mr. serj. jefferies , first of all , when they put any question for any officer in the common hall , the usual way of putting the question is , as many of you as would have such a man to be such an officer , hold up your hands : and if the election be clear , proclamation is made presently : if not , the common serjeant asks , who they think hath the majority ? which being declared , they acquiesce . but since mr. bethel came in , there have been very hot disputes in the world ; but before his time there were attempts made to keep sheriffs off , but never before to get sheriffs on . and after the election is declared below , immediately they go to my lord mayor , and report it to him : and then comes down the mayor and aldermen to the hustings , and the recorder says , we are informed that such and such persons have been put in nomination , and the election passed upon such and such . and then the lord mayor commands the assembly to be dis●●●ved . mr. wells , when the common hall is first met together , are not the lord mayor and aldermen generally present ? mr. com. cryer , at the first meeting . mr. serj. jefferies , when they are there set , give an account what proclamation is there made . mr. att. gen. how long have you known it ? mr. com. cryer , i have been in this place almost seventeen years ; i always come with my lord mayor ; i do make proclamation by order of my lord mayor , dictated by the town-clerk ; and i take the words from the town clerk , and his words i say ; you good men of the livery , summoned to appear here this day , for the confirmation of such a one chosen by my lord mayor , and another fit and able person to be sheriffs of the city of london and county of middlesex for the year ensuing , draw near , and give your attendance . i never adjourned the court in my life , but by order from my lord mayor ; nor never dissolved the court , but by order from my lord mayor . mr. serj. jefferies , mr. common cryer , i would fain know this ; when my lord mayor is gone , and the aldermen , during the election , do you ever dismiss the court before my lord comes down again ; and do not you take the very words of dissolution from the town-clerk ? mr. com. cryer , i do so . mr. serj. jefferies , and what is usual in your time when sheriffs have sined off , who gives directions for a common-hall ? mr. com. cryer , my lord mayor , sir. mr. att. gen. who is it puts the question , the common serjeant or the cryer ? mr. com. cryer , the common serjeant dictates the words to me , and i never take them from any other ; i have taken the paper into my own hands , but never but one year neither , when they were in a confusion ; the time when mr. bethel was chosen there was some difference , i did read the names that time , and never but that one time . i always take the words from the common serjeant ; i never put any vote , but what i have from the common serjeant . mr. att. gen. do the sheriffs put any vote ? mr. com. cryer , never , sir. l.c.j. i do not understand him ; i think he did mean , when bethel was chosen he put the question by some body else . mr. serj. jefferies , no , no , he took the paper in his hand . before he used to take dictates from the common serjeant ; but there was a confusion when bethel was chosen , and then he took the paper from the common serjeant , and read it . mr. com. cryer , he gave me the paper into my hand . mr. com. serj. my lord , they made such a noise that he could not hear me . mr. williams , mr. wells , how long have you been common cryer ? mr. com. cryer , about seventeen years . mr. williams , in all that time did you ever hear the lord mayor adjourn the court to a certain day ? mr. com. cryer , yes . mr. williams , to a certain day ? mr. com. cryer , my lord mayor adjourned this common hall to a certain day . mr. williams , i ask you upon your oath again , did you ever k●●w the lord mayor adjourn a common hall to a day certain ? mr. serj. jefferies , do you remember that of sir robert clayton's ? l. c. j. if so be they be adjourned , to meet upon a new summons , if there be occasion , no question but he may to a certain day . mr. williams , now we are upon matter of fact . sir fr. winnington , did you ever know my lord mayor adjourn them before the election of sheriffs was over ? here is my question , observe it . when after once my lord mayor is gone out of the hall , when the election begins , did you ever know my lord come and disturb the election , or adjourn it before it was done ? mr. com. cryer , i never knew any thing of it before now . mr. att. gen. mr. wells , do you remember that instance in sir robert clayton's time ? mr. com. cryer , no , sir. mr. att. gen. have not you known my lord mayor dissolve the court before the business hath been done ; take up his sword , and be gone ? mr. com. cryer , when he hath a mind to adjourn the court , and declare it , i adjourn it by his order . mr. att. gen. but have you not known him take up his sword , and be gone before the election is over ? mr. com. cryer , sir robert clayton did do that before the business was done . mr. thomson , mr. wells , do not you remember , in sir samuel starling's case , that he did adjourn the hall ? mr. com. cryer , he dissolved the hall. mr. thomson , very well . mr. serj. jefferies , he did dissolve the hall , and so hath every lord mayor since . my lord , if your lordship please , i perceive this gentleman makes a question , whether ever there was an adjournment of a common hall before such a time as the election of sheriffs was over . i will give you an answer to that question , and a very fair one , and a plain one : i say , till the time of bethel , in sir robert clayton's mayoralty , there was never such a thing as a poll for sheriffs . l. c. j. silence , that we may hear . mr. williams , my lord , we only ask a question ; we ask a question , and take our answer . mr. serj. jefferies , will you give us leave to go on , sir ? mr. att. gen. sir william hooker , pray how long it is since you were sheriff of london ? sir william hooker , about 16 or 17 years ago . mr. att. gen. you have been sheriff and lord mayor of london , i would only know , whether you looked upon it as your right when you were sheriff ? sir william hooker , no , nor never durst presume to think it : in those days it was not thought upon . mr. att. gen. when you were lord mayor , did you order summons for common halls ? sir william hooker , always . mr. att. gen. did you ever use to consult with your sheriffs when to call a common hall ? sir william hooker , never , and i think no such thing was ever heard of under the sun , till of late . mr. thomson , sir william hooker , did you ever adjourn the court before the business was done ? sir william hooker , i never saw any such occasion , rebellion was not ripe then . mr. att. gen. sir william , pray thus ; have you ever in a common council , or common hall , known my lord mayor rise before the business was done , and take his sword ? sir william hooker , i confess i must own it , that when things grew to a greater height , i was forced once in this place to cause the sword to be taken up and go out , and the court was dissolved , and durst not go on after i was gone . mr. serj. jefferies , now my lord , if your lordship please , i desire to call the sword-bearer . mr. williams , sir william hooker , if i may without offence ask you , how old are you ? sir william hooker , seventy years of age , sir. mr. williams , you say , you never knew rebellion ripe ? sir william hooker , good sir , i perceive you are very apt to mistake i lived in 41 and 42. mr. att. gen. sir william , can you remember the meeting in 48 ? sir william hooker , ay , very well . mr. att. gen. then they usurped the very same power , and an act of parliament to confirm it . mr. serjeant jefferies , my lord , i desire mr. sword-bearer may be sworn . sir franc. winnington , pray sir , in all the time that you have been acquainted with the customs of london , did you ever know when there was an election for sheriffs , that the lord mayor did interpose or meddle till the election was over ? sir william hooker , sir , of late years i have not appeared , because of an infirmity , i cannot be long in london ; but in all that time i used to appear , i never did observe any such thing . sir fr. winnington , that the mayor ever meddled ? sir william hooker , nay , sir , that the sheriffs ever meddled : when i was sheriff of london i durst not presume to meddle , but left the whole to my lord mayor . sir f. winnington , did you ever know when the election of sheriffs was in a common hall , that the lord mayor offered to disturb them till the election was over ? sir william hooker , truly i do not remember any such thing . sir fr. winnington , i would give you a full answer , i do tell you , as it hath been declared ; my lord mayor and the aldermen came into the court , and a report is made ; when this is done , they leave the management of the affair to others , we come and sit down till it is done . sir f. winnington , to whom do you leave the concernment ? sir w. hooker , to the officers that it belongs to . sir f. winnington , who are those officers ? sir w. hooker , i never heard it disputed till just now . mr. jones , sir w. hooker , you have been an ancient citizen , do you remember that ever the sheriffs presumed to hold this court ? sir w. hooker , no , never in my life . — you may confound any man at this rate . mr. williams , pray , sir , in your time was there a poll for sheriffs in london ? sir w. hooker , truly not as i remember . mr. williams , do you remember any poll in your time ? if you don't remember a poll , you can't remember who took it . mr. sol. gen. pray , sir william hooker , do you ever remember the sheriffs appointed the common serjeant to take the poll ? sir w. hooker , never in my life . mr. serj. jefferies , mr. sword-bearer , i won't ask you how old you are ; i desire to know how long you have been an officer in this city ? mr. sword-bearer , three and twenty years . mr. serj. jefferies , i desire to know in all your time , who ordered common halls ? who gave direction for the summoning common halls ? mr. sword-bearer , my lord mayor always . mr. serjeant jefferies , did my lord mayor use to send for the sheriffs , to know of them when they would be pleased to have a common hall ? mr. sword-bearer , i never knew that the sheriffs did interpose in calling a common hall in my life . mr. serj. jefferies , mr. sword-bearer , at such time as the business was done , when the common cryer had directions for dissolving the common hall , pray who used to give these directions all along ? mr. sword-bearer , it was done by the town clerk and my lord mayor's officers . mr. serj. jefferies , did ever the sheriffs continue the hall after my lord mayor had adjourned it ? mr. sword-bearer , truly i know no such thing . mr. thomson . mr. sword-bearer , i would ask you one question ; if in case the common serjeant , or the common cryer , or any other officers do put a question that the commons would not have put , who orders them to put the right question ? mr. sword-bearer , i can't say any thing to that . mr. att. gen. after the common serjeant comes up and reports what is done , then what doth my lord mayor do ? mr. sword-bearer , my lord mayor and the aldermen go down to the hustings , and it is declared by the recorder , or the common serjeant , by the order of my lord mayor . — i think my lord mayor went once down to give them some satisfaction upon a dispute . sir fr. winnington . mr. man , during the election did you ever hear them adjourn'd before it was over ? mr. sword-bearer , no , sir , nor never heard any occasion for it . mr. williams , the common serjeant affirms himself to be a servant to the commons , and not to the lord mayor and aldermen ; have you known a common serjeant say , he was a servant to the commons , and not to the lord mayor and aldermen ? mr. sword-bearer , i never was in a common hall upon any such dispute , i am with my lord mayor . mr. serj. jefferies , i have known a recorder reprehended by a very learned lawyer , for saying , my masters the aldermen . sir fr. winnington , i ask you who hath the management of the common hall in the absence of the mayor ? mr. sword-bearer , i am always here waiting upon my lord mayor . mr. serj. jefferies , my lord , if your lordship please , we will rest here as to point of right : now , my lord in the next place we will come to that which is a more immediate question before you , and we will prove the manner of it , and the persons that are guilty ; for that is the next step we are to go . — mr. bancroft . mr. williams , my lord , they have laid in the information , that the sheriffs are duly elected for one year next following , from the eve of st. michael ; now prove your election to be for that year you have laid in your information . mr. thomson , my lord , they have certainly in fact mistaken their information . my lord , they do declare that the common hall was held , according to custom , for the election of sheriffs , to hold that office from the eve of st. michael , for the year next ensuing : now , my lord , that is not so in fact , nor never was , for the election is for a year to commence on michaelmas day . they take on the eve the office upon them , but they do absolutely exercise the office for a year from that time , from the eve. now , my lord , we say , that day is excluded ; we are sure it is a common case , it is known very well ; as in a lease , the habendum from any date , the day of the date is no part of that lease , it is exclusive and no part of the term , and therefore , my lord , if they do not prove it as they have laid it , we hope they will be non-suited . mr. sol. gen. that is another piece of law. mr. holt , the eve of michaelmas day , we make this objection , and put you to prove it . mr. serj. jefferies , give us leave to go on : gentlemen , let us prove what we think fit , and if we have not made it out , then make your exceptions . mr. holt , mr. serjeant , i think it is proper to put it now , for if there be no such election , there can be no such riot ; for they have made it a riot in a special manner . mr. serj. jefferies , mr. holt , under your favour , it is not a time for it now . mr. att. general , this is the oddest way these gentlemen take upon them so : i will not prove it ; and pray be quiet till i come to my time . sir f. winnington , pray , mr. attorney , if we have an objection to make , if the court pleases we may be heard . mr. serj. jefferies , certainly it was never known , that when mr. attorney exhibited an information , to tell us how to prove it . surely , gentlemen , you will give us leave to go on with our proof , won't yee ? mr. molloy . mr. bancroft , how long have you been a servant of the city ? by whose order was the hall summoned ? mr. bancroft , by my lord mayor's . mr. 〈◊〉 who hath dissolved them ? mr. bancroft , my lord mayor . mr. 〈◊〉 did you ever know the sheriffs give any order for the dissolving of it ? mr. bancroft , no. mr. thomson , did you ever know it dissolved before the business was done for which they were call'd ? did my lord mayor in your time either dissolve them , or send them going , till the election was over ? mr. bancroft , i can say nothing to that . att. gen. mr. bancroft , i would ask you this , sir , did the sheriffs ever continue the hall after my lord mayor had dissolved it ? mr. bancroft , no , i never knew that in my life . sir fran. winnington , mr. bancroft , i would ask you a question , i don't ask you who calls them , or bids them go home , during the time of the election , did my lord mayor ever meddle ? mr. bancroft , my lord mayor withdraws . sir f. winnington , who are those among the commons that manage the business when my lord mayor withdraws . mr. bancroft , the sheriffs , and the common serjeant , and the common cryer . sir f. winnington , who manages the election ? who declares the election ? who declares who is chosen ? mr. banc. when the election is made below , then the sheriffs come up , and the common serjeant , and the common cryer along with them , and acquaint my lord mayor , and he goes down , and there doth confirm the election , and withal , when the work is done he dissolves the court. mr. williams , did you ever know a poll for sheriffs ? mr. thomson , do you take the common serjeant to be an officer of the commons of london , or an officer of my lord mayor's ? mr. bancroft , i cannot be certain what he is . mr. thomson , if in case the common serjeant differ from them in declaring the poll , is it not usual for the common hall to order him to put it up again ? mr. serj. jefferies , who does make a judgment of the election , the common serjeant , or the sheriffs ? mr. bancroft , the sheriffs . mr. serjeant jefferies , do not the common serjeant make observation as well as the sheriffs ? mr. bancroft , the sheriffs give their opinions in it . mr. serj. jefferies , now , my lord , if your lordship please , if they had done , we would desire to go on to our fact , for otherwise for ought i perceive , we shall be in here till this time to morrow , and they say , we must not adjourn till the cause is over . — mr. common cryer ; heark you , mr. common cryer , were you present at midsummer day when this business happened ? give my lord and the jury an account of the carriage then . mr. com. cryer , i was there at the beginning of the election , i did make proclamation , afterwards there was a poll demanded , and the poll was begun , and i went home with my lord mayor , afterwards my lord mayor came back again , and there was a hubburb ; but about 5 or 6 a clock , my lord mayor came down upon the hustings , and i adjourn'd the court till another day ; i did adjourn it by his order , according as i used to do , and then i went away with my lord mayor . mr. att. gen. but what usage had you in going out ? mr. common cryer , i went before my lord mayor , i was not with him . mr. williams , where was the adjournment ? m r. com. cryer , upon the hustings . mr. williams , were the sheriffs polling the people then ? mr. com. cryer , i don't know that , sir. mr. williams , were the sheriffs near the hustings ? mr. com. cryer , i don't know , i saw them not . sir fr. winnington , upon the election of them , when my lord mayor came to adjourn the court ; were the sheriffs acquainted with it : where were the sheriffs ? mr. com. cryer , my lord mayor sent to them . mr. serj. jefferies , mr. weston , pray will you tell my lord and the jury , what directions you had from my lord mayor , and how he was used when he came out of the hall ? mr. weston , my lord mayor sent me , my lord , to the sheriffs under the lumbard-house twice to come up to the council-chamber , and they told me : one told me , he was upon the king's business ; and the other said , he could not come ; and about half an hour after , my lord , sheriff pilkington came up to my lord mayor into the council-chamber , and then immediately came down to the court of hustings , and mr. common cryer by my lord mayor's order , did adjourn the court from saturday till tuesday following , and as we were coming out of the hall , when mr. common cryer had adjourn'd the court , and said , god save the king , a great part of the hall hiss'd ; and but that there were so many honest gentlemen about my lord , i was afraid my lord would have come to some mischief ; but coming to go into the porch-yard , i saw his hat off , and i went to catch his hat , and caught one of his officers by the head , that was knocked down , or fell down , that held up his train . my lord , the sword was at that distance , farther then it is between your honour , and where i stand , and crouded far away , and when my lord came out into the yard ; gentlemen , says he , i desire you would go home to your lodgings , and commanded them in the king's name to depart : and says he to me , pray go you back , and let the sheriffs know , and tell them i have adjourn'd the court to tuesday . upon my lord's command i went back to let the sheriffs know that my lord had adjourned the court till tuesday . mr. serjeant jefferies , both of them , both shute and pilkington ? mr. weston , no , shute , t'other was by . mr. serj. jefferies , it was in his hearing , was it not ? mr. weston , it was in his hearing . mr. serj. jefferies , did you see my lord mayor down , and his hat off ? mr. weston , i saw his hat off , sir george , but i can't tell how it came off . mr. williams , you say , you saw my lord's hat off , can you tell whether my lord was so courteous to take his hat off or no ? mr. weston , i dare say , my lord did not . mr. williams , did he , or no ? i ask you upon your oath . mr. weston , i can't tell that , sir. l. c. j. i can't think that those gentlemen were so extraordinary civil to my lord mayor , that when the common cryer made proclamation , god save the king , that there should be hissing ; those that hissed were not extraordinary civil to my lord mayor , and i believe you don 't think so neither . mr. williams , i ask you a question , my lord mayor's hat was off — l. c. j. ay , and it must be supposed it was to complement those fine men that hiss'd at god save the king. mr. serj. jefferies , my lord , if your lordship pleases , i would desire to know what account any of them can give of the opinion they had of the king , to be sure they had a great opinion of his representative : but my lord mayor i find was so extraordinary civil , that to this rabble he must not only pull off his hat , but fling his hat on the ground to them . mr. thomson , i ask you whether you know that any of the defendants in this information did throw my lord mayor's hat off , or no ? mr. weston , i can't say that . mr. serj. jefferies , it is not a farthing matter . sir f. winnington , here is a mighty riot upon the hat. mr. weston , now i desired them to keep back ; my lord mayor's friends did press back as much as they could to preserve my lord mayor ; they prest more forward , as the other kept back , and i desired them to forbear ; nay , commanded them in the king's name , and upon their peril and took my cane to strike at some of them . mr. williams , did you ? mr. serj. jefferies , he served them well enough . l. c. j. he did so . do you think a magistrate is to be crouded and prest upon ? mr. weston , i struck at them , and said , gentlemen , keep back , and entreated them and commanded them , and all would not do . mr. serj. jefferies , i would only say this , mr. com. serjeant ; what did you hear when proclamation was made to depart ? mr. com. serj. my lord , i was not in the hall when proclamation was made , but i heard them cry out , no god bless the king ; and i heard them cry out , down with the sword ; no lord mayor , no king. mr. williams , can you name any person that said this ? mr. com. serj. my lord , i laid hold on one man that cryed , no god save the king ; no lord mayor ; and the rabble got him from me , one that i heard say so . mr. williams , mr. common serjeant , you say , you heard this ; can you name any person ? mr. com. serj. i tell you i caught hold of him , and the rabble got him from me . mr. williams , can you name any one ? mr. com. serj. i tell you i cannot . mr. serj. jefferies , my lord , i hope that will not much prevail in this place , but i hope it doth justifie my lord mayor , for endeavouring to disperse the rabble that came together to that height when the king was prayed for , to cry out , no king , no lord mayor . and we don't give this in evidence against any one person , for it was done in a tumultuous manner ; but they were so fond of this man , as that they rescued him from him ; and to fix it upon them , we will prove they were every one of them concerned in the riot . — mr. craddock , what account can you give of this matter ? mr. craddock , i was standing at the place where they poll'd , and my lord mayor was coming towards it to protest against their manner of proceeding ; and sheriff bethel came to me , and said , resist him , ( i think ) he hath nothing to do here . mr. serj. jefferies , that was bethel , slingsby bethel . mr. craddock , it was either , oppose , or resist him . mr. sol. gen. he says , he thinks he said , resist him ; but he is sure it was either oppose , or resist him . mr. serj. jefferies , did you see mr. jenks there ? mr. craddock , i can't say i did : i saw mr. jenks just as my lord mayor came down , not after . mr. serj. jefferies , did you see mr. john deagle there ? mr. craddock , i did not see mr. deagle . mr. att. gen. how did they use my lord mayor ? mr. craddock , i was not very near my lord ; my lord , i stood at the place where the poll was taking . mr. thomson , mr. craddock , we desire to ask you this question , that you speak particularly to mr. bethel , was it before my lord mayor had adjourn'd the poll , or after ? mr. craddock , it was just as my lord mayor came to protest against the manner of polling . mr. thomson , was the poll adjourn'd before or after ? mr. craddock , it was after . mr. williams , mr. bethel , you say , he said , oppose , or resist ; did he say it before the poll was adjourn'd ? mr. craddock , yes , sir , it was before . mr. williams , can you say what the words were ? mr. craddock , it was either oppose , or resist , he hath no authority here . mr. serj. jefferies , which is george reeves ? mr. reeves , pray will you tell us what you did observe done at this time by mr. pilkington , or mr. shute , or any person else ? mr. reeves , i came about 4 or 5 a clock to the polling-place where the coaches use to stand , and i saw the sword up , i suppose my lord mayor was there , and came to stop their proceedings in polling ; and there was a great contest among them ; some saying , he had nothing to do there : he hath no more to do than i , says one ; another cryed , stop the sword , stop the sword ; and i laid hold of him , and got him a little way , and made account to have carried him to the sheriffs , and the lord mayor , but some body got him away . mr. ser. jefferies , what did you observe shute and pilkington do ? mr. reeves , they encouraged the people to poll. mr. jones , after my lord mayor was gone ? mr. reeves , yes . mr. jones , pray you , sir , did you observe either mr. shute , or mr. pilkington encourage the people to hollow or shout , or those things ? mr. reeves , no , sir. l. c. j heark you friend reeves , heark you ; how do you know that pilkington or shute were polling ? are you sure they were polling after my lord was gone ? mr. reeves , they were at the polling-places , and they did not go away a great while after that . l. c. j. from the people that were about them ? mr. reeves , no. sir fr. winnington , we agree it in fact it was so . mr. att. gen. richard fletcher , pray will you give the court an account of what they did . mr. serj. jefferies , john hill , what did you observe there ? mr. hill , about 5 a clock , my lord mayor came to the hall , there was with him then sir james edwards , and sir william pritchard , now lord mayor , to the best of my memory ; and he told them he disliked their polling any more : and there came a tall black man ; says he , mr. sheriff go on , it is your business , we will-stand by you ; about a quarter of an hour after my lord came out of the hall to the great croud , some of the people hissing , and some making a noise ; and one came to the sheriffs , and says he , gentleman , why do not you make proclamation with o yes , and they continued there till towards 8 a clock . mr. serj. jefferies , did you hear no officer adjourn the court ? mr. hill , my lord mayor went home , i saw him within doors , and i came back again . mr. att. gen. was there no proclamation made afterwards ? mr. hill , by some of the officers , but i did not take particular notice . mr. att. gen. who did you see here after you went home with my lord mayor , and came back again ? mr. hill , i saw here mr. robert key for one , and i saw mr. goodenough come in between 8 and 9 here in the hall , and my lord gray came in , and several other gentlemen . l. c. j. what did they do when they came ? mr. serj. jefferies , heark you , hill , was my lord gray and mr. goodenough , and mr. key , were they among the people ? mr. hill , after the sheriffs came up , they went into the orphan's court , mr. goodenough came in and out , and my lord gray went in to them . mr. serj. jefferies , did they appear among the people up and down in the hall ? mr. hill , they went through the hall to and fro . sir fran. winnington , what was the christian name of that goodenough ? mr. hill , i know him , he that was under-sheriff last year : i know him well enough , and he knows me ; yes , that is mr. goodenough . lord gray , i desire to ask this witness a question , my lord. l. c. j. let your counsel ask , my lord. mr. serj. jefferies , i desire to know another question ; did you see mr. cornish ? mr. hill , i saw mr. alderman cornish walk in the hall , but i can't tell whether he went into the room , or no. after my lord was gone , he did come up into the mayor's court , and came thorough among the people . mr. thomson . hill , you speak of my lord gray ; upon your oath did you see my lord gray walk to and fro in the hall , or only came thorough ? mr. hill , my lord gray came in at that gate , and went thorough the hall , and went in to the sheriffs . mr. williams , i would ask you this upon your oath , did you see him do any thing more ? mr. hill , no , i was there to discharge my office. lord gray , my lord , i own my being there ; but only desire to ask a question that will clear this matter . mr. hill , i saw my lord gray come up those stairs , and he went into the orphan's court. mr serj. jefferies , how long might that be after the poll ? mr. hill , after the sheriffs came up i believe it might be half an hour , or a quarter of an hour , near an hour . mr. williams , did you see my lord gray do any thing more than walk ? mr. hill , i saw him come to the orphan's court , and they would not open the door at first ; but they said , it is my lord gray , and then they let him in . l. c. j. your own councel is asking my lord ; i am willing you should ask a question if your own councel will let you . gentlemen , my lord would ask a question himself , and you won't let him . lord gray , my lord , though i do not know this gentleman at all , yet i will venture to ask him a question : pray sir , did you see me speak to any one man ? mr. hill , i have answered that already , i say not . lord gray , were the books brought from the polling-place by the sheriffs before i came , before that i went in there ? — my lord , i was there , and shall give you an account of it . l. c. j. it had been better , my lord , if you had kept away . mr. serj. jefferies , fletcher , pray will you tell my lord and the jury what you observed that day here after my lord mayor was gone and had adjourned the court. mr. fletcher . on the 24 th of june i was here by order of sheriff shute after my lord mayor had adjourned the court , and it was to call all men that were to poll to come forward , for the books were to be shut up , and i went away immediately , i was very hot and went away to the three-tun tavern . mr. serj. jefferies , did you see mr. shute there ? mr. fletcher . mr. pilkington was there and mr. shute too . mr. serj. jefferies . can you name any body else ? mr. fletcher . no , i can name no body else . mr. serj. jefferies . what did mr. shute say ? mr. fletcher . he ordered me to make proclamation for all men them that had a right to poll , to come and poll , for the books were to be shut up . mr. serj. jefferies . captain clark , pray will you give an account of what you observed ? capt. clark. i came down into the hall , and i did hear a whispering , whereupon i went to guard my lord mayor , my lord mayor came down upon the hustings , and proclamation was made for the adjournment of the court ; whereupon when proclamation , god save the king , was made , an hundred , &c. i believe more , hist at that , i laid hold of one of them , no king's-man , no sword's-man , cryed they ; sirrah , you are a rascal and a traytor in your heart , said i , and laid fast hold on him ; but there was a very great crowd , and sayes one or two , for god's sake captain clark , do you guard my lord ; there was mr. weston and major kelsey ; my lord , said they , is in danger ; said i , gentlemen keep by him or go before , i will be in your rear-guard . my lord mayor was down upon his knee , i can't tell how he came down , press on , press on , this was the cry , and god save the sheriffs . after coming down the steps , i pressed as near as i could to my lord mayor to keep them off ; now , said i , this is the time to keep the rabble off , now face about ; i had my sword in my hand , and with the pommel of my sword kept them off ; before god , said i , i will keep you off ; and so i waited on my lord home , and went and drank a glass of sack. about an hour or two hours afterwards i came down to the hall and found the people shouting , god save the sheriffs , god save the sheriffs ; what nothing , said i , of my lord mayor ? but , said i , this is not a place to quarrel in , let us not quarrel together . i saw the sheriffs pilkington and shute were concerned in carrying on the poll , and this they continued to do for some time , at last , i am weary of the hall , said i , i will go home ; and this was between 8. and 9. a clock . mr. serj. jefferies . can you remember any body else besides the sheriffs ? capt. clark. no , sir , i cannot . mr. serj. jefferies . can you remember sir. thomas player . cap. clark. no i can't mr. serj. jefferies , captain clark , did you know never a one of them that cryed out so ? capt. clark. no , my lord , i was before sir robert clayton . mr. serj. jefferies . major kelsey , pray will you give my lord and the jury an account of what you saw on midsummer day . major kelsey . my lord , when my lord came out of the court i went after , and some cryed stop him , stop him ; but i got between them and some of my lord's friends kept them off ; but when we came just to the going out , they gave a shout , and i saw my lord mayor's hatt upon his back . and i can't tell whether he touched the ground with his hand , but i was e'en almost down ; said i , gentlemen do you intend to murder my lord mayor ? mr. serj. jefferies . who did you see there ? major kelsey . indeed , sir , i was almost down , and did not see their faces . mr. serj. jefferies . mr. trice hammon , i would only ask you , who did you see , who did you observe to be there ? mr. hammon . about 9. a clock at night , or something before , i stood at the door that leads to the * common-pleas , and there came in alderman cornish and good-enough , and old key , an old white-hair'd man , and by and by my master sheriff shute came out and told me , i shall give you all satisfaction by and by ; god bless you , mr. sheriff , said i ; and he went again , and there i staid till they came out , and then he went upon the hustings , and i went along with him when he came out . mr. serj. jefferies . who went with him out to go to the hustings ? mr. hammon . sir william gulston and several other men , there is never a name in the indictment more . mr. serj. jefferies . none of them that are in the indictment ? name them . mr. hammon . i have named them . mr. serj. jefferies . prethee name them . mr. hammon . mr. alderman cornish , both the sheriffs , my lord grey , mr. good-enough , and old mr. key . mr. thomson . which good-enough ? mr. hammon . that mr. good-enough that stands there . mr. serj. jefferies . there is such a noise that i did not very well hear that word . mr. hammon . goodenough , not that goodenough that looks upon me , but he that stands behind . mr. serj. jefferies . he falls behind now , but he ran up and down then , and alderman cornish was there too . mr. jones . you witness , you have named all these men , what did shute do , or what did he say ? mr. hammon . when he came upon the hustings , he made proclamation himself , because one or two refused it , he did it himself ; and after a while he adjourned the court upon the hustings ; this was on midsummer day . mr. jones . what did he say ? mr. hammon . as the common cryer usually sayes at such times . mr. thomson . you say you saw mr. goodenough , and you saw my lord grey , upon your oath , can you say they did any thing , or was any thing done in abuse to my lord mayor ? mr. hammon . they did not tell me , my lord , what they did . mr. thomson . i ask you what did they do ? l. c. j. mighty busie they were . mr. thomson . how long was it after my lord mayor adjourned the court ? mr. hammon . about two hours . mr. serj. jefferies . so much the worse . l. c. j. you must understand it was some time before mr. sheriff had made his adjournment , they were busie till that time . mr. serj. jefferies . my lord , if your lordship pleases , i do agree with mr. thomson , that the jury should remember that this was two hours after my lord mayor had adjourned the court. lord gray . i desire , my lord , i may ask him some questions . you say you saw me go to the council chamber , at what time , and who went with me ? mr. hammon . a little before candle-light . lord gray . you say all the company went out with the sheriffs , and went away . mr. hammon . my lord , i did not say you came out . mr. att. gen. my lord was of the upper house . mr. thomson . yes , and may be there again . lord gray . i hope i shall be there , mr. attorney . mr. att. gen. it had better you had been so then , my lord. lord gray . it will be the worse for you , i shan't lie perdue for you . mr. att. gen. if you threaten me , my lord , i shall take notice of it . my lord , i have done you a kindness , but if you come under my hands again , i shall not do it . l. c. justice , they would not have it said , god save the king , and my lord you were with some of those that abused him . lord gray . after it was over , my lord. mr. att. gen. you were not within your duty here . lord gray . my lord , it was after the poll was closed . mr. s. jefferies . my lord , i desire if you please , what is usual in all causes , that we might go on without any interruption . let us go on for the king , and then make all the defence you can . don't think either to hiss us or threaten us out of our cause . mr. higgins , give my lord and the jury an account of what you saw or heard . mr. higgins . my lord , i attended with several of our company by my lord mayor's coach to guild-hall , and was in the council chamber , and he sent for the sheriff , after that he went away ; and when god save the king was said , said they , god save the protestant sheriffs . mr. s. jefferies . i desire to know mr. higgins this , what they said ? mr. higgins . they cryed , down with the sword. mr. thomson . mr. attorney is making a speech to us , i don't know what he hath said . mr. s. jefferies . i don't think mr. attorney thinks you worth a speech . mr. higgins , i desire you to ask you a question , i ask you this question upon your oath , after the adjournment of the court , and after this very insolent behaviour of some of the rabble that were there , for i can call them no better , who did you see there ? mr. higgins . after i went home , i went to see my lord safe home , and came back again , i saw one freeman that they call the protestant cheesmonger , calling , to poll , to poll . mr. s. jefferies . pray who else did you see ? mr. higgins . i saw mr. alderman cornish come up towards the sheriffs . gentlemen , said he , you are doing right . mr. s. jefferies . did you hear mr. alderman cornish say so ? what this gentleman ? do you know him ? mr. higgins . says he to sheriff shute , you shall have all right done to you . mr. serj. jefferies . who else did you see there ? mr. higgins . i saw mr. swinnock . mr. serj. jefferies . did you see mr. key , did you see mr. pilkington ? mr. higgins . i did not see mr. pilkington , i saw shute . mr. serj. jefferies . did you see mr. jekyl ? mr. higgins . yes . mr. serj. jefferies . which of them do you mean ? mr. higgins . the elder man. mr. serj. jefferies . there is john jekyl the elder , gentlemen , and john jekyl the younger . mr. higgins . i was disputing with a fellow that his toes came out of his shooes , and had a green apron , said i , are you a livery man ? yes , i am , said he . surely , said i , they don't use to make such as you are livery-men . saies mr. jekyl , he may be as good a man as you , for ought i know . that was about half an hour after my lord mayor went home . mr. serj. jefferies . what time was the adjournment ? mr. higgins . about 5. or 6. i was speaking something , you are all in a riot . this is no riot , saies mr. swinnock to me ; i can never meet you but you are railing against the king's evidence . l. c. j. the kings evidence , what was that ? mr. williams . what was done by mr. jekyl ? mr. higgins . he was talking among the people . mr. serj. jefferies . he did encourage among the rest . mr. williams . you are in a passion now . mr. serj. jefferies . no sir , i am not . mr. higgins . he seconded mr. cornish when he said , insist upon your rights . mr. serj. jefferies . who did so ? mr. higgins . freeman , my lord , that they call the protestant cheesemonger . mr. williams . a very pretty word indeed . mr. serj. jefferies . ay so it is , he is so called , you will give us leave to hear what the witnesses speak . mr. williams . another epithet would do a great deal better . mr. serj. jefferies . william bell , what was done upon the spot , was there any hurt ? mr. williams . do you say , upon your oath , that gentleman was there ? mr. higgins . i have seen him in the balcony . mr. serj. jefferies . he saies he uses to be there upon publick daies in the coffee-house . — bell , i would desire to know of you , whether you are able to give an account after my lord mayor's adjournment , who was there ; name as many persons as you can . mr. bell. mr. bethel , and i saw mr. cornish go through the little gate into the yard . mr. serj. jefferies . who else ? mr. bell. that is all , sir. sheriff pilkington delivered two poll-books into my hand . mr. att. gen. mr. vavasor , will you tell my lord and the jury what you saw ? mr. vavasor . it happened thus , mr. hammond had taken a man upon execution , who was bail for a client of mine who had paid the moneys long before ; upon that i came to know who imployed him , and coming here , i found mr. hammond in that place , and the crowd was so great , don't go back again , said he , for you will go near to be abused . whilst i staid there , i asked him what was the meaning ; saies he , in this room are the sheriffs and some others casting up the poll ; and whilst i staid , there came in mr. good-enough to and fro from them , and before they would admit any , they would know their names ; there was mr. key , my lord gray , and sir william gulston . mr. att. gen. what afterwards ? mr. vavasor . yes , mr. cornish was there , he and sheriff shute came out together , and they went upon those stairs under the clock . mr. att. gen. who came out with sheriff shute ? mr. vavasor . cornish . mr. williams . what cornish ? mr. vavasor . alderman cornish . mr. williams . very mannerly . mr. serj. jefferies . his name was cornish before he was an alderman . mr. vavasor . and sheriff shute told the people , if they would stay a little time , he would give them satisfaction . upon that , mr. cornish went through the company , and when they came to the hustings , mr. shute ordered proclamation to be made , and told them , whereas my lord mayor had taken upon him to adjourn at 9. a clock , we the sheriffs of london and middlesex , being the proper officers , do adjourn it to tuesday at 9 of the clock . upon that an antient gentleman desired they might proclaim the election . then saies shute , that i can't do it now , for we have taken very good counsel for what we do . had it not been for mr. hammond , i had been , i believe , trod under foot sufficiently . mr. serj. jefferies . mr. denham , who did you see ? mr. denham . i saw sir thomas player and mr. jenks . mr. serj. jefferies . where did you see them pray ? mr. denham . in the yard . i went home with my lord mayor , and then i saw them . i had a kind of a glance , but i can't swear positively to mr. jekyl . mr. serj. jefferies . sir thomas player and mr. jenks , what did you see them do ? sir fr. winnington . heark you , friend , where was it you saw them ? mr. denham . in the yard . sir fr. winnington . what did you see them do ? mr. denham . nothing at all . mr. serj. jefferies . how many people might be there then ? two or three hundred ? mr. denham . above a thousand . mr. williams . what did you hear sir thomas player say ? mr. denham . nothing . mr. williams . how far was he from his own door ? mr. denham . on t'other side the hall. mr. williams . a mighty way indeed , a mighty thing . what said mr : jenks ? mr. denham . i can't say , sir , that i heard him speak a word , only in the tumult . sir fr. winnington . friend , i ask you this , i think i heard you say you saw sir thomas player and mr. jenks in the yard ; but you did not see them do any thing at all ? mr. denham . no. mr. serj. jefferies . pray mr. farrington will you tell my lord and the jury what you saw after my lord mayor had adjourned the court. mr. farrington . i saw there sheriff pilkington , shute , sir thomas player , mr. wickham the scrivener in loathbury , mr. jenks , babington , one jennings an upholsterer . l. c. j. sir thomas player you say in the first place ? mr. farrington . yes , and wickham , my lord , a scrivener in loathbury . l. c. j. who then ? mr. farrington . sheriff pilkington and shute , and mr. cornish , alderman cornish . mr. serj. jefferies . did you see one deagle there ? mr. farrington . no , sir. mr. serj. jefferies . wickham you saw there ? mr. farrington . ay , sir , i know him very well . mr. thomson . what is wickham's christian name ? mr. serj. jefferies . john wickham , he goes by that name , it may be he was not christ'ned . was jenks there , do you know him ? mr. farrington . the linnen-draper ? mr. serj. jefferies . ay , very well , he goes by the name of francis jenks . did you see jekyl there ? mr. farrington . i don't know the name , i saw a great many i knew by sight , but not their names . mr. holt. what did these gentlemen do ? mr. farrington . i 'le tell you , sir , there was sheriff pilkington and sheriff shute , i went in where they were taking the poll ; said i , gentlemen , my lord mayor hath adjourned the court , what do you do here ? i suppose it lies in my lord mayor's power ; if it lies in him to call , certainly he must dissolve . mr. williams . you argued thus ? mr. serj. jefferies . pray give us leave to go on . mr. farrington . there was mr. wickham , and saies he , my lord mayor hath nothing to do here , neither will we be ruled by any of your tory lord mayors . this is not the first aspersion , said i , that you have cast upon a gentleman that loves the church and the government established by law ; and they fell about me , and had it not been for mr. fletcher and mr. hill , i believe they had done me a mischief ; for they trod upon my toes ; who did it i can't tell . mr. serj. jefferies . but you say sir thomas player and pilkington and alderman cornish were amongst them . mr. farrington . yes , sir. mr. serj. jefferies . that 's enough . — pray mr. cartwright , will you tell my lord and the jury what you observed there , and who was there . mr. cartwright . i know the names of no persons that were there , all that i can say was this . as soon as my lord mayor adjourned the court upon the hustings , he came down , and going out of the hall , he had like to have been thrown down , had it not been for mr. shaw ; and going to save my lord mayor , i wrenched my back , and i spit blood for seven daies after . mr. serj. jefferies . tell that mr. cartwright over again . mr. cartwright . my back was wrenched in saving my lord mayor , and i spit blood 7 days after . mr. serj. jefferies . endeavouring to save my lord mayor his back was so wrenched that he spit blood 6 or 7 days after . heark you mr. cartwright ever since that time , have you found any indisposition ? mr. cartwright . i have not been my own man since . mr. williams . he took a surfeit . mr. serj. jefferies . he took a surfeit of ill company i am sure . mr. sol. gen. mr. shaw , give my lord and the jury an account of what you know . mr. shaw. my lord , my lord mayor sent to the sheriffs , and ordered them to forbear polling and come up to the chamber , and sent 2 or 3 times ; but they denied coming to him , and went on and ordered the common cryer to make proclamation for them to depart ; and if they stayed that he would look upon them as rioters ; and there was hissing and a great deal of crowd , and there was sir james edwards in the court , they hunched him with their elbows , and as his lordship came down going down the steps there was such a croud , that if i had not catched his lordship in my arms he had fallen upon his forehead , and his hat was off . l. c. j. who did you see so misbehave themselves ? mr. shaw. my lord , i can't tell . mr. serj. jefferies . i think we have now proved it against every body we design , save only against mr. deagle , for we do not now proceed against dorman newman and benjamin alsop . now , my lord , we will only prove against john deagle , and then we shall have done . mr. kemp will you tell my lord and the jury who you saw here . did you observe any particulars after the court was adjourned ? mr. kemp. i don't remember i observed any one man. mr. serj. jefferies . you don't ? had you any discourse with mr. deagle at any time ? mr. kemp , yes , i had . mr. serj. jefferies . what did he tell you ? mr. kemp. he did confess he was there about 7 a clock at night . mr. serj. jefferies . he did own he was amongst them ? mr. kemp. yes , with alderman cornish . mr. serj. jefferies . what say you , mr. rigby ? mr. rigby . i saw him about 7 aclock . mr. serj. jefferies . was he in the crowd ? mr. rigby . yes , amongst the people . mr. serj. jefferies . here is all now , gentlemen , but dorman newman , and benjamin alsop , and we don't go against them now . after they had done this , and hist at the king , and cried , no king , no lord mayor , what acclamations went these people off with ? mr. hammond . when the court was broke up by the sheriffs , they cryed , god save our true protestant sheriffs , and in that manner they followed us . mr. serj. jefferies . what say you ? mr. hammond . they hollowed us home , sir , as far as fishmonger's hall. mr. serj. jefferies . they began with a hiss , and ended with a hollow . mr. williams . gentlemen , i am councel for the defendants , and my lord , the question is under favour , whether these persons taken for defendants , whether they be guility of this riot , as it is laid in the information . we are now upon as special case , and the question is , whether guilty , or not guilty . my lord , in the first place for the cries , what the cry was , hath been too often mentioned ; for those cries there is nothing at all fixt upon any person that is defendant ; all that is charged upon us , is , that we were in the hall it seems , and because there was this noise heard , therefore we must be guilty . in this crowd where we are , i hear hissing , especially at to'ther end of the hall , which of us are concerned in it , is a hard matter to judge ; it is a hard matter , and it were very well , and it had been very happy , if some of those persons , had been apprehended for their hissing . i won't say , gentlemen , that either one party or to'ther in the contest made the noise of hissing , but there is nothing of it fixt upon any of us . our case is this , my lord , with favour , when we have stated our case and proved it , we are very innocent , and not guilty of the riot . in some measure it hath been stated on the other side . they say in the information , that the lord mayor called a common-hall ; we don't dispute that matter , we agree it , that the lord mayor of london is the kings lieutenant but to make such and inference , that because the lord mayor is the king's lieutenant in the city of london , that he must execute all the offices in the city , is of no credit in the world ; so that they are mistaken in that . men are bounded in their offices . the lord mayor does not execute all the offices in the city though he be lord mayor . the question between us is this , whether the sheriffs , in this case did more than their office as sheriffs of the city of london . there is a superiority due to the lord mayor . another thing we agree with them , we agree it is in the lord mayor only to call these com-mon-halls , and as mr. serjeant jefferies , that hath been in a good office in the city , he agrees it himself , and it is apparent , there are some fixt days for election ; but yet though there be fixt days for election , yet there must be that formality of a summons from the lord mayor to the city to meet in order to the election of sheriffs for the city of london and other officers , that we do agree that my lord mayor hath the power of calling common-halls , and he is the proper officer . we agree also , gentlemen , that when the business is done , for there is nothing in vain in nature , and there is nothing in government that should be in vain , when the business is done , my lord mayor is to bid the company fare them well , which you may call discharging the common-hall ; we agree that to be commonly and usually done by my lord mayor . but herein we differ , which we are to try , the right of the office of sheriffs being the question , it is a question of right , and i don't see the government is concerned one way or other . l. c. j. upon my word i do see it , and surely you must be blind , or else you would see it too , when a company is got together , no god save the king , no king , no lord mayor . mr. williams . my lord , i thought i had opened it plainly , i speak before a great many people , i desire , my lord , this may be very well heard . i thought i had said very well , from all these noises and cries we are all innocent , we justifie nothing of it , only we would have been glad if they had apprehended any man that made that noise ; it had been a very happy thing if one of them , or all of them had been defendants to be tryed . my clients are defendants , they are innocent and unconcern'd , it is a crime committed by some where these gentlemen were by , but they are innocent ; we hear hissing at t'other end of the room , it was an ill thing , and of a treasonable complexion ; but for these gentlemen they are unconcern'd . the question between the lord mayor and the sheriffs of the city , is a question of right between the mayor and sheriffs , whether it be the prerogative of the mayor , or the right of the sheriffs ? and i say , under correction again , this question , whether the lord mayor of london may adjourn the common-hall to a certain day , is a question of right whether he can do it or the sheriffs ; and i don't see what consequence it can have upon the government . the lord mayor is the king's deputy , the sheriffs they are the king's officers , and the question is , whether it be in the lord mayor or the sheriffs of london to adjourn it ? they are very good subjects , i am sure this very year they are so ; therefore i wonder at these gentlemen of the king's counsel , that will meddle with the government , and say the government is concerned in this ; i appeal to any man if there be any more concern in this . i say this , here was a common-hall call'd , grounded upon custome in the city of london , and here is a single question , whether these sheriffs did any more than their duty ; whether they were guilty of a riot in continuing this poll. gentlemen , this is the method we shall take . first of all , it is not proved , that ever the lord mayor before this time did ever attempt to adjourn a common-hall to any certain time ; all the witnesses that were call'd , that pretend to be knowing in the customes of london , the common serjeant himself , he does not pretend that it was adjourn'd to a day . mr. serj. jefferies . you mistake . sir robert clayton did from saturday to munday . l. c. j. what need if there had been no president ; if so be an asembly of people are met about business , and they can't make an end of it in a reasonable time , must they be kept all night till they have ? what argument will you make of it ? if a man may call and dissolve , do you think if there be occasion , but , by the law it self , that he may adjourn to a convenient hour ? mr. williams . that will be a question between us . my lord , what i say certainly of fact carries something in it . l. c. j. not at all . mr. williams . then , my lord , i have done . l. c. j. give us leave to understand something , sir. sir fr. winnington . my lord , by your lordships favour — l. c. j. i spake to mr. williams , and he takes it so hainously at my hand that facts signifie nothing ; i do again say it , the fact signifies nothing . for i tell you again as law , it is not denied the lord mayor may call , he may dissolve ; then i say by law , without fact , by custom , he that can both call and dissolve , may adjourn to a convenient time . do not judges of assize in all the counties of england do it , when a cause is appointed to be tryed in such a county such a day , and it may be it is tryed 3 daies after ; and yet i pray find me the statute or commission , or find me one thing or another besides the very law it self , that doth give them leave to adjourn from time to time . mr. williams . my lord , there is a mighty difference , but i am only upon fact , these gentlemen will agree it was never practiced before sir robert clayton's time , what the consequence in law will be , that is in your lordships breast , i am now speaking upon the evidence that this hath not been practiced . what the law is , for that we are to have your judgment , which i humbly crave , i will be judged by gentlemen that are my seniors and better read in this matter ; but , my lord , a man may have a power of calling and dissolving , and not of adjourning , it may be so . but , my lord , admitting it to be so for this time , yet , my lord , whether we are guilty of a riot , take the circumstances of our case . whether the right of adjourning be in the sheriffs , yea , or nay , it is a question of right , and i had rather apply my self to your lordship than to the jury . if there were a question of right between the lord mayor and the sheriffs , it may be admitted by our councel that it was his right to adjourn the court , and probably the sheriffs might be in the wrong , and the lord mayor in the right . the lord mayor adjourns the court , and they continue it , they go on with the poll , and go on with the execution of their office as they apprehended , if they were still for their right , i hope your lordship will not make this a riot . my lord , for the circumstances that followed , the noise that was made , which i don't love to mention , if , i say , they were guilty of this , i am silent ; but if they did no more , as i hear no more proved upon them , then continuing the poll , then , i say , it will be very hard to make them guilty of the riot . and another thing is this , my lord , we all know , if there were a thousand electors , any man knows , that when there is a question upon an election , it is impossible such a thing shall be carried on but there will be reviling , ill language , and the like ; and to turn all these things to a riot , a thing so common from the beginning of elections to this time , if there be division and polling , there will be something you may turn to a riot . but i say this , they have not instanced in any one defendant , that he was guilty of any one particular act that amounted to a riot in it self , they have not instanced in one . they say of alderman cornish , that he was of the same opinion with the sheriffs , that they did insist upon the rights of the city , he took it to be the right of the sheriffs ; and , saies one of them , i will stand upon it , bethell that had been sheriff . now we will call our witnesses , we will prove what hath been the constant practice in the city , we will prove the methods of adjournment ; and , my lord , this is to be said which your lordship will observe , that the sheriffs adjourned the court to the very same time with my lord mayor ; so that it was no more than to bring the matter to an issue in this case . sir fr. winnington . spare me a word in this case , my lord. there is no evidence produced against trenchard , nor against jekyl the younger , nor against bifield , nor 〈…〉 of these there is no question but they are as if they were out of the information , i must beg leave for a word or two as to those defendants , that they have offered some evidence against . the question is now before your lordship , whether they are guilty of a riot or no ? my lord , for ought i see , it will stand upon a nicety of judgment ; yet if there be not matter enough , gentlemen , to make the defendants guilty of a riot , then it will clear the defendants . my lord , as to those words , that really were words that ought to be inquired into , who they were that spoke them in relation to his majesty ; i think it was a very ill thing of those men that saw them , that they would not neglect all manner of business to seize them , i think it was a duty to fix upon them : but , my lord , there is no evidence to put it upon any of the defendants . my lord , that being pared off , now the question is , that the meeting together was lawful , that is agreed ; then when they came together , my lord , i do think that if we do rely upon the evidence , it will be a mighty hard thing to make this a riot , setting aside those villainous words that were spoken , which cannot relate to the defendants . suppose , my lord , that among the electors , the whole common-hall of the city , there doth a dispute arise before the election is over concerning the adjournment of the sheriffs or the lord mayor , some men are of one opinion , some are of another ; and their evidence , mr. peter king and another , attorneys , i asked the question several times , did the lord mayor of london , ever interpose or concern himself in adjourning the hall , till the election was quite finished ? and they said no ; then , my lord , i must say it as to these particular defendants , in such a concourse of people as was met there , it is as slender a proof of a riot as ever was , and intimates that the citizens of london , they that happen not to be the greater number , they that lose the election , may be found guilty of a riot in chusing other officers as well as in the business of sheriffs ; which being so tender a point , i think it will be a very severe exposition , my lord , to make this a riot . but now for the matter , we will call to your lordship several witnesses , men that have been magistrates in the city , that it was alwaies looked upon , that my lord mayor , as he is the principal magistrate , he gives notice for common-halls ; and when the several electors are met , and the business is over , he directs them to go home , and dissolves them ; but my lord mayor meddles not in every little administration of the election of officers , but leaves them to inferiour officers , the sheriffs and others , that is their duty , my lord , with submission , they poll them and send them home during the election , therefore by law they do this ; for , my lord , the custome of a city , and the custome of a place , is the law of the place ; and if the custome of the place hath been , that the sheriffs have been the persons that have managed it , it is their right ; but the common serjeant he saies he hath the sole management of it ; then if it be as mr. common serjeant saies , if that must go , upon my word , gentlemen , your priviledges are reduced to a little compass . — l. c. j. they did conferr one with another who they took to have the most voices , and so reported it , not that he did claim any thing in his own right , but as an officer of the city . now it is plain , and i think there is no inconveniency falls upon it , if an officer acquaints my lord mayor , according to the best of our judgment we think such a man hath the most voices , that does not give him a right for him to make an officer , not at all . sir fr. winnington . i say what he said in his evidence , but one of the attornies swears that they have all equal power , i wonder then who should make an end of the business . my lord , we will call to your lordship ancient citizens , that have been frequent at elections , to give you an account that the sheriffs always had the management , that my lord mayor never concerned himself , till he had notice it was determined ; and if that be so , and the practice hath been so , then i don't see under favour my lord , how they will make this a riot ; that is the case . mr. thompson . sir. robert clayton , will you please to tell my lord and the jury in what manner the election of sheriffs hath been , and how the mayors have usually left it to the sheriffs in that case . sir. robert clayton . my lord , i have never heard this matter hath been in question till of late , so i cannot declare much upon my own knowledge how the truth of fact is or should be , i can only say this , what the practice hath been . when i came to the chair i did endeavour to know my duty and to do it . the first time i had occasion to take notice of this matter was in the year of my mayoralty , i did then accoding to custom summon a common-hall , when i had summon'd it , there was a person presented to the hall i had drank to ; the hall did refuse him , and there was a great noise and hubbub upon it , and we found a way to accomodate that matter , and left them to chuse two sheriffs for themselves . i retired into this court together with my brethren and mr. recorder , that was then , we sent for the sheriffs up to examine the matter , they told us that they could not agree the thing , there was 4 persons in nomination , but they had granted a poll. after this we went down into the hall , of that mr. common serjeant hath given some account , and mr. serjeant jefferies , i shall to the best of my memory give the best account i can of it , i shall only tell you what i did understand to be my duty , i do not determine what the practice was , but what i understood to be my duty . when we came down into the common-hall to declare how the matter stood , and that a poll was agreed upon and granted , we would have adjourned the court to a longer time , but the people cryed out to go to the poll presently . i was , as you have been told by mr. common serjeant , to go to the tryal of one giles upon the assassination of arnold , to the old baily . i did twice or thrice attempt to get down out of the hall through the crowd , and was repulst , the croud was so great i could not get through , but was fain to retire back again to the hustings as i remember two or three times . there might be some such discourse as mr. common serjeant hath said , but thus far i can remember , that i did both by my self and the common serjeant signify to them the business i was about , and so many aldermen as made up a bench together with mr. recorder to manage that business , must go , and that i would leave the sheriffs to manage the poll , which i thought was their duty . mr. thompson . did you take it to be their right ? sir robert clayton . i did not apprehend it to be my right then . mr. thompson . and therefore you left it to the sheriffs as their right . sir robert clayton . i left it to the sheriffs to manage the same . mr. williams . sir robert clayton , i suppose when you were lord mayor you were as much for the honour of the chair as any man , you would not have quitted the right of the chair . sir r. clayton . i did not , there was a trial of me in that case . mr. williams . now sir , for adjourning the poll , did you know any such question whether a poll was to be adjourn'd upon the election of any sheriffs ? sir r. clayton . there hath been a great noise about adjournments of late . that poll was the most litigious of any that i know we have had before or since , that was adjourn'd for several days . mr. williams . who adjourn'd that poll ? sir r. clayton . the sheriffs did adjourn it i think . gentlemen , i do think the sheriffs did adjourn it , i was not present . mr. att. gen. sir robert , don't serve the court thus . mr. williams . don't brow-beat our witnesses , gentlemen . i know , mr. attorney , you are an example of fair practice : we are examining our witnesses . sir r. clayton . pray , my lord , let me explain my self , i shall let mr. attorney general understand me . i did never appear at guild-hall , unless upon the account of a court of aldermen i did never appear at guild-hall , but the first day we had consultations here in this court about the adjournment , and upon the hustings about going about the business we intended , and the hall was very intent upon the poll ; i twice attempted to go out , and could not get out , whereupon we were fain to acquaint the hall as well as we could for the noise , of the business we were to go about , and they let me go . i left behind the sheriffs and the common serjeant ; how long they stayed i can't tell , i can upon my own knowledge give no account of them . i was not consulted to the best of my knowledge afterwards , nor did give any particular directions for adjournment . i did not do it for this reason , i did not look upon it to be in my power : if i had such a power , i did not understand it . mr. williams . sir robert , how many days do you think that poll continued ? sir r. clayton . about six days . mr. williams . of those six how many days were you present ? sir r. clayton . i did not understand it to be my duty , and so did not look after it . mr. thomson . sir robert clayton , i desire to ask you a question , as to this matter you have given in evidence ; do you give it to the best of your remembrance or positively ? sir r. clayton . i tell you i speak to the best of my remembrance every thing that i say . mr. att. gen. sir robert clayton , i beg your favour , to the best of your remembrance is no evidence , it is so lately ; if you please , sir robert , you are to give evidence of a thing about three years ago . i ask you upon your oath who were your sheriffs ? sir. r. clayton . sir jonathan raymond and sir simon lewis . mr. att. gen. i would ask you then a plain question . sir robert , because you come in with your remembrance ; did you give express direction to the common serjeant or the sheriffs to adjourn upon your oath ? sir r. clayton . i must , mr. attorney general , by your favour take in my remembrance . mr. att. gen. then you are no evidence . sir robert , did you give directions or not , upon your oath ? sir r. clayton . i can't say it was given . mr. att. gen. did you , or did you not ? sir r. clayton . my lord , i hope i have spoke english in the case , we did discourse of the adjournment in this court , i believe it was discours'd below ; but as i said i was engaged to go to the old bayley , and i would leave that matter to the sheriffs , whose proper business i understood it to be . mr. att. gen. i ask you sir robert , one of the plainest questions that ever was asked ; i ask you whether you gave the sheriffs or the common serjeant express order to adjourn ? sir r. clayton . i believe i did not . mr. att. gen. did the sheriffs tell you they had a right then ? sir r. clayton . there was no dispute who had the right . mr. s. jefferies . sir robert clayton , if you please i would ask you a question or two . do you remember that the court was adjourn'd while you were there or not ? do you understand the question , sir robert ? do you remember the common hall was adjourned while you were there . sir r. clayton . yes , sir , if you give me leave to explain my self , i think the common hall was adjourn'd ; it was declared , but there was such a noise in the hall that the people could not hear it . mr. s. jefferies . but there was a sort of declaration made by your self , you did make an adjournment ; but the noise was such that the people did not hear : and if you remember , there was a person affronted one of the sheriffs , and i committed him to custody upon it . sir r. clayton . we desired to adjourn for an hour or two , that we might go and refresh our selves . mr. s. jefferies . then you remember there was an adjournment . i ask you whether it was appointed to be made by you or the sheriffs ? sir r. clayton . truly i believe it was appointed by me . mr. s. jefferies . sir robert , by asking you a question or two , sir robert , i know i shall bring some things to your remembrance . sir r. clayton . my lord , i don't know i have given any great occasion of laughter to my brethren ; these adjournments have been very common with us , and i might agree to it or order it or direct it , but one of them i believe i did , or two of them . mr. s. jefferies . sir robert , i would only have a question or two asked , and i know by asking a question or two i shall bring things to your memory , which i am sure you cannot easily forget : were there directions given for proclamation to be made for all parties to depart in the king's name ? sir r. clayton . i believe there might . mr. s. jefferies . the next question is , whether the sheriffs ordered that proclamation to be made for all parties to depart ? sir r. clayton . if it were done while i was present , i make no doubt in the case , but i did direct it , i make no question of that . mr. s. jefferies . very well now , sir robert clayton , we are got to an adjournment to a time by your direction , and proclamation by your direction . now i will ask another question upon your oath ; was not you in the common hall and gave order for an adjournment till monday following , for i remember that day to be saturday ? sir r. clayton . truly i do not remember that . mr. s. jefferies . you do not ? sir robert , you know very well , that the sheriffs of london , when the lord mayor and aldermen came back to the hustings , the sheriffs sit remote one on the right hand and the other on the left , furthest from the lord mayor , so that all the aldermen sit nearer to the lord mayor than the sheriffs do ; did you mind that the sheriffs came to you to speak to you any thing of an adjournment ? sir r. clayton . i never saw it . mr. jones . i would ask you a question or two , you know this gentleman , don't you ? pointing to the common serjeant . sir r. clayton . yes . mr. jones . did he attend the court at that time ? sir r. clayton . yes . mr. jones . sir robert , i ask you a fair question , did you lay any command on him to adjourn the hall at that time from saturday till monday . sir r. clayton . pray my lord give me leave to answer mr. jones in my own way . mr. jones . my lord i am in your judgment , it is a fair question within his own recognizance lately done , he ought to answer positively yes or no. sir r. clayton . am not i upon my oath , can you tell me what i can say ? mr. jones . ay or no , any honest man wou'd do it . sir f. winnington . all witnesses answer their own way , don't they ? mr. jones . let him answer then his own way . mr. att. general . my lord , you know there is a rule in chancery , if it be a matter within seven years , if it be not answered positively it is no answer ; if one asks a witness a question that lies within a little while , if he will not answer either affirmatively or negatively , he is no witness . l. c. j. i can't tell , mr. attorney . mr. jones . will you answer or no sir robert clayton , whether you commanded the common serjeant to go and adjourn the hall or no ? sir r. clayton . i don't remember that i did . mr. jones . then i only ask you this further question , whether mr. common serjeant did not tell you that it was not his proper business to do it , and that unless you would lay express commands upon him , and put the very words in his mouth , he did desire to be excused , and did he not stand there ? pointing to the bar. sir r. clayton . i have heard , sir , what mr. common serjeant did say , and i cannot charge my memory with it , but i have that charity for mr. common serjeant to believe there might be discourse to that purpose . sir f. winnington . mr. love , in all your experience what do you remember ? mr. williams . how long have you known guild-hall and elections ? mr. love. i suppose , my lord , these gentlemen don't expect i should say any thing that was done that day ; but , my lord , all that i suppose you expect from me is what i did observe to be the practice of the city ; to the best of my remembrance i shall give you an account . my lord , about 22 years ago , i did observe the practice to be this , when i was call'd into this office of sheriff , i took it as a thing for granted , that it was the sheriffs office to manage the common hall , that i did , as my lord mayor's was to have a sword born before him ; i have received it by tradition from all before me , and my own experience . my lord , i remember when we came to chuse sheriffs upon midsomer day , after the lord mayor and aldermen had been there , my lord mayor said to me and my brother sheriff , gentlemen , look to your office ; we accordingly went to it and chose two sheriffs , one gentleman that had been drank to by my lord mayor , i think it was alderman 〈◊〉 but notwithstanding that drinking to him , we took no notice of that as a ceremony , he was put in nomination among others , and being a senior sitting alderman , we returned him ; otherwise , my lord , i assure you i would not have returned him notwithstanding the drinking . after once that the lord mayor and aldermen withdrew to go to the council chamber , they said to us , now gentlemen , look to your office. mr. thomson , what was your office ? mr. love. to chuse sheriffs . mr. thomson . did my lord mayor meddle with the election , or left it to the sheriffs ? mr. love. left it to the sheriffs . mr. williams . what was your opinion , sir , was it in the lord mayor to take the poll , or the sheriffs ? mr. love. truly sir , i am not a competent judge of whose right it was , but if my lord mayor had gone about to meddle in it , i should have prayed my lord mayor to meddle in his own office and let me alone with mine . mr. attorney . yes , mr. love , you were then the tribunes of the people . sir f. winnington . here are some say the common serjeant and the common cryer have a power , nay , the whole power of ordering the hall during the election . what is the office of the common serjeant there . mr. love. truly , sir , i look upon the common serjeant and the common cryer as persons left to assist us , because they would not put us to the trouble of crying o yes our selves ; and if any common serjeant or common cryer had durst to put a question without my direction , i would have known whether he could or no. sir f. winnington . mr. love was it ever dicours'd to you when you were sheriff , or before or since , that ever my lord mayor did interpose before the election was over ? mr. love. since i was discharged of being a magistrate , i never was at a common hall since . i have spent my money for the cities service , but never got a peny by them ; i never heard that ever the lord mayor till these late times interposed , but that the sheriffs managed the whole business of chusing sheriffs . mr. att. gen. mr. love , i desire to have a word with you , you speak of the time of your reign , i would ask you a plain question , was it before the king came in ? mr. love. it was that year the king came in . mr. att. gen. was you chosen before ? mr. love. yes , i was . mr. att. gen. do you remember an act of parliament in 48 , then in force , of shutting out my lord mayor ? mr. s. jefferies . i would ask him a question or two . hark you , mr. love , let me ask you a question or two . mr. love. sir george , i would give mr. attorney an answer . l. c. j. what would you make of it ? if you ask him of an act of parliament it is something . mr. att. gen. you speak of a time when my lord mayor had no more to do with it than i had . there was an ordinance of parliament , did you never see that ? mr. love. to the best of my remembrance i never saw it in my life . mr. att. gen. nor heard of such a thing ? mr. s. jefferies . hark you , mr. love , i perceive you would have disputed with my lord mayor , who was the lord mayor that you talk of ? mr. love. sir thomas allen. mr. s. jefferies . now i would desire to know whether you remember the city before the king came in ? mr. love. for a little while . mr. s. jefferies . do you remember any thing of that custom of the lord mayor's drinking to sheriffs , was not that used before the king came in ? mr. love. a long time . mr. s. jefferies . it is well enough ; a long time . mr. williams . my lord , we have seven or eight more to the same purpose , but we are satisfied with these gentlemen : we will prove if there was any thing like a riot , we will prove my lord mayor and those that were with him were the authors of it . l. c. j. when multitudes of people are gather'd together upon a lawful occasion , supposing that they had a right to be there , i do say that in that case it would be much a mitigation of the fine , so for this same riot ; but on the other side you must know that these men that do it , it doth not excuse them , for ignorantia juris is not an excuse . it is true , if they had had a lawful occasion to continue to do it , but in truth they had not , that will excuse them à tanto , but non à toto . mr. holt. my lord , i beg to put in this case , there is a great deal of difference where a person does claim a right to himself , and does an extravagant action . now my lord these persons did claim a right to themselves to continue the common hall , and that it was not in my lord mayor's power to adjourn it without them : now , my lord , they claimed this right , if they used no violence , that is excusable . if i should claim a right to another man's estate , though i have no title , and say i have a right , and give it out in speeches , no action lies against me ; but if i do an extravagant action , and say another man hath a title , there lies an action against me . l.c. j. now go to your fact . sir f. winnington . my lord put a point to us , and we need not call more witnesses . l. c. j. i don't speak to hinder you from calling your witnesses . sir f. winnington . i put this case , we undertake to prove that it was always looked upon , that it was the right of the sheriffs : suppose , my lord , upon the dispute it should be found that the opinion of the jury should be otherwise , will this turn to an illegal act ? l. c. j. call your witnesses . mr. wallop . i beseech your lordship i may put one case in this point , in a point of right if they have a probable cause to insist upon it . suppose i send 40 men to a wood , and take a carr or a team , if they be a competent number to cut down wood , if we are mistaken in the title , that is no riot . lambert puts the case . l.c.j. but what if i had sent a great many men to cut down the whole wood ? mr. williams . we will call some witnesses that will take us off from the riot thus , if so be we can excuse our selves of the disorder , and put it upon my lord mayor , then we are innocent . l. c. j. very well if you do that . mr. 〈◊〉 mr. sibley , are you acquainted with the manner of the election of sheriffs , how long have you known it ? mr. sibley . i have been of the livery ever since 39 , in all my time , i speak gentlemen , to the best of my remembrance , it hath been the custom in all my time , except here of late , that the sheriffs of london have had the management of the election . mr. 〈◊〉 did my lord mayor ever interpose till the election was over ? mr. sibley . i never knew my lord mayor interpose till lately . sir f. winnington . did you ever hear my lord mayor pretend to it till of late ? mr. sibley . no , my lord. sir f. winnington . did the mayor use to be present at any election during the election ? mr sibley . i have been most commonly there . sir f. winnington . but the mayor , would the mayor be there ? mr. sibley . the mayor and aldermen went off the bench. sir f. winnington . who managed the elections ? mr sibley . the sheriffs . sir f. winnington . were the common serjeant and the common cryer there ? mr. sibley . the common serjeant and the common cryer are always there . l. c. j. i pray thus , you have known the city it seems a great while , i would ask you this , pray who did call the assembly that was to chuse the sheriffs , did the sheriffs or the lord mayor ? mr. sibley . we commonly received the tickets by the officers of the companies . l. c. j. did the officers of the companies summon the assembly ? hark you , pray sir , recollect your self , do you take it that the officers , the beadles it may be of the several companies , did they summon the livery-men , and so a common hall was call'd together , was it so in your time ? mr. sibley . it hath been commonly so , we have received tickets from the beadle of the company . l. c. j. and my lord mayor had nothing to do with it then ? mr. sibley . what order the masters and wardens had from my lord mayor , i never inquired into that . l. c. j. when the hall was dissolved , who ordered proclamation to be made , the sheriffs or the lord mayor ? mr. sibley . my lord mayor hath not used to be there . mr. thomson when they had done , they went away . he won't trouble your lordship . l. c. j. pray had my lord any hand in summoning , did he direct the summoning of them ? mr. sibley . it is more than i know . l. c. j. you bring a witness that knows nothing of the matter . mr. s. jefferies . mr. deputy sibley . give me leave to ask mr. sibley a question or two , i shall set him to rights presently . mr. sibley , if i be not mistaken you are one of the company of tallow-chandlers , and you have been master of the company , and you have been warden of the company . you very well know what directions are given to the beadle are generally by the master or wardens , pray upon your oath when you were master or warden , was there ever any precept sent to you to summon a common hall ? mr. sibley . indeed i don't remember that , sir. mr. thomson . if your lordship please , we have done with our evidence , i would beg your lordships opinion in it . sir f. winnington . we do admit , my lord mayor summons the court. l. c. j. but you bring a witness that knows nothing in the world of it , but yet you would have it taken for gospel , that the sheriffs had all the management before that time 40 years together , till now very lately . but when he comes to be asked how is this assembly or common hall call'd together , alas ! he knows no more of that than one in utopia . mr. thomson . my lord , we have several other witnesses , but we will call no more . mr. att. gen. if you have no more , we will call two or three more . mr. thomson . we have some to prove that my lord grey , came to speak with sir william gulston , and went away again , and we desire to call sir thomas armstrong . sir f. winnington . my lord , if your lordship pleases , thus , there will be it seems some particular defences made . your lordship hath heard their evidence , and what we have said ; we desire to call two or three witnesses to another head . your lordship hath heard there was some rudeness by some of the people , but who they were it doth not appear . we will call two or three witnesses of the behaviour those men and company that came with my lord mayor , that whatsoever disturbance was made , they were the chief men that made the disturbance , and my lord mayor could not help it , nor we neither . l. c. j. sir francis , i believe those men that would not have god save the king , my lord mayor could not hinder them , but will you undertake to prove that those that came with my lord mayor , that they were the men . sir f. winnington . they were with them , my lord. mr. s. jefferies . they were with them that cryed god bless the protestant sheriffs . mr. sibley . my lord , i desire to explain my self to what i said ; it is several years agoe since i was master of the company , i do not remember , but i believe the summons was directed from my lord mayor . mr. freak . mr. winstanley , what account can you give to my lord and the jury . mr. winstanley . i have lived near the hall , and i often came in , but i was not a livery man upon that poll , that was between mr. kiffen and sir robert clayton ; the sheriffs managed it . mr. freak . who managed it ? mr. winstanley . the sheriffs . mr. freak , who declared ? mr. winstanley . the sheriffs . mr. freak . did the mayor come down to declare the election ? mr. winstanley . the mayor came down after the poll , but the sheriffs took the poll. mr. freak . who was then mayor ? mr. winstanley . sir james edwards was sheriff , and sir john smith . mr. freak . who was mayor ? mr. s. jefferies . it was sir samuel starling . mr. freak . who put the question upon the hustings ? mr. winstanley . i can't tell . mr. freak . what did you hear the sheriffs say or see them do ? mr. winstanley . the sheriffs presently granted a poll , and parted one to one door , and the other to t'other . mr. freak . and who took the poll ? mr. winstanley . the sheriffs took it . mr. freak . who declared the election ? mr. winstanley . the sheriffs . mr. freak . who were sheriffs then ? mr. winstanley . sir james edwards and sir john smith . mr. s. jefferies . mr. winstanley , i would ask you this question , do you take it upon your oath that the sheriffs declared the election ? mr. winstanley . i declare upon my oath that the sheriffs took the poll. mr. s. jefferies . mr. winstanley , you may guess pretty well what i mean by this . first of all , i ask you , did the sheriffs put the question ? mr. winstanley . the sheriffs took the poll , sir. mr. s. jefferies . nay , answer my question , did the sheriffs put the question , or did any body else ? mr. winstanley . truly sir , i have forgot , you were there . mr. s. jefferies . i know i was sir , i know very well , i ask you upon your oath , who was it that declared the election afterwards ? upon your oath . mr. winstanley . truly , sir george , i don't remember . mr. s. jefferies . mr. winstanley , one went out at one door you say , and t'other went out at t'other , you say ; now i say who took notice , and told the names of those that went out at one door and t'other ? mr. winstanley . the two sheriffs . mr. s. jefferies . who else ? mr. winstanley . i can't tell . mr. serj. jefferies . do you remember me there at the great door , when they poll'd and went out , do you remember who told them ? mr. winstanley . no truly . mr. s. jefferies . pray , do you remember when one mr. broom a wax-chandler was chosen ale-conner ? mr. winstanley . i was in the hall , but i do not charge my memory with it . mr. sol. gen. hark you , mr. winstanley , who is it grants the poll when it is demanded ? mr. winstanley . i do remember very well sr. george jefferies was in the hall , they demanded a poll and so went out . mr. sol. gen. who granted it ? mr. winstanley . the two sheriffs . mr. s. jefferies . i will put you a case nearer home , mr. winstanley , you remember when sir thomas player was chosen chamberlain , when the question was put , who should be chamberlain , between him and a gentleman , i see not far from me , who do you remember managed the poll then ? mr. winstanley . there was no need sir george . l. c. j. what do you mean to do with these little witnesses ? you call witnesses that know nothing of the matter , or nothing to the purpose . mr. s. jefferies . my lord , let me ask him but one question more , i know he hath been a very great evidence in this case , i remember when that gentleman was in for bridge-master , who was the poll demanded of at that time ? mr. winstanley . truly sir , i think it was demanded of the court. mr. s. jefferies . of the court ? mr. winst . usually upon other days my lord mayor and the court come down , but upon midsummer-day they go up . mr. s. jeff. but i ask you of whom the poll was demanded at that time ? mr. winst . i don't remember it i 'le assure you . l. c. j. you told us that point would be granted , and you would not stand upon it . mr. williams . my lord , where there are so many men , there may be many minds , i would have your lordship and the jury hear them . mr. jones . the government is concerned , mr. williams . mr. s. jeff. this is not a matter of mirth i 'le assure you , it reaches the government . mr. williams . my lord mayor hath the power of adjourning the hall , but not till the business is done . mr. thomson . my lord , i would put you a case * — sure , mr. jones i ought to be heard . if my lord mayor hath power to call a common-hall , he hath not to adjourn it before the business is done . l. c. j. if a writ come to the sheriffs to choose parliament men , then the sheriffs have it , but this is my lord mayors office , he hath power to dissolve and adjourn . mr. thomson . i speak to this case , my lord , i will shew your lordship an instance where it cannot be done . my lord mayor hath power to call here , and he hath power to dissolve , say they : my lord , it cannot be , with submission , in all cases . he hath power to call an assembly when there is a mayor to be chosen , and the citizens have a priviledge to move their mayor or continue him , now if it were in the power of the mayor , and there should happen a question who they were for in a great number of electors , if it were in his power to adjourn from time to time , he must continue mayor . l. c. j. it is plain he may do it for all your objection . you know it was agreed by all sides that sir samuel starling the lord mayor , had well dissolved the assembly , that is , in point of law , and they could not say the assembly was in being , yet afterwards there was an action brought against him , and there they laid how that maliciously , and to the intent that he who was chosen into the place of bridge-master to which he was duly elected , should be set aside , he goes and dissolves the assembly , and denied to grant him a poll , which they ought to have had , yet for all that the assembly was well dissolved . m. s. jeff. conclude , gentlemen , conclude . mr. thoms . that which i have to say is a point of law. mr. s. jeff. sr. francis winnington , if you design to conclude , i tell you before hand , i would not interrupt you , we will call a vvitness or two . sir f. winnington , my lord , because we would make an end , i will call two of those men that came with my lord mayor , to shew that if there was any rudeness , those very people that came with my lord mayor were the cause of it . mr. sol. gen. that they that came with my lord mayor , caused them to stay after my lord was gone . mr. thoms . mr. jackson , pray can you remember whether any of the defendants here were concerned in any affront to my lord mayor , or who it was that my lord mayor received an affront from ? mr. jackson , i did observe my lord as he went out of the hall , i took my back and set it against the croud , and had my face towards my lord mayor , and i was crouded so that i could scarce see my self one way or other , but got off the steps at last and went home with my lord mayor . mr. thoms . can you say who struck off the hat ? mr. sol. gen. vvhere do you live , pray ? mr. jacks . i live at charing-cross . mr. s. gen. vvith whom ? mr. jacks . vvith my self , sir. sir f. winnington . vvhat is your name ? mr. s. jeff. don't you know the sword-bearer of bristol , sir francis ? mr. thoms . mr. roe , were you here when my lord mayor was crouded ? vvho offered any affront ? mr. williams . pray will you give my lord and the jury an account of what you heard , and where the disorder began . mr. roe . my lord , i was in cheapside , and i heard a very great noise of huzzahing , and a terrible noise indeed , and i met with a fellow running , my lord , and i stopt the fellow , vvhat is the matter ? nothing said he , but an old fellow riding skimmington and skeleton , and in the street i saw a matter of an hundred with their hats upon sticks , crying , damn the whiggs ; said i , gentlemen , vvhat 's the matter , said they , the work is done to stop the poll , and that is all . l. c. j. hark you , were you in guild-hall ? mr. roe . i followed them a little way down the street . l. c. j. hark you , did you see my lord mayors hat down upon the ground , and was he like to be thrown down , did you see that ? mr. roe . no , i saw nothing of that , i heard such a noise i was glad i had got rid of them . mr. williams . my lord , we have no more to say in the general , all that i have to say now is for my lord gray . the evidence against my lord gray was that he was here , now , my lord , we have witnesses more particularly to defend my lord gray . mr. att. gen. we shall call a witness or two to clear what that gentleman said when sir robert clayton was mayor . mr. s. jefferies . pray gentlemen , let us have a little patience . pray , my lord , if your lordship please — here is such a horrid noise — upon all the matter i don't perceive but sir robert clayton does himself believe proclamation was made by him , he does believe the adjournment was made by him , but as to the adjournment to munday he is not certain of that . but if your lordship pleases , we have here both the sheriffs , sir jonathan raymond and sir simon lewis that will shew the court whether there was any such thing . mr. att. gen. before bethel came out of the north no sheriff ever pretended to it . mr. s. jefferies . pray sir simon lewis , i desire you would satisfie my lord and the jury concerning the adjournment when you went to the sessions house in the old baily , did you order the adjournment of the poll , or my lord mayor ? sir simon lewis . we came and waited upon my lord mayor here and told him they demanded a poll without , we took his directions , and my lord mayor did adjourn the court by reason that the assassinators of arnold were to be tryed , and by reason of that it was adjourn'd to munday , and my lord mayor and the aldermen went thither , but indeed we were left as prisoners , and i received a blow on my breast . mr. att. gen. sir jonathan raymond , did you pretend to have the power then of adjourning the court ? sir jon. raymond . my lord did adjourn the court because of that tryal , and then afterwards we went upon our poll , we were several days upon it , we only appointed from day to day till we had made an end , and when we had made an end we declared it to my lord mayor and the court of aldermen , and my lord mayor and the court of aldermen came upon the hustings and declared who it fell upon . mr. att. gen. sir james smith , when you were sheriff did you pretend to have any such power ? mr. s. jefferies . upon your oath , did you pretend to have a power of adjourning common halls ? sir j. smith . no , sir we were sheriffs immediately after sir robert clayton , i never heard it questioned but my lord mayor had the right of it . sir f. winnington . sir jonathan raymond , i think you say the sheriffs did adjourn from day to day at that time . sir j. raymond . we could not make an end of polling , and we did appoint from day to day till we had made an end of polling . mr. com. serj. my lord , i will give your lordship an account of that whole days proceedings ; we came to the hall , and after mr. recorder , sir. george jefferies had attempted to speak to the hall , for they were in such a tumult they would not suffer him to speak , my lord mayor withdrew , there was a very great clamour and noise , but at last the question was put , and i came up with the sheriffs hither and acquainted my lord , that mr. bethel and alderman cornish had the most hands , and that there was a poll demanded between mr. box , and mr. nicholson , and mr. bethel , and mr. cornish , then the dispute lay as between box and nicholson and alderman cornish and mr. bethel , i acquainted my lord mayor that was , sir robert clayton , that mr. recorder said he would not go down to make declaration they would not hear him ; upon that sir robert clayton took a paper and gave it me , with these very words , ( it is the greatest tumult i was ever in in all my life , and i have some reason to remember it ) prethee says he , do thou make declaration to them , for if they will hear any body they will hear thee : sir , says i , because it is not the duty of my office i desire your particular direction ; then , says he , tell them i must adjourn it till munday because i must go to the old baily , to try the assassinats of arnold , whereupon the hall was adjourn'd , and in a great tumult , and my lord mayor attempting to go out , he was beat back twice or three times , he spake something to them , and they went away , leaving me and the sheriffs upon the hustings , and there they kept us prisoners till six or seven a clock at night . on munday when we came to poll again by his direction , i went to his house and he gave me direction to go with the sheriffs to adjourn it , afterwards there was a court of aldermen purposely call'd , and upon their direction i took the poll and kept it , and and every adjournment was made by his particular direction to me . sir r. clayton . gentlemen , i do desire i may explain my self , because i believe i was imperfectly heard some part of the story that mr. common serjeant does say , i do remember , and will tell you what i do remember of it . i remember the coming up , and i remember that mr. recorder was not willing to go down there was such a hubbub , i remember that very well . the particular words i said to him i cannot charge my memory with ; we had discourse . i remember the adjournment , and we discourst of the adjournment below , we made proclamation , but the noise was so great they could not hear , and upon my attempting to go out i was beaten back twice or thrice , and then we were fain to let them know the business we went about as well as we could , and then they let me go , and i left the sheriffs with them to agree of the manner and methods of polling . there were several adjournments made afterwards , i can't charge my self with it , i might be particularly consulted , but for the particular times of adjournment , i did not think my self concerned in point of reputation , if i thought i had been blameable i should have concerned my self to have given more particular directions . mr. thomson . if your lordship please , i have but this , admitting the right to be in the lord mayor — l. c. j. do you make a doubt of it now ? mr. thomson . admitting it , those gentlemen that came to continue the poll , it is a question whether they can be guilty of the riot or not . mr. w. — there are some three or four of the defendants that have a particular case , that stands by themselves , and it rests upon this point , whether my lord mayor hath this power or not . for so much of the evidence as concerns any noise or hissing or any thing of that , that relates to the time of adjournment , for it was done at the time of the adjournment . as for mr. cornish , mr. goodenough , my lord gray and one or two more , they did not come till within some three hours after that , so that they cannot be engaged in the noise or that . l. c. j. it is no matter , they came time enough . mr. williams , we have done my lord , with the general evidence , we have something to say in defence of my lord gray , all the evidence against my lord gray is this , that he was here about seven a clock at night . for that , gentlemen , we say this , that my lord gray had some business here , and my lords business was this , my lord gray was here about the sale of a mannor in essex with sir william gulston , my lord , they had appointed this very day for that business , it was my lords interest mightily to pursue it , and sir william happened to be at sir thomas players , and knowing this to be an ellection day , my lord dined that day at an eating house in the hay-market , and afterwards came to peter's coffee-house in covent-garden , and staid there till between four and five a clock in the afternoon , when he thought the heat would be over , and then he came to make inquiry after sir william , and took up in bruens coffee-house about five or six a clock , there he continued quiet in the house till all the noise was over , then he sent to inquire for sir will. gulston and hearing he was at sir thomas player's , he and sir william went to a tavern and there they treated and finished the affair . my lord we will prove it ; call mr. ireton . mr. ireton , my lord , i know that at this very time my lord gray was treating with sir will. gulston about the mannor of corsfield in essex , and my lord gray and sir will. gulston had appointed to meet that night at t'other end of the town , if the poll were ended . in the evening i met my lord gray who told me he had been with sir will. gulston in london and had dispatched the business . l. c. j. did my lord tell you so ? lord gray . he treated for me , my lord , with him . l. c. j. pray for gods sake , you must lay your matter a little closer together , if he was to treat about the purchase of a mannor , was there no convenient place for company to treat about it but while they were casting up the poll-books with the sheriffs and goodenough ? was that place fit ? mr. holt. my lord had appointed to speak with sir will. gulston that day in covent-garden if the poll had been over , but not finding him there came into the city . lord gray . that gentleman went between sir will. gulston and i. l. c. j. where were you to meet ? lord gray . at the rose tavern in covent-garden . l. c. j. what made you here then ? lord gray . not finding him there i came hither , and spake with sir will. gulston in that very room . the poll was over and the company gone . mr. williams . mr. ireton , do you know there was any treaty between my lord gray and sir will. gulston about the sale of any land ? mr. ireton . yes , sir i do . mr. williams . when was that treaty ? mr. ireton . about a twelve-month since . mr. williams . do you know they had any discourse about it ? mr. ireton . sir they had , i think it was midsummer-day , the day the election of sheriffs was . mr. williams . were they about that treaty that day ? mr. ireton . that day , my lord. mr. williams . where was the treaty ? mr. ireton . in sir thomas player's house . mr. williams . what time of the day ? mr. ireton . about twelve a clock . mr. williams . where went my lord afterwards ? mr. ireton . my lord went to dinner , as he told me , in the hay-market . mr. williams . did you know of any appointment to meet again ? mr. ireton . i was informed so , but cannot positively tell . mr. williams . sir thomas armstrong , pray sir will you give an account where my lord was that day ? sir t. armstrong . i came up this way about six a clock and was in a coffee-house by guild-hall . mr. williams . do you know any thing about that treaty ? sir t. armstrong . i saw them together that night . i saw them together at sir thomas player's about twelve a clock , and again at eight . mr. williams . do you know any thing of treating about this land in essex . sir t. armstrong . no , i do not . mr. att. gen. you did not see them in the chamber ? sir t. armstrong . does any body say i did . lord gray . my lord , i will give you an account of it . mr. williams . my lord , mr. ireton tells you this , my lord gray and sir will. gulston . were in treaty about buying these lands that very mornning together , says sir thomas armstrong about noon , afterwards my lord went to the hay-market and staid there till evening , and my lord and sir will. were together again at night . my lord , this case will depend upon your lordships directions . it is very plain that my lord mayor of london hath the summoning the common-hall and when the business is done he hath the discharging them . my lord , if it be true what mr. love and others say , they tell you that in all their time , their opinion is so , that it belonged to the sheriffs and not to the lord mayor , what may be the consequence lies in your lordships opinion . now for the consequence of it , if it were no more than a matter of opinion and right , and the sheriffs insist upon it , are these defendants and the sheriffs guilty of these outrages ? for there is nothing proved upon them . this don't make them guilty of any thing more than a bare continuing the poll. therefore , my lord , i must submit to your direction how far the jury will find us or any of us guilty of a riot in this case . sir f. winn. my lord , we agree they did continue the poll , and the defendants did apprehend it was lawful for them so to do , if the jury should think they did misapprehend what was the ancient usage of the city , if your lordship should be of opinion that by law the lord mayor ought to do it , yet i do say , it being so probable a case , their insisting upon it will not make it a riot : your lordship will be pleased i hope to take notice of it , if they find the mayor hath power to adjourn it . mr. wallop . i humbly conceive , that the information does in truth destroy it self , for it is agreed on all hands as the information sets forth , that they came together upon very lawful occasions , and the information sets forth that by colour of their office they did as if they were lawfully assembled . now my lord , they have overthrown the definition of a riot , for a riot is when three or more do come together to do an unlawful act , and they do it . so that it is a very hard matter to make this a riot . l. c. j. does not this matter appear upon record ? mr. holt. no , no , my lord , it don't . mr. wallop . if men do lawfully meet together , if by chance they fall together by the ears , and commit many misdemeanours , this can never be a riot . but say they here was an adjournment , a command by my lord mayor to adjourn the court , and they continue after adjournment : now , my lord , the question is whether he had power to adjourn it or no , the citizens did insist upon it that he had no power . now , gentlemen of the jury , if you find in your conscience that the citizens had a probable cause and they insist upon it , this can never be a riot . mr. holt. it doth appear that they were lawfully assembled together . and for the throwing off my lord mayor's hat , suppose that my lord mayor hath a power for to adjourn the court , yet , my lord , it must be agreed , that those that come thither must have a convenient time to depart , for my lord mayor as soon as ever he had adjourn'd the court he went away , and all the hall could not go of a sudden , but must have a convenient time to go , some followed him immediately , and the other gentletlemen that staid behind , not at all consenting to that rude action about my lord mayor , cannot be guilty , for there is no proof of any miscarriage committed by any of these defendants , it may be there was some discourse concerning the power of my lord mayor . i only mind your lordship of sir robert atkins case , a late case in the kings-bench , there can be no assembly to choose an alderman as in that case unless the mayor was there , the assembly was held , and yet , gentlemen , because it was not done in a tumultuous manner , but with a good intent , it was held that sir robert atkins was not guilty of a riot . there must be an evil intention to do some mischief . mr. — turner brought his action against sir samuel starling for dissolving the hall : and my lord that being in the case of the election of a bridgemaster , surely there is a parallel reason for the sheriffs . l. c. j. that case is against them . mr. — no , my lord. l. c. j. there the lord mayor had a power by law to dissolve the assembly , thô in truth he should not have done it . mr. sol. gen. the action was brought for denying a poll , my lord. mr. thoms . it is laid in that declaration , that it is the custom of the city , that my lord mayor cannot dissolve . mr. att. gen. may it please your lordship and you gentlemen of the jury , you have now heard all the evidence * — l. c. j. gentlemen , you shall not over-rule me so , because i am willing to hear every body therefore you impose upon me . you shall have law by the grace of god as far as i am able . mr. att. gen. we have now done with the evidence on both sides , and you do now see the right of the lord mayor , notwithstanding all the vulgar and popular discourses , is asserted , it appears now upon full evidence , they themselves do not contradict it , that my lord mayor is the supreme magistrate of this city , both for calling all your assemblies and for dissolving them , they won't pretend against this , but indeed they make a question whether my lord mayor can adjourn or no. necessity of affairs requires it some times , if there be such a tumult , such an interruption , that they cannot proceed orderly , or if the matter be so long that they can't determine it in one day , there is a necessity that there must be an adjournment to another time , and they give you no instances , gentlemen , that ever the sheriffs in any age did attempt it , never any sheriff made an adjournment of his own accord . mr. love he gives no instance of an adjournment , he only tells you of his supremacy at that time when my lord mayor had nothing to do with it , and gentlemen , at that time you must remember when he was elected , the law was otherwise when mr. love was elected , then the sheriffs were the tribunes of the people , and they had shut my lord mayor quite out of their common-hall , and declared that he had no power to dissolve or adjourn them . the next instance is that of sir robert claytons , and how do they make that out ? sir robert clayton swears only upon his memory , and what is that ? he remembers just nothing . he does think the common serjeant does speak truth in some things , but he can't remember other things . but we prove not only an adjournment from saturday to monday , but other adjournments by special direction from sr robert clayton . so that whatever mr. love did fancy of the authority of sheriffs , to tell my lord mayor he had nothing to do therewith , yet that my lord mayor certainly is the chief magistrate , we have proved all along to this present time , till within these two or three years , and when ever there was an adjournment we have proved it to you that it was by my lord mayor . so that it is nothing like the case , put by the gentlemen on the other side , there was never any shadow of pretence for right . whoever knows london must know the sheriffs of london are not officers of this corporation as sheriffs , but they are the kings officers of the county granted to be chosen by the citizens : they are in their particular cases judges , for choosing parliament men , but in no corporation act whatsoever : so that gentlemen , you see there is no pretence for that : but admit there were , what is it like the case when a man saies claim to a wood and he sends three or four persons , or half a dozen persons to cut it down ? yet , mr. wallop , notwithstanding your authority , thô that be not a riot , it is a rout , where you will send such a number to raise terrour in the kings people , and they will continue together after they are commanded to depart by a magistrate . but it is a different thing where men will concern themselves in a matter of publick government , as if any man should pretend he hath the kings commission to take your lordship off the bench. so that here is quite a different thing , this relates immediately to the government , here 's the publick peace of the city is in danger , and if my lord mayor had been a person of great spirit , and had presently raised others to have supprest this riot , then the city had been in a fine condition , by these people that would have no god bless the king , but god bless the sheriffs . there is no pretence of right can justifie such a thing . now , my lord , for a riot , this must be acknowledged to be , for many to meet together to do an unlawful thing is a riot . mr. wallop . and do it . mr. att. gen. and do it , i put in that too sir. the meeting here is lawful , and it is as certain that my lord mayor hath power to adjourn , that is a consequence of law , if the adjournment be necessary , and he is the only judge of adjournment , and when he hath adjourn'd , i do say the continuing persons together to do that , which if they had summon'd them to do had been unlawful , is as much an unlawful thing and a riot as that . i would fain know if the sheriffs had summon'd all the citizens together to meet to choose sheriffs , or any others , would any man question but this is an unlawful act , a subversion of the ancient government of the city , the usurping an authority in the city contrary to the kings grant and the charter . and after they are adjourn'd , if they will make proclamation and order the people to stay and go on with the poll , is not that the same thing in point of law ? surely no man almost of common sense but will say it is the same thing . in the case that mr. wallop puts , if there be any disorders committed precedent to the magistrates disolving the society ; that will not amount to a riot , but if the magistrate comes and makes proclamation for them to depart and they stay after , it makes a riot , if they continue still together , it is rout and an unlawful assembly . but they say there is no proof that these gentlemen that are in the information are guilty of the riot ; they are all parties to the riot , the very being there and giving countenance to it is an unlawful thing . pray gentlemen , if ten men should go to rob a house , and one stands off at a distance , is not the tenth man guilty of the burglary ? if there be a many persons together , and three only do an unlawful act , and the others give protection , for number is always a protection , are not all these gentlemen guilty ? and therefore , gentlemen , it is hoped you will settle the city by destroying this pretence , which hath been fluttering in the air , but hath no ground for it . l. c. j. gentlemen of the jury , this is an information against several for a riot , and it sets forth that there was a common-hall that was call'd by the lord mayor for choosing several officers , and that afterwards the lord mayor did dissolve that assembly , and yet notwithstanding the defendants , ( so many as by and by i shall name to you that they have given evidence against , ) they kept together and committed a riot , it is said so particularly in the information . for the matter in fact that hath been altercated between them , the question is , whether the lord mayor for the time being hath power in himself to call an assembly and to dissolve it , and truly as to this point , even the council for the defendants , did one while grant it , but another while did bring witness that did know nothing of the matter , i must needs say . but for ought i see , even until this very time , the lord mayor did call the assembly , and he did dissolve it , and that they did seem to grant even at the beginning of the cause . but then they make a distinction , but he could not adjourn it to a certain time . that was a very weak thing , to say , that if the lord mayor may call and dissolve the hall , that he cannot adjourn it to a convenient hour , suppose now the business to be done was not dispatched sooner than this time a night , so that upon the matter they must be either adjourn'd till to morrow or kept in the hall all night , does any man think that that magistrate that hath power to call and dissolve , hath not power to adjourn ? there is no man doubts of it in fact or law , and that it was so , sir robert clayton did that very thing ; if there had been no precedent it had been all one . but they make a great deal of business of it , how that the sheriffs were the men and that the lord mayor was no body , and that shews it was somewhat of the common-wealths seed that was like to grow up among the good corn. — pray gentlemen , that is a very undecent thing , you put an indignity upon the king , for you ought not to do it if you knew your duty , pray gentlemen , forbear it , it does not become a court of justice . i will tell you , when things were topsie-turvie i can't tell what was done , and i would be loth to have it raked up now . they might as well ( as i perceive they have at another time said ) have said , that the power of dissolving and adjourning might have been in the livery-men , all people , every body , and so then if they had been together by the ears , i don't know who must have parted them , that is the truth of it . but i think their own council are very well satisfied both in fact and law , that the lord mayor for the time being , hath this power of calling and dissolving and adjourning the assembly . then there is another thing that is to be considered , and that is this , the defendants they say , we did mistake the law , it was only a mistake of the law and nothing else , and we did do all to a good intent , and therefore it must not be a riot . to give you some satisfaction in that , first , i must tell you that a man must not excuse himself of a crime by saying he was ignorant of the law , for if so be that turn to an excuse , it is impossible to convict any man , if so be he must be excused because he did not know the law , then no man will be found guilty . but if it appear that the defendants did verily believe that the law was for them that may be considered in another place , if so be that they were really ignorant , the fine , it may be , may be the less , but it won't excuse them from all . but truly , in the next place , you must consider , whether or no these gentlemen were ignorant , or whether or no they did not in a tumultuary way make a riot to set up a magistracy by the power of the people . for i must tell you , i have not heard by the defendants and i will appeal to your memory , i have not heard before this time that ever the sheriffs did quarrel with the mayor , or continue a common-hall after the mayor had adjourn'd it . as for these gentlemen they could not be ignorant of it , because the daily practice before their eyes was for the mayor to do it . but this was a new notion got into their heads , tho it was otherwise before it must be so now , and one said ▪ they would have no tory mayor to be mayor , thus the king should have something to do to support the mayor by his power for ought i know . now gentlemen , for the parties that are accused to be in it , there is t. pilkington , samuel shute , henry cornish , lord gray , sir thomas player , slingsby bethel , francis jenks , john deagle , richard freeman , richard goodenough , robert key , john wickham , samuel swinnock and john jekyl the elder , some witnesses are to some , and others to others , but some of them have seven or eight witnesses . there is pilkington and shute and cornish , these had a great many witnesses against them , others have two . first , for the sheriffs and mr. cornish that had been sheriff but two years before , they kept them together after my lord mayor was gone , and to see what people they were , no , not god bless the king , no , no , but the protestant sheriffs ; so that in truth the king must be put out of his throne , to put these two sheriffs in it . it is not proved that either of these did say so , nor the others neither , but they were those that clung to them , and they would help them , and they would set them to rights , and i know not what , and there is no other way to know in this case what they were , but by these they kept company with , and it may be , i would be loth to say ill , it may be it was in order to dethrone the king as far as they could ; for my lord mayor , when truly he had adjourn'd the hall and was going home he had like to be trod under foot himself , his hat was down , and that was the great respect they gave to his majesties lieutenant in the city . it is true it cannot be said who it was , but those were the people that would have no god save the king , and those the mayor had nothing to do with . the sheriffs they would go on to poll , and cast up their books and would make a disquisition who had most hands and the like , three hours after my lord mayor was gone , there were so many that did countenance and foment this sort of proceedings . there is a shrewd act that was made since his majesty came in , that the villany of some men might be stopt , thirteenth , fourteenth of the king , that for words in some cases makes high treasons , it is well his majesty does not take any severe prosecution , but i can't tell you , i would not have men presume upon it . it can't be said you or you said so , yet they kept them together , they were they that kept all this rabble three hours together ; the lord mayor does adjourn the court , and they must have some time to be gone , and thereupon would perswade us they could not get away in three hours , they ask for a poll , and cast up the scrutiny , and i know not what . there are some , and that is my lord gray and mr. goodenough , how these two should come there i know not , they had nothing to do here , and therefore i doubt it will be worse upon them than upon the rest , for they had nothing to do here , they must come to set the citizens together by the ears . my lord gray , he says , and hath called some witnesses , that he had business with sir will. gulston , about the sale of corsfield in essex , but i do not see any of his witnesses that do say he came to speak with sir will. gulston here , he came here to see how the poll went. but , look you gentlemen , he hath given some sort of evidence , and the council did open it very fairly , but the evidence did not come fully . if you think he did only come upon real occasions to sir will. gulston , only to speak to him about that business , and concern'd himself no otherwise , then you will do well to find him not guilty , if you do not , you must find him likewise as well as the rest , for goodenough he was here to promote the matter . there is one and truly he said , that for his part , as the rest would have no god bless the king , so truly he would have no tory mayor . and all this flame i must tell you took fire from this spark , that the sheriffs might do what they thought fit about choosing officers . gentlemen , it hath been a long tryal , and it may be i have not taken it well , my memory is bad and i am but weak , i don't question but your memories are better than mine , consider your verdict and find so many as you shall think fit . the jury withdrew and in some time returned . are you all agreed of your verdict ? jury . yes . who shall speak for you ? jury . the foreman . do you find the defendants guilty of the trespass and riot , & c ? foreman . we find them all guilty in that paper . this is your verdict ? jury . yes . t. pilkington , s. shute , h. cornish , lord gray , sir thomas player , s. bethel , f. jenks , j. deagle , r. freeman , r. goodenough , r. key , j. wickham , s. swinnock , and john jekyl the elder are guilty . you say they are all guilty , &c. jury . yes . finis . advertisement . june 17 th . next week will be published the second volume of dr. nalsons impartial collections of the great affairs of state , from the beginning of the scotch rebellion in the year 1639 , to the murder of king charles the first ; wherein the first occasions , and the whole series of the late troubles in england , scotland , and ireland , are faithfully represented taken from authentick records , and methodically digested , with a table . published by his majesties special command . sold by tho. dring at the harrow , at the corner of chancery-lane in fleet-street . also the reports of the lord keeper littleton , in kings-bench , common-pleas , and exchequer , in the time of king charles the first , with a table . newly published , the reports of sir geo. croke kt. in the time of q. elizabeth , k. james , and k. charles , the first : collected in french by himself , revised and published in english by sir harbottle grimstone , master of the rolls ; the 3 d. edition , with references to all the late reports , in 3 vol. all three sold by tho. dring at the corner of chancery-lane in fleet-street . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a63202-e560 * the same-place which before was called the orphan's court. * here mr. jones offered to interrupt him . * the counsel clamour'd . here the people hum'd and interrupted my lord. by the maior the right honourable the lord maior ... doth hereby think fit to publish and declare, that all manner of persons within this city and the liberties thereof, do from time to time duly observe and conform themselves to the laws and ordinances established for the suppression of abuses, disorders and misdemeanours ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1672 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49065 wing l2885r estc r41293 31354828 ocm 31354828 110269 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49065) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110269) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:8) by the maior the right honourable the lord maior ... doth hereby think fit to publish and declare, that all manner of persons within this city and the liberties thereof, do from time to time duly observe and conform themselves to the laws and ordinances established for the suppression of abuses, disorders and misdemeanours ... city of london (england). lord mayor. hanson, robert, d. 1680. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by andrew clark, printer to the honourable city of london ..., [london] : mdclxxii [1672] order for suppression of swearing, gaming, keeping bawdy-houses, etc. "dated at guildhall the 23. day of december, in the 24. year of the reign of our sovereign lord charles the second ..." reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the maior . the right honourable the lord maior ( by and with the advice of the aldermen his brethren ) doth hereby think fit to publish and declare , that all manner of persons within this city and the liberties thereof , do from time to time duly observe and conform themselves to the laws and ordinances established for the suppression of abuses , disorders and misdemeanours , and settlement of peace , order and quiet amongst his majesties subjects : and that his lordship doth purpose to use his best care and endeavour to inforce the execution thereof , and inflict the utmost penalties upon all such persons as shall be discovered to neglect or fail in their duty therein ; and doth require all citizens and inhabitants , and more especially all publick officers to be aiding and assisting for the discovery of all persons that shall be found to practise and commit any manner of such disorders and enormities . and particularly his lordship doth earnestly admonish and command all citizens and inhabitants of this city deeply to consider , examine and observe the points of their oaths , as first the oath of supremacy , provided for extirpation of the romish religion . secondly , the oath of allegiance ordained for preservation of the honour and fidelity due to his majesty . thirdly , the oath taken by all persons admitted to the freedom of this city , which for want of due consideration , is in many particulars and frequently infringed , and the good and necessary franchises and customs of this city thereby violated . that all persons do refrain unnecessary and profane swearing and cursing in ordinary converse , for which the penalty of twelve pence is by the law appointed to be paid or levied by way of distress for every offence , or ( in case no distress can be had ) the offender to sit three hours in the stocks . that no vintner , inn-keeper , ale-house or coffee-house-keeper do permit any sporting or tipling in their houses on the lord's day ; nor any persons meet there to sport , tipple or use unlawful or unseasonable exercises , on the penalties in that case appointed by the statutes of this realm . and that none do presume to keep a common bawdy-house or gaming-house for the reception of lewd and dissolute persons , which have been observed to occasion the ruine and destruction of many apprentices and young men within this city : and that none do repair to any such houses ; or be a common drunkard , or quarrelsom and a disturber of the ●eace , or a promoter of strife and variance between others : which are all offences against the law , and to be punished in such manner as by the law is directed . and that no person do keep any publick house , or sell ale , coffee or other like liquors , unless they be duly licenced for that purpose . and further that no vintner , brewer , butcher , baker or other do sell any bread , wine , beer , flesh or other victual whatsoever , but such only as shall be good and wholsom for mans body . and all bakers are to keep the assize appointed : and that all weights and measures used in common traffick shall be duly sized and sealed . and his lordship doth hereby streightly command all constables to apprehend and take all sorts of beggers , idle and suspected persons , and if they see cause to make search in any victualling-house or other place suspected to harbour such loose and suspected people , and to carry them to bridewel , as the statute directs , wherein is contained also a penalty for the constables neglect herein . and that the said constables do duly hold their watches every night , and suffer no persons to pass the streets at late and unseasonable hours , unless they can give a good accompt of themselves and their occasions . and whereas the commissioners for sewers and pavements have agreed on certain rules and directions for the better cleansing the streets and common passages within this city and liberties , pursuant to the directions of a late act of parliament , and have printed and published the same ; therefore all inhabitants and others concerned are hereby required to take notice thereof and punctually to observe the same . and his lordship will take care of the complaints that shall be made to the commissioners against the persons neglecting their duty therein , that the nusances may be removed and the penalties severely inflicted on offenders . and his lordship doth expect , that all manner of persons within this city and liberties , do in all particulars demean themselves as becomes them within the bounds of iustice , sobriety and good order , conceiving himself obliged in duty , and for discharge of his trust , to inflict such due punishment upon all criminals and offenders , as the nature of their offences shall require ; and he doth expresly charge all constables and other his majesties officers within this city and liberties , and all citizens of this city , ( as they tender the good government , peace and welfare thereof ) to discover and give information either to his lordship , the court of aldermen , or any of his majesties iustices of the peace within the said city , of all persons offending and misdemeaning themselves , wherein they shall from time to time receive all due encouragement and countenance . dated at guildhall the 23. day of december , in the 24. year of the reign of our sovereign lord charles the second , by the grace of god of england , scotland , france and ireland king , defender of the faith , &c. god save the king. printed by andrew clark , printer to the honourable city of london , at his house in aldersgate-street . mdclxxii . by the major. whereas by an act of parliament, entituled, an act against unlicensed and scandalous bookes and pamphlets, and for better regulating of printing; ... city of london (england). lord mayor. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88479 of text in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.14[79]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88479 wing l2883 thomason 669.f.14[79] 99870007 99870007 163066 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88479) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163066) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f14[79]) by the major. whereas by an act of parliament, entituled, an act against unlicensed and scandalous bookes and pamphlets, and for better regulating of printing; ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : 1649. title from caption and opening lines of text. place of publication from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "octob: 9 1649". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng censorship -england -early works to 1800. prohibited books -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a88479 (thomason 669.f.14[79]). civilwar no by the major. whereas by an act of parliament, entituled, an act against unlicensed and scandalous bookes and pamphlets, and for better regu city of london 1649 737 1 0 0 0 0 0 14 c the rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the major . whereas by an act of parliament , eutituled , an act against unlicensed and scandalous bookes and pamphlets , and for better regulating of printing ; it is enacted and ordained , that no such vagrant persons , of idle conversation , who after the manner of hawkers , doe cry about the streets , and sell pamphlets and other bookes ; and under colour thereof , disperse all sorts of lybills , be permitted , but that all such hawkers , and ballad-singers , wheresoever they be apprehended , shall forfeit all books , pamphlets , ballads , and papers by them exposed to sale , and shall be seized upon , and conveyed unto the house of correction , there to be whipt as common rogues , and the constables and officers who shall neglect their duties concerning the premises , are to be punisht in such manner , as by the said act is directed : and whereas upon a complaint heretofore made by the master , wardens , assistants , and commonalty of the stationers london , against a multitude of vagrant persons , men , w●omen , and children , which after the manner of hawkers , doe openly cry about the streets pamphlets and other bookes , and under colour thereof , are found to disperse all manner of dangerous lybells , to the intolerable dishonour of the high court of parliament , and the whole government of this common-wealth , and of this city in particular . the lord major , aldermen , and commons in the common-councell assembled the ninth day of october , 1643. conceiving it very necessary by all due meanes to suppresse the evils then growing by such unlawfull selling of such pamplets and lybells , did then thinke fit , and ordaine , that from thenceforth , the lawes and customs of this city , which made a forfeiture of the goods that are carryed about the streets by way of hawking to bee sold : and also the statutes made against rogues and vagabonds should be strictly put in execution against such vagrant persons selling as aforesaid , being petty chap-men within the said statutes : and for the more sure execution of the said custome and laws ; it was by the said court then further ordained , that the officers of the chamber , for the offences against the custome and law of hawking , and marshalls of the city , and the constables of every precinct within this city , are thereby straitly charged to doe their uttermost duties in their several places or offices in apprchending and bringe before some of the iustices of the peace within this city , all and every such person or persons which shall offend in crying , offering , or putting to sale by way of hawking , any pamphlets , bookes , or papers whatsoever , as aforesaid , whereby they may receive such punishments , as by the custome and laws aforesaid ought to be inflicted upon them : and for neglect of the said officers , constables , and marshalls in their duties and places as aforesaid , informations or indictments as the case shall require , shall be preferred against them , that they may be punished for their neglect according to the law . and to the end none may pretend ignorance of the premises , but expect the due execution of the laws in such case : i the said lord major , with the advice of the aldermen my brethren , doe hereby enjoine all persons whatsoever , that they nor any of them doe presume to offend contrary thereunto ; and for the better performance thereof , have caused the said act of common-councell to be again published in print ; and do hereby require all constables , marshalls , and other officers & persons within the city of london , & liberties thereof , to whom it shal appertain , to put in execution the same , and that they carefully and diligently in their severall places see done accordingly , aswel what is injoined them by the said act of parliament , as in and by any former law , custome and usage whatsoever . printed by richard cotes , printer to the honourable city of london , 1649. seasonable thoughts in sad times being some reflections on the warre, the pestilence, and the burning of london, considered in the calamity, cause, cure / by joh. tabor. tabor, john. 1667 approx. 165 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 57 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a64521 wing t93 estc r15193 13144586 ocm 13144586 98038 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64521) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98038) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 780:6) seasonable thoughts in sad times being some reflections on the warre, the pestilence, and the burning of london, considered in the calamity, cause, cure / by joh. tabor. tabor, john. [12], 100 p. printed for anne seil, london : 1667. in verse. errata: prelim. p. [12]. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng anglo-dutch war, 1664-1667 -poetry. plague -england -london. london (england) -fire, 1666 -poetry. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-02 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion seasonable thoughts in sad times , being some reflections on the warre , the pestilence , and the burning of london . considered in the calamity , cause , cure. by joh. tabor , m. a. non placentia , sed utilia . amos 4.10 . i have sent among you the pestilence after the manner of egypt , your young men have i slain with the sword , &c. i have overthrown some of you as god overthrew sodom and gomorrah , and ye were as a fire-brand pluckt out of the burning , yet have ye not returned to me saith the lord , &c. and psal . 141.5 . let the righteous smite me , it shall be a kindness , and let him reprove me , it shall be an excellent oyl which shall not break my head , for yet my prayer also shall be in their calamity . london , printed for anne sell , 1667. to the right worshipful sir gervase elwes knight and baronet , one of his majesties deputy leiutenants in the county of suffolk , and justice of the peace and quorum for the counties of essex and suffolk . right worshipful ! the knowledge of your piety and virtue , candour and benignitie , emboldens me to address these reflections on our calamities , with their cause , and cure , to the world , under the shadow of your name , and favour ; presuming that with the regularly devout , and truly pious , such as you are , they may find favour , though perhaps not pleasing the nicer wits of this curious age , who will mind more the strain of poetry than piety , and like children throw away the kernel to play with the shell : and since they so freely and impartially taxe the vices of all , yet only the humble , and pious will endure to hear of their faults , and there ? are few such in these atheistical dayes , possibly distasting many licentious and erroneous persons , which yet discourages me not from endeavouring to amend our sad times , the complaint of all mouths , by reforming our evil manners , the care of few . now ( noble sir ) you sheltered my person under your roof , and favour in the late times of tyranny and confusion ; and when i entered into the ministery by the dore , with an episcopal ordination on my head , in a time , and place that would for that cause only render me slighted and rejected of the most , you therefore contracted the beams of your countenance more auspiciously upon me ; nor shunned to impart to me your pious and loyal thoughts of heart for our then persecuted church , and distressed soveraign . a confidence you were pleased to put in me , which hath inseparably obliged my soul to you in the greatest sincerity and dearness of honour and affection ; so that if i may be so free with you , i can sincerely profess , no gentleman in the world possesses a greater love and esteem in my heart than your self . i saw your exuberance of joy , and extasie of spirit when you received the happy tidings of the then parliaments vote for his majesties restauration , as therein for seeing the return of glory and prosperity to our land : and by this , though absent from you , i can easily guess at the greatness of your sorrow for your nations sufferings since : besides , you have been no small sufferer in these woes , chiefly in the fire , in reference to your own concernments and your relations : and therefore i conceive a poem of the nature and design this is , may not be unacceptable to you . and since i have had thoughts of making my reflection on these things publick , thinking to contribute something to the return of our prosperity , by turning if it may be , some from their iniquity , i have been glad hereby to catch the opportunity , to testifie to the world my due resentments of your manifold undeserved kindnesses ; a grateful acknowledgment being the only requital i am able to make for all your accumulated favours , a poor requital indeed , when thus by paying my old score i run but farther into your debt , begging your acceptance from him , who remains your very much obliged servant john tabor . to the pious unprejudiced reader , giving an account of the ensuing poem . christian reader , the dismal dispensations of divine providence towards us , in that series of sad judgments lately inflicted on us , viz. the destroying war , devouring pestilence , and desolating fire in london , having swallowed up my soul in a deep sense of our hainous sins as the true cause of our heavy sufferings , i remained some time in a confused plunge of spirit hereby , all other business and employs superseded , till at last recollecting my disordered thoughts , i brought them to a certain composure , and to render them more profitable to my self , and to allay the sharpness of sorrow with the pleasure of some phancy , i framed them in metre . i began with the war , therein considering not the history as to the management of men , but the calamity as to the judgment of god : i went on with the pestilence guided in my contemplation by the course of that , considering the rise , increase , progress , and deplorable effects thereof , as they happened , but having no thoughts all this time of publishing what i wrote , concluding with my self in regard these reflections would not be sin shed but with the sickness , they would be then less seasonable , acceptable and profitable to the publick , the sense of judgments too frequently wearing off with the suffering , and scarce any thing concerning them than making impression on most hearts . but then the startling and astonishing news of the cities conflagration , hurried my muse to a new wrack of tormenting griefs , rending me as many others for a time capable of nothing but to stand in the way for news , wherein for some days together we still met with job's messengers , with sad tidings of increasing misery : till at length occurring the joyful report of the miraculous extinguishing of the flames , and unexpected preservation of the unconsumed part of the city and suburbs , my mind became more sedate and quiet , and my muse set her self to reflect on this woe as the former , not without some thoughts of publication , imagining this had revived mens sense of gods just displeasure , and might render them capable of remorse for their sins , procuring these dire effects of it in such a dreadful succession of woes : then purposing to discover all our sins as cause of our sufferings , and knowing that by the law is the knowledge of sin , i run over the law of god in my thoughts , and observed how sins of all sorts against every commandment , and others more directly against the gospel abound among us , so that our sins being found so great , and numerous , we may not wonder our sufferings have been so many and calamitous : and what ever god in his merciful providence may seem to be doing for the removal of his judgments , and restoring of health , and peace , and prosperity to us , and we may flatter our selves with hopes of seeing good days again ; yet otherwise than on the foundation of our repentance and better obedience , can we build no assurance of setled prosperity for the future ; for should it now clear up , yet another cloud may soon rise , if we still provoke the god of heaven . and therefore i proceed to add an hortatory part , perswading to repentance and obedience to gods laws , as the most certain cure of our calamities , and sure way to have better times , which , ( if ( as we hope ) our woes are in a manner past , yet ) may be of good use to us all for the securing us in a flourishing condition for time to come , the prosperity of any people usually ebbing and flowing with their piety and virtue . and so at last , i add a consolatory part as a cordial for to chear the penitent and humble , introducing there , the historical relation of our war omitted in the first part. the three first parts i have composed in a familiar kind of compleat verse , as being for the most part reprehensive , and hortatory , therein condescending to the meanest capacities , as meant for the use and benefit of all : in the last , where the subject is more heroick , suitably i use quattrains closing the sense with a compleat , and rise to a little higher , though not aiming ( if i could attain it ) at a lofty strain : i seek where to make my verse serve my subject , and not subject my nobler matter to my metre . now candid reader , i hope the sincerity and integrity of my design in this work may obtain an apology for any defects in the management ▪ and the divinity excuse the want of phansie : i do more than suspect i shall fall under the censure of seduced sectaries , though piously affected , because i tax their errors ; of vitious persons , though loyal and conformable , because i tax their vices ; of hypocrites , especially such as mask traiterous and factious designs with pious pretences to seduce the people , because i lay them open to the world , furtivis nudatos coloribus , and tax their villanies , however palliated , as contributing to our calamities : but my prayer to god is , that he would open all their eyes and turn their hearts , the first to follow after truth , the second holiness , and the third sort the truth of holiness , then i am sure we should be a flourishing church and nation . if thou blame me ( reader ) for any where ripping up old sores , i will assure thee i do not otherwise than for fear that false prophets have healed the hurt of the daughter of our people slightly , to let out the corruption the right way by repentance , lest they fester and break inwardly and kill their souls . if thou complain of rough handling , know it is done with a chirurgeons heart , to heal and not wound : and if my patient cry out of me in searching his sore as an enemy , i am well assured if he would suffer the cure , he would acknowledge me in the end to be his friend : and when in searching thy sore i touch thee to the quick , lay thine hand on thine own heart confessing thy corruption and sin , rather than stretch out that , or move thy tongue to smite me who only mean thy health , and welfare . read on , and the sweetness of consolation at last will allay the tartness of reprehension before : nauseate therefore nothing herein , since all will do thee good , if thou with candor receive and digest it . accept then kindly what is intended sincerely for gods , thy souls , and this nations glory from him who is thine in the lord jesus , john tabor . to the reader . reader suspend thy censure , till thou run the whole book over , and when that is done : the author's meaning rightly understood ; that his design , if not his verse , is good , i doubt not thou wilt say ; and when you see : he layes our woes on our impietie : think not one sin , or party he alone doth here accuse , but all and every one : assure thy self the author doth designe , that times may mend , to mend his heart , and thine . curteous reader . before thou peruse this book , i intreat thee , for thine own sake , to turn to and correct or supply with thy pen , these mistakes and omissions of the printer , and let not his errors be imputed to the author , who fears some will judge he hath enough herein to answer for of his own , but desires thou wilt courteously mend the printers , and candidly forgive his errata . in the epistle to the reader page 4. line 2. & 7. for compleat r. couplet , l. 9. before where add every . in the poem p. 17. l. 10. for chelmford r. chelmsford , p. 21. l. 17. for then r. thence , p. 25. l. 2 before stuffe add their , pag. 30. that which is under an asterism in the margent refers to the asterism upon lud in the next page ; and the asterism in the margent p. 31. answers to this on brute , p. 30. p. 32. l. 25. for land r. laud , p. 33. for lately r. late , p. 36. l. 21. before mere blot out are , p. 37. l. 11. before him blot out of , & l. 14. for swettest r. sweetest , p. 38. l. 7. for to r. too , p. 44. l. 12. for first r. first 's , p. 50. l. 8. for religious r. religions , p. 56. l. 7. before glory add bliss and , p. 62. l. 19. for convey r. conveys , pag. 63. l. 2. before please blot out doth . p. 66. l. 28. for sottishness r. foolishness , p. 80. in marginal note for countries r. country as . p. 81. l. 16. for own r. one . seasonable thoughts in sad times . reflections on the war. where e're i go , the sighing air rebounds sad ecchoes to my heart , and doleful sounds of lamentation : still the plague and war , in ev'ry place , the talk of all mouths are . the funeral knells continually ring in mortal ears , and thundering guns do sing in the reporting air , by both are brought nothing but death , and slaughter to our thought . death rules at land , devouring as he please ; and sight who will , he 's master on the seas , thousands at land away he weekly sweeps , by sea he hundreds swallows in the deeps . from one poor city , in few months he hurl'd so many thousands to another world ; as against this would a stout army be : unsatiate yet , in town , and country , he hath slain so many thousands , as might serve an alexander , for a sure reserve , if to content his great ambitious mind , another world to conquer he could find : these are the dire effects ( oh god! ) of our transgressions , and thy just avenging pow'r . did then the persian cyrus , from an hill beholding his huge host , his eye-lids fill with brackish tears to think , one age revol'd , all those would into ashes be resolv'd ? and shall so many christians in one year , be turn'd to dust , and we not shed a tear ? o that my head a fountain wore , and i could vent a stream of grief from either eye , weep , and blot out of sin the crimson stain , whereby the daughter of my people 's slain ! sometimes i sit in pensive posture , and form sad ideas of the sea , and land. how while the proud insulting dutch , and we contend in dreadful fights for masterie : hell opes her mouth , and in few hours receives such crouds of souls , as no time ere retrieves : of bodies such huge numbers sinking then , as threaten to earth up the sea with men . so that our ships may for the future strand on shelves of bodies , not on shelves of sand . methinks i see the swelling billows boil , heat by the fire doth from the guns recoil : the roaring guns which pierce the parting air , with terror we on land far distant hear they shake the massie earth , and thunder like , houses , and windows into trembling strike : and each broad side which strikes my ear , i think , now a brave ship with braver men doth sink . enraged mortals striving to out-vie , thunder , and lightning in the lofty skie darken the air with smoak , but fire gives light , or they at noon-day would scarce see to sight . blood from the reeking decks into the main pours down , like water in a showr of rain , discolouring the ocean by its fall , as if 't would turn it to a red-sea all . fire-ships set all on flames , and make a show , as subterranean fires were from below , broke through the waves : and one would think no doubt , fire strove to drink up sea , sea to quench out the fire , and men by their contentious action , put all the elements into distraction : but themselves rue most , while the bloody sight gives blood to them , who do in war delight . now on the decks some shriek with painful and others sinking are in deadly swounds : wounds , here a commander falls , th' opponents hollow , the souldiers soon in death their leader follow : here from torn shoulder flies an arm , and there from shatter'd thigh a leg the bullets tear : here wags a head off , this mans brains are dasht full in the next mans face , his bowels pasht on his next neighbour , and a third is found , groaning his soul out at a wide-mouth'd wound . here bullets force drives a heart out , which dies to mortals rage a bloody sacrifice : there a head from the bloody neck is rent , mounting as if to hit the sun it meant ; thus the dutch heads we well may wish to rise , and be lift up , above their enemies . but i had rather we , and they in peace might live , and war might from all nations cease had not astraea left the earth , and rage possest mens bosomes in this iron age : had not sin first divided men from god , then from themselves , scattering all abroad to seek new countries , all had still been one language , and people , letting warr alone . sin is the onely make-bate in the world , that hath all things into contention hurl'd : but since the prince of peace his happy birth , who came to reconcile both things on earth , and things in heaven , methinks those who professe , themselves his subjects , from all wars should cease : one faith should be of force hearts to unite , in love as much as e're one language might : the second adam should all his restore to the same concord , which they had before by nature in the first , and not pursue their christian brethren , like a turk , or jew . but what a grief 't is to good hearts , to see christians among themselves thus disagree : and those , for whom christ spilt his blood & life , to shed each others blood in lust , and strife : that those , who when they go to sight doe pray to the same god , that each may have the day , and both doe hope alike in death to be translated hence to heavens felicitie , should one another with such fury kill ; and r●uch rejoyce each others blood to spill : good lord ! how will heav'n quietly hold those souls , who just now were here such deadly foes : if some of either side to heav'n do come , and both to dutch , and english be their home , could heav'n admit repentance , grief , and sorrow find a place there , those souls would surely borrow time from their heav'nly joys this to repent , and their unchristian feuds below lament : lament now christians , and leave of your slaughter , there 's no bewailing but in hell hereafter . yet 't is to be bewail'd that such a slood by christian hands is shed of christian blood . thus we contend to blood , but all the while the holy spirit grieves , and devils smile , all the good angels too are grieved for 't , but your contention makes the devils sport ; and the slain carkases of christians drest in blood , and wounds , make lucifer a feast : and at these broils the infidels do laugh , christians should weep , but yet the most do quaff : such direful deeds just god thou sufferest , sinners for their transgressions to infest : in times when blood , and wounds make such ado ; o that our hearts were rightly wounded too ! and with just grief could bleed as fast as those poor hearts , who have been pierced by their foes . slack christians , slack your fury ! and employ your noble valour for a victory more worthy praise , than any you can gain by numbers of your christian brethren slain . you souldiers by profession are , your life a warfare , and you must here live in strife : but 't is a strife more with your selves than others , ' gainst certain foes , and not your christian brothers . the world , the flesh , the devil , these are those you must still combate with , as mortal foes to your immortal bliss ; and these will find tough work enough for the most warlike mind : but while with christian men we do contest , we cherish , and serve these foes in our brest : the world rejoyces , devil takes delight , lusts of the flesh are pleas'd when christians sight . le ts turn our force then against them , and shew what noble acts our valour there can do ; the lord of hosts our captain is , and will with armour furnish you , courage , and skill : you need not doubt success at all , for he who fights gods battails shall have victorie : one lust subdued will you more glory gain , than he whose single arm an host hath slain . for 't is more honour , to o're-come within our selves our lusts , than cities wall'd to win . great alexander , who subdued all nations , continued slave still to his lustful passions . be of good courage then , subdue your sin , and an eternal crown , and kingdom win : or if the warriours spirit can't be laid , but it will still in blood , and slaughter trade let christians valiant , and victorious arm , turn to do turks , and infidels the harm which now amongst our selves , we daily feel , and let the heathen fall upon our steel ! there might be rais'd another holy war , more truly holy , than the first by far : not to get canaan , a land accurst as well for jews , as canaanites at first : but the insulting sultan to restrain ; who hath so many thousand christians slain ; and with his hundred thousands oft doth come pouring destruction into christendome , forraging , wasting all with fire , and sword , defying , and blaspheming christ our lord. leading away such as the sword doth spare , into a bondage worse than death by far : o that all christian princes could agree to hamper this leviathan , and free , from his outragious inroades , all those borders of christendom , where he commits his murders . the asiatick churches when i think upon mention'd in saint john's revelation : oh how it grieves my heart ! to think that there , where sometimes famous christian churches were now turkish mosques do stand , & men adore , the imposture mahomet , where christ before . and those who yet retain a christian name , have little else of christ , beside the same : their low estate allows no means to gain such knowledge , as is needful to retain , religion pure and perfect : besides , must they to this great turk the tenth child yearly pay . the tenth is due ( o god! ) to thee alone , and must an infidel thy tribute owne ? this woe of all their woes is worst , to see their dearest children educated be in blinder turcism , made his janizars , chief souldiers against christians in his wars . when cruel herod mockt of the wisemen slew so many infants , he did kindness shew , compared to this turkish tyranny ; for 't is a greater priviledge to die innocent martyrs , and go hence to glory , than to be train'd up in the cosening story of mahomet : poor babes ! at once must you be from christs bosome , and your parents too , by tyrants-force thus miserably torn ? better it were you never had been born . let us reflect , and think did we now hear the approaching feet of turkish officer , entring to take away our darling child , oh what a plight should we be in ? how wild , and quite beside themselves , would surely be the tender mothers of the infantry ? who , that their senses have , would not desire to see their tender infants soul expire , his brains dasht on the wall before his eyes , and how the sprawling corpse convulsing dies , rather than such should us of them bereave , in thraldom , and idolatry to live ? but who do think on this with pity , and deplores not the sad state of grecian land ? now then it were a noble enterprise , if christian princes hearts , and arms would rise , to pull down this proud sultan , and restore the christian faith where 't flourished before ; and free afflicted greece , once the worlds eye from turkish thraldom , and idolatry ; and all those christian souls which yearly come tribute , and captives from poor christendome . if th' english and dutch fleer would both combine , t' assist the bold venetian , worthy of christian valour ) they would make a designe the vaunting seigniour with his gallies quake : if throughout all christendom were more ( like those brave knights of malta , who have swore destruction to the turks ) that would combine quite to raze out the bloody ottoman line : then christendome might flourish , and be free from devastation , and captivitie . god grant us peace at home , and send us victory abroad , and end all wars 'mong christian men , and cease the plague his war with men ; in peace , and health grant us to live , that we might still a happy kingdom be . but though the lord in war on our side stood , and gave us victory for the price of blood , allaying this sore judgment by success , which in the loss of lives makes grief go less : yet the plague raging far and nigh , destroyes with sweeping slaughter , and doth damp our joys : this casts my soul into a sad reflection , on the just vengeance of such dire infection . reflections on the pestilence . jer . 9.9 . shall i not visit them for these things saith the lord ? shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this ? when the just god did visit london first , our danger less , our fears were at the worst : in every place men stood upon their guard , and against citizens kept watch , and ward : had we done so against our sins before , less had our danger been , our safety more : but when this dire destruction still doth last , and round about us fearfully doth wast ; harden'd by custom , we do nothing fear : our dangers greater , but who sheds a tear ? our hearts are stone , were they of marble kind 't were well , marble sometimes we weeping find . on the great city of this sinful land london , with wealth , and folk , abounding , and with sin , the cause of woe too , god first pour'd the brimful vial of his wrath , and showr'd his ireful judgments : there his angel drew the sword of vengeance , and that people slew , at first by tens , which soon to hundreds come , then thousands weekly sent to their long-home . the frighted citizens begin to fly from house , and habitation , lest they die : they leave their livelyhood to save their life ; and where they come , their coming makes a strife . lest they bring death with them , towns are in arms to keep out citizens , as mortal harms : waggons , and coaches still in every road are met with , which they , and their goods do load : where they shall shelter find , they scarce do know , yet durst not stay at home , where e're they go . some who did thure in stately houses dwell , now gladly creep into a countrey-cell : and others wandering up and down the fields ; no town , or village them admittance yields : thus from the rod of god poor sinners fly , not from their crimes , for which they smart , & die . alas ! what boots it from the plague to start , and bear with you a worse plague in your heart ? running will not secure you , you 're undone , unless you know how from your selves to run : had you your selves forsaken , when at home , you need not thus about the countrey roame . had you fled from your sins before as fast , you need not from the plague have made such hast . had you been just , and honest in your trade , to deal uprightly , had a conscience made ; false weights , and measures , and deceitful wares , the snares false oaths , equivocations , lies , for simple buyers , ) had you never us'd : nor with great prizes customers amus'd : for which i' th' countrey you a proverb are ; you ask , say they , just like a londoner : had not your shops been dens of such as theive , and lie in wait cunningly to deceive ; nay oftentimes your cosening with a shew of honesty , and goodness cloaked too : no plague had likely nigh your dwellings come ; you might securely still have staid at home . had you but kept your conscience , so you might your shops with comfort , free from deadly fright : but when you turn out conscience first , no doubt , gods judgments after 't justly turn you out : and if you e're get home again , beware ! more plagues in store for sinners still there are : but for a while here they resolve to be , till london shall be from contagion free : but there contagion is , from which , i fear you 'le never find the sinful city clean . but now le ts think on those who stay behind , distrest in body , and estate , and mind : who know not where to sly , and fear to stay ; but yet must bear the burthen of the day ; a wrathful day , a dismal time , wherein thousands receive the wages of their sin : some have no friends to go to , nor yet coin to make them any , some the laws enjoyn to stay , and do their office , some presume , and others trust no plague shall them consume . but it increases , spreads , destroyes , doth make such as remain , for fear of death to quake . now might you see red crosses there great store , and lord have mercy upon many a doore : the wardsman standing , as if he were sent deaths bayliffe to arrest the house for rent , and turn the dwellers out ; and sure i am , but few could live long there after he came : now knells of death continually do ring , and that same doleful sound of buryers , bring your dead out , mortal ears with terror pierce ; and now a cart becomes the only hearse to bear a heap of bodies to their grave , which neither obsequies , nor rites can have of christian burial , the best of all have now no friends attend their funeral : no cost of heirs , no mourners to be seen , but driven in a cart , as they had been from hanging carry'd , thrown into a pit , no priest to say , earth to earth i commit . now might you see all faces blackness gather , the son lamenting for his dying father , the wife for her deceased husband crying , and parents mourning for their children dying : now might you hear some from their windows cry , bread for the lords sake , or we starved die ; groaning at once under two dismal woes , the plague , and famine , both their deadly foes . now friends , and neighbours keep at distance , fear t' approach their nearest kindred , for life's dear : the father dreads to see his only son , the son to see his father too doth shun , the husband dreads his wife , whom he with dear embraces us'd to hold , durst not draw near , the wife 's afraid her husband to behold , whom in kind arms she used to infold : now such as yet do dwell in health and ease , know not how soon the plague on them may seise : where lately by our kings happy return , all joy , and triumph was , and then to mourn , it was piacular ; behold ! and see how sad now there , and mournful all things be ! and now it were ridiculous to laugh , yet some bold sinners now game , sing , and quaffe : nay ( as 't is told ) some by dead corps do play , away the remnant of their lives short day : poor london ! this thy sad condition is , yet who bemoans thee ? and who weeps for this ? thou sit'st disconsolate , of joys bereft , in thy distress by friends , and lovers left : such as to satisfie their pride , and lust , spend here their wanton summers yearly must ; when they have helpt to bring the plague upon thee now in thy woe , and misery fly from thee : but let them go , if they mend not , no doubt , gods judgments in due time will find them out : though it begins with thee , and you must bear the almighty's wrath , for that you sinful were ; a wrath so killing , that your dead do come unto nine thousand in the weekly sum ; and 't is reported , though bills speak no more , fourteen might be some weeks upon the score . hath god forgotten to be gracious ? is his mercy gone for ever , and your bliss ? o spare thy people lord , thy people spare ! who with thy precious bloud redeemed are : will god his anger evermore retain ? will he still frown , and never smile again ? no , he is gracious , and his mercies sure , his pity doth from age to age endure : humble thy self , and hope well london ! for god will not cast off his for ever , nor be always wrath , slouds at the highest fall ; so now his over-flowing judgments shall : he will consult his bowels , and have pity for mercy sake upon an humbled city : and ere the year went round , the plague was so abated , folk a pace did thither go . theirs ended : now began the countrey 's woe . and as provoking sin its course hath run , avenging judgment after that hath gone . as london like the fountain , sent forth streams of evil through the land , so now the gleams of wrath , dart thence the plague abroad , and thus sent death into the countrey among us : colchester for two years her thousands paid for tribute unto death , poor braintry's made to give her hundreds , chelmford scapes not free , and mousham long hath worn deaths liverie . in easterford kelv'don upon the way , death took into an inne , and made some stay ; but , ( blessed be the god of heav'n ) slaughter was here no dweller but a sojourner : as once the year before he here was sent into a cottage , but no further went. but in most market-towns about us slays , and by his terror puts down market-days . whereby the poor want work , the farmer vent for his commodities , his landlord rent , and such whom god doth in their persons spare , deep in their purses now afflicted are : money is dead as well as people , trade is low , yet payments high must needs be made . for sickness , and the war do both require . though things we sell are low , our rates be higher . this is our woe , this is our great distress , the more 's our sorrow , is our sin the less ? 't were well if so , our loss would be our gain , nor would i doubt to see good days remain : but this i cannot see , and therefore fear no end of these , but a third woe is near : gods knows what will be next , but sure , unless we better prove for these , god will not cease to punish us , he hath more plagues in store , and can for sin afflict us seven times more : since both the war , and sickness still endure , and once to know the cause is half the cure ; let us reflect on that , and throughly try to search the cause , and find a remedy for these calamities , which make so long , have mercy lord , the burthen of our song : let 's see what hinders mercy , and what sure course we must take , his mercy to procure : but while i was about to think on this , another woe befell ; the city is all on a flame , the countrey in a fright , our thoughts distracted , business put to flight , all stand i' th' way to hear what news from thence , as men astonisht , even bereft of sense : but when my muse her self could recollect ; on this third woe began she to reflect , resolv'd at last by light of th' fire to see the cause of all these woes , and remedie . on the bvrning of london . jer . 18.7 , 8. at what instant i shall speak concerning a nation , and concerning a kingdom to pluck up , and to pull down , and to destroy it . if that nation against whom i have pronounced , turn from their evil , i will repent of the evil that i thought to do unto them , &c. the war still slaughters , & the plague destroys , and england mournful sits , berest of joys , abandoned to sorrow : yet gods hand is stretched out against this sinful land : and as the city london still hath been the spring , and fountain of the nations sin , another wrathful vial god doth spill on them , and thence the land with terror fill . heav'n from the former with provoked ire shed death among them , but from this a fire , a wasting fire : scarce had that vial done dropping down sickness , ere this woe begun , and all at once in flaming fury thrown on this great city , quickly burnt it down : god seem'd to slack his wrath , the pestilence was in a manner quite removed thence : and having swept the city , thence did come , and all about the countrey strangely roame : and those who hither fled for safety , fly for danger hence , and gladly homewards hye : london is quickly fill'd , trading returns , no miss , or thought of those are in their urns : and with the people sin returned too unmortified , by all the plague could do : this foster'd in their flight , brought home again in their return , bred their ensuing bane : they come the same men home , take the old course ; whom judgments do not mend , they oft make worse : the beasts god sav'd in noah's ark came out beasts as they went in , and some men , no doubt , have no more sense of mercy , when they live , while god doth others to destruction give : c ham scapt among the eight in noah's flood , yet this deliverance did not make him good ; he 's sav'd , the world destroy'd , yet when all 's done wicked comes forth and proves a cursed son . so when the plague like to a deluge swept in london , and god there a remnant kept alive , and such as to the countrey fled , a life in mercy here in safety led ; london replenisht once , the plagues forgot , and god that sent it too , the folk no jot amended by it , but the plague is still most in their hearts , when lest 't is in their bill : therefore as when the plague of leprosie among the jews , could no way purged be out of their houses , gods law did require , such houses should be burned down with fire : so when the plague of sin could not be purg'd from out that sinful city , sharply scourg'd by that of sickness , god himself in ire burnt down their houses with consuming fire . upon september's second day i' th' year ▪ much talkt of * sixty six , did there appear by two i' th' morning these consuming flames , which did break out first in the street of thames : and then blown on by a strong wind into the city , what e're art , or strength could do of men to stop , or slack its fury , by the friday morning did in ruines lie the greatest part of that within the wall , and much beside of that we suburbs call : for it broke thorough newgate , and went on to holborn-bridge , and had through ludgate gone , up fleetstreet unto temple-bar before its fury stopt , and did burn down no more : if what without the walls is burnt , you count for that which stands within , as tant'amount ; even the whole city in a manner lies a ruinous heap to all spectators eyes : to quench this fire men labour'd all in vain , it wasting run like wild-fire in a train , then you might hear at first the doleful sound , fire , fire cryed all about the city round , and there you might behold with weeping eye , by fire a whole street , quickly ruin'd lye ; th' increasing flame mounting its spire to heav'n , laid th' aspiring buildings with earth even : there might you see the water-engines ply'd with toilsome hands , but god success denyed ; they quickly broke , and peoples hearts while they behold their houses to the flames a prey : thousands did strive to quench the fire , but all labour'd in vain , the stately structures fall before its fury : some do water bear ; others pull down such houses as are near , to stop its progress , but aloft it flies o're th' interval , and makes a sacrifice of the next mansion , thence again doth hast , the rest with sweeping vengeance to lay wast : no church , no hall , no house , no hospitall can stand before it , but it ruines all : what will not burn , it breaks with piercing heat , and tumbling down with rubbish fills the street : as when a field of stubble's fired , and it runs like flowing billows cross the land blown with the wind , or as when torrents fall from some steep hills , they bear before them all stands in their way : e'ven so this fire runs on , and in a little time a mile hath gone : buildings of all materials you can name , as stubble were before the spreading flame ; which like a falling torrent swiftly flows through london streets , it comes and down all goes : which while the tired people do behold with deep astonishment ; their hearts grow cold within them by this fire , when thus they view the fate of old troy light upon the new . now might you poor distressed people meet with streams of tears lamenting in each street : were these for sin , they 'd sooner quench the flames , than all the water of the river thames . some you might see there with extreamest passion , bewail their loss as nigh to desperation . now might you see our soveraign lord the king , water himself unto this fire to bring , i mean in mournful eyes , weeping to see his cities ruines , subjects miserie ; whose sorrow was their solace , as compassion to those in woe 's a kind of consolation : nor did his tears speak pity only , but by comfortable words he solace put into distressed hearts , and night , and day rode up and down from place to place , to stay by all means possible the running flame : giving forth orders look't to see the same effectually performed , ventring where inferior persons dar'd not to come near ; and with his hands to labour did not spare , ( 't is said ) and to expose his life , through care to save the city , for a rumor slew abroad of treachery , if that be true ; to think , i tremble in what peril then our soveraign was among the rout of men , when any foe had opportunitie to act a not to be thought of tragedie : but praised be the king of kings alone , no hand , or tongue was mov'd by anyone against our king , all joy'd , and blest him , when they saw his care , his grief , his labour then ; but nothing would asswage this furious fire , which all attempts to quench did raise but higher : as the smiths forge by water grows more hot ; when fire of water mastery hath got : all limbs , and spirits tired were , but yet their hopes grew lesser , and the flames more great : now faint , and weary , and despairing quite e're to put out the fire , all in a fright , ( giving o're the whole city to the will of god , and fury of the flames , which still rage more , and more ) ( too soon perhaps ) disperse their several wayes , to save stuffe , and purse : as when a town 's besieged , ta'ne and sackt ; their goods away like plunder now are packt : but many , whom the flame surpris'd before , out of their houses they remov'd their store , lost all their goods , and in one hour were some , wealthy before , mere beggars now become : and those who most did save , and bear away , much of their goods left to the flames a prey : th' excessive rates of carrs made much not worth removal , though they safe could get it forth : some hurrying what they snatcht out of the fire to the first friends they thought of , when that nigher approacht those places , now with speed they were compell'd their things away from thence to bear . and the fire still pursuing them as fast , forc't them soon to a third remove in hast : thus some to shift their place were oft compell'd , who still in hopes the fire would be quell'd , would not quite leave the town , until at last , all thinking the whole city it would wast ; no other refuge sought but open fields : man loth at last unto gods judgments yields . moore-fields with piles of goods are fill'd , and there their owners lie abroad in th' open air : thousands who lately went secure to bed , their dainty limbs on doun , or feather spread in stately mansions , now abroad must lie , the earth their bed , and heav'n their canopie . and after three days toil , trouble , and fright , having no ease by day , nor rest by night , nor leisure all this time , due food to eat , now in the fields may sleep , but still want meat : many who late fed on delicious fare , would now skip at a crust , though brown it were : but hold ! with horror think i now upon ( what 's yet forgot ) the sad condition of women then in travail , and such there as in this time sick , weak , and dying were : for scarce a day revolved , but you might here there of births , and deaths each day and night . how many sad benoni's now were born ! while lab'ring mothers through the streets are born . how many frighted parents now miscarry , and travail must , at home they may not tarry ! how many while they in the fields do lie , have pangs of child-birth , and deliverie ! how many dying persons now expire ! breathing their last like martyrs in the fire ; their souls like manoah's angel , soaring on the mounting flames to heav'ns blest mansion : how many dead have roman buryal there ! their houses funeral piles wherein they were now burned , and lie buried underneath the ruines of the place , where seiz'd by death . as when our saviour in judea wrought . his powerful miracles , they sick folk brought on beds , and couches to him ; even so you might see them carried forth the city now ; but with this diff'rence , then to him they came for life , and health , but fly hence for the same : these were the sad disasters , which the ire of heav'n did punish sinners with by fire : the rampant flames went on victorious still , on both hands levelling up to tower-hill , approach't , as if 't would offer an assault , but there receiv'd a blow , and made an halt ; houses blown up , by which a breach was made , prov'd the best rampart now , whereby was staid the fury of this foe , and in one hour gunpowder cool'd his courage , sav'd the tower : is powder then the way to quench a flame : strangely begun , went on , went out this same . stranger experiment sure ne're hath bin , thus by a blast to save the magazin . but had the fire came on , the tower ta'ne , how had that strong and ancient structure lain , great britains strength and glory , in the dust ! for want of ammunition then we must yield to our foes ; but god ( blest be his name ) would not commit the tower to the flame : which elsewhere forward went , newgate can't hold this fire , it broke the prison , and as bold as ever , unto holborn-bridge it straid , but there through mercy was its fury staid . yet still in fleetstreet did it wander far , e'ven to the temple , but god put a barre there to this lawless fire , and here supprest this tyrants raging force , and sav'd the rest ; for which we ought with thankful hearts to raise to him some trophies of immortal praise . now he that once gave forth his law in flame , would not at once destroy ours by the same . now he that saith , from truth he will not vary , gods mercy was the temples sanctuary . had not his mercy now a remnant spar'd , like sodom , and gomorrah we had far'd : the city for the most part ruin'd lies , to gods just vengeance a due sacrifice ; but through his mercy , just like a fire-brand , out of the burning pluckt , the suburbs stand : their goods for the most part too , and lives he saves , who in their houses might have found their graves : but now when i reflect on what 's consum'd , how many churches are themselves inhum'd ! how many hospitals are cripples made ! how many lofty publick halls are laid e'ven with the ground ! my quill in tears i steep , my muse sits down in dropping verse to weep . now stately churches in their graves are laid : altars themselves are sacrifices made : and now old paul a martyr is once more , and that in england , which we must deplore : his temple in the firie ocean stood like to some island , but the raging flood of flames hath drown'd its glory , over-turn'd this wondrous fabrick , wonder ! how it burn'd ! the school it self ignis could not decline : the pulpit could not its own fall divine : yet falling preacht earths glory is a trance : the organs could not pipe , though the stones dance : paul falls away in 's old age , the saint hath by strange apostacy now broke his faith † yet he who when he liv'd wrought many , fell not now 't is said without a miracle . his altar , clothing , canopie remain'd untouch't , and unconsum'd when the sire reign'd o're all the rest , lest some phanaticks shall report the bowing that way made him fall . but since he now lies buried in faith , my heart hope of his resurrection hath : where could the doctor of the gentiles have , than among learned books * , a fitter grave : now some obscure authors , profane , divine , are brought to light , and their names made to shine : some of them said , tempus est edax rerum , but this fire proves it self so , and doth jeer ' um . were i poet only , no divine , i chiefly might lament the loss of wine ; but i care not if it were burned all ; too much of this hath made the city fall . see how this fire did worldly glory jeere ! view the exchange ! o what a change is here ! now from the steeple of the stately bow the bells are shot , and run indeed , but so that scarcely one of twelve well cast is found ; all are like water spilt upon the ground : you that were wont to make the ringers sweat , now are your selves in a far greater heat : ringers keep up your bells ! so we would man , but they will fall too fast , do what we can : now for the bells men wring their hands , to see how the sweet ring of cornhil melted bee : the town 's on fire , ring the bells backwards all ! alas ! they cannot , for they backwards fall : for help to save themselves they cannot call , how sits the city solitary , who was full of people only full of woe ? how like a cottage in a garden shows , or a storm'd garrison sack't , burnt by foes , this ancient city ! which as stories tell , brute * built when samuel judged israel , and call'd it troy-novant , 't was ominous sure , and signified troy's fate it must endure . lud * afterward rebuilt , more ample made this city unto ludgate , which 't is said , deriv'd its name from his , nay some averre , he his name to the city did transferre ; and changed troy-novant into luds-town , which time hath chang'd to london of renown for age , yet beauty , strength , wealth , glory , scarce to be paralel'd in the universe : the ancient fear of kings , and royal place of british , saxon , norman , scottish race ; and which hath hitherto by age , and time , grown but more beautiful , than in its prime : but not without some alteration , true , it hath oft like a snake chang'd skin , and hew : nor did it alwayes scape the fire before , but in the conquerours twentieth year (a) it bore , such marks of wasting flames as at this day : the greatest part in ruines then did lay . saint paul's which ethelbert , (b) of saxon men first christian king , did build , was burnt down then ; this erkenwald (c) its bishop had enlarg'd , adorn'd , enricht , all which this fire discharg'd . but the next year (a) mauritius piouslie , another prelate of this ancient see , laid the foundation of a far more fair , magnificent , and stately structure there ; which in process of time , by bounteous hand of pious benefactors , late did stand this nations glory , others envy , and not to be paralel'd in christian land : the boasted of fair church of nostre dame in paris , might be handmaid to this same ; when our st. paul was in his pomp , i trow , their lady set by him would make no show until the steeples heav'n assaulting spire , by lightning sent from heav'n was set on fire : as if this seem'd to imitate the pride of babel builders , whom god did deride , this lofty pyramis he burned down ; which fire seis'd on paul's roof , & sing'd his crown , and with its smutty beams , scorched his head , black't and defac't the whole structure , and made paul look more like , to such as did him mark , an ethiopian , than an english clark : the marks of which he for a long time bore , nor could regain his beauty as before ; till to the land of god , and his own praise , the reverend archbishop land did raise paul's to its pristine glory ; till late times , when sacriledge , rebellion no crimes , but vertues were accounted : some mens zeal could devour whole cathedrals at a meal : christ's zeal for gods house eat him up , more odd was this , their zeal eat up the house of god : the holy tribe , and service , they cast out , brought horses in , the more beasts they no doubt : thus these phanaticks , o abominable ! turned the house of god into a stable ; and reformation was there never stranger , where altars stood , to set up rack , and manger : temple profaners must on the sacred sloore your horses dung ? what could the turks do more ? the jews indeed did less , they to a den turned gods temple , but it was of men , though thieves , but these more brutish , for the nonce make it a den of thieves , and beasts at once ; and by such usage , paul declin'd a pace ; the souldiers gave him deep scars on his face , his walls lookt sadly , and his gates did mourn , until the late miraculous return of king , and bishops , who remov'd th' abuse , and paul's restor'd unto its pristine use : and daily did re-edifie , repair all parts about it , which lately ruin'd were : but by this raging fire , which now befell the city , sparing neither church , nor cell , paul 'mong the rest into his grave is thrown , whence we expect his resurrection : in king , and bishops , to good works inclin'd we ethelbert , and erkenwalds to find , and generous mauritus too do trust ; who will redeem paul's once more from its dust : nor do i doubt , did we but lay to heart the causes of our woes , by which we smart : or would this stubborn nation but endure the means of their recovery , and cure : th' almighty would in mercy soon restore the city to its beauty , or to more : it should not long as now in ruines lie ; nor noise of war our borders terrifie : the killing plague should in all places cease , our land enjoy prosperity , and peace . let us consider then of all our woe the cause , the cure we shall the better know . the cause of our calamities . the cause of all , in highest heav'ns i seek , and in our sinful bosomes , which do reek with boiling lust , whence sinful deeds do rise , as vapours from the earth , above the skies ascend , and make those clouds of gods just ire , which thunder'd forth the war , lightned the fire , and did on this provoking people pour of mortal sickness a contagious showr : not for the causes meerly natural of all these woes , or means instrumental , search i , but for the prime efficient , and inward moving cause , were our hearts rent with due contrition , this we soon might spy deep in our brests , for that we must look high : god is the author , and our sins the spring ; which on us all these dreadful plagues do bring : how many atheists in this land do dwell ? even owles at athens , blind in israel . there is no god , say some fools in their heart , vvhom war , nor plague would from their atheism start : sure by the light of the late dreadful fire they 'le see their folly , and the light that 's higher . how many with corporeal fancies serve that god who is all spirit ? others swerve from his prescription , after their own will do worship him , and are devoutly ill . many a swearing , cursing miscreant , as devils upon earth , each place doth haunt , and do blaspheme gods sacred name , in spight of all plagues , wish a plague , and take delight to tear christs wounds , & afresh make him bleed ; pray to be damn'd , but sure they shall not need : when neither war , nor plague would these affright , god fir'd their houses 'bout their ears to light them to repentance , and thus let them see an embleme of the worlds catastrophe , and an epitome of that hell infernal in which the wicked after death must burn all . how many do neglect , contemn , profane all holy times consecrate to god's name , and service now ? how is the zeal grown cold , which thronged christian churches so of old ? scarce the tenth part will in some places come to church , but most do idley stay at home ? or to schismatical assemblies run , or make an halt until the pray'rs be done : of those , who in our churches do appear , how few with reverence , and godly fear behave themselves ? some do in taverns wast those precious hours , when here their souls should feast ; and one would think , when such a plague god sent , all christians now would fast , pray , and repent : but on the fasting days , good lord ! how few will come before thee , and for mercy sue ! all holy-days are mere play-days now are made , or consecrate to drunken baechus trade : church doors are open'd , & bells ring for fashion , but th' alehouse hath the greater congregation : gods house indeed is styl'd the house of pray'r , but if no preaching be , few will come there , they think 't not worth the while to call on god , even when they groan under his scourging rod : they hear , and hear , but never learn to do those duties which all preaching tendeth to : others whose lusts , and sins the word controuls , nauseate all preaching , physick for their souls ; and the seduced people , whose blind eyes see not of christ the saving mysteries , yet wholesome chatechizing wont endure , for their souls blindness though the only cure : thus is gods service crucified between two thieves like him , and in his house is seen a den of thieves , one sort rob of him of pray'r ▪ the other rob their souls of his word there : and for the blessed sacrament , so full of sweetest consolation , to the dull a quickning goad , to weak a strong support , assurance to the fearful , and a fort to tempted christians , to such as for sin cry , an handkerchief dipt in christs blood to dry their sorrow up , a cordial to the faint , an heav'nly banquet to the humble saint : how few will sit themselves , draw nigh , and tast this soul refreshing mystical repast : 't was one effect of our late reformation , t' exile this sacrament out of the nation almost , some towns in twenty years had not any communion , they had forgot do this in remembrance of me , and now they 've lost their stomacks by long fasting ; how to bring them to an appetite once more , that the lords table may of guests have store , we scarce do know , they have been so affrighted from that wherewith their souls should be delighted their preachers sounding in their ears damnation , to scare them from communion profanation , which was indeed to rise 'mong some , that durst approach without due preparation first , but still forgetting equally to press their duty to receive , though in the dress of knowledge , faith , repentance , charitie ; that in contempt did as much peril lie ; the poor deluded people did believe , the only danger was if they receive ; fly from their souls food as their certain bane ; to whom christs institution is in vain , so strangely gods commandements were then made void by the traditions of these men . now this luke-warmness to gods worship , we may both in countrey , and in city see : for such contempt of christs authoritie , might justly some be sick , some weak , some die : mens coldness kindled wrath , that fire anon , to make them fervent in religion : you would not come to church a while ago , no churches now you have to come unto : the gates of sion mourn'd ' cause few , or none would enter there , but now you make your mone , and mourn for sions gates , ' cause they are burn'd with fire , and to a heap of ashes turn'd . sion before in silence did lament , because so few her solemn feasts frequent now you may mourn in silence , sigh , and fast , for that the places of her feasts be wast : thus want of zeal hath sir'd the house of god , neglect of worship temples hath destroy'd , nor could you look , but that which burned down god's houses thus , must needs consume your own . thus justly may the war , plague , fire , and all , for our neglect to serve god , on us fall . how many disobedient are to all their parents , civil , spiritual , natural ? how rife's rebellion , while the people strive with prince and priest neither due reverence give ? their princes laws , the people think not right ; the priests their prelates admonition slight : servants rebel against their masters , and wives disobey their husbands sit command : children their loving parents honour not : obedience among all sorts is forgot . what swarms have we of stubborn sectaries ? who all dominion boldly do despise : nor are afraid to speak of dignities all kind of evil , though most grievous lies . the ark had but one cham , our church many , who glad their fathers nakedness to spy , with most reproachful mocks , and taunts discover , and blazon it abroad the nation over . nay rather than fathers in church or state , shall want the ruder peoples scorn , and hate : such whet their tongues to tell the smoothest lies , which these to pop'lar scorn may sacrifice . rebellion though as sin of witchcraft reigns among this headstrong people , whom no reins of law will rule , no power curb , or awe from following their will , their will 's a law to them alone , who without fear , or shame , publickly their perversness do proclaim : saying , if they were not commanded to these , and these things they would them freely do . o stubborn people ! shall there ever rest spirits of contradiction in your brest ? hath god stampt his authority upon your governours , and do you think they 've none ? hath he said they are gods , and will ye then give less respect to them , than other men ? counsels of whispering seducers , how prone to observe , and promptly follow , you are ; but how backwards to obey , we see , lawful commands of just authoritie : and is the lawfulness , and duty less , because enjoyn'd ? nay more your stubbornness to disobey : god is contemned sure , and such contempt from men will not endure . yet when for peoples sins he plagues hath sent , they oft impute them to the government : so the rebellious mutineers of old vvhen the earth strangely swallowed up those bold conspirators of corah's faction , cry'd ye the lords people kill'd , gods hand denied , moses , and aaron with that slaughter charg'd , till god by his just judgment them discharg'd ; by a sad plague sweeping these murmurers thence , brought the whole camp into another sense : now when the like sins among us are spread ; shall we not say for these are many dead ? gods judgments are a great deep , if we dive too far , we drown all charity , alive preserve censoriousness , believe i do all sorts have sin'd , all sorts have suffer'd too ; yet all may hear , what some observe , and dread ; most factious places are most visited . have we not murmurers among us too , like to rebellious corah , and his crew ? vvill , what is moses , and what aaron , say , are we not all holy , as well as they ? to rule , and sacrifice , all would have pow'r : might not for this a fire from god devour the city , which as eminent in sin , hath exemplary now in judgment been ? that whilome was rebellions spring and nurse , and seem'd back-sliding to the former course : is now of england's woe , and sorrow source : sin no more so , lest you are plagued worse . what murthers in this land committed were ; for civil wars on one side murthers are : and god doth know , to whose charge shall be laid that blood which in our civil wars was shed . blood is a crying sin , so much was spilt , this nation cannot but be deep in guilt ; especially when royal blood hath been profanely shed , no doubt a roaring sin ; and who doth know , but the just god doth make now inquisition for that blood , and take due vengeance on us for that barbarous fact , the like whereto no nation ere did act : unless those cursed jews who crucified their saviour , for which they still abide the wrath of god , and shame of men , as we for that through all the world reproached be . nor need we wonder judgment was delaid , that this same vengeance was no sooner paid , if it should be for this : for god is wont to call men to repentance first , he don't suddenly punish , but gives means and time , that men may see , and sorrow for their crime ; and so prevent the plague ; now all the while usurpers rul'd ; our king was in exile ; none openly of this might speak a word ; which to deluded people could afford due information of these hainous crimes , which past for vertues in those cheating times : but since the throne , and pulpit too were free from gulls , impostors and their knavery ; since all men saw , what ever such pretended , in self-advancement their religion ended : since the saints coat was pulled o're their ears , who for a cloak of villany it wears . since that vile murther hath been quite disclaim'd by a free parliament , a fast proclaim'd , wherein the nation annually may humble themselves before their god , and pray the guilt hereof may not lie on their head , to them nor their posterity be laid : since orthodox divines have soundly shown how sins of others may become our own ; and so how many ways men guilty stand of royal blood , before gods bar , whose hand or heart ne're toucht it : not by commission , covnsel , or by abetting the transgression only , or by allowing it for good , but by our not resisting it to blood , or by not mourning for 't enough , or by those sins , which did provoke the deitie , so far to suffer villany to reign , for woe to us , to kill our sovereign : since means , and opportunities have thus of true repentance been afforded us ; the only reason of gods patience ; yet so few shew a hearty penitence , even among those most deeply guilty were ; who where the fast is kept will not come there : but have such seared consciences , that they keep a thanksgiving on that fasting-day ▪ dwell we not stil with those ? whose fine tongues are more soft than oyl , yet in their hearts have war , who smoother are than butter in their words , yet in design , and wish , are drawing swords : such as pretended ever to abhorre , charles the first death , and seemed zealous for the seconds restauration , missing what in church , or state they hoped for by that , seem in their discontent to lay the train of th' old rebellion , venturing again a second charles his ruine , rather then their will shall not be law , and they the men . shall not god visit such a generation , and be avenged on a bloody nation ? and since that sinful city cannot be excus'd from guilt of blood , which was too free in contributing to the war , and killing ; and to the royal bloods inhumane spilling , not ( to the shedding of their own , ) resisting , to that which came to this , too much assisting ▪ ( the bodkins which the city dames did give , our caesar of his life help't to deprive : the tumults raised there were prologue to this tragick act , which other hands did do : ) since they could see their king before his doore murther'd by miscreants , and weep no more : since blood of loyal subjects too was shed i' th' midst of them , and they scarce shook their head . since they so long supported , and maintained usurping powers , who in rebellion raigned under the kingly power unruly were , yet tyrants force so long could tamely heauen might not for this gods justice lately call for those judgments did on the city fall ? in david's time a plague on israel , for what saul did to th' gibeonites , befel . how with uncleanness of all sorts defil'd is this our sinful land , the people wild in their unbridled lusts , like horses they are ranck , each for his neighbours wife do neigh : sodomy , incest , fornication , and adultery ; nay of heart , tongue , and hand , all kind of filthiness is sadly found to be too fruitful in our english ground : in court , and camp , city , and countrey , we this kind of sin grown impudent do see : the nation hath the forehead of an whore , declares her sin as sodom , and doth more : when such as should in others punish it , the same themselves without shame do commit ; sinners are bold , and do not seek to hide their shame , but all reproof thereof deride . we read by plague did many thousands die , when israel did with moab's daughters lie : how sodom , and gomorrah when they burn'd in lustful heat , god into ashes turn'd by fire from heav'n , since first our guilt and blame hath been , well might our suff'ring be the same ; and that same filthy city which doth lie in ruines , how full of adulterie , and all uncleaness was it ? and as some observ'd , the plague did most in places come and rage , where this sin reign'd , yet , health return'd to them , afresh they in their old lusts burn'd : in filthiness they drove on sodom's trade , and now by fire are like gomorrah made : yet have a remnant scap't , like little zoar for shelter unto lot , let such beware ! more plagues in store for sinners still there are . thou shalt not steal , saith god , but o my soul ! how doth our peoples practice this controul ? will they not rob ? yes , god himself they will ; in tithes , and offerings they do it still . in ev'ry parish vicar you may see a witness of the old church robberie : nor can we yet forget the later time , when sacriledge accounted was no crime : when from the church her rights , revenues , lands were pluck't away by sacrilegious hands : when some mens zeal the very bells did melt bullets to make , their enemies to pelt : when heat of reformation our church plate coin'd into current money for the state. and some mens feud with superstition rent each peice of brass from dustie monument : when greedy cormorants stood gaping still for gleab , and tithes , even to the goose , whose quill , thanks be to god , is left us yet to write the shame of those , who in such theft delight ; and was it not commission of transgression against this law , to plunder by commission ? besides their sequestration , decimation , was there not cunning stealing in this nation ? whatever some do reckon of their sin , far lesser theives i doubt have hanged bin . now when i fraud , and cosenage think upon , extortion , bribery , and oppression : i fear almost in ev'ry way and street , go where you will , each man 's a theif you meet : some on the bench are greater theives by far , than such as stand before them at the bar : too often law , and livings too are sold for bribes , and simony , now very bold : such as do sell , or lend to court must stay , and some years hence for expedition pay : in ev'ry shop a cheating thief doth stand , to cosen with fine words , while by the hand he friendly shakes you ; in each market , fair , each buyer finds thieves are not very rare . each brother will supplant , and falsely deal , each neighbour over-reach , which is to steal : and i believe , even to the countreys cost , the king of all men now is cheated most . whom may we trust , whose word now dare we take ? why do we bonds to one another make ? there are we see more thieves among us , then house-breakers , cut-purses , and high-way men . now may i be of jeremiah's mind , and wish some quiet lodging-place to find in solitary wilderness , that so i might from such a treach'rous people go : who bend their tongues as bows for cosening lies ; deceitful men , whom none will trust , that tries : whose tongues are arrows shot out , speak deceit , utt'ring fine words to cheat , they lie in wait : of such god saith , behold , i 'le melt , and try them : reprobate silver , then to be he 'l spy them . shall i not visit for these things , saith he , and on such people now avenged be ? and as the city hath notorious been for sins of this sort , justly now 't is seen low in the dust , sunk under its own weight of cosenage , and oppression , from its height . landlords intolerably rack't their rent , this made them rack their consciences to vent at highest rates their wares ; e'ven forc't to cheat , to get their landlords rent , their family meat : fraud , with equivocations , lies to mask , double the price of any thing to ask , hath been the brand of citizens we know : these things may be the cause of all their woe . thou shalt not bear false witness god hath said : how then are knights of th' post become a trade ? nay those who like saints walk in holy guise , do bend their tongues as bows for telling lies : had there been none who would false witness bear , our martyr'd sovereign had yet stood clear before the worst of judges , calumnies were ever blown into the peoples eyes ( lest they should see his innocence , and wrongs ) by subtile slander from their double tongues , who fought against , yet said they for him fought , vow'd to preserve , yet to the scaffold brought his life , and honour ; still belied his cause , his person , party , and the juster laws ; while in a mockery of justice , they would seem by law their sovereign to slay : falsely accuse god too , religion , reason , while they would make these seem t' allow their treason : had not false rumors , & reports 'mong us , into rebellion gull'd the people thus : they'd ne're have suffer'd charles the first so good a prince , by regicides to lose his blood : still the same trade of lying's carried on under the mask of pure religion : no mountebanck doth use more lying tricks to cheat , than these religious empericks : on womens zeal when they 'd commit a rape , the pander still must be religious ape : to slander king , and bishops , from the church , is still the way , new proselytes to lurch : and of all men the holy tribe are most belyed by some , who of their saintship boast ; nor of her sons alone false tales they broach , but most the church their mother do reproach : schism's backt with slander of the church their mother ; yet all the factions slander one another : but beside slanders , errors , heresies , false oaths , equivocations , perjuries , are in these sinful dayes among us found , to grow , and thrive , and spread in english ground : oaths of allegiance , some like sampsons cords can snap asunder , while a pack of words they call a covenant , contrived by a pack of knaves , must hold inviolably : oaths of canonical obedience many to keep make little conscience , but swallow them , and think no more upon 't , these ne're rise in their stomacks , though they don 't at all observe them , while a squeamish sister , to whom the cross , or surplice , gives a glister , it goes against their conscience to offend though oaths , subscriptions , and all bonds they rend in pieces quite ; nay their good dames to please , to all their duty give a writ of ease : nor is the countrey fertile soil alone to these ill weeds , but they have freely grown within the city , for such sins of late god justly might lay it even desolate . nor is the root of all curs'd evil less of growth in english ground , covetousness : this sin with us hath had the greatest stroke in breach of both the tables , we thus broke : many make gold their god , a silver shrine is their diana , conscience for coin is sold ; truth , honestie , justice , and faith the greedy lust of gain devoured hath : o cursed thirst for gain , what canst not thou compel frail mortals sinful hearts to do : to swear , and lie , rebel , and murther , and turn bauds , or whores , knights of the post , or stand to cry , and rob , to cosen , and betray their dearest friend , church-rights to make their prey , for gain to prostitute wives , daughters , and do any thing , they are at thy command : nay some the form of godliness do make a cloak for cosenage , and a snare to take the simple buyer in : in holy guise some hucksters dare of souls make merchandise ; who like the pharisees pray by the hour only the widows houses to devour : and others will not spare an hour to pray , devoted unto mammon quite are they ; who now do find to leave their shops to pray , had been to keep their shops the surest way : while covetousness in all our hearts thus grew , alas poor london ! is it not too true ? for these things we ▪ and thou above the rest , by the just hand of god now sufferest . nor let the drunkard think he is forgot , his nations stain , and his religions blot : who under one commandement alone is hardly rank't , his sins ' gainst ev'ry one ; or doth at least betray him to commit the heav'n provoking sins , which violate it . the swinish drunkard bacchus doth adore : who oaths , and curses in his mouth hath more ? gods service he contemns , his sundays spends at some good fellowship of drunken friends : he little honour , or obedience shows to whom he honour , and obedience ows ; be they parents or preists , prelates , or prince ; david the song of drunkards was long since : what brawls , contentions , murthers some commit in drunken revels , without fear , or wit : by drinking healths , some drink away their own , and kill themselves , a thing not seldom known : wine is they say the milk of venus , true , a drunkard not a wencher , who ere knew ? nor spares he cosening , sland'ring , and doth covet more liquor still , above his soul doth love it : to sins of all sorts thus he gives the reins , all ill with 's liquor slides into his veins : since now so rise is this abomination , who can expect from heaven , but desolation , and with the noisome pestilence chastise a beastly people , who themselves disguise so much with drink ; some their bowls tossing up , found death even at the bottom of the cup ; when in the midst of jollity were they , death brought a reck'ning up and took away ; and in this city , where this sin was common , a drawer now can show a room to no man : such who o're-charg'd with drink too oft cast in , god out of house , and home hath cast for sin : and he hath pour'd that wine upon the floore , which often laid the drinkers there before : wine in a thousand cellars was burn't all , and pour'd out at the cities funeral : and some for loss of wine did more lament than for their sins , for which our plagues are sent : more of a tavern , or play-house the fall lament , than of a church , or hospital . sick with this sin from head to foot hath bin our nation , sick 't is justly for this sin : their wine inflam'd the citizens before , justly now fire inflam'd their wine therefore : as well with shame , as wine , to make these blush , god now in th' fire appeared in the bush : and for this sin god justly might , no doubt , make this good land to spew the dwellers out . and next to drunkenness , now pride may stand accus'd as cause of all woe in this land : for this the french , whose apes in this we be , may justly be our scourge ; the vanitie of varying fashions ! which doth make us strange to such as know us , and our women change their shape with each new moon , & some do show , by the loose wanton garb in which they go , what ware they sell ; and some do strive by paint , to make the ugly devil seem a saint : some have their faces with black patches drest , as thinking dapled ladies will sell best : methinks it seems as if some feind did place the print of hell burnt fingers on their face : born with such spots should you your children see , you 'd call 't no beauty , but deformitie : god now sends spots , as he would theirs deride , and note to all , that theirs is plaguie pride : and now adays , because within there rests so little vertue in most womens brests , ( which of old won them husbands , that would give dowries to get a vertuous wife to live with them , as helps most meet , and comforts sure , friends in both fortunes till death to endure ▪ ) naked they expose them to youthful eyes , hoping , if not true love , yet lust may rise at such a sight ; and seizing on the heart betray it unto them , and the fond smart of cupid's flames , while these do now deny what they would fainest grant , and only try , by sprinkling water to increase the fire , by their denyal to augment desire : thus hunt they for their dear , and use some wile to bring the simple heart within their toil ▪ vertue can only it a subject make ; beauty a wandring heart may captive take : and now our ladies vanity , and pride , and their neglect of huswifery beside , affright all sober men , who fear to woo , lest they should court their woe in doing so ; or with their wives will now some thousands have to keep them in the fashion fine , and brave . what a fine life our gallants live ? and yet 't were fine indeed , if 't were the way to get to heav'n , and its immortal happiness ; but they 're beside the way i more than guess ; whose days , and years are always vainly spent in dressing , mistressing , and complement ; who rise , and dress by noon , come down and dine , then to a play , thence to the house of wine , and so to bed , it may be drunk before ; perhaps all night embracing of an whore : if these be christians , where 's their masters badge , the cross , and self-denyal ? they can't fadge with these ; if such go hence to glory , hell , and the devil sure are but a story : the way to heav'n is broadest sure , if they who wander thus , can thither find the way : pride doth usurp on god , provoke him thus to plague us for 't , that he might humble us : and that proud city , which lift up her hand above the rest in pride , full low is laid : the parent , nurse , spring , stage , of pride , and vain fashions , and tricks , which our religion stain . and whose proud dames out-vied in garishness , our modest ladies in their countrey dress . to all these sins , wherewith this sinful land before the lord of heav'n doth guilty stand , may many aggravations urged be , from gospel light , whereby men clearly see the evil of these evils , yet do they the works of darkness in the brightest day ; from great ingratitude so plainly shown , when god miraculously poured down incomparable mercies on us ; those , who late opprest under their cruel foes , could own their sins the cause of all their woes , now freed from these , return again to those : a king , a parliament , a church regain'd peace , liberty , religion maintain'd , some desperate god-dammes do begin to war with heav'n by their gigantine sin : the roaring blades aloud do quickly call for thundring vengeance on their heads to fall : when health , and plenty , joy , and triumph , crown'd our land , our hainous sins apace abound : swearing , carowsing , cheating , briberie , oppression , sacriledge , and simonie , pride , lust , and all the rout of sins o're-run our countrey , so our joy , and triumph's done : we first forsook the god of mercies , and god makes his mercies to forsake our land ; and now to mercy judgment doth succeed ; vve surfeited , and god doth make us bleed : abundance of corruption sickness brings ; and heat of lust hath fir'd our pleasant things : yet under all these judgments are we still incorrigible , and perverse in ill : god may say , i have sent the pestilence , that i might bring you to an humble sense of sin : your young men with the sword i slew : your city i as sodom overthrew : yet have ye not returned unto me ; therefore yet seven times more i 'le punish ye : and thus of all our woes we see the cause transgression is against gods holy laws : a gospel unbecoming conversation provoketh god thus to afflict our nation : and in the ripping up our sins to see the root , and spring of all our miserie , i would not have men think , to any one or sin , or party , i impute alone our woes , and judgments , but to one , and t'other , to all , and ev'ry one , i would not smother my own , or friends , but do desire that all would think for their sins these things us befal and each apply the plaister to his wound , which healing ev'ry one will make all sound : nor need we doubt to have a perfect cure if all will but the remedy endure : which now i shall consider of , and try , for all these woes to find a remedy . the cure. and 't is half wrought already , since we see the inward cause of our sad maladie : now to remove the cause is the most sure way to effect a safe and speedy cure : and had i but good patients , then i might promise a cure , and lose no credit by 't : but i must first the patients court , to let the physick be apply'd , for they as yet , how sick soever , scorn our ministry , who would the healing remedies apply : in bodily diseases they will hie them quickly to physicians , lest they die , send , pray , and pay , take what 's prescrib'd , endure all pains , and tortures , for a speedy cure : but in their soul distempers will not give an ear to sound advice , nor seek to live : and when we freely offer , do disgust our wholsom physick , such needs perish must : is earth less worth than heav'n ? or is the soul less to be valued than the body soul ? no reason can you thus preposterous make ; we keep the casket for the jewels sake : or if this transitory life now is in more esteem than heav'ns immortal bliss , yet take our counsel , and our medicines , seeing they 're for the welfare of your present being : receive , apply , and let them work , they health , temporal , and eternal peace , and wealth do bring : and now these remedies so rare repentance , faith , and true obedience are : repentance takes away the cause of woe , faith reconciles us unto god , and so future obedience will our bliss secure , from age to age for ever to endure . go mourning , and hold up your guilty hand before gods bar , there self-condemned stand ; the way here to be sav'd is to confess , your sins cloak not , excuse not , nor make less ; but aggravate them all , mercy implore , from him who keepeth mercy still in store for penitent offenders , ever will exalt the humble , and the mournful fill vvith oyl of gladness , never will despise , but with delight accepts the sacrifice of broken-hearts , and binds them up and heals the wounded spirit , which compunction feels : before gods foot-stool therefore prostrate lie , cry guilty lord , confess , or else you die : judge , and condemn your selves , if you would save your selves , with god such only pardon have . relent , repent , reform , and throughly purge away your sins , and god will take his scourge , and plague away , with him make but your peace , and he will make your vvars with men to cease , or us victor ; quench but the flames of lust , and he will raise the city from the dust . that kindled first gods wrath , and this the flame vvhich sit'd the city of so ancient fame : for this bow down before gods throne , and kneel , this fire might melt you , if you were all steel , into some godly sorrow ; lie as low as doth your city , and bemone your woe . repent in dust , and ashes , as that lies , and god will make it phoenix like to rise from funeral ashes , london then shall yee more glorious in its resurrection see : might this fire be the cities purgatory , god would restore it with far greater glory : thus if repentance make our peace with god , vve may believe he 'l throw away his rod : vvithout repencance faith presumption is , and finds no mercy ; but when mixt with this it never fails to find , and sure ground hath for hope , and trust , and then indeed 't is faith : if we repent , it 's the condition still imply'd in every promise , that god will prevent , or take away his judgments , but th' impenitent the door of mercy shut against themselves , and lock themselves in woe , keep then your sorrows , or your sins forgoe : but if we do repent , we then may trust , god will forgive us because he is just : then pray in faith , with hearty supplication , that god would pardon this our sinful nation , remove his heavy hand , send peace and health , repair our ruines , and restore our wealth . go sin no more , but henceforth him obey , so shall our kingdom flourish , and all they vvho seek its ruine shall confounded be , and snar'd in their subtile iniquitie : no force , nor fraud shall hurt a righteous cause , manag'd by such as keep th' almighty's laws : but we oft see the juster cause o'rethrown in sinners hands , who hardly god will own , the stronger party to the weak a prey , when they will not the lord of hosts obey . if god be for us , who can us defeat ? if he against us , where shall we retreat for refuge ? if we him against us arm whom all the creatures serve , what cannot harm and ruine us ? the angels take gods pay , and one of them a mighty host can slay : the stars in their swift course do slyly fight gods battels against sinners day , and night : clouds are his canons , swift destruction fling by thunder , and their lightnings vengeance bring by fire on sinful mortals : and the wind brings on its wings oft ruine to mankind : the calmer air convey the pestilence , whereby death steals into us without sense : the earth is iron , and the heav'ns are brass , when threatned famine god will bring to pass ! earth once did open , and take rebels in alive , as if it could not bear that sin : the seas do pass their bounds , and us o'reflow with mischeif , when god bids them further go : frogs , locusts , caterpillars , creeping things , will take the palaces of mighty kings when god doth arm them , and their persons seise , and in a land devour all ( when god doth please ) that 's fair , and fruitful : even our breath infects , our very dust turns lice , or some insects to infest sinful men ; a fly 't is spoke ventur'd a pope infallibly to choke : could he souls out of purgatory vote , and yet not keep a fly out of his throat ? but thus we see , when god gives them commission , the feeblest creatures give us expedition into another world : who god not fears hath all the world in arms about his ears : while man his maker serves , he 's lord of these ; but when he sins they are his enemies : when we provoke our god , where e're we go , each creature looks upon us as a foe : god will protect , and bless his servants , but they who rebel , no confidence can put in him : since to believe , and not obey , self flatt'ry is no faith , henceforth i pray , le ts lay the sure foundation of our trust , in purposes to keep his laws most just : then may we trust he will our plagues remove , and showr down blessings on us from above : when we do purpose to endeavour , and do strive to purpose to keep his command : begin a new course then , and never cease to walk in gods ways , for his ways are peace , and pleasantness , to bear christs yoke delight ; his yoke is easie , and his burthen light : to sin is no light thing , did it not press legions of angels to the bottomless infernal pit from highest glory ? hath not man by weight of sin been prest to death ? look upon worldly wealth , and count it dross ; deny your selves , take up your saviours cross ; the worlds crown hath its cross , his cross a crown , her smiles betray , more safety's in her frown . give unto caesar , and to god their due . fear god honour the king , to both be true : since god is one , so let your heart be , and serve him with one heart after his command . think not your wit a better way can find to worship god , than what is his own mind : take not his sacred name in vain , nor swear profanely , but with reverence , and fear mention gods holy name , in justice , truth , and judgment , when call'd to it , take an oath . observe the holy times , grudge not to spare some time each day for holy thoughts , and pray'r ; but on the days to worship consecrate , divide not betwixt god , and mammon , hate to rob god , and your souls , be wholly given to holy service , grudge not one in seven to him that made them all , nor yet refuse the churches holy days , as such to use : nor count to pray scarce worth your coming there , since god doth style his house , the house of pray'r . honour your parents of all sorts , and show to prince , and priest the rev'rence that you owe : their nakedness when spy'd lament , and bide ; and not like cham discover , and deride . hate not your brother , have no murtherous thought : remember what dire vengeance murther brought on cain , and under no pretence be killing ; religion cannot justifie blood-spilling . make clean your hearts , and keep your bodies free from fornication , and adulterie : they are the temples of the lord , be sure the holy spirit hath a mansion pure in you ; that dove likes not a cage unclean : you 'l be th' unclean spirits den , if obscaene . be just , and honest , and do no man wrong , nor cheat , and cosen with a double tongue ; ill gotten goods do not increase your wealth , but are the rust , that wasts by secret stealth : think not you gain , when you a curse do get , this is a canker , and will surely fret . accuse thou no man falsely , nor defame thy neighbour , tender as thine own , his name : the angel durst not on the devil rail ; and shall we call them saints , who do not fail prince , prelates , priests , & all their friends to slander ; nor spare the church their mother , but will brand with calumnies , their schism to justifie : bad is the cause sure , which doth need a lie for its support ; and shall they not be had in more esteem , whom foes by lies make bad ? father of lies the devil 's rightly styl'd ; and he who like him is , is his own child : his own brood then are sure the sectaries , whose constant trade is to be telling lies : truth unto ev'ry one , or friend , or foe , in justice , and in charity we owe. accuse not god as the heretick doth , who broaches his own error , for gods truth . beware of covetousness the root of evil ! mammon of all the swarm's , the master devil : love not the world , nor sell thy soul for coine ; thy soul 's a richer jewel , than doth shine in this inferior orb , keep that , and quit thy wealth , wealth 's of no worth and price to it . love god , thy soul , thy friend , covet more grace ; and care to see in heav'n thy saviours face . leave drunkenness , and lew'd debauchery , your nations , and religions infamy , your souls , and bodies ruine , families bane , estates consumption , only devils gain : god made you man , make not your self a beast ; drink of its reason will your mind divest : drink to refreshment , not to sottishness ; by healths to lose your own is ●o●●ishness ; stay at the third glass , keeping still the round doth often spill the drinkers on the ground : custom , continuance makes the wine inflame , then in thy face beholders see thy shame . leave foolish pride , and garish vanity , and cloath your selves with neat humility : meekness , and grace , with neatness more adorn , than all the foolish fashions which are worn . let not gods mercies be by us neglected ; nor all his judgments leave us uncorrected : his showrs of blessings be more fruitful under , and let his hammering judgments break asunder your rocky hearts , the means of grace regard ; walk in the light , and light shall you reward , light of gods countenance in heav'nly bliss where neither fire , nor vvar , nor sickness is : nay did we thus , i doubt not god would send us here peace , health , and joy , our times amend : and with our former blessings prosper us , for the days wherein we 're afflicted thus : vvhich that our god , and saviour quickly may ; let us repent , return , and humbly pray . deo gloria in excelsis . finis . * psal. 118.6 , 7 , 10. 6. the lord is on my side , i will not fesr what man can do unto me . 7. the lord taketh my part with them that help me , therefore shall i see my desire upon them that hate me . 10. all nations compassed me about , but in the name of the lord will i destroy them . psal. 91. surely he shall deliver thee from the snare of the fowler and from the noysome pestilence . he shall cover thee with his feathers , and under his wings shalt thou trust , his truth shall be thy shield and buckler , &c. thou shalt not be afraid of the terror be night , nor for the arrow that flyeth by day . nor for the pestilence which walketh in darkness , nor for the destruction which wasteth at noon day . a thousand shall fall at thy side , and ten thousand at thy right hand , but it shall not come nigh thee . jer . 30. 18. thus saith the lord , behold ! i will bring again the captivity of jacobs tents , and have mercy on his dwelling places , and the city shall be builded upon her own heap , and the palace shall remain after the manner thereof . 19. and out of them shall proceed thanksgiving , and the voyce of them that make merry , and i will multiply them , &c. i will also glorifie them , &c. 20. their children also shall be as afore-time , &c. and i will punish all them that oppress them , &c. a cordial to chear our spirits under our calamities * . ( 1. ) when force of physick quite hath put to rout , the noxious humors did within us reign , the vital spirits almost tired out by the long conflict which they did maintain ; the wise physician doth some cordial give the patients fainting spirits to revive . ( 2. ) thus when by mournful conflicts we have won the day of sin , and hope our woes do slie : lest tim'rous hearts into despair do run , and when the cure is wrought begin to die ; 't is not amiss to give some consolation to chear the spirit of an humbled nation . ( 3. ) and if indeed the mighty hand of god hath duly humbled us , we need not fear , we once corrected , he 'l reject the rod ; and from our mournful eyes wipe ev'ry tear ; his face on us shall shine , frown on our foes , and from our land to theirs transmit our woes . ( 4. ) chear up brave english , fear no foe but sin ! though the ingrateful dutch , and dane combine , and proud french bustle , these shall nothing win , but shame , and slaughter from gods hand , and thine thy thundring guns shall shake the belgick shore , their lyon (a) couch , when ours do rowse & roar . ( 5. ) their lyon once was a poor sneaking curr broke from spains castle (b) , croucht to us , to gain our aid , in which had we but made demurr , he soon had been remanded to his chain . we succour'd him until he freedom knew , shook chain , and master (c) off , and rampant grew . ( 6. ) the poor distressed states came suppliants then , now , high and mighty grown , they have forgot , whose blood and treasure helpt to make them men , 't was the brave english , holland was it not ? methinks while lives the noble name of vere , the dutch should blush ' gainst england to appear . ( 7. ) the valiant acts of the brave veres for these , a second caesar's commentaries make , which whosoe're surveys , from thence with ease the height of dutch ingratitude may take , who by our armies raised to their height , to do us mischief , still employ their might . ( 8. ) and who may trust a rebel , or expect to find a traytor prove a faithful friend , who violate allegiance , will neglect all articles with others for their end : we hatcht them , thinking we should find a dove , come forth , and loe ! it doth a serpent prove . ( 9. ) like serpents of a vip'rous brood , which strive to kill the parent gave them life , and growth ; these who by our protection first did thrive , to let us live by whom they live are loath : but now we shall , if stars speak right their fates , bring down the mighty to distressed states . ( 10. ) so do our magi read in heav'ns bright book , ( god grant who rules the stars , they may not err , ) the shaggy comets have their mischief shook on us , now will as much to them transferr : heav'n hath , and will still take our part no doubt , th' almighty can the high and mighty rout . ( 11. ) just are thy ways o god , thy judgments right , but we to thee , our foes to us ingrate , therefore at land thou justly us do smite , and them for us at sea dost dissipate : we humbled under thy correcting pow'r , them thou wilt quickly humble under our . ( 12. ) thrice have the vaunting belgians come to show their numerous navy , by constraint did fight ; thrice have the braver english made them know , their safety 's best pursu'd by hasty slight : twice their expecting people saw them come as prey before the english hunted home . ( 13. ) once when unlucky shot disabled quite our gen'rals ships that they could not pursue , they getting home , brag'd they beat us out-right , but to get home with them is to subdue : and a thanksgiving wisely they observ'd , for that so many of them were preserv'd . ( 14. ) but stay my muse ! and on the peaceful shore behold the martial combates on the seas , such as no age ere veiwed heretofore , nor will succeeding times see after these : where god pays home ingratitude and pride ; giving the conquest to our juster side . ( 15. ) his royal highness first in person goes , with him the brave prince rupert , each of these more worth than all the navy of our foes , whom the bold opdam did not doubt to seise : with what odds fought we them ? if richest prize can whet the valour of our enemies . ( 16. ) the fleets engag'd (d) and a fierce conflict grew , the clouds of smoke obscur'd the midday sun , from thund'ring canons storms of bullets flew driving out souls , while streams of blood do run from shatter'd bodies , as sometimes you shall in sudden showres see rain from houses fall . ( 17. ) the frighted sun himself i' th' smoke doth shroud , and threatens night so soon as day 's begun ; to do his office , from no thundring cloud lightning breaks forth , but from the louder gun : when peaceful heav'n denies its purer light to mortals rage , by their own fire they fight . ( 18. ) forth from the deadly engines sirie womb the sp'rit'ous peter bursting rends the skies , and flaming sulpher raises foaming scum in boiling seas , the fish in water fries ; the earth receiving the report doth quake , but all this cannot english spirits shake . ( 19. ) no wonder they did deisie of old their valiant heroes , who undaunted run into the arms of death , resolv'd , and bold , for fame , and honour , they no peril shun , but dangers which all others dread desie ; a noble soul 's a kind of deity . ( 20. ) but if these heroes had so great renown , who stood in noiseless war , pecking out life with flying arrows , hewing bodies down with swords , to let out souls ; a sporting strife : what honours due to him who never shuns the deaths which flies so thick from roaring guns ? ( 21. ) guns , whose report strikes fearful hearts with death , and more with terror than with blows do slay , whose wind doth snatch from untouch't men their breath , and passing by can whistle souls away : here cowards hearts dead in their breasts are found , though coming off at last without a wound . ( 22. ) guns whose loud thunder shakes the worlds huge frame into convulsive fits , and seems to threat a sudden dissolution of the same , before the wise creator thinks it fit : yet among these our worthies boldly stand with hearts unshaken , shaking death by th' hand . ( 23. ) neptune rows'd with their noise comes up to see , what on the surface of his kingdom 's done , rising , he shakes his head to see that he cannot be master of the seas alone : but that two daring fleets are sighting for 't without commission from his watry court. ( 24. ) he looks upon them , and the dutch he knows , their land was stol'n from him , & all their wealth his tides bring in ; if nurselings proves his foes , he will recover what they got by stealth : he fears them not , though valiant in a cup , he thinks they cannot drink the ocean up . ( 25. ) but on the english casts a jealous eye , seeing them mantled all in fire , and smoke , he fears they will with him for empire vie , gazing a while , deep silence thus he broke : what mean these daring mortals ? who are these without my leave thus lord it on the seas ? ( 26. ) he spies the duke (e) and fears that mars is come to ravish thetis , and to rule at sea yet thinks he , i will send him whistling home , and therefore bids the winds to come away : but drawing nearer he beheld the prince (f) . and his mistake , with a far kinder sence . ( 27. ) he smooths his ruffled brow , and calms the air , comes mildly on , doth thus the duke salute ; accept this trident o thou fiercely fair , and rule at sea , see it is neptune's sute : let all the winds serve thy design , and show to thee , what reverence to me they owe. ( 28. ) where e're my trident's known , or rule extends , from sea to sea , where e're my tides do flow , and to each river which his tribute sends to me , do thou a conquerour still go ! ride sir in triumph on the ocean wide and tame these hogen mogens swelling pride . ( 29. ) he said , and on his sea-green couch sits down to see the issue of the kindling sight : by this his highness hot , and eager grown , diffuses valour as the sun doth light , till by his raies the english all on fire , make the dutch valour soon like smoke expire . ( 30. ) they fire at greatest distance , and the air not us they beat , and make the water fly , they hope the noise us a far off will scare , for they much fear that we will come too nigh : but ours bear bravely up , nor spent a shot till almost certain that they loose it not . ( 31. ) now near enough , discharged canons send pluto a present of dutch souls , who take a sudden leave of sprangling corpse , and wend to lower shades over the stygian lake : who came in hopes as high as ships on float , now sail to their long home in charon's boat. ( 32. ) when our brave admiral on lofty deck stands brandishing his sword , confronting death , whose influence to fear in all gives check , and inspires valiant heat by his warm breath . whom as a noble prey opdam espies , and with a daring fierceness at him flies . ( 33. ) him others follow , all the duke engage , who life to his , and death to their men throws from martial brows , which with a smiling rage strike awful love into his very foes . put five (g) to one is odds , yet so he shows his presence counter-vaileth four of those . ( 34. ) smith saw the unequal combate , and straight flew with wind fill'd canvase wings the duke to shield , himself between the duke , and dutch he threw , nor gives them time to choose , die , flie , or yield : one broad side given unto opdam blows him up , and blew away the other foes . ( 35. ) now bragging opdam ( set in chair of state as still alive ( though kill'd before some say ) with cosening shew his men to animate ) sinks down in triumph , leading more the way to stix and acheron , where such as shall descend , will find him pluto's admiral . ( 36. ) mean while prince rupert doth like lightning fall among the scattered squadrons of the dutch , vvhere he finds none , makes way like hanibal , who many fights have seen , saw never such : with murd'ring broad-sides opening passage wide : his dreadful frigate thorough them doth glide . ( 37 ) passing , on either side he shares his shot , to which dutch hulls so weak resistance make , that speedy death enters at ev'ry plot , and sinking ships a shrieking farewel take , and shiver'd splinters from torn planks that fly to many deaths make one shot multiply . ( 83. ) thorough , he tacks about , and soon returns , and from loud guns repeats the doom of wounds , and death to them , some sinks , some takes , some burns , and hundreds makes fall into lasting swounds : while his besieged batter'd pinnace stood a floating castle in a sea of blood . ( 39. ) experience now doth give a just allay to his high metal , both in him do meet so duly temper'd , that he justly may lead a land army , or conduct a fleet : in conduct wary , and in counsel grave , in courage fiery , and in conquest brave . ( 40. ) here gallant holms too , bold defiance gave to trump , and all his fury , whom he made ' twice quit his sinking ship his life to save , who in a boat got home at last , 't is said : where landing , if the women could have catch't him , for slaughter'd sons , and husbands they 'd have scratch't him . ( 41. ) now all this time the ecchoing air resounds , the noise of war to many aking hearts on trembling holland , and on english grounds , each wound in sympathizing bosomes smarts : but now the routed dutch invoke the winds , hoyse all their sails too slack for flying minds . ( 42. ) all steer for nearest ports where their folk stand expecting them laden with spoils to come ; but see them with stretcht canvase fly to land , and the pursuing english drive them home . whose guns , and shouts strengthning the winds the more , hast fleeing belgians to their wisht for shore . ( 43. ) got into harbour , there they skulking lie , by our triumphant daring navy aw'd : so creeps the tim'rous hare to some wood by , and squatted lies , hearing the hounds abroad : from smitten brests now doleful cries rebound , for sons , and husbands not returned found . ( 44. ) mean while our crouded shore with shouts doth ring of joyful people , which with longing eye behold the vessels that doth tidings bring , and colours (h) trophies of our victorie : and conqu'ring frigates bringing home their prize , make thundring guns shake th' earth , and rend the skies . ( 45. ) whose kind salute our watchful forts return with as loud welcome , and the watry store , proud of the worthies on its waves are born , curvets , and foams , and gallops to the shore : where landed captives , and the taken prize do take our hearts , and captivate our eyes . ( 46. ) now see the fruit of pious management of war , and all affairs , we kept a fast before the fight , and heav'n success hath sent , who sow in tears shall reap in joy at last : le ts owe our glory to humiliation ; for humble penitence exalts a nation . ( 47. ) what prayers got , let praises give to god ; who in the first engagement turn'd the wind to favour us , and be to them a rod with smoke repell'd to lash them almost blind : nor will our giving god the greatest glory at all eclipse mans honour in the story . ( 48. ) in giving thanks , we do but sow the seeds of future blessings , and lay up in store that which in time a fruitful harvest breeds ; and praise for what heav'n gives , bespeaks for more . thus do thanks-givings victories obtain , and conquests make thanks-giving-days again . ( 49. ) now bragging holland saw they could not beat the english by their single strength alone , from france , and denmark they seek aid to get , so hope to match us , being three to one : we dread them not , our trust in god shall be , there 's three in one can make our own beat three . ( 50. ) our king , and loyal hearts no help require from such consederates , our cause is good , and god will blast our foes designs , as fire consumes with sudden blaze the thorny wood . though nations compass us about , we shall in gods great name , we trust , destroy them all . ( 51. ) the faithless dane first offer'd friendship here ; and during treaty tempts us to his port (i) to seise the belg'ans indies anchor'd there , a squadron under tyddiman go for 't : and under sail to berghen by the way each sea mans mind is laden with his prey . ( 52. ) arriv'd they see inclos'd in rocks their prize , first clifford lands the governour to treat , who knowledge of his master's (k) will denies , brib'd by the dutch , he means both kings to cheat : yet bears us fair in hand if once he knows his princes will , he our design allows . ( 53. ) mean while he lets the belgians plant on shore their batt'ring canons to defend their wealth , and from his castle murd'ring pieces roar , fir'd by the dutch , he saith , got in by stealth : thus basely dealt with , the bold english fall pell , mell to batter castle , town , and all . ( 54 ) enrag'd to see themselves thus tantalize , they seek to sink what 's past their pow'r to gain one on a bed of spices sweetly dies , others by broken diamonds are slain . rich odours fir'd in ships now cloud the skies , as incense doth from kindled censors rise . ( 55. ) but this did not appease incensed minds , our batt'ring balls now shatter houses down , now thorough castle-wals death entrance finds , and folk now fear the sea will take the town , what will not english spirits bravely dare to do ? for ships to storm a castle 's rare . ( 56. ) by this the governour seems to relent , desires to treat again , pretending now th' agreement made betwixt the king is sent , the order owns , he first did disavow , that what we in their harbours take shall be betwixt the kings divided equallie . ( 57. ) now he invites ours to a fresh attempt , but limitted with terms to frustrate it , they saw his proffers did success exempt , and wisely thought a new assault not sit : till they return'd , he would secure the prey he promis'd , they hoise sail , and come away . ( 58. ) now whether denmarks king new counsels took , or berghens governour his faith did sell , few day 's expired ere the dutch forsook the harbour uncontroul'd , but a storm fell ; whereby just heav'n seeing our wrong did bring , part of the prize we fought for to our king. ( 59. ) nor shall perfidious denmark lose his due , heav'n will his kindness unto us repay , and he his double dealing erst shall rue , when england shall of holland win the day : and then have leisure to remember friends , whose proffer'd leagues but serve their treach'rous ends . ( 60. ) mean time the slighted swede may check the dane , and ballance him on the divided sound ; or ancient fame of swedish valour gain by flowing conquests on the danish ground : whom he may soon in field subdue , and then in coppenhagen block him up agen . ( 61. ) nor wish we munster's bishop better fate , who got our coin , and left us in the lurch , by whose deceit we costly learn too late , the german faith is not in roman church : which keeps no faith with hereticks we know , but did forget that they do count us so . ( 62. ) holland of france expects a kind protector , 't is envy , and not love that makes him such , i doubt he 'l rather prove a sly projector , and only help that he may rule the dutch : so once the saxons did the britains aid , until this kingdom for their service paid . ( 63. ) what ruffling france for holland means to do , two summers hence they possibly shall know , the last they complemented to and fro , this their fine fleet abroad shall fairly show : the third he may to show his horns begin , but if a storm comes wisely draw them in . ( 64. ) yet proud france blusters with his men , and arms as if he 'd win the world , and great plots laies for some invasion , but no land he harms , his mind on holland , not on england preys : the sea 's an hill (l) his forty thousand men may bravely sail up , and goe down agen . ( 65. ) le roche can tell 't is a design more meet for courtly french to man a lady home , than warlike english on the seas to greet from whose salute doth greater mischief come . if first he had not carried home their queen , france's tall ships portugal ne're had seen . ( 66. ) yet he with promises doth holland feed of great assistance which he still delays , those haughtiness in belgian spirits breed , but this their expectation still betrays : the greatest kindness he hath done them yet , was by the show he made to part our fleet. ( 67. ) unhappy parting when prince rupert went to seek the french , nois'd to be put to sea , their joyning with the belgians to prevent , which the dutch hearing came out presentlie : whom albemarle's great duke (m) engag'd alone , though they in numbers were near three to one . ( 68. ) their numerous navy he no sooner spies , which on the ocean like a city shows , but he with canvase wings to battel flies , whose fleet looks like an hamlet to his foes : more great in mind , in pow'r less by far , he hurls himself into unequal war. ( 69. ) his captains all bear bravely up , and fear no perils where this gen'ral leads them on , dangers with him like shadows do appear , which where bright phoebus sheds his rays are gone : the name of monk was dreadful still among remembring dutch , his name 's a squadron strong . ( 70. ) the fleets engage (n) , and they in numbers bold , and ours in spirit , now the fight grows warm , our snugging frigates do their sides unfold , and their 's more lofty built our rigging harm : we ply'd them thick , & made their fleet more thin , each ship its own way open'd to get in . ( 71 ) among their multitude unseen ours lie , like stragling hunters beating in a spring , until the hollowing guns do signifie to partner ships their place ; these answering : then through the dutch they cut their passage free , and let in light ; thus one another see . ( 72. ) long time our few their many counterpoise , the english valour holds the balance even , if either , the dutch scale did seem to rise , and the advantage to our side was given : but envious night her sable mantle spread , and from our force glad belgians covered . ( 73. ) the weary seamen lay them down to rest to fresh their spirits for a fiercer fight ; victorious dreams (o) the english minds possest , and black ideas did the dutch affright : those dream of flying dutch , start up , and shout these startle up to run as put to rout . ( 74. ) aurora drew her curtains , and did peep forth from her eastern bed , and scatter light , our eager souldiers shook of idle sleep , and theirs arose with early minds for flight : with wishing heart each homewards casts his eye , and vessels coming from their coast doth spy . ( 75. ) which brought a fresh supply of sixteen sail , these rais'd their fal'n spirits up anew : ours heard their shout , and saw : their hearts might fail , if ought the english spirit could subdue : whose strength 's their courage , doubling this they vie th' increasing number of their foes supply . ( 76. ) our little fleet was lesser grown by war ; a little from a little 's quickly mist : their multitude did many better spare : yet all discouragements our still resist : with such a general they scorn to fear , who doth the prize of conquer'd nations wear . ( 77. ) the noble duke , what e're his heart revolves , with smiling aspect chears his pensive men , and fills their anxious hearts with brave resolves ; to new assault he fiercely leads them then : long time with even success the fight maintain'd , no conquest ever greater honour gain'd . ( 78. ) another new supply (p) augments their store , and so the strongest strength increasing get ; while our disabled ships sent off to shore , unto the weaker adds more weakness yet : but day these conflicts weary to behold , gave leave to night her sables to unfold . ( 78. ) the careful duke commands his men to (q) rest , himself on reeling deck doth watchful stand , a thousand thoughts perplex his anxious brest no gale of hopes his fervent spirit fann'd : yet he resolves no english shore to touch , unless he 's victor o're the vaunting dutch. ( 80. ) the rising sun now gilds the eastern skie , both fleets prepare the quarrel to decide , victory thus far evenly pois'd did lie , but now inclined to their stronger side : yet are not ours o'recome when they pursue , but to the flying still the honour's due . ( 81. ) opprest with number mightiest spirits yield , when force , and ammunition both do fail , the truest valour wisely quits the field , thus wants , and weakness , not the dutch , prevail , make our unwilling general retreat , who yet in this doth still his foes defeat . ( 82. ) in such triumphant order he retires as above former victories doth raise his great renown , big frigates he requires to keep the reer , the less securely lays under the shelter of the greaters wing , and thus his shatter'd navy off doth bring . ( 83. ) our greatest frigates keep the dutch in awe , if their advancing vessels drew too near , they turn'd , and by a broadside give them law for distance , one was sunk the other fear , and follow as if awfully they come to see our batter'd navy safely home . ( 84. ) only the prince ( a gallant ship ) did strand , whose presence boldest dutch could never brook , nor durst approach while upright she could stand , but falling fowl , her helpless men they took : her self expir'd in flames , much better so than to be prize to the insulting foe . ( 85. ) at last the prince (r) whose heart was in his ear , e're since he heard the guns , steer'd by their sound , with flying colours doth far off appear , but french they were , which first did ours confound , and the glad dutch bore up their friends to meet , and him with warlike welcome kindly greet . ( 86. ) approaching , he red crosses soon displays , which husht their joy , heav'd english hearts , and hands , de ruyter sneaking back with shame , now lays with craft his bragging ships behind the sands , who with a braving shew now hover there to tempt the eager prince into the snare . ( 87. ) fierce as a lyon he to combate slyes , to check the boldness of this vaunting foe , but the dukes wibfe upon his jack-slag spyes , the signal that he should not forwards go , but first consult ; then with a slighting tack he waves the dutch , and to our fleet comes back . ( 88. ) with leaping hearts the prince , and duke embrace ; the prince doubts no success , the duke alive , the duke sees victory in the prince's face ; both joy , and weep for joy , and weeping strive to tell their sights , and fears , how parted hence , each shot against the duke did wound the prince . ( 89. ) they curse their parting hour , but 't is too late : now the dukes wasted stores the prince supplies , and both next morn resolve to try their fate , for night came on , but soon their hunting eyes did catch the breaking day , then rowse their men , and to the wakened dutch stood in agen . (ſ) ( 90. ) in this one (t) day they three days war repeat ; as if the princes presence healed all , the wounded men , and ships so nimbly treat the dutch with presents of their powder'd ball , that their vast numbers to retreat begin , willing to part stakes since they could not win . ( 91. ) night interceded for a truce again : her suit was granted , but day calls to fight ; the maimed fleets lie lagging on the main , their chiefest war was now in angry sight ; their eyes shot death , unweildy ships could not ; the princes main-yard down by luckless shot . ( 92. ) the belgians bless the time , and now with-drew , in joyful triumph stand for holland's coast , our shatter'd generals could not pursue ; and this is that great victory they boast : when we not wont such victories to make , disclaim more right , and call it parting stake . ( 93. ) now our torn vessels too are homewards bound for swift repair ; the duke displeas'd he brought no triumph home , would touch no english ground , until the dutch with more success he fought : took no content , although he had renown for what he did , in all minds but his own . ( 94. ) the famous name of monk all lands adore , and though no monks in england bishops be , the monk who soundly beat the dutch before , in spite of them shall rule the brittish sea : he th' honour of three conquer'd kingdoms bore the honour had three kingdoms to restore . ( 95. ) this sight the earnest was of great success , without a miracle could be no more ; by which wisemen with hopeless hearts did guess the rest for a new fight was kept in store : for if divided us they could not beat , how will they stand by our united fleet. ( 96. ) our careful king with pers'nal industry quickens his carpenters with active hands to sit his fleet another bout to try , whose double diligence serves his commands : now the streights fleet to joyn come fitly home : and others , newly of the stocks , do come . ( 97. ) but to maintain the honour they assum'd the hasty dutch were vap'ring on our shore , now all would think them victors they presum'd , who dar'd the enemy at his own dore : nor stayd our ( yet unready ) navy long , but soon appear as numerous , and strong . ( 98. ) the boasting dutch our coming would not stay , nor th' english durst with equal numbers meet , wisely they hoyse their sails , and go away ; and after them did sail our gallant fleet : now courages must fight , the numbers even , the glory to the valiant shall be given . ( 99. ) what ours ne're shun to seek , they seek to shun , an equal combate on the watry plain . do victors use from beaten foes to run ? leave bragging belgians ! for your brags are vain . these never will but with advantage fight , nor kindness shew but where they can get by 't . ( 100. ) behind their dangerous shallows bold they lie , as coward cocks on their own dunghils crow , ours mind no danger but to battel flie , toss't o're the flats by waves that lofty slow : well overtaken , they their foes engage , and on their own coast a fierce battel wage . ( 101. ) the generals did like themselves , nor can more in their praise be said ; allen was brave : holmes as he us'd still plaid the gallant man ; and spraggs from trump himself shall honor have : harman through fire and water glory sought , and all the rest there like true english fought . ( 102. ) the fight was sharp , but short , nor could be long where heartless foes so soon did leave the field : they will not fight but when they 're much too strong , whose hasty flight did us less glory yield , they from the waxing sight so soon withdrew , the battel wain'd e're it to fulness grew . ( 103. ) now fled to harbour close to shore they lay their beaten vessels , where 't was pretty sport , to see the fanfan with de ruyter play ; as if a pigmy went to storm a fort : the prince , and duke had pleasure there to note de ruyters ship fought by their pleasure boat. ( 104. ) while on their coast as victors thus we lie , holms , holland's scourge , goes on an enterprise ; and with admir'd success burns in the uly a numerous fleet (t) most rich in merchandise ; who when winds serv'd would sev'ral wayes have gone , but end their voyage in the torrid zone . ( 105. ) this done he lands , and gives a town to flames ; but in this light our fate we did not see , who had a greater soon on this side thames a fire that quench'd the joy of victorie : yet prais'd be god , who under all our woe supports our hearts from yielding to our foe . ( 106. ) see here the vain attempts of mortals care , with restless toil for wealth by sea , and land , when earth , fire , water , and the blustring air can all devour , what we count sure in hand : with much less labour we might be more wise , if we did trade for heavens merchandise . ( 107. ) even when the flames our london made their prey , our nimble fleet was hunting foes at sea , both french and dutch were joyned now they say , this the brave prince , and fleet would gladly see : at last they have their sought for foes in veiw ; but her black curtain night betwixt them drew . ( 108. ) and e're the morn did in the east appear , heav'n as a mediator rais'd a wind to intercept the sight , no ships could steer a steady course , nor place for battel find : this storm might christians furious spirits calm , and on its wings for wounds bring healing balm . ( 109. ) but if dutch haughty spirits will not yield to terms may suit our nations interest , let foes combine ! god is our rock , and shield , and will the justness of our cause attest : by war we seek an honourable peace , till this may be , war may not safely cease . ( 110. ) nor shall while england hath , or blood , or treasure , or loyal hearts have votes in parliament , whose princes will is their own choice , & pleasure , assur'd the nations good is his intent : and loyal london which in ruine lies , rak'd from her ashes raises new supplies . ( 111. ) whose fire hath made her loyaltie to shine , rich to her king even in her low estate , nor doth her bounty to her wealth confine , but makes her want supply the needs of state , and will convince both france , & holland's fleets , her spirit is not fallen with her streets . ( 112. ) her courage , and her patience both are try'd by fire , and do illustrious appear ; with greater patience none can loss abide or with more courage far less crosses bear ; laid low , her foes to trample on her think , but neither fire , nor water make her shrink . ( 113. ) relenting heav'n who hath us soundly scourg'd , these vertues , pledge of better times , doth give , and if our sickness hath our vices purg'd , and fire consum'd our dross , we yet shall live , to see the war in our full conquest cease , and london rising from her dust in peace . ( 114. ) then shall the wealth of nations thither flow , and silver thames be rich as tagus shore , and strangers ravish'd by her beauteous show , turn captiv'd lovers , and go home no more : the east shall her adore with incense , and the west enrich her with her golden sand . ( 115. ) in ample glory lofty , and more wide , her streets with structures uniform shall stand surpassing all the world can boast beside ; the palace , and the temple of our land : and swains who heav'n some glorious city deem , will this the new jerusalem esteem . ( 116. ) her royal father , whose dear sympathy in her late suff'rings was her sweetest fare , shall in her beauty , and her loyalty rejoyce , and she in his great love , and care : their twined int'rests and affections shall native , and forreign enemies appal , ( 117. ) we have indeed been compassed with woes , trials to good , and punishments to bad : we are beset by sea , and land with foes , who in our sorrows , and distress are glad : but let our faith and courage now appear , nor let us ought but god almighty fear . ( 118. ) who his destroying angels hand hath staid , who much from flames beyond our hopes did save , who twice our navy hath victorious made , whom still the faithful on their side shall have , who to the patient will their loss repair with double gain ; so patient job did fare . ( 119. ) now for the yet unfinisht part of war : go on brave seamen , and compleat your glory ! who die in this their countries martyrs are , whose worthy names shall live in british story : lawson , and mims with honour now do lie embalmed in the english memorie . ( 120. ) when bullets flie so thick they darken air , the lord of hosts in such a storm can save ; or if your souls these to light mansions bear , and seas your bodies take , the sea 's a grave trusty as earth , and when the angel sounds gives up her dead safe as the sacred grounds . ( 121. ) but there 's less fear of death than honour now , your vanquisht foes will scarce endure a sight , scarce will their keels this spring the ocean plough , the conquest 's now less difficult than sight : they , like dull stars the sun with-drawn , are clear about , watch their advantage to appear . ( 122. ) or as full moons rise when the sun doth set , look big , and fierce , as if the skies they won ; our searching fleet come in , so out they get , and shine as if the ocean were their own . but when the sun looks up , the moon doth hide : so can't the dutch our navy's sight abide . ( 123. ) but the sun hunts the flying moon until his opposition doth eclipse her light : so seek the shifting dutch our navy will , till they eclipse their honour in a fight . as for the french they meteors are , no doubt ; let them but blaze a while , they will go out . ( 124. ) those shine like stars , but are indeed a vapour , which hath no proper orb , howe're it shows , but only upwards cuts a nimble caper , and sinks to earth again from whence it rose : perhaps these ignes fatui may jeer the dutch into the ditch and leave them there . ( 125. ) but let us pious , loyal , loving , prove to god , our king , our church , and one another ; so shall the reliques of our woes remove , and prosp'rous days our griefs , and fears shall smother : our bliss from virtue we may calculate more sure than any stars prognosticate . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a64521-e6560 * sept. 2. 1666. by two in the morning began this fire , which was not supp●●st in all places till friday morning following . † the roof of paul's falling , broke strangely through into st. faith's church underneath pauls . * many books by the stationers were put under pauls church , to secure them from the fire , but there were burned . * lud king of britain . * who as stories tell landed at totnes in devonshire , anno mundi , 2855. and before christs birth , 1108. years , and soon after built here a city , calling it troy-novant . (a) anno dom. 1086. (b) king of kent : and moved by mellitus bishop of london , to found this church mellitus consecrated bishop , an. dom. 606. (c) consecrated bishop of london , an. dom. 675. (a) anno dom. 1087. notes for div a64521-e21910 (a) the arms of holland . (b) the arms of spain , from whom the netherlands revolting , were aided by queen elizabeth . (c) king of spain . (d) the first sight with the dutch. (e) duke of york . (f) duke of york . (g) five of their ships set upon the duke 's at once . (h) colours taken from the dutch ships ours took , and sent up to the king , shewed in the countries they went. (i) bergh●n business . (k) the king of denmark who profered our king that his ships might take any dutch ships in his harbours , and the prize to be divided betwixt them . (l) according to the common o●inion that the waters are h●gher than the earth , and lie upon and heap at sea. (m) the second sight with the dutch , in the beginning of june this last summer , when prince rupert and the duke of albemarle went general● by joynt commission . (n) the first days fight . (o) the second days fight . (p) on saturday even . (q) the third day . (r) prince rupert who came into the duke on sunday ever . (ſ) the fourth days fight . (t) the fifth day the fight held but an hour or two e're the dutch withdrew . (t) con●isting of 150. sail. a knights coniuring done in earnest: discouered in iest. by thomas dekker. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1607 approx. 120 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20067 stc 6508 estc s105253 99840982 99840982 5532 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20067) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5532) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1170:12) a knights coniuring done in earnest: discouered in iest. by thomas dekker. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. newes from hell. [82] p. printed by t[homas] c[reede] for vvilliam barley, and are to be solde at his shop in gratious streete, london : 1607. an enlargement of dekker's "newes from hell". printer's name from stc. signatures: a-k⁴ l² (-l2). the first leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy 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remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -social life and customs. 2002-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2003-01 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a knights coniuring . done in earnest : discouered in iest. by thomas dekker . london , printed by t. c. for vvilliam barley , and are to be solde at his shop in gratious streete ▪ 1607. to the verie worthy gentleman , syr thomas glouer , knight . sir , the loue i owe your name ( for some fauours by mee receiued from that noble-minded gentleman ( your kinseman ) wh● is now imploied vpon an honourable voiage into turky ) makes my labours presume they shal not be vnwelcome to you . if you please to read me ouer , you shall finde much morrall matter in words merily ●et down : and a serious subiect inclosde in applications that ( to some , whose salt of iudgement is taken off ) may appeare but triuiall and ridiculous . the streame of custome ( which flows through al kingdoms amongst schollers in this fashion ) beares mee forward and vp in this boldnes : it being as common to seeke patrons to bookes , as godfathers to children . yet the fashion of some patrons ( especially those that doate more vpon mony , who is a common harlot ; then on the muses who are pure maides , but poore ones ) is to receiue bookes with cold hands & hot liuers : they giue nothing , and yet haue red cheekes for anger , when any thing is giuen to them . i take you ( sir ) to bee none of that race : the world bestowes vpon you a more worthy caracter . if the art of my pen can ( by any better labour ) heighten yo●r name and memory , you shall find my loue . most readie to be all , yours , tho : dekker . to the reader . an epistle to the reader , is but the same propertie , that a linck is to a man walking home late : he hopes by that , and good words ( tho he be examined ) to passe without danger , yet when he comes to the gates , if hee meete with a porter that is an asse , or with a constable , that loues to lay about him with his staffe of authoritie , more then he needes , then let the partie , that stumbles into these prouinces or puddels of ignorance , bee sure either to bee strucke downe with barbarisme ( which cutteth worse then a browne bill ) or to be committed and haue the seuerest censure laide vpon him ; let him bee neuer so well and so ciuilly bound vp in faire behauiour : though hee be a man euen printed in the best complements of courtesie ; tho he giue neuer so many and so sweet languages , yea and haue all the light of vnderstanding to lead him home ; yet those spirits of the night , will hale him away , and cast him into darkenesse . in the selfe-same scuruey manner doe the world handle poore bookes : when a reader is intreated to bee curteous , hee growes v●ciuil : if you sue to his worship , and giue him the stile of candido lector● ; then hee 's proud , and cries mew : if you write merily , he cals you bu●●on ; seriously , he swears such stuffe cannot be yours . but the best is , that as in spaine you shall haue fellowes for a small peece of siluer , take the s●rappado , to endure which torture , another man could not be hyrde with a kingdome ; so they that haue once or twice lyen vpon the rack of publicke censure , of all other deaths , doe least feare that vpon the presse ▪ of that wi●g i hold my selfe one : and therfore ( reader ) doe i once more stand at the marke of criticisme ( and of thy bolt ) to bee shot at , i haue armour enough about mee , that warrants me● not to bee fearefull , and yet so well tempered to my courage , that i will not bee too bolde . enuie ( in these ciuill warres , ) may hit me , but not hurt mee : calumny may wound my name , but not kill my labours ; proude of which , my care is the lesse , because i can as proudly boast with the poet , that non 〈…〉 bee ●words● mori . tho : dekker . a knights coniuring . chap. i. to enlarge golde , there 's a petition writ , the diuell knowes not how to answer it : hee chafes to come in print : in which mad straine , ( roaring ) hee hea●long runnes to hell againe . in one of those mornings of the yere , wherin the earth breathes out richer pe●fumes then those that prepare the wayes of princes : by the wholesomnesse of whose sent , the distempered windes ( purging their able bodies ) ran too and fro , whistling for ioye through the leaues of trees ; whilst the nightingale sate on the branches complaining against lust ; the sparrow cherping on the tops of houses , proude that lust ( which he loues ) was maintained there : whilst sheepe lay nibling in the valleys , to teach men hu●mility ; and goates climbing vp to the tops of barren mountaines , browzed there vpon weedes and barkes of trees , to shew the misery of ambition : iust at that time when lambes were wanton as yong wiues , but not lasciuious ▪ when shepherds had care to feede their flockes , but not to fliec● them : when the larke had with his musicke calld vp the sun , and the sun with his light , started vp the husband man : then , euen ●hen , when it was a morning to tempt ioue to leap from heauen , & to goe a wenching ; or to make wenc●●s leaue their softe beds , to haue greene gownes geuen them in the fields . behold on a sudden the caues where the most vnruly and boisterous windes lay imprisoned , were violently burst open : they being got loose ; the waters roard with feare of that insurrection , the element shot out thunder in disdayne of their threatning : the sturdiest oakes were thē glad to bow & stand quiuering ; onely the haw-thorne & the bryer for their humblenes were out of danger : so dreadfull a furie lead forth this tempest , that had not the rainebowt beene a watermarke to the world , men would haue looked for a second deluge : for showre came downe so ●ast , as if all clowdes had bin distild into water , & would haue hid their curled heads in the sea , whilst the waues ( in corne to see themselues so beaten downe ) boylde vp to such height , as if they meant that all men should swarm in heauen , and shippes to sayle in the skie . to make these terrors more heauie , the sun pulld in his head , and durst not be seene , darknes then in ●riumph , spred her pitchie wings , and lay vpon all the earth : the blacknes of night was doubled vpon high noone : beasts ( beeing not wont to beholde such sightes , ) bellowed and were mad : women ran out of their wits , children into their mothers bosomes : men were amazed ▪ and held vp their hands to heauen , yet were verilie perswaded that heauen was consumde to nothing , because they could not see it : but to put them out of that error , ioue threwe downe his forked dartes of lightning so thickly , that ●imple fellowes swore there could bee no more fire left in heauen : so that the world shewd as if it had bin halfe drowning , and halfe burning : the waters striuing to haue victory ouer the flames ▪ and they sweating as fast to drink dri● the waters . to conclude , this tragedie was so long a playing , & was so dismall , the scoene was so turbulent and was so affrighting : this battaile of elements , bred such another chaos , that ( not to bee ashamde to borrow the wordes of so rare an english spirit , ) did not god say another fiat , it had n'ere been day . the storme beeing at rest , what buying vp of almanacks was there to see if the weather-casters had playd the doctors to a haire , & told this terrible disease of nature right or no : but there could be found no such matter : the celestiall bodies for any thing st●r-ca●chers knew , were in very good health : the 12. signes were not beaten downe from any of the houses in heauen : the sun lookt with as cherry cheekes as euer he did : the moone with as plump a face : it could not be found by all the figures which their prognostications cast vp their accounts by , that any such heauy reckoning was due to the wickednes of the world : whervpon all men stood staring one in anothers face , not knowing how to turne this hard matter into good english. at length , the gun-powder was smelt out , and the trayne discouered . it was knowne for certain , that ( tho there was no pla●e lost ) there was coniuring abroad , and therefore that was the dambd diuell in the vault that digd vp all this mischiefe . but wherabouts think you , was this coniuring ? mary it goes for currant all ouer powles church-yard ( and i hope there comes no lies ) that this coniuring was about a knight . it was not ( let me tell you ) a knight of worship , or a knight that goes by water , or rides by land to westminster : but it was a westminster-hall knight , a swearing knight , or ( not to allow him that honor , for hee is no true knight that cannot ●weare ) this was a knight forsworne , a poore knight , a periurde knight , a knight of the po●● . this yeoman of both counters , had long agoe bin sen● with a letter to the diuell , but no answere could euer be heard off : so that some mad fellowes layd their heads together , & swore to fetch him from hell with a vengeance , and for that cause kept they thi● coniuring . the occasion of sending the letter grew thus : the temple of the muses ( for want of looking to ) falling to decay , & many ( that seemd to hate bar●arisme and ignor ance ) beeing desirous to set workmen about it , and to repaire it , but hauing other buildings of their owne in hand , vtterly gaue it ouer . a common councell was therfore call'd of all those that liu'de by their witts , and such as were of the liuery of learning , amongst whom , it was found necessarie , ( sithence those that had mony enough were loath to part from it , ) that to ease the priuate puise , a generall subsidy as it were , should be leuyed through all the worlde , for the raizing of such a competent summe as might maintaine the saide almes-house of the nine systers , in good fashion , and keepe it from falling . the collectors of this money , labourde till they swet●e , but the haruest would not come in , nothing could bee gathered . gentlemen swore by their bloud , & by the tombs of their ancestors , they would not lay out a peny : they had nothing to doe ( they said ) with the muses , they were meere strangers to them , and why should they be assessed to paye any thing towards the reliefe of such lazy companions ? there was no wit in it . a number of noble men were of the same opinion . as for lawyers , they knew there was no statute in anie kings time , could compell them to disburse ; & besides they were euery day purchasing thēselues , so that it were folly to looke for any mony from them . soldiers swore by their armes ( which were most lamentablie out at elbowes ) that they would be glad of mony to bu●prouant : peace they said , had made them begg●r and suffered them almost to starue in her streetes yet some of them went vpon lame wodden legs , because their country might goe sound and vpright vpon their own : they ( pore wretches ) wanted action , and yet had a number of actions against them , yea & were ebbed so lowe , that captens gaue ouer their charges , & were lead by serieants , no siluer therefore could be coynde out of them . schollers could haue found in their hearts to haue made mony of their bookes , gownes , corner caps , & bedding , to haue payde their share towards this worke of charitie , but men held all that was theirs ( howe good soeuer , ) in such vile contēpt , that not euen those who vpon a good pawne will lend money to the diuell , ( i meane brokers ) would to them part with any coyne , vpon any interest , so much did they hate the poore wenches and their followers . this matter beeing openly complainde vpon , at the parliament of the gods , it was there presently enacted , that apollo ( out of whose brayne wisemen come into the world ) shuld with all speed descend , and preuent this mischiefe : least sacred knowledge , hauing her intellectuall soule banished from the earth , hauing no house to dwel in there , the earth should ( as of necessity it would ) turne into the first chaos , and men into gyants , to fight againe with the gods. mercury likewise , for the same purpose , was forthwith sent from the whole synode , as embassadour to plutus ( who is mon●ymaister of those lowe countreyes of lymbo ) to ●●rswade him by all the eloquence that hermes co●ld vse , that gold might be suffred to haue a little more liberty : and that schollers for want of his sweete and royall company , might not be driuen to walk in thred-bare cloakes , to the dishonor of learning ; nor goe all their life time with a lanthorne & candle to find the philosophers stone ( out of which they are able if they could hit it , to strike such sparks of gold , that all the world should be the wa●mer for it , nay to begger the iudges ) yet in the end to die arra●t beggers themselues . for you must vnderstand , that tho the muses are held of no reckoning here vpon earth , but are set below the salt , when asses sit at the vpper ende of the table , yet are they borne of a heauenlie race , and are most welcome guests euen to the banquets of the gods. the diuine singer ( apollo ) according to the decree of the coelestiall vpper house , is now aliue come vpon earth : the fountaines of science flowe ( by his influence ) & swell to the brim : baye trees to make garlandes for learning , are newe set , and alreadie are greene , the muses haue fresh cullours in their cheekes ; their temple is promised to be made more faire : there is good hope that ignorance shall no longer weare sattin . but for all this , mercury with all his coniuring , cannot raise vp the yellowe spi●it of gold out of hell , so perfectly as was expected : he puts vp his bright & a●ia●le face aboue ground , and shrincks it downe againe , ere one can ca●●●e him by the lockes . which mockery the world taking note of , a mad greeke that had drunk of the holy water , and was full of the diuine furie , taking a deep bowle of the helliconian liquor in his hands , did in a brauery write a supplication in the behalfe of gold for his enlargement , vowing that hee would spend all his bloud into yncke , and his braines to cotton , but he would haue an answere , and not according to the manner of suiters , bee borne off with delayes . the petition being ingrossed , he thought none could run faster to hell , nor be sooner let in there , then either a pander , a broker , or a knight of the post , had made choise therfore of the last because of his name , & sent it by him , who belike hauing much to doe with the diuell , could not of a long time be heard of , and for that cause was all that coniuring , which i spoke of before . wherevpon ( entring into consideration , what shifts and shapes men run into , what basenes they put on , through what dangers they venture , hold much of their fames , their conscience , their liues , yea of their houses , they will laye out to purchase that piece of heauenly earth ( golde , ) the strange magick of it draue me straight into a strange admiration . i perceiu'de it to be a witch-craft beyond mans power to contend with : a torrent whose winding creekes were not with safety to be searcht out : a poyson that had a thousand contrarie workings on a thousand bodies : for it turnes those that keepe it prisoner in chests , into slaues , and idolaters , they make it their god and worship it ; and yet euen those that become such slaues vnto it , doth it make soueraine commanders ouer a world of people : some for the loue of it would pluck downe heauen , others to ouertake it , runne quick to hell . but ( alas ) if a good head hammer out these ir●ns with skill , they are not so hard : it is not so monstrous a birth to see gol● create men so de●ormed : for this strompet the world hath tricks as wanton as these : he that euery night lyes by the sides of one fairer then vulcans wife , hath been taken the next morning in the sheetes of a blackamore : nay euen in those currants that run fullest of ceremony , there 's a flowing ouer of apishnes and folly : for ( like riders of great horses ) all our courses are but figures of 8 : the end of one giddie circle , is but a falling into a worse , & that to which on this day we allow a religiou● obseruance , to morrowe doe we make the selfe-same thing ridiculous , for you see at the end of great battailes wee fall to burie the dead , and at the ende of burialls , wee sit downe to banquets : when banquets haue beene playd about , drinking is the next weapon ; from the fire o● drinking , flames out quarrell ; quarrell breakes forth into fighting , and the streame of fighting runn●s into bloud . this forr●st of man and beast ( the world ) beeing then so wilde , and the most perfect circles of it , drawne so irregualler 〈◊〉 it can be no great sawcines in me , if snatching the constables staffe out of his hand , i take vpon mee to make a busie priuy s●●rch in the suburbs of sathan , for the supplication-caryer , and to publish the answer to the world , that should come with him . into the which troublesome sea , i am the more desperatly bold to lanch forth , & to hoyst vp the full sailes of my inuētion , because ( as rumor goes gossiping vp and downe ) great wagers were laide in the worlde , &c : that when the supplication was sent , it would not be receiued , or if receiued , it would not be reade ouer ; or if read ouer , it would not be answered : ●or mammon beeing the god of no beggers , but burgomasters & rich cormorāts , was worse thought of then he deserued : euery man that did but passe through pauls church-yard , & had but a glance at the title of the petition , would haue betted ten to fiue , that the diuell would hardly , ( like a lawyer in a busy terme ) be spoken with , because his client had not a penny to pay fees , but sued in forma pauperis . had it bene a challenge , it is cleare , he would haue answered it : for hee was the first that kept a fence schoole , when cayn was aliue , and taught him that embrocado , by which he kild his brother : since which time , he hath made ten thousand freeschollers as cunning as cayn . at sword and buckler , little dauy was no body to him , and as for rapier & dagger , the germane may be his iourneyman . mary the question is , in which of the playhouses he would haue performed his prize , if it had growne to blowes , & whether the money being gathered , hee would haue cozende the fencers , or the fencers him , because hell beeing vnder euerie one of their stages , the players ( if they had owed him a spight ) might with a false trap-dore haue slipt him down , & there haue kept him as a laughing-stock to all their yawning spectators . or had his i●●er●allship ben arrested to any action how great so euer , all the lawe in westminster●hall could not haue kept him from appearing to it ( for the diuell scornes to be nonsuited ) he would haue answered that too : but the mischiefe would haue beene , where should hee haue got anie that would haue pleaded for him ? who could haue endured to see such a dānable cliant euery morning in his chamber ? what waterman ( for double his fare ) would haue landed him at the temple , but rather haue strucke in at white-fryers , & left him there a shore with a poxe to him ? tush : there was no such matter , the streame hee was to enter into , was not so daungero●s , this coyner of light angels knewe well enough how the exchaunge went , he had but bare words lent vnto him , and to pay bare wordes againe ( though with some interest ) it could be no losse . he resolued therefore to aunswere his humble orator : but being himselfe no● brought vp to learning ( for the diuell can neither write not reade ) yet he has ben at all the vniuersities in christendom , & throwne dānable heresies ( like bo●es for dogges to gnaw vpon , amongst the doctors themselues : ) but hauing no skill but in his owne horne booke , it troubled his mind where he should get a pen-man fit for his tooth to scrible for him , all the scriueners i●th towne he had at his becke , but they were so set a worke with making bonds betweene vsurers and vnthristy heyres , between marcha●ts and trades-men , ( that to couzen and vndoe others , turne bank-rowtes themselues , and defeate cred●●ouis ) and with drawing close conueyances betweene land-lordes and bawdes , that nowe sit no longer vpon the skyrtes of the cittie , but iette vp vp and downe , euen in the cloake of the cittie , and giue more rent for a house , then the prowdest london occupyer of them all , that don lucifer was loath to take them from their nouerints , because in the ende he knewe they were but his factors , and that he should be a part-owner in their lading , himselfe ; lawiers clarks were so durtied vp to the hammes , with trudging vp & downe to get pelfe , & with fishing for gudgeons , and so wrung poore ignorant clyents purses , with exacting vnreasonable fees , that the paye-maister of perdition would by no meanes take them from their wide lines , and bursten-bellyed straggling ●ffs , but stroking them vnder the chinnes , calld them his white boyes , and tolde them he would empty the ynkepot of some others . whether then marches monsieur malefico ? mary to all the wryting schoole-maisters of the towne , he tooke them by the fists , and lik'de their handes exceedingly ( for some of them had ten or twelue seuerall hands , and co●ld counterfeit any thing , but perceiuing by the copies of their countenances , that for all their good letters , they writ abominable bad english , & that the world would thinke the diuell a dunce , if there came false orthographi● from him ( though ●here be no truth in his budget ) away hee gallops from those tell-tales ( the schoolmaisters ) damning himselfe to the pit of hell , if any scribling petition wryter , should euer get a good word at his hands . i hearing this , and fearing that the poore suppliant should loose his longing , and be sent away with sinihilattuleris , resolued to doe that for nothing , which a number would not for any mony . i sell to my ●ooles , ( pen , ink , and paper ) roundlie , but the headward●n of the horners ( signior beco dia●olo ) after hee had cast vp what lay in his stomack , suspecting that i came rather as a spie to betraye him , then as a spirit to runne of his errands , and that i was more likely to haue him to barber surgeons hall , there to anatomize him , then to a barbers shop to trimme him neately , would by no meanes haue the answere go forward : notwithstanding , hauing examined him vpon interrogatories , and thereby sifting him to the very bran , i swore by hellicon , ( which hee could neuer abide ) that beca●●e t' is out of fashion to bring a diuell vpon the stage , be should ( spite of his spitting fire and brimstone , ) be a diuell in print . inraged at which , he flu●g away in a furie , and leapt into barathrum , whil'st i mustred all my wits about mee , to fight against this captaine of the damned crewe , and discouer ●is stratagems . chap. ii. don luciser● acquaintance soone is got , at london or at westminster : where not ? hells map is drawne , in which it does appeare , where hell does lye , and who they are , liue there . wonder is the daughter of ignorance , none bu●●ooles will maruell , how i and this grand sophy of the whore of babilon came to be to familiar together , or how we met , or howe i knewe where to find him , or what charmes i carried about mee whil'st i talkt with him , or where ( if one had occasion to vse his diuellsh●p ) a porter might fetch him with a wet finger . tush , these are silly inquisitions ; his acquaintance is more cheape , then a common fidlers ; his lodging is more knowne then an english bawdes , a midwiues , or a phisitions ; and his walkes more open to all nations , thē those vpon the exchange , where at euery step a man is put in mind of babell , there is such a confusion of languages . for in the terme time , my cauailiero cornuto runs sweating vp & downe between temple barre & westminster hall , in the habite of a knight errant , a swearing knight , or a knight of the poste : all the vacation you may either meet him at the dycing ordinaryes , like a captaine , at cockpits , like a young countrey gentleman ; or else at bowling-alleys in a flat cap , like a shopkeeper : euery market day you may take him in cheap ●side , poorely attyrde like an ingrosser , and in the afternoones , in the two peny● roomes of a play-house , like a puny , seated check by iowle with a punke : in the heate of sommer hee commonlie turnes intelligencer , and carries tales betweene the arch-duke and the graue : in the depth of winter , hee sits tipling with the flemmings in their townes of garrison . hauing therefore ( as chamber-maides vse to doe for their ladies faces ouer night ) make ready my cullors , the pencell being in my hand , my carde lined , my needle ( that capers ouer two and thirty pointes of the compas ) toucht to the quicke , east , west , north , and sout● , the foure trumpetters of the worlde , that neuer blowe themselues out of breath , like foure dropsie dutch captaines standing cent●nells in their quarters , i will ingenuously and boldely giue you the map of a country , that lyes lower then the 17. valleys of be●gia , yea lower then the cole-pits of newe castle , is farre more darke , farre more dreadfull , and fuller of knauerie , then the colliers of those fire-workes are . the name of this straunge countrey is hell , in disouery of which , the quality of the kingdom , the condition of the prince , the estate of the people , the traffique thither , ( marie no transporting of goods from thence ) shall be painted to the life . it is an empire , that lyes vnder the torria zone , and by that meanes is hotter at christmas , then t' is in spaine or france ( which are counted plaguy hotte countreyes ) at midsommer , or in england when the dogge-daies bite sorest : for to saie truth ( because t' is sinne to belye t'i●s● dinell ) the vniuersall region is built altogether vppon stoues and hotte-houses , you cannot set loote into it , but you haue a fieri facias seru'de vpon you : for like the glasse-house furnace in blacke-friers , the bone-fires that are kept there , neuer goe out ; insomuch that all the inhabitants are almost broyld like carbonadoes with the sweatting sicknes , but the best is , ( or rather the worst ) none of them die on 't . and such dangerous hot shortes are all the women there , that whosoeuer meddles with anie of them is sure to be burnt : it stands farther off then the indies : yet to see the wonderfull power of nauigation , if you haue but a side-winde , you may ●aile sooner thither , than a married man can vpon st ; lukes day to cuckolds hauen , from st : katherins , which vpon sound experience , and ●y the opinion of many good marriners , may be done in lesse than haife an hower . if you trauell by land to it , the wayes a●e de●icate , euen , spatious , and very faire , but toward the end● very fowle : the pathes are beaten more ba●e then the liuing ; of church-men . y●u neuer , turne , when you are trauelling thither , but keepe altogether on the left hand , so that you cannot lose your selfe , vnlesse you desperately doe it of purpose . the miles are not halfe so long as those betweene colchester & ipswich in england , nor a quarter so durty in the wrath of winter , as your fren●● miles are at the fall of the leafe . some say , it is an iland , embrac'de about with certaine riuers , called the waters of sorrowe : others proue by infallible demonstration , that t' is a continent , but so little beholding to heauen , that the sunne neuer comes amongst them . howe so euer it be , this is certaine , that t' is exceeding rich , for all vsurers both iewes and christians , after they haue made away their soules for money here , meete with them there againe : you haue of all trades , of all professions , of all states some there : you haue popes there , aswell as here : lords there , as well as here : knights there , as well as here : aldermen there , as well as here : ladies there , as well as here : lawyers there , as wel as here : souldiers marche there by myllions , so doe citizens , so doe farmers , very fewe poets can be suffered to liue there , the colonell of coniurers dryues them out of his circle , because hee feares they 'le wryte libells against him : yet some pitti●ull fellowes ( that haue faces like fire-drakes , but wittes colde as whetstones , and more blunt ) not poets indeed , but ballad makers , rub out there , & write infernalls : marrie players swarme there as they doe heere , whose occupation beeing smelt out , by the cacodaemon , or head officer of the countrey , to be lucratiue , hee purposes to make vp a companie , and to be chiefe sharer himselfe , de quibus su● loc● , of whose doings you shall heare more by the next carrier : but heere 's the mischiefe , you may finde the waye thither , though you were blinder then super stition , you may be set ashore there , for lesse then a scullers fare : any vinteners boye , that has beene cup-bearer to one of the 7. deadly sinnes but halfe his yeeres , any marchant of maiden-heads , that brings commodities out of virginia , can direct you thither : but neither they , nor the weather-beatenst cosmographicall starre-catcher of em all , can take his oath , that it lyes iust vnder such an horizon , whereby manie are brought into a fooles paradice , by gladlie beleeuing that either ther 's no such place at all , or els that t' is built by inchauntment , and stands vpon fayrie ground , by reason such pinching and nipping is known to be there , and that how well-fauoured soeuer wee departe hence , we are turn'd to changelings , if we tarry there but a minute . these territories , notwithstanding of tartarie , will i vndermine and blowe vp to the viewe of all eyes , the blacke and dismall shores of this phlegetonticke ocean , shal be in ken , as plainly as the white ( now vnmaidend brests of our own iland ) china , peru , and cartagena , were neuer so ri●led : the winnings of cales , was nothing to the winning of this troy that 's all on fire : the very bowels of these infernall antipodes , shal be ript vp , and pull'd out , before that great dego of diuells his owne face : nay , since my flag of defiance is hung forth , i will yeelde to no truce , but with such tamburlaine-like furie , march against this great turke , and his legions , that don beelzehub shall be ready to damme himselfe , and be horne-mad : for with the coniuring of my pen , all hell shall breake loose . assist mee therefore , thou genius of that ventrous , but iealous musicion of thrace ( euridices husband , ) who beeing besotted on his wife , ( of which sin none but cuckoldes should be guiltie ) went aliue ( with his fiddle at 's backe ) to see if hee could baile her out of that adamantine pri●on ; the fees he was to pay for her , were iigs and countrey daunces : he paid them : the forfeits , if he put on yellow stockings , & look't back vpon her , was her euerlasting lying there , without bayle or mayne-prize : the louing coxcomb could not choose but looke backe , and so lost her , ( perhaps hee did it , because he would be rid of her . ) the morall of which is , that if a man leaue his owne busines , and haue an eye to his wiues dooings , shee le giue him the slip , though she runne to the diuell for her labour . such a iourney ( sweet orpheus ) am i to vndertake , but ioue forbid my occasion shuld be like thine , for if the marshall himselfe should rake hell for wenches , he could not finde worse , ( no nor so bad ) there , as are heere vpon earth . it were pitie that any woman should be damn'd , for she would haue trickes ( once in a moone , ) to put the diue i out of his wits . thou ( most cleare throated singlngman , ) with thy harpe , ( to the twinckling of which , inferior spirits skipt like goates ou● the welsh mountaines ) hadst priuiledge , because tho● wert a fiddler to be sawcy , & to passe and repass● through euery roome and into euery noo● 〈◊〉 the diuels wine-celler : inspire mee therefore with thy cunning that carryed thee thither , and thy courage that brought thee from thence , teache mee which way thou went'st in , and howe thou scapt'st out , guide me in true fingering , that i may strike those tunes which thou plaid'st , ( euery dinner and supper ) before that emperor of lowe germanie , and the brabbling states vnder him : lucifer himselfe danced a lancashire horne-pipe , whil'st thou wert there . if i can but harpe vppon thy string , he shall now for my pleasure tickle vp the spanish pauin . i will call vppon no midwiues to help me in those throws , which ( after my braines are fallen in labour ) i must suffer , ( yet midwiues may be had vp at all howers , ) nor vpon any coniurer , ( yet coniurers thou know'st , are fellowe and fellow-like , with mounsieur malediction , as puncks are , who raise him likewise vp continually in their circaean circles ) or as brokers are , who both day and night studie the blacke arte : no , no , ( thou mr : of thy musicall companie , ) i sue to none , ( but to thee , because of thy prick-song : ) for poetrie ( like honestie and olde souldiers ) goes vpon lame feete , vnlesse there be musicke in her . but the best is , facilis descensus auerni , it 's but slipping downe a hill , and you shall fall into the diuells lappe presently . and that 's the reason , ( because his sinfulnesse is so double diligent , as to bee at your elbowe with a call , wherein he giues good examples to drawers , if they had grace to followe his steppes ) that you swallow downe that newes first , which should be eaten last : for you see at the beginning , the diuell is read●e to open his mouth for an answere , before his howre is come to be set to the barre . since therefore , a tale of the whole voyage would make any liquorish mouth'd news-monger like his lippes after it , no mans teeth shall water any longer , hee shall haue it ; for a very briefe cronicle shall be gathered , of all the memorable occurrents , that presented themselues to the view of our wandring knight in his iorney , the second part of erra paters almanack , whose shooes platoes cap was not worthie to wipe , shall come forth , and without lying , ( as you calendermongers vse to doe , ) tell what weather wee had all the way he went , to a drop of raine : wee will not loose him from the first minute of his iumping a ship-bo●●d , to the last of his leaping a shore , and arriuall at tamor chams court ( his good lord and maister ) the diuell . chap. iii. hells post through london rydes : by a mad crewe , hee s calld into a tauerne : in which view they drinke and raile : each of them by the post sends a strange message to his fathers ghost . the post therefore , hauing put vp his packet , blowes his horne , & gallops all the way like a citizen , so soone as euer hee 's on horseback , downe to billingsgate , for he meant when the tide seru'de to angle for soules , and some other fresh fish in that goodly fish-pond the thames , as he passed ouer it , in grauesend-barge : that was the water-coach he would ride in , there he knewe he should meet with some voluntaries that would venture along with him : in this passage through the citty , what a number of lord mayors , aldermens , and rich commoners sonnes & heires kept hollowing out at tauernwindows to our knight , and wafted him to their gascoigne shores , with their hats only ( for they had molten away all their feathers ) to haue him strike fayle , and come vp to them : he vaild , and did so : their phantastick salutations being complemented , with much intreatie ( because hee stood vppon thornes ) hee was aduaunc'd ( in regard of his knighthood ) to the vpper end of the b●ord : you must take out your writing tables , and note by the way , that euery roome of the house was a cage full of such wilde fowle , et crimine ab vno disce omnes , cut vp one , cut vp all , they were birdes all of a beake , not a woodcocks difference among twenty douzen of them ; euery man had before him a bale of dice , by his side a brace of punks , & in his fist a nest of bowls . it was spring-tide sure , for all were full to the brimmes , with french beeing turn'd into english , ( for they swum vp and downe the riuer of burdeux ) signified thus much , that dycing , drinking , and drabbing , ( like the three seditious iewes in ierusalem , ) were the ciuil plagues that very vnciuily destroied the sonnes ( but not the sinnes ) of the cittie . the bloud of the grape comming vp into their cheeks , it was hard to iudge , whether they blushed to see themselues in such a pickle , or lookt red with anger , one at another : but the troth is , their faces would take any dye but a blush ●colour , and they were not made of the right mettle of courage to be angry , but their wits ( like wheeles in brunswick clocks ) being all wound vp , so farre as they could stretch , were all going , but not one going truely . for some curst their byrth , some their bringing vp , some rayled vpon their owne nation , others vpon strangers . at the last , one of these acolasti , playing at doublets with his pue-fellowe , ( which they might well doe , being almost driuen to their shyrtes , ) and hearing vpon what theame the rest sung ex tempore , out-draws his ponyard , and stabbing the tables , as if he meant to haue murder'd the thirty men , swore he could find in his heart to goe presently ( hauing drunk vpsy dutch , ) & pisse euen vppon the curmudgion his fathers graue : for , sayes hee , no man has more vndone me , than hee that has done most for me , i le stand too 't , it 's better to be the sonne of a cobler , then of a common councell man : if a coblers sonne and heyre run out at heeles , the whoreson patch may mend himselfe ; but wee , whose friendes leaue vs well , are like howre-glasses turn'de vp , though wee be neuer so full , wee neuer leaue running , till wee haue emptied our selues , to make vp the mouthes of slaues , that for gayne are content to lye vnder vs , like spaniels , fawning , and receiue what falls from our superfluity . who ●reedes this disease , in our bones ? whores ? no , alack let 's doe them right , t' is not their fault , but our mothers , our cockering mothers , who for their labour make vs to be calld cockneys , or to hit it home indeed , those golden asses our fathers . it is the olde man , it is adam , that layes a curse vppon his posteritie : as for my dad , t' is well knowne , hee had hippes reeling at sea , ( the vnlading of which giues me my loade nowe , and makes me stagger on land , ) hee had ploughes to teare vp dere yeres out of the guts of the earth i' th countrey , and yeomens sonnes , north countreymen , fellowes ( that might haue beene yeomen of the guard for feeding ) great boyes with beards , whom he tooke to be prentizes , ( mary neuer any of them had the grace to be free , ) and those lads like sarieants ) tore out mens throates for him to got money in the citie : hee was richer then midas , but more wretched then an alchumist : so couetous that in gardning time , because hee would not be at the cost of a loade of earth , hee par'de not his nailes for seuen yeeres together , to the intent the durte that hee filch't vnder them , should serue for that purpose : so that they hung ouer his fingers , like so many shooing-hornes : doe but imagine how farre euer any man ventred into hell for money , and my father went a foote farder by the standard , and why did he this , thinke you ? he was so sparing , that hee would not spend so much time as went to the making vp of another childe , so that all was for mee , he cozen'd young gentlemen of their land , onely for mee , had acres morgag'd to him by wise-acres , for ● . hundred poūds , payde in hobby-horses , dogges , bells , and lute-strings , which if they had bene sold by the dru● , or at an out-rop , with the crye , of no man better ? would neuer haue yeelded 50. li. and this hee did only for mee , he built a pharos , or rather a block-house beyond the gallows at wapping , to which the blacke fleete of cole-carriers that came from newcastle , strooke faile , were brought a bed , and discharg'de their great bellies there , like whores in hugger-mugger , at the common price , with twelue pence in a chauldern ouer & aboue , thereby to make the common wealth blowe her nayles till they ak'de for colde , vnlesse she gaue money to sit by his fire , onely for mee : the poore curst him with bell , booke and candle , till he lookt blacker with their execration , thē if he had bin blasted , but he car'de not what dogges bark't at him , so long as they bit not me : his hous-keeping was worse then an irish kernes , a rat could not cōmit a rape vpon the paring of a moldy cheese , but he died for 't , only for mysake , the leane lade hungarian would not lay out a penny pot of sack for himselfe , though he had eaten stincking fresh herring able to poyson a dog , onely for me , because his son & heire should drink egges and muskadine , when he lay rotting . to conclude , hee made no conscience , to run quick to the diuel of an errand , so i had sent him . might not my father haue beene begg'd ( thinke you ) better thē a number of scuruy things that are begd ? i am perswaded , fooles would be a rich monopolie , if a wise man had em in hand : would they had begunne with him , i le be sworne , he was a fat one : for had he fild my pockets with siluer , and the least corner of my coxcomb with wit how to saue that siluer , i might haue beene cald vpon by this , wheras now i am ready to giue vp my cloake : had he set me to gr●ner-schoo●e , as i set my selfe to dancing schoole , in stead of treading carontoes , & making fidlers fat with rumps of capōs , i had by this time read homilyes , and fed vpon tith-pigs of my owne v●caridge , whereas now , i am ready to get into the pr●digals seruice , and cat loues nuts , that 's to say , acorns with swine : but men that are wisest for officers , are commonly arrand woodcocks , for fathers : he that prouides liuing for his child , and robs him of learning , turnes him into a beetle , that flies from perfumes and sweet odours , to feed on a cow-sheard ; all such rich mēs darlings are either christened by some left-handed priest , or els born vnder a threepeny planet , and then they 'le neuer be worth a groat , though they were left landlords of the indies . i confesse , when all my golden veines were shrunk vp , & the bottome of my patrimony came within 200. pound of vnraueling , i could for all that haue bin dub'd : but when i saw how mine vncle plaid at chesse , i had no stomack to be knighted . why , sayes the post ? mary quoth he , because when i prepar'd to fight a battaile on the chesse-board , a knight was alwaies better then a pawne : but the vsurer mine vncle made it playne , that a good pa●ne nowe was better then a knight . at this the whole chorus , summos mouere cachinnos , laught till they grind agen , and call'd for a fresh gallon , all of them falling on their knees , & drawing out siluer & guilt rapiers , the onely monumēts that were left of hundreds & thousands in pecunijs numeratis . swore they would drinke vp these in deepe healthes , to their howling fathers , so they might be sure the pledging should choake them , because they brought them into the inne of the world , but left them not enough to pay their ryotous reckonings , at their going out . the knight was glad he should carry such welcome newes with him , as these , to the clouen-footed synagogue , & tickled with immoderate ioye , to see the world runne vpon such rotten wheeles . whervpō pleading the necessity of his departure , he began first to run ouer his alphabet of congees , & thē with a french basilez , slipt our of their cōpany . but they knowing to what cape he was bound , būg vpon him , like so many beggers on an almoner , importing , and coniuring him , by the loue he did owe to knight-hood , and armes , and by his oath , to take vp doun-cast ladies , whom they had there in their companyes , and whom they were bound in nature & humanity to relieue : that hee wold signi●y to their fathershow course the threed of life fell out to be nowe towards the fagge en●e : therfore , if any of them had ( inth'daies of 〈◊〉 abomination , and idolatry to money ) bound the spirit of gold , by any charmes , in caues , or in iron setters vnder the groūd , they should for their own soules quiet , ( which questionlesse els would whine vp & down ) if not for the good of their childrē , release it , to set vp their decay'd estates . or if ther had bin no such coniuring in their life times , that they wold take vp money of the diuel ( thogh they forfeyted their bondes , and lay by it for euer , or els get leaue with a keeper , to trie how much they might be trusted for among their olde customers vppon earth , thogh within two dayes after , they proued bankrupts by proclamation . the post-maister of hell plainly told them , that if any so seditious a fellow as golge , were cast in prison : their fathers would neuer giue their consent to haue him ransom'd : because ther 's more greedines among them below , then can be in the hyeland-countreys aboue : so that if all the lordships in europ were ofsfred in morgage for a quarter their value , not so much as 13. pence half penie can be had from thence , though a man would hang himselfe for it : and as for their fathers walking abroad with keepers , alas they lye there vpon such heauy ex●cutions , that they cannot get out for their soules . hee counsells them therefore to draw arrowes out of another quiuer , for that those markes stand out of their reache , the groūd of which counsell , they all vow to trauerse : some of them resoluing to cast out liquorish baits , to catch old ▪ ( but fleshly ) wealthy widdowes , the fire of which sophysticated loue , they make account shal not go out , so long as any drops of gold can be distilld from them : others sweare to liue and dye in a man of w●re , though such kinde of theeuery be more stale then seabeefe : the rest that haue not the hearts to shead bloud , hauing reasonable stockes of wit , meanes to imploy em in the sinnes of the suburbs , though the poxelyes there as deaths legyer : for since● man is the clocke of time , they 'le all be tymes sextens , and set the dyall to what howres they list . our vaunt ' currer applauded the lots which they drew for themselues , and offred to pay some of the tauern items : but they protesting he should not spend a baw-bee , as hee was true knight consedere duces , they sate downe to their wine , and he hasted to the water . chap. iiii. hells post lands at graues-end : see 's dunkirk , france , and spayne : then vp to venice does aduance : at last hee comes to the banck-side of hell : of charon and his boate , strange newes doth tell . by this time is he lāded at grauesend , ( for they whom the diuell dryues , feele no lead at their heeles , ) what stuffe came along with him in the barge , was so base in the weauing , that t' is too bad to be set out to sale : it was onely luggadge , therefore throwe it ouerboord . from thence hoysting vp saile into the maine , he struck in among the dunkerks , where hee encountred such a number of all nations , with the dregs of all kingdomes , vices dropping vpon them , and so like the blacke-gentleman his maister , that hee had almost thought himselfe at home , so neere do those that lye in garrison there , resemble the desperuatoes that fill vp plut●es muster-booke : but his head beating on a thousand anuiles , the scolding of the cannon drew him speedily frō thence : so that creeping vp along by the ranke flemmish shores ( like an eues dropper ) to whisper out what the brabbling was , he onely set downe a note for his memorie , that the states sucking poyson out of the sweete flowers of peace , but keeping their coffers sound and healthfull by the bitter pills of warre , made their coun●rey a pointing stocke to other nations , and a miserable anatomie to themselues . the next place he call'd in at , was france , where the gentlemen , to make apes of englishmen , whom they tooke daylie practising all the foolish tricks of fashions after their mounsieur-ships , with yards in steede of leading staues , mustred all the french taylors together , who , by reason they had thin haire , wore thimbles on their heads , in stead of i 〈◊〉 caps , euery man being armed with his 〈…〉 iron , which he call's there his goose ( 〈◊〉 ▪ of them beeing in france : all the crosse-capere●s b●●ing plac'd in strong rankes , and an excellent o●ation cut out and stitch't together , perswading them to sweat out their braines , in deuising new cuts , newe french collers , new french cod-peec●s , and newe french panes in honour of saint dennys , only to make the gydd●-pated englishman consume his reuenewes , in wearing the like cloathes , which on his backe at the least , can shew but like cast sutes , beeing the second edition , whil'st the poore french peasant iets vp & down , ( like a pantaloun ) in the olde theed-bare claoke of the englishman , so that we● buy fashions of them to feather our pride , and they borrowe rags from vs to couer their beggery . the spanyard was so busy in touching heauen with a launce , that our knight of the burning shield , could not get him at so much leysure , as to eat a dish of pilchers with him . the gulfe of venice hee purposes shall therfore swallowe a fewe howres of his obseruation , where hee no sooner sets sooting on shore , but he encounters with lust , so ciuilly suted , as if it had bene a marchants wife : whore-mongers there , may●vtter their commodities as lawfullie as costermongers here , they are a ●ompany as free , and haue as large priuiledges for what they doe , as any of the twelue companyes in london . in other countreys lecherie is but a chamber-mayde : here , a great lady : shee 's a retaylor , and has warrant to sell soules , and other small wares , vnder the seale of the cittie : damnation ha's a price set vpon it , and dares goe to lawe for her owne : for a curtizans action of the case , will hold aswell as a vsurers plea of debt , for ten i' th hundred . if bride-well stood in venice , a golden key ( more easilie then a picklocke ) would open all the doores of it : for lechery heere lyes night and day with one of prides daughters ( liberty ) and so farre is the infection of this pestilence spredde , that euery boye there has much harlot in his eyes : religion goes all in changeable silkes , and weares as manie maskes as she do'es colours : churches stand like rocks , to which very fewe approach , for feare of ship-wrack . the seuen deadly sinnes , are there in as great authoritie , as the seuen electors in germeny , and women in greater then both : in so much as drunkennesse , which was once the dutch-mans head-ake , is now become the englishmans : so ielouzy , that at first was whipt out of hell , because the tormented euen diuels , lies now euery howre in the venetians bosom : euery noble man grows there like a beeche tree , for a number of beasts couche vnder his shade : euery gentleman aspires rather to be counted great then good , weighing out good works by pounds , & good deeds by drams : their promises are eeues , their performances hollidayes , for they worke hard vpon the one , and are idle on the other . three thinges there are dog-cheap , learning , poore mens sweat , and oathes : farmers in that countrey are pe●●ie tyrants , and landlords tyrants ouer those farmers , epicu●es grow as fat there , as in englād , for you shall haue a slaue eat more at a meale , thē ten of the guard , & drink more in two daies , then all maning-tree does at a whitsun-ale . our rank●yder of the stygian borders seeing how well these pupils profited vnder their italian school-master , and that all countreyes liu'de obedient to the luciferan ●awes , resolu'd to change post-horse no more , but to conclude his peregrina●ion , hauing seene fashions , and gotten table-talke enough by his trauell . in a few minutes therefore is hee come to the banck-side of acheron , where you are not bayted at by whole kennels of yelping watermen , as you are at westminster-bridge , and ready to be torne in peeces to haue two pence rowed out of your purse : no , shipwrights there could hardlie liue , there 's but one boate , and in that one charon is the onely ferry-man , so that if a cales knight should bawle his heart out , hee cannot get a paire of oares there , to doe him grace with ( i ply'de your worship first , ) but must be glad to goe with a sculler : by which meanes , though the fare be small ( for the watermans wages was at first but a half-peny , then it came to a peny , t' is now mended , and is growne to three hal●e pence , for all thinges wax deere in hell , as well as vpon earth , by reason t' is so populous , ) yet the gaynes of it are greater in a quarter , then ten westerne buges get in a yeere : dotchet ferry comes nothing neere it . it is for all the world , like graues-end barge : and the passengers priuiledged alike , for there 's no regard of age , of sexe , of beauty , of riches , of valor , of learning , of greatnes , or of birth : hee that comes in first , sits no better then the last . will sommers giues not richard the third the cushions , the duke of guyze & the duke of shoreditche haue not the bradth of a benche betweene them , iane shore and a gold-smiths wife are no better one then another . kings and clownes , souldiers and cowards , church-men and sextons , aldermen and coblers , are all one to charon : for his naulum , lucke ( the old recorders foole ) shall haue as much mat , as syr launcelot of the lake : he knowes , though they had an oar in euery mans boat in world , yet in his they cannot challenge so much as a stretcher : and therefore ( though hee sayles continuall with wind and tyde , ( he makes the prowdest of them all to stay his leasure . it was a comedy , to see what a crowding ( as if it had bene at a newe play , ) there was vpon the acheronticque strond , ( so that the poste was faine to ●arry his turne , because he could not get neere enough the shore : he purpos'd therefore patiently to walke vp and downe , til the coast was cleare , and to note the condition of all the passengers . amongst whom there were courty●●s , that brought with em whole truncks of apparell , which they had bought , and large pattents for monopolies which they had beg'd : lawyers laden with leases , & with purchas'd lordships , churchmen so pursy & so windlesse with bearing three or four church li●ings , that they could scarce speake : marchants laden with baggs of golde , for which they had rob'd their princes custom : schollers with aristotle and ramus in cloake-bags , ( as if they ment to pull down the diuel ) in disputation , being the subtillest logician , but full of sophistrie : captains , some in guilt armour ( vnbat●red , ) some in buffe ie●kens , plated o're with massy siluer lace , ( raiz'd out of the ashes of dead pay , ) & banckrupt citizens , in swarms like porters , sweating basely vnder the burdens of that , for which other men had sweat honestly before . all which ( like burgers in a netherland towne taken by freebo●ters , ) were compelld to throwe downe bag and baggage , before they could haue pasporte to be shipt into the f●emmish hoye of hell : for if euery man should be sufferd to carry with him out of the world , that which he took most delight in , it were enough to drown him , and to cast awaye the vessell hee goes in : charon therefore strippes them of all , and leaues them more bare then irish beggers : and glad they were ( for all their howling to see themselues so fleec'd , ) that for their siluer they could haue wa●tage ouer . in therefore they thrung , some wading vp to the knees , and those were young men : they were loth to make too much haste , swearing they came thither before their times . some , vp to the middles , & those were women , they seeing young men goe before them , were asham'd not to vēture farder than they . others waded to the chin , & those were old men , they seeing their gold taken from them , were desperate , and would haue drown'd themselues ; but that charon slipping his oare vnder their bellies , tost them out of the water , into his wherry . the boate is made of nothing but the wormeaten ribs of coffins , nailed together , with the splinters of fle●hlesse shin-bones , dig'd out of graues , being broken in pieces . the sculs that he rowes with , are made of setxons spades , which had bin hung vp at the end of some great plague , the bench he sits vpon , a rank of dead mens sculs . the worst of them hauing bin an emperor , as great as charlemaine : and a huge heape of their beards seruing for his cushion : the mast of the hoat is an arme of an yew tree , whose boughs ( in stead of rosemary ) had wont to be worne at burials ? the sayle , two patcht winding sheetes , wherin a broker & an vsurer had bin laid : for their linnen , will last longest , because it comes cōmonly out of lauender , and is seldome worne . the waterman himselfe is an olde grisly-fac'd fellow : a beard filthier then a bakers mawkin that hee sweepes his ouen , which hung ●ull of knotted elf-locks , and serues him for a swabber in fowle weather to clense his hulk : a payre of eyes staring so wide ( by beeing blear'd with the wind ) as if the lidds were lifted vp with gags to keep them open : more salt rew maticke water runnes out of them , then would pickle all the herrings that shall come out of yarmouth : a payre of handes so hard and scal'd ouer with durte , that passengers thinke hee wea●es gauntlets , and more stinkingly musty are they then the fists of night-men , or the fingers of bryb●rie , which are neuer cleane : his breath belches out nothing but rotten damps , which lye so thicke and foggie on the face of the waters , that his fare is halfe choak't , ere they can get to land : the sea-coale furnaces of ten brew-houses , make not such a smoke , nor the tallowe pans of fifteene chaundlers ( when they melt , ) send out such a smell ; hee 's dreadfull in looks , and currish in language , yet as kinde as a courtyer where he tak●s . hee ●its in all stormes bare headed , for if hee had a cap , he would not put if off to a pope : a gowne gyrt to him ( made all of wolues skinnes ) tanned , ( figuring his greedynesse ) but worne out so long , that it has almost worne away his elbowes : hee 's thicke of hearing to them that sue to him , but to those against whose willes hee 's sent for , a fiddler ●eares not the crecking of a windowe sooner . as touching the riuer , looke howe ' mooreditche shewes , when the water is three-quarters out , and by reason the stomack of it is ouer-laden , is readie to fall to casting , so does that , it stincks almost worse , is almost as poysonous , altogether so muddie , altogether so blacke : in taste very bitter , ( yet to those that knowe howe to distill these deadly waters , ) very wholesome . chap. v. the post and charon talke , as charon rowes , he fee's helis porter , an● then on hee goes : sessions in hell : soules brought vnto the barre , arraign'd and iudg'd , a catalogue who they are . charon , hauing discharged his ●raight , the packet carryer ( that all this while wayted on the other side , ) cry'de a boat , a boat : his voyce was knowne by the tune , and ( weary though hee were , ) ouer to him comes our ferry-man . to whom ( ●o soone as euer euer hee was let ( charon complaines what a bawling there has beene , with what fares hee has bene posted , and how much tugging ( his boat being so twack● ) he has split one of his oares , and broken his bid●ook , so that he can row but lazily til it be mēded . and were it not that the soules p●yes excessiue rent for dwelling in the body , he sweares ( by the stygian lake ) hee would not let em passe thus for a trifle , but raise his price : why may not he doe it as well as puncks and trades men ? here vpo'n hee brags what a number of gallant fellows & goodly wenches went lately ouer with him , whose names he has in his booke , and could giue him , but that they earnes●lie intreated not to haue their names spr●d any farther ( for their heyres sakes , because most of them were too great in some mens books already . the only wonder ( says charon ) that these passengers driue mee inio , is , to see how strangely the wo●ld is altred since pluto and proserpina were married : for whereas in the olde time , men had wo●t to come into his boate all slash't , ( some with one arme , some with neuer a leg , and others with heades like calues , cleft to their shoulders , and the mouths of their very wounds gaping so wide , as if they were crying , a boat , a boat , ) now contrarywise , his fares are none but those that are poyson'd by their wiues for lust , or by their heires ●or liuing , or burnt by whor●s , or reeling into hell out of tauerns : or if they happē to come bleeding , their greatest glorie is a stab , vpon the giuing of a lye . so that if the 3. destinies spin no finer threds then these , men must eyther ( like aesculapius ) be made immortall for meere pittie sake , and be sent vp to iupiter , or else the land of black-amoores must bee made bigger : for the great lord of tartarie wil shortlie haue no roome for all his retayners , which would be a great dishonour to him , considering hee 's now the onely hous-keeper . by this time , charon looking before him ( as watermen vse to doe ) that 's to say , behinde him , spied he was hard at shoare : wherevppon seeing hee had such dooings ( that if it held still ) hee must needs take a seruant , ( and so make a paire of oares for pluto ) he offered great wages to the knight passant , to be his iourney-man : but hee being onely for the diuells land seruice , told him he could not giue ouer his seruice , but assuring him , hee would enforme his mr : ( the king of erebus , ) of all that was spoken , hee payde the boate hyre fitting his knighthood , leapt ashore , and so parted . the wayes are so plaine , and our trauellers on foote so famyliar with them , that hee came sooner to the court gate pf auernus , then his fellowe ( the wherry-man ) could fasten his hooke on the other side of acheron : the porrer ( though he knew him well enough , and fawn'd vppon him , ) would not let him passe , rill hee had his due : for euery officer there is as greedy of his fees , as they are here . you mistake , if you imagine that plutoes potter is like one of those big fellowes that stand like gyants at lordes gates ( hauing bellyes bumbasted with ale in lambs-wool ) and with sacks : and checks strutting out ( like two footeballes , ) beeing blowen vp with powder beefe and brewis : yet hee 's as surly as those key-turners are , but lookes as little more scuruily : no , no , this doore keeper waytes not to take money of those that passe in , to beholde the infernall traged●es , neither has he a lodge to dyne and sup in , but on●ly a kennell , and executes ●●s bawling ●ffice meerely for victuals : his name is cerberus , but the household call him more properly , the black dog of hell : he has three heads , but no hayre vpon them , ( the place is too hot to keepe hayre on ) for in stead of hayre they are all rurl'd ouer with snakes , which reach from the crownes of his three he ads alongst the ridge of his back to his very tayle , and that 's wreathed like a dragons taile : twentie couple of hounds make not such a damnable noyse , when they howle , as he does when he barks : his propertie is to wag his taile , when any comes for enterance to the gate , and to licke their hands , but vpon the least offer to scape out , he leaps at their throates ; sure hee 's a mad dog , for wheresoeuer he bites , it rankles to the death : his eyes are euer watching , his ear●s euer listning , his pawes euer catc●ing , his mouthes are gaping : insomuch , that day and night , he lyes howling to be sent to paris gara●n , rather then to be vs'de so like a curre as he is . the post , to stop his throat , threwe him a sop , and whil'st hee was deuouring of that , hee passed through the gates . no sooner was he entred , but he met with thousands of miserable soules , pyneond and dragd in chaines to the barre , where they were to receiue their tryall , with bitter lamentations bewayling ( all the way as they went ) and with lowd ex●crations cursing the bodies with whom they sometimes frolickly kept cōpany , for leading them to those impieties , for which they must now ( euen to their vtter vndoing ) deerly answer : it was quarter sessions in hel , & though the post-master had bin at many of their arraignments , and knew the horrour of the executions , yet the very sight of the prisoners struck him now into an astonishable amazement . on not withstanding he goes with intent to deliuer the supplication , but so busy was bohomoth ( the prince of the diuels ) and such a prease was within the court , and about the barre , that by nò thrusting o● shouldring , could hee get accesse ; the best time for him must be , to watch his rising at the adiourning of the sessions , and therefore hee skrewes himselfe by all the insinuating art he can , into the thickest of the crowd , and within reach of the clarke of the peaces voyce , tò heare all their inditements . the iudges are set , ( being three in number ) seuere in look , sharp in iustice , shrill in voyce , vnsubiect passion ; the prisoners are souls that haue committed treason against their creation : they are cald to the bar , their number in finit , their crimes numberlesse : the iury ●hat must passe vpon them , are their sinnes , who are impanel'd out of the s●uerall countries , & are sworn to find whose conscience is the witnes , who vpon the booke of their liues , where all their deedes are written , giues in dangerous euidence against them , the furies ( who stand at the elbow of their conscience ) are there ready with stripes to make them confesse , for eyther they are the beadels of hell that whippe soules in lucifers bride-well , or else his executioners to put them to worse torments : the inditements are of seuerall qualities , according to the seuerall offences ; some are arraigned for ambition in the court ; some for corruption in the church ; some for crueltie in the campe ; some for hollow-hartednes in the citie ; some for eating men aliue in the countrey , euery particular soule has a particular sinne , at his heeles to condemne him , so that to pleade not guiltie , were iolly : to beg for mercy , madnesse : for if any should doe the one , hee can put himselfe vpon none but the diuel and his angels : and they ( to make quick worke ) giue him his pasport . if do the other , the hāds of ten kings vnder their great seales will not be taken for his pardon . for though conscience comes to this court , poore in attire , diseased in his flesh , wretched in his face , heauy in his gate , and hoarse in his voice , yet carries hee such stings within him , to torture himselfe , if he speake not truth , that euery word is a iudges sentence , & when he has spoken , the accursed is suffred neither to plead for himselfe , nor to see any lawier , to argue for him . in what a lamentable condition therefore stands the vnhappie pris●n●r , his inditemnt is impleadable , his euidence●irre●utable , the fact impardonable , the iudge impenitrable , the iudgement formidable : the torments insufferable , the manner of them invtterable : he must endure a death without dying , tormentes ending with worse beginnings , by his shrikes others shall be affrighted , himselfe afflicted , by thousands pointed at , by not one amongst milions pitied , hee shall see no good that may help him , what he most does loue , shall be taken from him , and what hee most doth loath , shal be powred into his bosome . adde herevnto the faide cogitation of that dismall place , to which he is cōdemned , the remēbrance of which is almost as dolorous , as the punishments there to be endured . in what colours shall i lay downe the true shape of it ? assist my inuention . suppose that being gloriously attired , deliciously feasted , attended on maiestically , musicke charming thine eare , beautie thine eye ; and that in the very height of al worldly pompe that thought can aspire to , thou shouldest be tumbled downe , from some high goodly pinnacle ( builded for thy pleasure ) into the bottome of a lake , whose depth is immeasurable , & circuit incomprehensible : and that being there , thou shouldest in a moment be ringed about , with all the murtherers that euer haue bin since the first foundation of the world , with all the atheists , al the church-robbers , al the incestuous rauishers , & all the polluted villaines , that euer suckt damnation from the breastes of black impietie , that the place it selfe is gloomy , hideous , and in accessible , pestilent by dampes , and rotten vapors , haunted with spirits , and pitcht all ouer , with cloudes of darkenes , so clammy & palpable , that the eye of the moone is too dull to pierce through them , and the fires of the sun too weake to dissolue them , then that a sulphurous stench must stil strike vp into thy nosthrils , adders and toads be still crawling on thy bosome , mandrakes & night rauens still shriking in thine eares , snakes euer sucking at thy breath , and which way soeuer thou turnest , a fire flashing in thine ●ies , yet yeelding no more light than what with a glimse may shew others how thou art tormented , or else shew vnto thee the tortures of others , and yet the flames to be so deuouring in the burning , that should they but glowe vpon mountaines of iron , they were able to melte them like mountaines of snow . and last of all , that all these horrors are not wouen together , to last for yeeres , but for ages of worlds , yea for worlds of ages ; into what gulfe of desperate calamity , would not the poorest begger now rhrowe himselfe head-long : rather then to tast the least dram of this bitternes : if imagination can giue being to a more miserable place then this described ? such a one , or no worse then such a one , is that , into which the guiltie soules are led captiue , after they haue this condemnation . and what tongue is able to relate the grones and vlulations of a wretch so distressed , a hundred pennes of steele would be worne blunt in the description , and yet leaue it vnfinished . chap. v. the writ for gold senlargement now is read , and by the prince of darkenes answered : the diuell abroad his commendations sends : all traitors are his sonnes , brokers his friends . let vs therfore sithence the infernall sessions are rejourned , & the court breaking vp , seeke out his knightship , who hauing wayted all this while for the diuell , hath by this time deliuer●d to his paws the s●pplication , about golde , & so matuolio his secr●tary is reading it to him , but before he was vp to the middle of it , the work-maister of witches , snatched away the paper , & thrust it into his bosome in great choller , rayling at his letter carryer , and thr●atning to haue him la'sh● by the furies , for his l●ytring so long , or cauteriz'de with hotte irons for a fugitu● . but mephostophiles discoursing from point to point , what pai●es hee had taken in the su●uey 〈◊〉 ●uery countrey , and how hee had 〈…〉 serjeant sathan gaue him his bles●ing , and told him that during his absence , the wryler that penn'd the supplication had ben landed 〈◊〉 charon , of whom he willed to enquire within what pa●t of their domini●n hee had taken vp his 〈◊〉 this 〈◊〉 to answere euery worde by word of mouth , yet because he knowes , tha● at the returne of his post● ship , and walking vpon the exchange of the worlde , ( which he charges him to hasten , for the good of the stygian kingdome , that altogether stands vpon quicke tafficque they will flutter about him , crying , what newes ? what newes ? what squibs , or ra●ther what peeces of ordinance doth the mcgunner of gehenna discharge against so sawcie a suitor , that by the artill●rie of his secretaries penne , hath shaken the walles of his kingdome , and made so wide a breache , that anie syr giles may looke into his , and his officers dooings : to stop th●u mouthes with some thing , stop them with this : that touching the enlargement of gold : ( which is the first branch of the petition : ) so it is , that plutus his kinsman ( being the onely setter vp of tempting idolles , ) was borne a cripple , but had his eye sight as faire as the daye , for hee could see the faces & fashions of all men in the world in a twinkling . at which time , for all he went vpon crutches , hee made shifte o walke abroad with many of his friends , marrie they were none but good men . a poet , or a philosopher , might then haue sooner had his company , than a iustice of peace : vertue at that time , went in good cloaths , & vice fed vpon beggery . al●hes baskets , honestie , and plaine dealing , had all the trades in their owne handes , so that vnthrifts , cheaters , and the rest of their faction , ( though it were the greater ) were borne downe , for not an angell durst bee seene to drink in a tauerne with them : wherevpon they were all in danger to be famisht : which enormity iupiter wisely looking into , and seeing plutus dispersing his giftes , amongst none but his honest brethren , strucke him ( either in anger or enuie ) starke blinde , so that euer since hee hath play'de the good fellowe , for now euery gull may leade him vp and downe ●ike guy , to make sports in any drunken assemblie , now hee regards not who thrusts his handes into his pockets , nor how it is spent ; a foole shall haue his heart nowe , assoone as a physition : and an asse that cannot spell , goe laden away with double ducke●rs from his indian store-house , when ibis homere , that hath layne sick seuenteene yeeres together of the vniue●sitie plague , ( watching and want ) only in hope at the last to finde some cure , shall not for an hundred waight of good latine , receiue a two penny waight in siluer , his ignorance ( arising from his blindenes ) is the onely cause of this comedie of errors : so that vntill some quack-saluer or other ( either by the help of tower hill water , or any other , either physicall or chirurgicall meanes ) can picke out that pin and webbe which is stucke into both his eyes , ( and that will very hardly be . ) it is irreuocably set downe , in the adamantine booke of fate , that golde shall be a perpetuall slaue to slaues , a drudge to fooles , a foole to make woodcocks mery , whil'st wisemen mourne : or if at any time he chance to break prison , and flie for refuge into the chamber of a courtier , to a meere hawking countrey gentleman , to a young student at the lawe , or to any trades-mans eldest sonne , that rides forth to cast vp his fathers reckonings , in fortified tauerns , such mighty searche shal be made for him , such hue & crie after him , such mis-rule kept , vntill he be smelt our , that poore gold must be glad to get him out of their companie , castles cannot protect him , but he must be apprehended , and suffer for it . nowe as touching the seauen leaued tree , of the deadly sinnes , which in the supplication are likewise requested to be heawen downe , his suite is vnreasonable , for that growes so rancke in euery mans garden , and the flowers of it worne so much in euery womans bosome , till at the last generall autumnian quarter of the dreadfull yeare , when whole kingdomes ( like seare and sap-lesse leaues ) must be shaken in pic●es by the consuming breath of fire , & all the fruits of the earth he raked together , by the spirit of stormes , & burnt in one heap like stubble , till then , it is impossible to cleere the oaken forehead of it , or to loppe off any of the branches . and let this satisfy itching newes-hunters , for so much of mine answere to the poore fellowes supplication , as i meane to haue publisht to the world : whatmore i haue to vtter , shall be in his care , because he was more busie in his prating then a barber , with thee my seruaunt , about my houshold affaires , and therfore it is to be doubted hee lu●kes in our c●merian prouinces , but as an intelligencer , which if 〈◊〉 prooued , hee shall buy it with his soule : dispa●●lre therefore ( my ●aithfull incarnate d●uell , ) proclaime these thinges to the next region aboue vs. goe and deliuer my most harty condemnations to all those that steal subiects hearts from their soueraigns , say to all those , they shall haue my letters of mart for their pyracie : factious guyzards , that lay trains of seditiō to blowvp the cōmon wealth , i hug them as my children , to all those churchmen that bind thēselues together in schismes , like bundles of thorns , only to prick the sides of religion , till her heart bleede ; i will giue them new orders . to all those that vntyle their neighbours houses , that whil'st storms are beating them our , they thēselues may enter in , bestowe vpon such officers of mine , a thousand condemnations from their maister , tho they be sitting at king arthurs table : when thou doest thy message , they shall haue te●ements of me for nothing in hell. in briefe , tell all the brokers in long-lane , houns-ditch , or else wher , with all the rest of rheir colleagued suburbians , that deale vppon ouerworne commodities , and whose soules are to vs impawned , that they lye safe enough , and that no cheater can hook them out of our hands , bid them sweate and sweare in their vocation ( as they do● hourely ) if thou beeing a knight of the post , canst not helpe them to oathes , that may make them get the diuell and all , they haue a sound carde on their sides , for i my selfe will abi in malam , go● and minde thy businesse . chap. vii . a vsurer describ'de : his going downe to hell : the post to him a strange at scourse doth tell : hee teaches him the waye , and doeth discouer what riuers the departed soules goe ouer . his warrant beeing thus sign de , the messenger departs , but before hee could get to the vttermost ferrie , he met with an old , leane , meagre fellowe , whose eyes was sunke so deepe into his head , as if they had beene set in backward , his haire was thinner then his cheekes , and his cheekes so much worne away , that when he spake , his tongue smoak't , and that was burn't blacke , with his hore and valiant breath , was seene to mooue too and fro so plainely , that a wise man might haue taken it for the snuffe of a ca●dle in a muscouie lant-horne , the barber surgions had beg'd the body of a man at a sessions , to make an anatomie , and that anatomy this wretched creature begged of them to make him a body , charon had but newly landed him : yet it seem'd he stood in pittyfull feare , for his eyes were no bigger then pinnes heads , with blubbring and howling , keeping a coile to haue some body shew him the nearest way to hell , which he doubted he had lost , the other puts him into a pathe , that would directlie bring him thither , but before he bid him farewell , our blacke knight inquired of him what hee was : who answered , that he was sometimes one that liued vpon the lechery of mettals , for hee could make one hundred pound be great with child , and be deliuered with another in a very short time , his mony ( like pigions ) laid euery month , he had bin in vpright tearmes , an vsurer ; and vnderstanding that he fel into the hāds of the hel● post , he offered him after a penny a mile , between that & y e townes end hee was going too , so he would be his guide . which mony , when the watermen came to rifle him , he swallowed downe , and rakte for it afterwards , because hee knewe not what neede hee should haue , the waies being damnable : but the goer of the diue●s errands told him , if he would allow him pursiuants sees , he durst not earne them , hee would doe him any knights seruice , but to play the good angells part , and guide him , he must pardon him . doctor diues request him ( in a whining accen● ) to tell him if there were any rich men in hell , & if by any base d●udgery which the diuell shall put him too , & which beele willingly moile in , he shuld scrape-any muck togither , whether he may set vp his trade in hel , & whither there be any brokers there , that with picking strawes out of poore thatcht houses to build nestes where his : twelue pences should ingenner , might get fethers to his backe , and their owne too . to all which questions , the vaut curier answers briefly , that he shall meete a number there , who once went in black veluet coats , and welted gownes , but of brokers , there 's a longer lane in he●l , than there is in london . marry for opening shops , and to keep a bawdy house , for lady pecunia , ho● sifata negant , if the bay liffe of b●rathrum denye that priuiledge to those that haue serued twice seuen yeeres in the freedome , there 's no reason a forrayner should taste the fauour . this news tho it went coldly down , yet as those that are troubled with the tooth-ache , enquyre of others what the payne is , that haue had them drawn out , & think by that means they lessen their owne , so it is some ease to syr timothy , thirtie per centū , to ha●ken out the worst that others haue endured , he desires therfore to know how far it is frō the earth to hell ; & being told that hel is iust so many miles from earth , as earth is from heauen , he stands in a brown study , wondring ) sithens : the length of the iournies were both alike to him , how it should happen , that he tooke rather the one path then the other . but then cursing himself that euer he fell in loue with mony , and that which is contrary to nature ) hee euer made a cracke french crowne , beget an english-angell , he roar'de out , & swore that gold sure would dambe him . for sayes hee , my greedinesse to 〈◊〉 mine eye with that , made me starue my belly , and haue vndone those for sixe pence , that were readie to starue . and into such an apoplexie of soule , fell i into , with the lust of money , that i had no sense of other happinesse : so that whil'st in my closet i sat numbring my bags , the last houre of my life was told out , before i could tel the first heap of gold , birdlime is the sweat of the oake tree , the dung of the blackbird falling on that tree , turnes into that slimie snare , and in that snare , is the bird her selfe taken . so fares it me , mony is but the excrement of the earth , in which couetous wretches ( like swine ) rooting continually , eate thorowe the earth so long , till at length they eate themselues into hell . i see therefore , that as harts , being the most cowardly and hartlesse creatures , haue also the largest hornes . so we that are drudges to heapes of drosse , haue base & leane consciences , but the largest damnation . there appeared to timotheus , an athenian , demonijvmbra , and that gaue him a net to catch cities in , yet for all that he died a begger . sure it was vmbr ae daemonis that taught me the rule of interest : for in getting that , i haue lost the principall ( my soule ) . but i pray you tel me , saies my setter vp of scriueners , must i be stript thus out of all ? shall my fox-furd gownes be lockt vp from me ? must i not haue so much as a shirt vpon me ? heer 's worse pilling and polling then amongst my countrey men the vsurers , not a rag of linnen about me , to hide my nakednesse . no , sayes the light horse-man of lymbo no linnen is worne heere , because none can bee wouen strong enough to hold , neither doe any such good 〈◊〉 come hither as to make cloath , onely the destinies are allowed to spinne , but their yarne serues to make smockes for pr●serpina , you are now as you must euer bee , you shall neede no cloathes , the aire is so extreame hot ; ●esides , there be no tailors sufferd to liue here , because ( they as well as players ) haue a hell of their owne , ) ( vnder their shopboard ) & there lye their t● t●ered soules , patcht out with nothing but rags . this careere being ended , our lansquenight of lowe-germanie , was readie to purspurres to his ho●●● , and take leaue , because he saw what disease hung vppon him , and that his companion was hard at his heeles , and was loth to proceede in his iourney . but he , qui nummos admiratur , the pawn-groper , clingde about his knees like a horsleech , and coniurde him , as euer he pittied a wretch eaten to the bare bones , by the sacred hunger of gold , that he would either bestowe vpon him , a short table ( such a one as is tide to the tayle of most almanacks ) chalking out the hye-waies , be they neuer so durtie , and measuring the length of all the miles betweene towne , and towne , to the breadth of a hayre , or if this geographicall request tooke vp too much conceald land to haue it granted , that yet ( at last ) he would tell him , whether he were to passe ouer any more riuers , and what the name of this filthy puddle was , ouer which hee was lately brought by a dogged waterman , because sithence he must runne into the diuels mouth , hee would runne the neerest way , least hee wearied himselfe . of this last request , the lacquy of this great leuiathan , promisde he should be maister , but he would not bring him to a miles end by land , ( they were too many to meddle with ) . you shall vnderstand therefore ( saies our wild irish footeman ) that this first water ( which is now cast behind you ) is acheron , it is the water of troub●e , & works like a sea in a tempest ( for indeede this first is the worst ) it hath a thousand creekes , a thousand windings , and ●u●●ings , it vehemently boyles at the bottome ( like a caldron of molten leade , ) when on the top it is smoother then a still streame : and vpon great reason is it calde the riuer of molestation , for when the soule of man is vpon the point of departing from the shores of life , and to be shipt away into another world , she is vext with a conscience , and an auxie us remembrance of all the parts that euer she plaid on the vnruly stage of the world : she repeats not by roate , but by heart , the iniuries done to others , and indignities wrought against her selfe : she ●urnes ouer a large volume of accountes , and findes that sh●ees runne out in pride , in lustes , in ●iots , in blasphemies , in irreligion , in waslowing through so many enormous & detestable crimes , that to looke back vpon them , ( being so infinite ) , and vpon her own face ( being so fowle ) the very thought makes her desperate . she neuer spake , or delighted to heare spoken , a●y bawdie language , but it now ●●ngs in her ●are , neuer lusted after lu●urious meates , but their taste is now vpon her tongue , neuer fed the sight witl any licen●ious obiect , but now they come all into her eye , euerie wicked thought before , is now to her a dagger , euery wicked word a death , euery wicked act a damnation : if shee scape falling into this ocaean , she is miraculously saued from a shipwracke , hee must needs be a churlish but a cunning waterman , that steeres in a tempest so da●gerous : this first riuer is a bitter water in taste , and vnsauou●y in sent , but whosoeuer drinks downe but halfe a draught of his remem●red former follies , oh it cannot chuse but be 〈…〉 gall is hony to it , acheron like is a thicke water , and howe can it otherwise choose , being stirred with so m●ny thousand fighting perturbations . hauing passed ouer this first riuer ( as now you are ) you shall presently ha●e your waie stopt with another , it s a little cut by l●●d thither , but a tedious and dangerous voyage by water . lies there a boate readie ( quor●● my rich iew of malta ) to take me in so so●ne a● i cal ? no , saies the other , you must wait your mariners leisure , the same wrangling fellowe that was you● first man , is your last man : marry you shallie at euery hauens mouth for a wind , til belzab●●s hale you for ach●ron ( after many circumgirations ) fale i● to the s●igian lake ( your second riuer carries that name ) it is the water of loathsomnes , and runnes with a swifter current then the former ● f●● when the soule sees deaths barge tarrying for her , shee begins to be sorie for her ante acted euil● , and then shee s sayling ouer acheron , but when sh●● drawer the curtaine , and lookes narrowly vpon the pictures , which her own hand drew , and findes them to be vgly , she abhorres her owne work-manship , and makes haste to hoyste vp more sayles , and to bee transported swiftlie ouer the stygian torrent , whose waters are so reuerend , that the gods haue no other oath to sweare by . the third ryuer is cocitus , somewhat clearer then both the other , and is the water of repentance , beeing an arme of styx : many haue heere bene cast away , and frozen to death , when the riuer hath waxen cold , ( as oftentimes it doth , ) neyther are all sortes of soules suffred to saile vpon it , for to some ( as if the water had sense , and could not brooke an vnworthy burden , ) it swells vp into tempests , and drownes them , to others more loue cannot appeare in dolphins to men , then in that does smoothnes . besides these , there are phlegeton and pyriphlegeton that fall in with cocytus ( burning riuers , ) in which ( tho they be dreadfull to looke vppon , ) are no vtter danger : if the ferry-man waft you safelie , ouer the waters of repentance , otherwise those hote liquors will scalde you . but what a traytoram i , ( to the vndiscouered kingdomes , ) thus to bring to light their dearest treasury ? sworne am i to the imperiall state infernall , and what dishonour would it bee to my knight-hood , to be found forsworne ? seale vp your lips therefore i charge you , and drinke downe a full bowle of this lethoean water , which shall wash out of you the remembrance of any thing i ha●e spoken : be proude thou grandchild of mammō , that i haue spent these minutes vppon thee , for neue● shall any breathing mortall man , with tortures wring our of mee so much againe . there ●yes your way : fare well . in such a strange language was this vltimum vale sent forth , that mounsieur money-monger stood onely staring and yawning vpon him , but could speake no more : yet at the last ( coniuring vp his best spirits , he onely in a dumb shew , ( with pittifull action , like a player , ( when hee 's out of his part , ) made signes to haue a letter deliuered by the carryer , of condemnation , to his sonne , ( a young r●ueller , prick't downe to stand in the mer●ers bookes for next christmasse , ) which in a dumbe shewe , likewise beeing receyued , they both turn'de backe the vsurer , looking as hungrilie , as if he had kist the post . chap. viii . ●ells sculler and the pursiuant of heauen , cast mery reckonings vp , but growe not euen tilla plague ●alls : soldiers set out a throate for char●n : eps comes mangled to his boate . at the banck ende , when plutoes pursiuāt came to take water , mercurie , ( that runs of all the errands betweene the gods ) hauing bin of a message from ceres , to her daughter proserpine , ( the queen of lower affrica , finding charon idle in his boat , because ( as if it had bene out of terme time ) no fares was stirring , fel to cast vp old reckonings , between himselfe , & the weatherbeaten sculler , for certain tryfling money , layd out about charons businesse . so that the knight slipping in like a constable to part a fray , was requested to be as arbitator . the first item that stood in his bill , was , for nayles to mend your wherrie , when twoo dutchmen comming drunck from the renishwine-house , split three of the boards with their club fi●ts , thinking they had cal'd for a reckoning . iiij . pence . those butter-boxes ( sayes charon ) owe me a peny vpon the foote of that account : for i could distill out of them but onely three poore drops of siluer for the voyage , & all my losse at sea. what 's next ? item , laid out for pitch to trim your boat about the middle of the last plague , because she might go light & vare , and do her labour cleanly , xj . pence . i am ouer-reckoned that odde penny , ( quoth charon , and i le neuer yeeld to pay it , but vi & armis , that 's to say , by lawe . i disburst it ( by my caducens sayes the herald ) nay sayes charon , if thou wilt defile thy conscience with a penny-worth of pitch , touch ●●●ill : on . itē , for glew & whipcord , to mēd your brokēoar , iij. d. that 's reasonable ; yet i haue caryed some in my wherie that haue had more whip-cord giuen them for nothing● on . item laid out for iuniper to persume the boate , when certain frenchmē were to go by water : j. ob . i , a pox on them , who got by that ? on . item lent to a company of countrey-players , being nine in number , one sharer , & the rest iourneymen , that with strowling were brought to deaths door , xiij . d. ob . vpon their stocke of apparell , to pay for boat hyre , because they would trye if they might be suffered to play in the diuels name , which stock afterwardes came into your clawes , and you dealt vpon it : xiij . ob . they had his hand to a warrant ( quoth charon ) but their ragges serued to make me swabbers , because they neuer fetcht it againe , so that belike hee proued a god lord and master to them , and they made new pergementiri . tickle the next minkin . item , when a cobler of poetrie , called a playe patcher , was condemned with his catte to be duckt three times in the cucking-stoole of pyriphlegeton , ( beeing one of the scalding riuers , ) till they both dropt again , because he scolded against his betters , and those whom hee liued vppon , laid out at that time for straw , to haue caried pusse away if she had kittend , to auoyd anie catterwalling in hell. j. pennie . mew , they were not both wroth a pennie : on . item , for needle and threed to ●arne vp aboue two and fiftie holes in your sailes , and to a botcher for halfe a dayes worke about it : vij . pence . that botcher i preferd to be lucifers tailer , because he workes with a hot needle and burnt threede , and that seuen pence he gaue me for my good will , why should not i take bribes as well as others , i will clip that money , and melt it . not for my bill ( sayes the herald of the gods ) for it went out of my purse , the tayler may pay it ▪ backe againe , it is but stealing so much the more , or cutting out 5. quarters to a garment , nay , mercurie , you shall filch for vs both , for all the gods know you are a notable pick-pocket , as the knight of the post here can take his oath , but what is your summa totalis , ( quoth charon ) summa totalis , answeres the other comes to three shillings and a pennie . the scullèr told him , hee was now out of cash , it was a hard time , he doubts there is some secrete bridge made ouer to hell , and that they steale thither in coaches , for euery iustic●s wife , and the wife of euery cittizen must bee iolted now . but howsoeuer the market goes , beare with me , ( quoth charon ) till there come another plague , or till you heare of such another battaile as was at newport , or till the dunkirks catch a hoy of hollanders , and tumble them ouer-boord , or til there be more ciuill wars in france , or if pa●ris garden would but fall downe againe , i should not onely wipe off this olde score , but hope to make mee a new boat . mercury seeing no remedy ( tho he knew well enough he was not without mony ) tooke his wings , and away went he to olympus . the postes iorney lay nothing neere that path , but inquiring whether one pier●● penni●esse came not ouer in his fer●y : and vnderstanding , because hee could not pay his fare , he was faine to goe a great way about to elizium , thither in an irish gallop is our swearing knight gone . scarce was hee out of kenne , but on the other side of the riuer stoode a companie crying out lustily , a boat , hey , a boat , hey , and who should they be but a gallant troope of english spirits ( all mangled ) looking like so many old romans , that for ouercomming death in their manly resolutions , were sent away out of the field , crowned with the military honour of armes . the foremost of them was a personage of so composed a presence , that nature and fortune had done him wrong , if ●hey had not made him a souldier . in his countenance , there was a kinde of indignation , fighting with a kind of exalted ioy , which by his very gesture were apparantly descipherable , for he was iocond , that his soule went out of him in so glorious a triūph ; but disdainfully angry , that she wrought her enargement through no more daungers : yet were there bleeding witnesses inow on his breast , which testified , he did not yeelde till he was conquered , and was not conqu●red , till there was left nothing of a man in him to be ouercome . for besides ●hose mortui & muti testes , which spake most for him , when he himselfe was past speaking , ( thogh their mouthes were stopped with scarres ) he made shift to lay downe an ouer-plus of life , ( when the debt was discharged at one mortall payment before ) onely to shew in what abiect account he held deathes tyranny . charon glowring vpon him , demanded who he was , but hee skorning to be his owne chronicle , and not suffering any of the rest to execute the office , they al leaped into the ferry . amongst whome , one that sate out of his hearing , but within the reach of the waterman , ( to shorten the way ) discoursed all , thus : england ( quoth hee ) gaue him breath , kent education , he was neuer ●uer-maistered , but by his own affections : against whom , whensoeuer he got the victorie , there was a whole man in him : he was of the sword , and knewe better how to ende quarrels , then to beginne them ; yet was more apt to begin , then other ( better bearded ) were to answer , with which ( some that were euer bound to the peace ) vpbraided him as a blemish . his country barring him ( for want of action ) of that which he was borne to inherit , ( same ) he went in quest of it into the low countries , where ( by his deare earnings ) hee bequeathed that to those of his name , with nothing , but his name seemed to depriue him of in england . ost-end beeing besieged , hee lost one of his eyes , whilst hee looked ouer the walles , which first storme did rather driue him on to more dangerous aduentures , though to the hazard euen of a shipwracke , ( then like a fearefull merchant ) to runne his fortunes and reputation on ground , for the boysterous threatnings of euery idle billow . so this his resolution set vpon his rest , to leaue all the remainer of his body to that countrey , which had take from him one of the best iewells of his life , since it had a peece of him , he would not so dishonor the place , as to carry away the rest broken . into the field therefore comes he , the sates putting both his eies into one , ( of purpose ) because he should looke vpon none but his enemies : where , a battaile being to be sought , the desert aduanced him to aduance the colours ; by which dignitie , he became one of the fairest markes , which was then to be shot at : and where a great part of that daies glory was to be wonne ; for the regent that followed his ensigne , ( by being hardly set to ) giuing ground , and the enemies ambition , thirsting after his colours , threw at all , in hope to winne them . but the destinies ( who fought on their side ) mistooke themselues , and in steede of striking the colours out of his hand , smote him : in so much , that hee was twice shot , & twice runne through the body , yet wold not surrender his hold for al those breaches , but stripping the prize for which they stroue , off from the staffe that helde it vp , and wrapping his dying bodie in it , drewe out his weapon , with which before his collours could bee called his winding sheete , he threwe himselfe into the thickest of danger : where after he had slaine a horseman , and two other ; most valiantlie , hee came off ( halfe dead , halfe aliue , ) brauely deliuering vp his spirit in the ar●es of none but his friendes and fellow souldiers . so that ( as if fortune had beene iealous of her owne wauering , ) death ( at her intreatie ) tooke him away , in the noone-tide of a happinesse ; lest anie blacke euenings ouercasting should spoyle it with alteration . he was married to the honour of a fielde in the morning , and died in the armes of it the same day , before it was spoyled of the mayden-head : so that it went away chaste and vnblemishable . to conclude , ( father sculler ) because i see wee are vppon landing , heere is as much as i can speake in his praise : he dyed auncient in the very middest of his youth . charon hum'de and and cryde well : and hauing rid his boat of them , dyrected them to those happie places , which were alotted out to none but martialists . chap. ix . the fieldes of ●oye describ'de : none there must dwell , 〈◊〉 purged soules , and such as haue done well : some soldiers there : and some that 〈◊〉 in loue , poets sit singing in the baye-tree groue . wh●●● the 〈◊〉 man was plying his fares , & following his thrift , the wandring knight , ( syr dago●● ) hauing d●●patch't with the 〈…〉 that hee 〈…〉 hee went , was ●ust at that time walking in one of the 〈◊〉 gardens ; hee meant to take that in his waye , but the internall lawes barring him from entrance into those sacred palaces , he wa●●ed the other to him , and ●hen related ( verbatim ) his maisters answere and resolution : which the suppliant receiues ( considering he was now where he would be ) with as ●●we words as hee was wont to carry pence in his pu●s● . the post hauing as little to say to him , cast onely a sleight eye vppon all the elizaan 〈◊〉 ( much like to a disdainfull phātasticke french-man when he comes into a s●raunge countrey , as though he trauelled rather to be seen then to obserue ) and vp hee leapes vpon one of the diuells hackneys ▪ and away he rides , to follow his 〈…〉 busines ▪ about which whilst hee is damnably swea●ing , let mee carrie you into those insul● fortunatae , ordained to be the abydings , for none but blessed soules . the walles that incompasse these goodly habitations , are white as the forehead of heauens they glyster like pollisht iuorie , but the stuffe is fyner : high they are , like the pillers that vphold the court of loue ; & strong they are , as tow●rs built by enchauntment : there is but one gate to it all , and that 's of refined siluer : so narrowe it is , that but one at once can enter : round about , weares it a gyrdle of waters , that are sweet , redolent , & christalline : the leaues of the vine are not so pre●ious , the nectar of the gods nothing so delicious . walk into the groues , you shall heare all sor●s of birds melodiously singing : you shall see swaynes defly piping , and virgins chaftly dancing . shepheards there , liue as merily as kings , and kings are glad to be companions with shepheardes . the widow there complains of no wrong : the orphan sheads no teares , for couetousnes cannot carrie it away with his gold , nor crueltie with the swaye of greatnesse , the poore client needes see no lawyer to pleade for him , for there 's no iurie to condemne him , nor iudges to astonish him , there is all mirth , without immodestie : all health without base abusing of it : all sorts of wines without intemperance : all riches without sensualitie : all beauty without painting : all loue without dissimulation . winter there playes not the tyrant , neither is the sommers breath pestilēt : for spring is all the yere long , tricking vp the boughes : so that the trees are euer flourishing , the fruites euer growing , the flowers euer budding : yea such cost , and such arte is bestowed vppon the a●bours , that the very benches ( whereon these blest inhabitants sit ) are sweet beds of violets : the beds whereon they lye , bancks of muske-r●ses : their pillows hearts , are hearts-ease , their sheetes the silken leaues of willow . neither is this a common inne , to all trauellers , but the very pallace wher happines her selfe maintaines her court , and none are allowed to followe her , but such as are of merit . of all men in the world landlords dare not quarter thēselues here , because they are rackers of rents : a pettifogger , that has taken brybes , wil be dambd ere he come neere the gates . a fencer is not allow'd to stand within 12. score of the place : no more is a vintner , nor a farmer , nor a taylor , vnlesse he creep through the eye of his needle : no , and but fewe gentlemen-vshers . women ▪ ( for all their subtiltie , ) scarce one amongst fiue hūdred has her pewe there , especially old myd-wiues , chamber-maides , & wayting-wenches , their dooings are too well knowne , to be let into these lodgings . no , no , none can be free of these liberties , but such as haue consciences without cracks , hands not spotted with vncleannesse ; feete not worne out with walking to mischiefe , and heartes that neuer were hollowe . listen therefore , and i will tel you what passengers haue licence to land vpon these shores . young infants that dye at the brest , and haue not suckt of their parents sinnes , are most welcom thither for their innocēcy . holy singers whose diuine anthemes haue boūd ●oules by their charmes & whose liues are tapers of virgin waxe , set in siluer candlesucks , to guide men out of errors darknes , they knowe their places there ▪ and haue them for then integri●y . some schollers are admitted into this societie , but the number of them all is not halfe so many as are in one of the colledges of an vniuersitie , and the reason is , they eyther kindle firebrands ( in the the sanctified places ) by their contention ; or kill the hearts of others by their coldnes . one field there is amongst all the rest , set round about with willows , it is call'd the field of m●urning and in this ( vpon bancks of flowers that wither away , euen with the scorching sighes of those that 〈◊〉 vppon them , ) are a band of malecontents : they looke for all the world like the mad-folkes in bedlam , and desire ( like them ) to be alone , & these are for ●orn louers : such as pyn'de away to nothing , for nothing : such as for the loue of a wanton wench , haue gone crying to their graues , whilst she in the mean time , went ( laughing to see such a kinde coxcombe ) into anothers bed : all the ioye that these poore fooles feed vpon , is to sit singing lamentable ballades to some dolefull tunes ▪ for tho they haue chang'de their olde liues , they cannot forget their young loues ; they spend their time in making of myr●●e garlands , & shed so much water out of their eyes , that it hath made a prettie little riuer , which 〈◊〉 so s●●king : continually at the roots of the willow trees , that halfe the leaues of them , are almost washt into a whitenes . there is another piece of ground , where are incamped none but soldiers : and o● those , not all sortes of soldiers neither , but onely such as haue died noblie in the warres : and yet of those , but a certaine number too : that is to say , such that in execution were neuer bloudy : in their countries reuenge , seuere , but not cruell : such as held death in one hand , and mercy in the other : such as neuer rauisht maidens , neuer did abuse no widowes , neuer gloried in the massacre of babes : were neuer druncke , of purpose before the battaile began , because they would spare none , nor after the battaile did neuer quarrell about pledging the health of his whoare . of this garrison , there are but a few in pay , & therfore they liue without mu●iny . beyond all these places is there a groue , which stands by it selfe like an i●and ; for a s●●eame ( th●t makes musicke in the running ) cla●p●● it round about like a hoope girdle of christall : lawrells grew so thicke on all the bankes of it , that lighming it selfe if it came thither , hath no power to pierce through them . it seemes ( without ) a desolate and vnfrequented wood , ( for those within are retyrde into themselues ) but from th●● came forth such harmonious sounds , that birdes build nests onely , in the trees there , to teach t●nes to their young ones prettily . this is called the gro●● of bay trees , and to this consort rome , res●● one but the children of pboebus , ( poets and mus●●tons : ) the one creates the ditty , and giues it the life or number , the other lends it voyce , and makes it speake musicke . when these happy spirits sit asunder , their bodies are like so many starres , and when they ioyne togither in seuerall troopes , they shew like so many heauenly constellations . full of pleasant bowers and queint arboures is all this walke . in one of which , old chaucer , reuerend for prioritie , blythe in cheare , buxsome in his speeches , and benigne in his hauiour , is circled a round with all the makers or poets of his time , their hands leaning on one anothers shoulders , and their eyes fixt seriously vpon his , whilst their eares are all tied to his tongue , by the golden chaines of his numbers ; for here ( like euanders mother ) they spake all in verse : no attick eloquence is so sweete : their language is so pleasing to the goddes , that they vtter their oracles in none other . gra●e spencer was no sooner entred into this chappell of apollo , but these elder fathers of the diuine furie , gaue him a lawrer & sung his welcome : chaucer call'de him his sonne , and plac'de him at at his right hand . all of them ( at a signe giuen by the whole quire of the muses that brought him thither , ) closing vp their lippes in silence , and tuning all their eares for attention , to heare him sing out the rest of his fayrie queenes praises . in another companie sat learned watson , industrious kyd , ingenious atchlow , and tho ( hee had bene a player , molded out of their pennes ) yet because he had bene their louer , and a register to the muses , inimitable b●ntley : these were likewise ca● rowsing to one another at the holy well , some of them singing paeans to apollo , som of them hymnes to the rest of the goddes , whil'st marlow , greene , and peele had got vnder the shades of a large vyne , laughing to see nash ( that was but newly come to their colledge , ) still haunted with the sharpe and satyricall spirit that followd him heere vpon earth : for nash inueyed bitterly ( as he had wont to do ) against dry-fifted patrons , accusing them of his vntimely death , because if they had giuen his muse that cherishment which shee most worthily deserued , hee had fed to his dying day on fat capons , burnt sack and suger , and not so desperately haue ventur'de his life , and shortend his dayes by keeping company with pickle herrings : the rest ask't him what newes in the world , hee told them that barbarisme was now growne to bee an epidemiall disease , and more common then the tooth-ache : being demaunded how poets and players agreed now , troth sayes hee , as phisitions and patients agree , for the patient loues his doctor no longer then till hee get his health , and the player loues a poet , so long as the sickn●sse lyes in the two-penie gallery when none will come into it : nay ( sayes he ) into so lowe a miserie ( if not contempt , ) is the sacred arte of po●sie falne , that tho a wryter ( who is worthy to ●it at the table of the sunne , ) wast his braines , to earne applause ●rom the more worthie spirits , yet when he has done his best , hee workes but like o●nus , that makes ropes in hell ; for as hee twists , an asse stands by and bites them in sunder , and that asse is no other than the audience with hard hands . he had no sooner spoken this , but in comes chettle sweafing and blowing , by reason of his satnes , to welcome whom , because hee was of olde acquaintance , all rose vp , and fell presentlie on their knees , to drinck a health to all the louers of hellicon : in dooing which , they made such a mad noyse , that all this coniuring which is past , ( beeing but a dreame , ) i suddenlie started vp , and am now awake . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20067-e260 the diuell ●he b●st fe●●er , & very apt to q●arrell . he can se●●on● to picad for him . he keepes no watermen . 〈…〉 the diuells rendev●us . description of hell. what persont are there wise mothers make foolish children . miserable fathers make wretched sonnes . fashions borne in france , and sent to be nurst in england . pryde the spanyards bastard , kephere . lust the italians mistris , is now cōmon with the e●glishman . dronkenues hath 〈◊〉 a from the low countries into great brittaine . mors scep●●● , legioni●●● aquat . the waterman of hell , is , as churlish a knaue , as our waterman . the passengers . the stuffe of which the wherry is made . what manner of fellow the sculler is . his appar●●● . miscent aconita m●uercae . filius ante diem patris inquirit in anno . the porter of hell. bribes in hell. sessions in hell. sinne is th● iury. conscience giues in euidence . the seuerall inditements . the miserie of a prisoner in that iury. the diuells answere to the petition . gold at the first was lame and went vp & down with goodmen , but now hee is blinde , and cares not what foole leades him . a curse laid vpon gold . sinne beares from all the yeare long . the diuell sendes his c●mendations . the picture of a vsurer . how ●surers get into bell . the ri●●rs which ●he s●u●● passes . remēbrance of the sinnes , the first water . l●athing of our 〈◊〉 the second 〈◊〉 . repentance of our sinnes , the third water . vnlesse you saile safety ouer the waters of repentanc , you are in danger to be drownd in dispaire . lucian in dialog . william eps his death . the second part of the nights search, discovering the condition of the various fowles of night, or, the second great mystery of iniquity exactly revealed with the projects of these times : in a poem / by humphrey mill, author of the nights search. nights search. part 2 mill, humphrey, fl. 1646. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a50854 of text r20278 in the english short title catalog (wing m2058). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 268 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 93 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a50854 wing m2058 estc r20278 12354574 ocm 12354574 60095 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50854) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60095) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 217:8) the second part of the nights search, discovering the condition of the various fowles of night, or, the second great mystery of iniquity exactly revealed with the projects of these times : in a poem / by humphrey mill, author of the nights search. nights search. part 2 mill, humphrey, fl. 1646. [17], 163, [1] p. printed for henry shepheard, and william ley ..., london : 1646. in verse. added engraved t.p. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng london (england) -social life and customs -17th century. a50854 r20278 (wing m2058). civilwar no the second part of the nights search: discovering the condition of the various fowles of night. or, the second great mystery of iniquity exa mill, humphrey 1646 47586 13 0 0 0 19 0 43 b the rate of 43 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-06 apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-07 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-10 apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-11 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2002-11 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the second part of the nights search discovering the condition of the various fowles of night . or , the second great mystery of iniquity exactly revealed : with the projects of these times . in a poem , by humphrey mill , author of the nights search . nocte patent mendae . — audaxomnia perpeti , gens humana ruit per veti●um nefas . imprimatur . nath. brent . london , printed for henry shepheard , and william ley , and are to be sold at the bible in tower-street , and at pauls chaine neer doctors commons 1646 to the much honoured , and thrice noble lord , robert , earle of warwick , baron of lees , &c. right honourable ; having presented the first part of my endeavours of this nature to an honourable peer , and finding his noble acceptance with respect in the world , above the desert of the authur , or merit of the work , which with some other encouragements made me bold to tender this second part , as a free-will offering ( in love ) to your lordship : being ambitious that it should beare the name of so truly a noble patron ( honoured of all ) who have beene and still is such a great pillar to uphold this tottering state , whose gallant , faithfull , and successfull service , will render you famous to all posterity . i confesse the humble wing of my muse lights upon a low-borne subject , yet modestly possest with fury , in the midst of temptations , keeps her virgin beauty ; although she hath to doe with the workes of darknesse , ( ripened with the corruption of these times ) yet your lordship may justly judge it too light for your serious meditations . however i doubt not but it may prevaile in the intermission of 〈◊〉 employments , so as to invite a favourable looks from your honour , which will preserve it from the 〈◊〉 of envy . i am not so soobe-hardy , as to plead the worth of my muse , whereby to match her to the mits of the time ; ( nor will she think her self preferred by it , unlesse they be wisely honest as well as 〈◊〉 ) but her true intention free from flatterie , trimmed in a plaine dresse , only somwhat of a strange new fashion : yet so , as the fancies may be pleasing to some , the discoveries , usefull to others , and the moralls profitable to all , who will consider them . all which i leave to your lordships protection , and you , to him that will never leave you , till he hath given you the complement of all 〈◊〉 . so prayes he that desires to subscribe himselfe , the humblest of your honours servants , humphrey mill . to the intelligent reader . gentle reader : i have provided a second course , which perhaps may please thy palate : those wilt find company of all sorts , if thou shouldst disdaine any of them , take thy messe apart and choose thy comrades , thou mayest have varieties of baits in the way ; but if thou likest the bills of fare , keepe thy stomacke for the feasts , something may bee worth thy tast and all thy observation it 〈◊〉 in a right sence ; be jealous of thine eyes , and 〈◊〉 not appetite , least thou surfes with strange dishes : if thou shouldst be taken by the centineus scou's , or guard , or discovered by the soyes , give good language : read the letters of advise which may direct thee to thy freedome . this is but a supply to what has beene formerly drest in the night-search , or rather a running banquet , where thou mayest see how farre the sweet of sin can extend it selfe : if thou art found guiltie , looke for the sentence , yet thou mayst be reprieved upon thy good behaviourif thou art free , learne here to keep thy selfe so . i have drest my conceits with the fancies of night to make them pleasing , and with morall similies to make them profitable , the lauguage of the times being sutable to the subject ; i dare not take the stile of a poet , for feare this squint-eyed age should suspect my integrity , or common fame blast my endeavours , because of the corruption of many : but finding my pockets empty , in respect the times have let them bloud , i begin to swell with conceit , and challenge the name , seeing poverty is taken for their coat , and labour in vaine for their crest , the mantle dis-daine , being blazed by dull ignorance , and sale-fast envy . i have somwhat else to follow , than this unthristy science , but as well for my own recreation , as for thy good , i have bent my selfe to discover this mystery of iniquitie , which may be usefull to all sorts of persons , young and old , good and bad , it is somwhat against my nature to plead excuse , or crave pardon for what i have writ : to show that i am a free-man , not a slave for any mans humour , i intend no ill , if taken ill by any , let it rest with him ; if i purchase thy good word particularly , and a reformation generally , i shall obtaine my ends . all those that would these lines digest , must read 'em over twice at least : observe the poynts , how sense doth meet , the accents , cadence , and the feet . the humble ebbs and swelling hopes , of figures , epithetes , and tropes . good night . to the degenerate nobility , and new found gentry . you that are truly noble , and the best deserving gentry , who are alwayes blest with honour'd vertues : that doe ever stand for peace and truth , the freedom of the land ; i do not aime at you , nor shall my laies sound ought of you , except it be your praise . but unto you , who are the ushers in of fowle abuses , whose accursed sin drawes fools to sale , each from example cry , if gentlemen may do so , why not i ? your learning fits you for 't , your poyson'd wit and beastly logick , from the infernall pit prescribe you rules , to find a neater way to pluto's court : your blouds , bound to convey your lusts on freely , and your means you make to beare your charges to the boyling lake . a yeoman foole goes slily , with one whore , you rush on boldly , carrying halfe a score : your ' state will beare it , and your noble birth attones the ill , being higher stuffe then earth . rich fare provokes you , and you drench your dust with costly liquors , which do gender lust . your idlenesse invites you to receive temptations gratis , never to bereave the flesh of pleasures . and your rich attire doth tempt allurements , your expresse desire not bungler-like : and your attendants go along with you , can low-borne fooles do so ? you dive for new delights and make a trench , to bury jurdice , like the baser french , who from their full-mouth pride and armes of steele , ( being pockifi'd ) to prove themselves gentile ; despising chastity , you love such weeds that harbour snakes , and praise him that exceeds in choicer evills . you perhaps had rise from brokers , jaylors , tapsters , or the dice might help your grand fathers , you might be screw'd from userie , extortion , or be brew'd in 〈◊〉 liqaor ; or some misers wheat sav'd from his mow ( till mouldie ) made you great : you vainly spend what they with curses got , rais'd quickly with your names , so soon you rot . to tax the females here , or draw their shapes that keep their dogs , their monkies , and their apes , to make them sport , or those that swell with pride , and are too good for all the world beside to looke upon , religion is too base for flaming furies , is not now the case . you should have liv'd from such corruptions free , and prov'd sweet patterns of humilitie ; preferring goodnesse , loving purer theames to stop the tide of basenesse in the streames . do good with your estates , your wit , your art should make you carefull , to prevent the smart which follies buy . i doubt what i reherse , will make you slight my subject , or my verse . yet read the book , and pay for 't , if you fret , they will not give you trust to run in debt . to all judges , justices , church-warden , constables , &c. you whom astrea greets , were you all right , i had not been so sharp , nor had this night been twisted into whip-cold : was it made , to help the jaylours , or the beadles trade ? i am your vsher , come , for here 's a race able to bring the hang-man to disgrace . you are to find out sinners , and to give them punishment ; that honestie might live in courts of justice ; that the world may see ; how some of widow truths posteritie do walk in gownes ; should favour , friends , or lyes , or feare , or bribes , blind any of your eyes ? but ah ! they do too much ! some of you nurse these fly-blowne vermin , stiled englands curse . convert not sins , nor plagues into a jest , nor yet with mischiefes make your selves a feast . i do but move in court , i dare not treat with upstart plush . which sin hath made so great . to justices , and judges , i present ( and all inferiour officers intent vpon the publike good ) these humble straines , as the untutour'd issue of my braines , rough with revenge ; although conceiv'd at night , you may bring forth my black birds to the light , and heare'em chirp . let sin have no release , which nourisheth our woes , and wounds our peace . to the fowles of night . to you , whose lives are eaten up with lust , your spirits and your names consum'd with rust , whose soules are bought and sold , whose bodies will vnsheath your wicked practices , to fill the world with wonder ; you , by whom hell best is here , and in her place below exprest : to you , who poyson earth with your foule deeds , and from your brest your torment ever feeds , i do present my lines , if taken well , they may hedge up your passages to hell , and break your league : if not , your damned cause ( which is condemn'd by my satyrick lawes ) will gender vipers , who will gnaw the sweet , and bite your bowels , 'till their teeth do meet : whence life it selfe , against your health shall strive ; you vassals , are not dead , nor yet alive . you trim your vice , and will your humours have , although your corps are dressing for the grave , maintaine your sinfull freedome , prove 't is more disgrace in living chast , than be a whore . death hath his charge , your plots being all reveal'd , judged by a statute not to be repeal'd ) expect the execution ; then your pet vill no way save you , till you pay the debt ; o which you were engag'd for , with delight , 〈◊〉 can time bale you ; though y' are found by night , you cannot 'scape away . ah! well ! i must with such vile rebels leave my search in trust . to his friend mr. h. mill , upon his discoveries of night . kind friend , 〈◊〉 made a golden frame , for glorie of thy lasting name ; thou paint'st most faire the foulest globe , hell-hounds in a most comely robe ; vertues luster , for all mens sight , wit and sense do touch aright : a stile that is so indian rich , as brave palace exceeds a ditch , proves he haunted the pious wayes , yet shewes the ill of all those dayes , to see the verge , not to enter vices circle , know the center . to him is given so large a grant , each of the nine shall be his aunt ; whose cherub-muse hath wing alone , to fetch that ore from helicon : pride of the tongue , from peru shore , the words rich ingots , subject poore . that poet doth excell in parts , when matter smels perfum'd by arts ; not he who hath a noble theame , weighs out his phrase with cicros beame : print , buy this book , all that live well ; who this despise , are bound for hell . edw , peyton , knight and baronet . to his ingenious friend mr. mill , upon his loftie discoveries of night . thou hast laid out , to each mans view , the rogue , the cut-purse , and that crew , who with their damned plots do strive to kill , and torture men alive . from henceforth no eclipse shall be , since thou hast made the welkin free ; thy moone in srate shall ever shine : for now the night is made divine . light , luna borrow'd of the sun , when infant time was but begun , shee 'll now confesse the brightest night , from thee receiv'd that borrow'd light . those that have wit , will gaine from hence embroyder'd reason , high-borne sense : fooles from thy search would faine get free : but wise men will stand bound to thee . tho. perrin , knight . to his industrious and quick-sighted friend , mr. humphrey mill , upon his night-search . friend mill , thy rare descriptions i admire , more than the indians , when they 〈◊〉 found fire by clashing canes ; for you by this your skill ( downe dropping wonders from your fluent quill ) incense the gods , in that you should aspire , prometheus-like , from heaven to fetch this fire : the indians fire , materials did combust , but this thy fire doth purge the soule from rust : the vicious conscience it so throughly tries , and by mens deeds discovers what there lies . should i compare thy light unto the sun ? he never could find out what thou hast done : or had he spi'd it , pimp-like he 'd conceale the fact , which honour drives thee to reveale , not spite . thy hate to mankind is not such , but that who good are , thou admit'st as much : such creatures then as do thy lines abhor , expresse themselves but what thou took'st them for : deluding miscreants , living thus , did urge thy genius to twist this triple scourge , like pedlars wares that are sophisticate , hating the light , because the light brings hate : the honest need not thou shouldst them reprove , for t'others hate 't is better far than love : in this thy conscience thou dost fully cleare , spurning their folly which they bought so deare . in stately measures , with thy lamp so bright , thou hast displaid the villanies of night . will. scot gent. to his worthy friend mr. mill , upon his excellent poem of the night-birds . pale envie 's at a stand , let momus bark his lungs into a palsie ; here 's a mark , though pride and folly shoot , they cannot hit ; or charg'd with choler , or discharg'd of wit . these lines are rich and loftie , smooth and even , to fit the noblest subject under heaven : but thou hast chus'd the blackest , which might be set as a foyle to thy brave poetrie . so full of usefull wit , the birds of night , found , caught , unroosted , darknesse brought to light : shames ensignes took , vice conquer'd , which no man did more than challenge since the world began . where are those cancel'd wits , that rack'd their verse to varnish guilt , and thatch a rotten herse ? praise madams curlings ? they thy scourge may feele , and like the serpent , nibble at the heele ; but cannot wound : like basilisks , whose eyes dart feeble poyson . malice cannot rise to vent her venome , as to blast a line drawne by thy pen , thy name , or ought of thine . what needs this troop of worthies offer bayes to crowne thy fame , who art above their praise ? which perish not with age , nor canc'ring rust , compo'd with furie , and the spitefull dust . till time gives up the ghost , this work shall be prais'd , pleasing , honour'd , to posteritie . hen. limbruke mr. of arts cam. the second part of the nights search , discovering the conditions of the various fowles of night . to fetch their drosse , what wiles they use , the pedlers boy , the state abuse , a puffe , a murder , one runs mad , a sea-man took , what losse he had . sect. i. now glorious titan hath withdrawn his light , whose presence makes a day , his absence night : he trac'd the skie , and like a champion bold rode in his charriot all in cloth of gold : is now growne bleare-ey'd ; or , for want of sleep , he drives his steeds into the westerne deep , to take a nap : bright vespers traine , whose hue enricht the skies , the ground enamell'd blue . then luna shines , whose patent was by birth , at severall times to overlook the earth ; yet change with age : as soone as they begun , ( for all they had their ticket from the sun ) to passe and view the world , yet envious night cast out a fog , being swell'd with raging spight , charg'd them for spies ; sh'ad had them all arraign'd , but could not bring 'em downe . when men complain'd of tyrannie , she kept her silent den , where bodies live without the soules of men : and vertue 's out of use , unheard of sins i shall unmaske : for now my search begins . who to your view i shall present , your mind will apprehend , their sight is worse then blind . where all things are converted into crimes to let us bloud , and to undoe the times . first , here 's a piece of earth , that seekes a place t' unman himselfe , save onely in his face ; a tender-hearted bawd , that ne're made whore , but ever us'd such as were broke before ; ( her conscience give her licence ) meets this beast , who had him home : and she at his request must send for one whom he esteem'd most deare , her husband 's jealous , and she sins in feare : he found one in her bed , and with the shears cut off his nose , a warning for his ears . the messenger must make some neat excuse , to take a room , but 't is not for his use : or borrow somthing , pull her by the coat , or wink , or nod , or give a private note , or whisper in her eare , or touch her foot , or els some secret signe ; being willing to 't , she goes with speed , or els some pedlers mad pimp maximus , being master of his trade , he 'l sell her pins , or lace , or daintie lawne , fine noon , gloves , or any thing ; and pawne his soule to use her kindly , so he 'l find his time to speak , and know each others mind . she comes , he has his fee , and who 'd mistrust such bugs should gender in a pedlers dust ? then came a rumbling coach , which made the ground fall in an ague : looking in i found a fether'd blade , his jacket was of plush , a curious lasse , who with a crimson blush be wrai'd her selfe ; her eyes were full and gray , with ruddy lips , round cheekes , her forehead lay archt like a snowie banke , which did uphold her native tresses , which did shine like gold . her azure veynes , which with a well shap'd nose , her whiter neck , broad shoulders to compose a slender wast , a body straight and tall , with swanlike brests , long hands , with fingers small , her ivorie knees , her legs were neat and cleane , a swelling calfe , with ancles round and leane , her insteps thin , short heels , with even toes , a sole so straight , proportion'd feet , she goes with modest grace : i judge her ( viewing well ) too good to go on foot , or ride to hell . with civill habit , if you had her seen , you 'ld say sh'were lovely , aged seventeen . this knave is call'd commander , who did use to plunder men : those whom he did abuse he 'd call malignants , he did serve the state ( not as a theefe ) this varlet was of late a pedlers boy , and still a coblers sonne : when countries by this vermin were undone they made him knowne , by which they gain'd reliefe , he was no souldier , but a sharking thiefe . a while about the citie he doth passe for major dangerfield ; this comely lasse was like to beinsnar'd ; great meanes , rich friends , but he had no thing save the coblers ends . he 'l say's debenter will be shortly sign'd , had he 'is arreares ( he would not be confin'd to private lodgings ) paid him by the state , he 'd drink and whore it , at a higher rate . and to his mistrisse he 'd be free and true , though he had nothing but an halter due . this hackney coachman , pimpt in former times for broken courtiers : he conceal'd their crimes , and car'd their trash , though sinning on the score , pay him but well , he 'ld bring 'em down a whore at any time , whose bloudy sins do crave for plagues on earth , or an untimely grave . but searching on , i heard a glittering sparke tearing the ground with oathes ; as i did marke , he met a civill man , and fell to strife ; this lawlesse ape would take away his wife ; but he the better man , soone laid his bones into the sinke , his shoulders felt the stones : till dammie boyes came by him ; then he rose , to breake the windowes , and he cut a nose which cost him eighteen pence ; this daring rout will sleep by night , till bailies find 'em out . i heard great moaning as i went along , 't was one whose sence a basalisk had stung , with looking on him ; now she 'l not be seen till all be turn'd to drosse , or els in spleen she 'l melt away his wit : because distast had dis-ingag'd her sin , her fancies wast and made salt humors rise , the man growes mad with fierie lust , the reason that he had is under hatches , rage and sorrow prest , to share affections with that venome beast : and standing still , i heard a gentle cry , i turn'd , and saw a tender infant lye breathing its last ; the new received life was let out by the barbarous mothers knife , who wrung its necke , and threw it in a sink , the whiter skin made blacker then my ink , by this vile scum of filth ; but now she 's tri'd , and ground enough , above the ground she di'd . her epitaph . death , hadst thou done this office at the first , or if thou hadst but don 't a yeare agoe , she had not been so openly accurst , nor had my muse ( with fury ) turn'd her foe . the infant had not been , nor had my verse , been for a tiburne grave , but for her herse . two pincks did spread their sailes , and cast about , they in a harbour found a sea-man out ; who striv'd by skill , which first shall take the prize , till one of them did scratch the others eyes . he 's my free prize , i le do the best i can , thou art for fraught , but i am for the man ; the times are envious , men by sea , and land , are cast and cut away , on everie hand . i loose my custome , 〈◊〉 a wittie theft , to make some sure , while there are any left ; i cannot live without 'em , art not mine ? then with a kisse and a bewitching twine she stole his lungs , and prey'd upon his heart , the next his mezell liver feeles the dart . like to the little fish which in the seas doe sucke the 〈◊〉 , their watry humors please , amongst the cutled waves ; they frisk and seek for 〈◊〉 delights ; at last into some creek the saker streames convey them , where the tide forsakes them unawares , when they are spide , or from the shore , or from their muddie holes they 're took , imbowell'd , cast upon the coles ; or in the pan , like traitors halfe alive , dye by degrees : for 't is in vain to strive , with deaths 〈◊〉 . so , these vassalls play in waves of lusts , till wrath drives them away into a straight , where miseries are vast , ( not like delights which perish in the tast ) and constant dwellers , there they must remaine , till they are pluckt away , like traitors shine and cast into the flames : but still their name shall stinke on earth , as monuments of shame . the devill likes grand seigniors golden vice , finding a man inclin'd to avarice , fill'd with disdaine : whose cruelties beside make him a tyrant to maintaine his pride . he doth preferre him to'a loftie place , as full of envie , as he is free from grace . he peels the great ones , and undoes the poore to fill his coffe rs when his golden store is at the height , the turke doth cast his eye , to spy a fault , he is condem'd to dye by word of mouth ; to squeeze his vast estate into his treasurie , at such a rate my fondlings live , who are inclind to lust , the devill sets them in a place of trust ; who sucke the poyson'd sweet , untill they burst , they 'l feel that then they nere beleev'd at first . to undergoe their tortures could they hire , or like to salamanders , live in fire , or loose their sences in the flaming fume , or might their lasting soules in fire consume , i would decline my task , and spare my braines , and let them take their pleasures for their gaines . but bodies , soules , and sinnes in flames must frye , last by consuming spirits never dye . sect. ii. the centinells , the drunkards note , one cuts his hat and burns his coat : two devills would de file abride , and two to lust by coyne are tide : exchange of pimps , a harlot shent , a fooles conceit , the whores intent , a counter-greeting of the store , how to his friend , one lends his whore . the world now hung with black , my charge begun ; the western seas had swallow'd down the sun : but heavens tapers then began to light , which did by turnes attend the queene of night ; the skie was all enamell'd ( in my view ) with glittring diamonds , all the panes were blue . but straight the clouds those riches did disgrace ; for everie heavenly torch did hide his face . the sable stormes arose , proud winds grew high , which blew my candle out : alas , said i , my task is heavie ! here 's a hard beginning ! must i returne , and leave the harlots sinning ? my muse will never brook it ; all the best are lockt with th'leaden keyes to quiet rest , their mantles darknesse ; all their braines do steep in watrie humours , being rockt asleep with rough-breath'd lullabies . i held my tongue , but hop'd the best : such tempests are not long . some thriving bawd , that 's newly turn'd a witch , or else her father daemon ( think you which ) hath rais'd this blast from hell , congeal'd with spite , to stop my course , and spoyle my search to night : or else some calve-skin pander , for a spell , to keep the doore , hath sold himselfe to hell : and this the breath of triumph . but i must go now in hast , to over-look my trust . i from the centre went , to see how far my charge extended ; then a twinekling star broke prison through the clouds : the backer doore was open set , and out came divers more : the lower gates were open'd for the queene , where in their offices the sparks were seeve . the lesser lights of heaven stirr'd my fire : oh! heaven-borne patience ! thee i must admire ) which warm'd my breast . now , now my care begins , i spie an army clad with severall sins : but they disperse themselves , the front for feare turnes back in hast , to fall behind the reare : the files observe no distance , and the ranks are out of order , firing in the flanks , will end their service : for the wings are fled , or chang'd to scouts . see , who goes there in red ? a scarlet drunkard ? strength hath made him weak , he reeling railes about , yet cannot speak . his brains are like his guts , you need not feare his wit ; for he has none , but garbidge there : though he be three parts drown'd ; yet this i know . h'as a fire that is unquencht , he 's burnt below . he has been feasted by a man of note , who burnt his hat for joy , and shot his coat , to make him welcome . tom o' bedlams grace ! they drank the hogshead out , to take his place . then by and by appear'd before mine eyes , two earth-borne devills of the largest size , shap'd just like men , and cover'd o're with skin , they broke a doore quite downe ; and rushing in vpon a bride-groome , with his faithfull bride , ( who lying like a turtle by his side ) would faine have ravisht her ; for they did think 'thad been a cell , through which there was a fink , which older devils made , first to convay their ordure into hell a nearer way . from hence they go unfurnisht of a whore , crying , confound us , we mistook the doore . then next to them c●me ruffling on , whose haire hung downe almoft a yard , being rich and faire in his apparrell ; he was kept so high , and pamper'd like a bore within a stie : his pockets full , which made him much rejoyce , his sputs were off , because they had a voyce . i follow'd on , to understand his bent , a chamber doore being open , in he went ; where was a powder'd ape , as full of lust , as spiders are of poyson , graves of dust . they intermixt their sins , to purchase shame , he had his golden fee , then out he came . i met another of a lower breed , he 's like a common bull ; his wife agreed , to let him out for halfe a crowne a week , who undertakes he shall not be to seek , when any queane is salt , and cannot have a cur , to give her what her lust will crave : the bawd that entertaines 'em , for her paines , from the insatiate whore hath double gaines ; or coupling in the corners of the street , she saves a fee ; so dogs and bitches meet . i went on still , and spi'd two blades together , one was in frize , the other clad in leather : the first was bred in wales ; the other , he came newly from the vniversitie : his words are not his owne ; yet , full of art , as in pra●senti is his owne by heart . they 're bare and pennilesse : and this was it had made them poets , had they had but wit . they 'd take a whore up gratis . frize was vext ; pimp thou for me , said leather , i le pimp next . but coming by a hall , i saw the wine passe to and fro in bowles , and for a signe they had a whore to hang , one brought her in ( which was a gull ) to tempt the rest to sin : she fawn'd upon 'em , she muft clip and kisse ; one wiser than the rest perceiving this , reprives her to the bar , where she must bide to kisse the cup ; and there her case is tride . she speaks her name in welch ; had they not grace , she would bewitch them with her smiling face . the pimp that brought her in will make no stay , can he be merrie while his punck's away ? when this was past , i forward went , and found a prating mushroome , which would faine be crown'd for wittie deep conceits ; and now and then he has applause amongst the worst of men . he speaks by patternes , being verie nice ; and idlenesse in men , hee 'll prove no vice . he makes his wife his slave , which god did make to be his fellow-helper , he will take advantage to abuse her , fhe must do his servile drudgerie , yet cannot wooe from him a loving word , nor gentle look ; i reckon'd him with men , but i mistook ; they eat and lye apart , and still will he maintaine she 's only for necessitie . he leave this busie pratler ( never gripe ) for like a medler he is rotten ripe . then i discri'd , a harlot caught a man to view her in the light : now if he can let him avoyd the snare , the pimp brings up his pots halfe full , that 's common ; let 'em sup . i cannot ftay to watch'em , but a saint was on the signe without , in curious paint . i parted , saying thus , heaven sees your sin , a saint without , but devills are within : i heard a noyse a trull was counter-laid , her fees for her enlargement must be paid , by that old citie-whore : and now they meet , she askes her money in the open street ; the other mou'd with spleenbegan to roare and in revenge she cri'd a whore , a whore . thus crying out , she ran away apace , the old one 's bolted in the young ones place . but then my cares were with a voice opprest , the which to me was stranger then the rest : and yet he did but whisper this , out-right , pray lend my master but your wench to night ; ( for his is out of towne ) and he will be engag'd t' your worfhip for the courtesie : he 'l send is owne sedan . then he reply'd , he is my friend , he must not be deny'd . i see my walke at length , i hope my braine may find more ease , as i returne againe ; the sun nere saw such things , the pale-fac't moone shrinks back with shame , my night is come too soone . darknesse it selfe is vailed with a maske , to hide her blush , i 've undertook a taske which none alive will second , that my muse sings out such theames , which other do refuse ; the earth beares all , what springs from hell growes high , th'ayre will not be infected , why should i ? my soule abhores those things , of which i write , my muse and i , are both confin'd to night . my search is but begun , i cannot ftay , my walking backe shall be another way . sect. ii. a sharking thiefe , how knaves do spend their masters goods , and of the end that strumpets have , the letchers gold , one lov'd young flesh and starv'd being old . one welcomes three , the dance is round , the laundresse plea , a charter found . the drunkards moanes , the fiends do rise , he falls dispairing so he dies . by this , the middle region was refin'd the fire-fac't travellours did in their kind post through the azure globe : but from above the distance great , i could not see 'em move . the metamorphis'd nimph , did sometimes hide her face with cipresse like a maiden bride : but suddenly the sawcie clouds would rush most rudely by them , with a modest blush she 'd over-looke the world . muse do not thou sing comick straines , thou'st tragick fancies now to try thy genius : yonder comes a theefe , who seekes at doores and windowes for reliefe ; if he can snap a prey , that would redeeme his losse amongst his drabs , he would esteem himselfe a happie bruit : and it would be a coverlet , and present remedie for drunkennesse , and lost ; he 's very bare , the spending of his money bought his care . he cannot speed as yet , oh , this a spite ! his wife and children have not supt to night ; they wait his coming home , had he but sped with any thing that would but purchase bread , 't would serve for once : but home he must not goe till he hath toucht , his shaddow tells him so . a little further-there a rout i spide , feasting and kissing ; where they did divide their masters goods by retaile , every jade must have her share , then she will freely trade ; they sparing not for cost , provide such cheare , their masters would be glad of once a yeare : they drinke their mistris health , and then they woo , they 'l pay , and so away , yet tarrie too , to drink another pottle we 'l allow , we meet but seldome , let 's be merrie now . with many times adieu , at last they part , each one with corner kisses leaves his heart . then meet i with a trub , most shamelesse , vild , sh'was of the old translation , big with child , and wants a father for 't : now , if she can , she does intend to shame a guiltlesse man . her friends had cast her off : she hopes to find ( though they are harsh ) their nearest neighbour kind : he being honest , scornes to bribe this whore , shee 'll after wait to leave it at his doore . when this was past , a fierce enammell'd queane came raging with her whiskin , who did meane to trade in mischiefe ; they a match did make , to indure hell for one anothers fake : they newly came from prison , bail'd from thence by mutton-mongers , who for recompence crave but her love : and now they may abuse their neighbours freely ; neither can they chuse , because it fits their tempers . oh , abhor it ! they think in time to get a patent for it . a justice with his letter makes a way : when that is done , it will encrease their joy . the next a sordid letcher , verie old , tempting a modest beautie with his gold : though sin had suckt him drie , yet his desire did mock his lost into a foolish fire . in his conceit , if he his will could have , 't would make him young , and keep him from his grave . but she being wisely honest , would not fawne on him , nor 's gold , to lay her soule to pawne . ere this was past , i heard a woman crie , being weak with age ; ah , wo is me ! must i be faine to beg my bread ? i married thee being young , for pitie , that thy miserie might be remov'd , thee succor'd , being poore , my wealth i made thine owne ; and thou this store hast vainely spent , thou slight'st me in my need , now i am punisht 'cause i did thee feed . another yet ? a doore being open made , two men together lying by a jade , 't was monstrous to behold , they would away , she past all shame , desired them to stay , i thought they had been brothers , made a stand , to see a third man seize upon their land : and at his entrance if he 'l give a fee he may beone , for she had room for three : help her but in a case , conceale the crime , she 'l pleasure him at any other time . just as i stept away , i lookt about , i saw a place , from whence came dauncing out a troup of gallants , other while they staid , sometimes the fidler sung , somtimes hee plaid . the sparke that led the daunce , was all in blacke , he cut his capers till the strings did cracke . and then he stunke apace , they fear'd no weather , what need they feare seeing they were drunk together ? the dances being past , it was my fate to see a landresfs , who had been so late to fetch her masters linnen , all was husht , she went in pale , but coming out she blusht . but making her defence thus ( quicke enough ) i by mis-fortune , did forget a ruffe , which i must starch , before i close mine eyes , and bring it home , before he 'l please to rise . i do no ill , mistrust me not , i pray ; i come so late , 'cause he 's from home all day , but after this , i heard ( without a cause ) a pimping cheater raile against the lawes ; he had for 's villanie been lately whipt , warm'd in the hand , then shoulder markt and snipt : o cruell times ! hard bound ! and thus he sits , this is an age , we cannot use our wits . i pimp , i shark , and steale , ( do i amisse ? ) yet cannot be allow'd , to live by this ; a senior thus reply'd , do'st thou begin to curse the law , which shames thee for thy sin ? hell gapes for such as thee : then out he flings bis pueri senes , is the note he sings . my muse with sad conceits begins to scan the centinels , where first my search began : i heard such moanes as cut my heart like swords , consisting more in groanes , and lesse in words : a dying sinner loath to change his life , for whom vast hell is with the earth at strife ; he drunk into a surfeit , he must have the hottest wines , there 's coldnesse in the grave ; fill me the t'other bowle , i like it well , they say such liquor 's very scarce in hell : alas it will not downe ! ah , now must i go down , down , down , where i shall still be dry . then crying towards the shadow of the moone , away ye horrid fiends ! yee come too soone ! i am not rotten yet , though i am curst , oh , do not take me , till i 've quencht my thirst ! earth , wilt thou leave thy friend ? and as he cry'd my hope is gone , he of the surfeit dy'd . his epitaph . forbeare ye tender hearts , let not your eyes drop pearles in vaine : h'was wet too much before : he was a sink to what the grave denies , death yeoman of his celler , keeps the doore . he dranke himselfe to dust , nor can his skin keep out the wormes , which kept the liquor in . i see my charge is heavie , what will fall , in my precinct , when i shall sum up all ? i have a strange beginning ! who will share with me in paines ? or undertake my care ? all kinds of walking spirits i must meet , though they are wrapt in skin : the open street gives all the succour i am like to find , to cheare my wearie muse , or case my mind . man that was made of all the creatures free , the beasts are not such vassalls now as hee . he 's borne , he lives , and dyes , yet never knowes his errand to the world : nor what he owes to him that fram'd him in his mothers womb , his soule is out at use , untill his tomb closeth upon his flesh : and then hard stones with natures leave , are partners with his bones . you have but yet a tast , to what i will discover to your view of night-born ill . i cannot passe my serious part so brief , 't will aske some time to sifta a bawde : the thiefe will with the rabble put their answers in , and you shall heare , how they will plead for sin , with the reply : which turnes the poyson dart , then all their actions moraliz'd in part ; together with the helps i shall apply , that they may learn to live before they dy . without the practice , how those things i know , to cleare all doubts , i at the end will show . so , now my muse go search for stranger sins , thy charge is ended , when the day begins sect. iv. a lord , his traine , the beastly slaves , the midwifes faults , the catchfull knaves , one bed-rid lyes , that lost his whore , the house of sin , made fit for more , a convert found , his sonder elfe doth read his lines , and hang her selfe . of iustice had-bin once , the nurse , the spotted dame , fogs empty purse . the vapours that were summond by the sun into the sire , before the night begun , within the cloudie mantles , swell , till they break prison in the darke , and force away to vent their watry humours , to disgrace the swarme that buz about , whose blacker face exceeds black night her selfe ; now forc'd with fears to turne to drops , and then dissolve to tears : ( not flatter'd into pearles ) they fall downe right , which do lament the whoredome of the night . my babes got refuge , where they had releefe , i sought for ease , which did encrease my griefe : for , in a troubled slumber , i did find strange fearfull visions brought unto my mind , all tragicall , which did my senses take ; me thought i saw , as though i had been awake , a lord ( so call'd ) his traine with worsted lace dawb'd verie thick ; his pimp found out a place to buy another hell , he 's guarded in , ( he having took possession of his sin ) his honour is no knave , his queane no whore . he being a lord , she 's but his paramour : his lordships bare of coyne , but those may have protection gratis that bespeak his grave : with cap and knee , my lord , at ev'rie word ; his pander 's his buffoone , which can afford to break a jest , to make his lordship merrie ; he 's like to those whom trust did make so wearie , till they deceiv'd it . shortly he 'l take pet , because he cannot run no more in debt , for cloth , for lace , for beavours , and for silk , for capons , herbs , for butchers meat and milk , and other things : my lord will saile away , must pesants haunt him ? let 'em seek their pay . a mid wife , and a keeper , that did use to keep all close , belonging to the stewes , which had their fees , and would convey the fact into a sink , or els translate the act. then came a farmer with his bearish cubs , made such a smell and ratling with his tubs , that night was much in feare ; such noyse they made , their language was much fowler than their trade : with postures suting , this polluted trash , by filthinesse , do here escape the lash . what , bailiffs walk by night ? your guard is strong : do no man right , i pray , but all men wrong with whom you deale : come , make the plaintiffe pay for waiting times ; the night exceeds the day . if the defendant come within your power , pray , make him pay an angell for an hower . or you 'll degenerate : how 's truth abus'd ! such roguing catch-polls should be ever us'd . a weakling taken with a harlots voyce , and fawning looks , neglects his former choyce , to cleave to her , who with her venom'd breath , divides his heart alive : but at her death this sot falls sick , his senses do decay , and now his filth breaks out another way : for he lyes bed-rid , vext , and he doth rave , all his delights are buried in the grave . with that , me thought , i saw , and heard a bawd , the situation , and her house applaud , which stands entire ; a fob made under ground , to hide her cattell , where a catch turnes round , to let 'em in and out : a slie back doore , where any bash full knave , or modest whore , may come and go unseen ; besides , the leads , where they may hide , if they should search the beds . iron boks to ev'rie door , and the staires made so cunningly , that i can drive my trade vnknowne to all : with wanton pictures trim'd my rooms are all , some painted , and some limb'd . like to the paler vermine , whose renowne 〈◊〉 to creep up , and nest upon the crowne , the height of their ambition can no higher , they with such bawdes must downe into the fire . a man whose passion had engag'd his heart to one whose lust had ty'd to act her part , with him : being lawlesse she her time will spend , with what 's most precious , so to have her end . but he began to have an inward eye , and having drawne the streames of pleasures dry , the gravell fills his mouth . thus he complains vnto himselfe , i must expect the pains which follow sinfull sweets ; which are at strife to seale disgrace upon , then take my life . lust steales the name of love : i must abide reproach among my friends , on ev'ry fide my sores break out , my childrens cries breed griefe ; my ' state 's consum'd , i cannot give relief to serve their wants . diseases which i have , will 〈◊〉 my 〈◊〉 piece-meale to the grave . what helps to make me wearie of my life , the constant barking of a froward wife , who us'd to vex me , where she did me find , and spread my same , yet could not change my mind . but most of all , my soule a bleeding lies , fearing to be releas'd ; from him it flyes that must give help ( if any comes at all ) or to the burning deep i downe must fall ; vvhere hypocrites must dwell , who are misled , that seek for living fruits among the dead . she muses , hee so long from her did stay , and sends these lines to hasten him away . my love , i long to see thy face , oh! come to me ! i will imbrace thy sweet bosome ; let not me for want of thy sweet company lye dipt in teares , is love growne cold ? or have those six dayes made thee old ? or has thy peevish brawling wife made thee refrain so sweet a life ? be not dismaid ! when fortune brings me gold , with other gallant things , 't is all thine owne , to come make hast , and then the winter will be past . with all conditions , i can fit to humour thee , and heare thy wit : thy absence makes my heart opprest which lives in thine , and so i rest , thy friend or not for this world , h. e. from my lodging in lukeners-lane . his answer . though i was foolish , mad , and vain , to sell away my heart , to buy a never-dying staine and cheapen lasting smart ; by thy temptations , i was drawne to fall in love with sin , to lay my soule , my life to pawne to fetch new torments in . i now renounce my former deeds , and what i lov'd before i hate it ; bitter griefe exceeds ; teares wash them off the score . vaine is thy suit , repent and turne , thy former waies amend , least wrath in thee doth ever burne , where cursed pleasures end : thine once , but now his owne . from princes street . like to an oxe , when she these lines had read , which having felt the axe upon his head , staggers a while , and gaines a little stay ; then tugs the roap , but cannot 'scape away . or like the swine whose throat receives the knife , he runs about to loose his wearied life : she fumes with rage , and stares about for death , the knife 's mislaid , she cannot get out breath ; without some warning : then a rope she got , and tide it to a beame , made fast the knot and stretcht her neck : so thus she ends her life , and changes mortall , for immortall strife . her epitaph as she hangs . this lump of clay , the heavens do disdaine , o're-matcht by hell , dy'd over-charg'd with sinne : hangs in the aire whereas the devills raigne , earth brought her out , which scornes to take her in . her soule 's confin'd , within those blacke precincts , which will not take her carkase , 'cause she stinks . sir justice had-been , prompting whores and theeves , turn'd to the slime of shame : whom he releeves must weare the badge of hell . a poor mans grief being forc'd to lodge a punck , and keep a thief , at his command for nought : broke out so fast , that shame did blush to hear 't , till at the last he told him , had he brought a — in hand he had been eas'd , for justice cannot stand with bare complaints . this tribe was lately shent , and routed too , pray thank the parliament . shame steeld with impudence ! one brings his nurse that 's gag'd for hell , to twist a double curse , and challenge vengeance : 'cause his wife lyes in , they 'll have a chamber writ to charge their sin . a spotted fondling which begins to swagger , 'cause she 's indicted : here the codpiece-dagger , receives it name , fog , with a fierie face , as free from coyne , as he is bare of grace ; ( yet stockt with knavetie ) would adjourne this curse , his words are bribes , because his emptie purse stands out-law'd , for the fact he did last night , though he appears , that durst not come in sight . some are not ripe enough for death to pluck , nor is their measure full ; some others suck the poyson with their sins , untill they burst : all turning not are at the last accurst . like toads , or traytours , being male-contents , " that from faire day-light hide their foule intents , " but spets 'em in the night . here they do mind their owne undoing , in another kind . the panther drawes men with his pleasing sent into , or neare his den ; when his intent is to devoure'em . so the devill drawes the sinners in , where with his sharper clawes he teares their flesh . poore creature , that exceeds the second devill in his cursed deeds ! who freely loves the sins , but hates the shames that follow close , nor will he owne those names . the devill lives a batchelour , but he is free from acting of adulterie , as from foule language ; he was never drunk , nor did he ere lye bed-rid for a punk . hee 'll nere begin , nor pledge thy masters health , hee 'd rather give , than steale a way mens wealth : whom he arrests , they do not take it well ; yet ere hee 'll hang himselfe , hee 'll hang in hell : his sins are spirituall ; to act such ill , he has nor flesh , nor bones ; he wants no will . where wolves do prey upon the silly sheep , the shepherd is unweapon'd , or asleep . when you neglect your soules , then lust destroyes , and ruines me on in a thousand wayes : those that do whip out time , in the event will crosses find , where they expect content . he that above doth place his love aright , shall find true joy , in stead of base delight . the greatest torment here lyes in the brest of him that in his humours seeks for rest , with restlesse motion . after death he must meet flaming hot , the second part of lust . sect. v. imps feasting those that hide their shame , what they had , from whence it came : their figures drawne . a searchers doubt , what wayes to find these sinners out , and spoyle their nests . hell is reveal'd ; vpon what tearmes the devill seal'd . the witch deni'd . the hatefull frie turn'd to a dreadfull 'natemie . night bribes the greedy clowds , whose buckrom skin tan'd black with envie , drawes thick darknesse in ; flatters the subtill vapours from the earth , t' assist the goddesse , travelling in birth , with various changings of the last edition , which must be cover'd close : no repetition of her conception , she conceales her breed for black designes ; pray officers take heed : moryheus resignes his keyes , and she hath prest the world to silence , who must keep a feast for men of qualitie : the jaylors first shew kindnesse to their brats , when no man durst . the bride well beadle's next : if any slip , they 'll twist it soft , and oker 〈◊〉 the whip , to make a signe for shew , but save their skin : they 're welcome here ; then marshals men come in ; for passing by the doores they are invited : the common watch-men , when they are benighted , conduct them to their lodgings , and will hide faults , persons , places ; if they be espide , the beadle winks at all : and they must be their middle guests to this societie . two supervisors , justice — his clark came blundring , found it , though it was so dark : to do them service he will be their page . the others over-see them , and the cage diverted from a bug-beare , they passe by , with carelesse looks , and a disdainfull eye . at last the hang-man came , ( being verie late ) and prov'd himselfe an officer of state ; cause he can help'em to a falling band that is in fashion , turne them of his hand with gentlenesse , he 's entertain'd in love , he sits below , that us'd to ride above . the place where they did feast , i 'm loth to name ; seeing i disclose , and they conceale their shame , 〈◊〉 note , 〈◊〉 was neere long-acre , in a place , in which hells featfull she shall reap disgrace : if with her imps she haunt it in the day , where sodom and 〈◊〉 ( as they say ) receive a second being , where in fell the tragick part , the second scene of hell . now all the guests are come , and for their fare , those that are frinds to darknesse , do prepare their dishes severall : for the love they found from them at 〈◊〉 times , their chear shall now abound , the bill of fare . a letter pard'ning sweet offence , with halfe a thousand peter-pence , as tickets from queenes street , a court-like dish of divers things , larks , puets , teile , 〈◊〉 germane brings from a child of the kitchin , a lady knowne to divers peeres , i dare not name her for mine cares , sent a venison pastie . black jenkin brought from turne-taile megs , two pheasants rosted full of eggs , with a charger of sweet meats . a mutton-pastie full of plums , a rosted pig , with sauce , which comes from the old cherrie-garden . a leg of mutton , and a hen , well drest , for halfe a dozen men ; from parkers lane . two necks of mutton , neatly boyl'd , the meat was good , the broth was spoyl'd , from the cole-yard . a loyne of mutton of the best , two rabbets which did grace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the new 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a loyne of veale , a curious hare , two pippin-pies , which was the fare , from pickadella and so-ho . a hanch of venson verie fat , ( and when they saw 't , they smil'd at that ) from mistresse peele . a brace of woodcocks , and a flight of partridges , all caught since night , from mistresse gray and mistresse hill , dame agur shew'd she loves her trade , who sent two custards ready made , with a pottle of sack . moll cut-purse sent , with ambergreece , two fooles made sweet , worth crownes apeece , with a monkey to make 'em sport . they had a turkie rosted browne , 't is thought it cost at least a crowne , from nine-penny mod. dame lopas sent the brewers clark , ( who lost his way it was so datk ) with a pigeon-pie . from mother gardner was convay'd to them , two pullets never laid , with a gallon of claret . pimp major brought from everie jade , that was in stock , and kept her trade , six pence at least for wine . who knowes what that lascivious imp , which swore saint george into a pimp , might send in his sedan . to shew what gammer welch did send , or goody grigs , i should not end , till i had tir'd my muse . what giles's , martins in the fields , what black-mans street , or kent street yeelds , would be tedious to relate . for ev'rie one within the line , which sent in money , meat , or wine , cannot be nam'd . the beadle tun'd his pipes , and rais'd his throat , he hath a mind to sing , his straggling note is now reduc'd ; but had his necke been ftrung , h'had plai'd a fit or two , but never sung . the song . vvhat candid sweetnesse is expreft , from hearts , by love , made free ? pans tribe had never such a feast , nor such rewards as we . the bounty of the winged god is in his subjects fhowne , blind 〈◊〉 ! make for those a rod who traffiqne with their owne ? jove , crowze with pleasures and content with freedom . and successe , those pollisht treasures nature meant her off-spring should posse'sse . doth any swaine enjoy a field which may not sow the ground , and reap the fruit which it doth yeeld with pleasures that abound ? the spring bestowes her maiden-head where natures fine is paid , whose babes had been but hunger-fed had ceres dy'd a maid . jove crowne , &c. we 'll honour still the free-borne race , vvhole minds to merits move : winke at , help , free all those with grace and praise the queen of love . to please young gallants is no crime , or put new life to age , we 'll clap a perriwig on time , and he shall be their page . jove crowne with pleasures , &c. love muzzells envy , puts a bit into the mouths of them , whose beards hang downe for signes of wit yet prize not cupids jem . let supervisors search the aire , and paper-scare-crowes flye , to vent their spleen into dispaire , till malice bleake and dye . jove crowne &c. we 'l travell dry-shod through the deep and cool through fierie flames , our braines in helicon we 'll steep , to blaze their honour'd names . let pegasus their sumptures beare , parnassus traine attend their joyes alive , and trophies weare to grace them to their end . jove crowne , &c. when they with wounds of love shall dye , fame shall their vertues crowne , and ev'rie star that 's in the skie , shall weare a mourning gowne : the sun a sable riding suit , the moone a tabbie vaile , the world ( with cypresse hung ) be mute , grim death , go under baile . jove crowne , &c. the birds which visit shadie groves , in silence droop the wing ; save philomel which sorrow moves their elegies to sing . the painfull silk-wormes master-peece ( perfum'd ) shall make them shrouds : for balme wee 'll rob the pride of greece , cut seare-cloth from the clouds . jove crowne , &c. with roses , pinks , and gilly-flowers , adorne their monefull herse ; teares turn'd to pearles , with honey showers , compos'd with stately verse ; to measure out apollo's height , which strong-breath'd loftie lines , shall sacrifice the muses right , to consecrate their shrines . jove crowne with pleasure and content , with freedome and successe , the pollisht treasures nature meant . her off-spring should possesse . they 're verie joviall drinking healths about to all their benefactors . e're the rout did fall in pieces , thus the clarke did wish , on that my master had but such a dish ! he loves it deerly , think it is not lost , his curtesies will countervaile the cost . but squire dicks perceivd , to whom the slip belong'd by right , did hardly feel the whip . and that his place was wrong'd , which by descent did fall to him , took pet , away he went ; to shew their humours ( to prevent the harms they use their names as vizards do their charmes ) is needlesse here , but all this dunghill breed look like the excrements , on which they feed . a maistive litter ! which at carion plucks , and like the witches , which the devil sucks ; they live on sins ( as parrators did use ) and strip truth naked , to maintaine their stewes . i turn'd , and did a powerfull man espie , and he began to search as well as i ; with whom i had discourse : he askt me how these things might be redrest ? said i , alow wise men , but leave to search suspected places with warrants ; by their habits , and their faces , with carriage , course of life , will soon bewray ( first try a smooth , and then a rugger way ) their guiltinesse . one's poor , being over-awde , plundred of all , a cozen to the bawde another proves her self : a souldiers wife , the third will be , and she is now in strife to get his pay : the fourth i● in debt ; the lives in private , for the hounds are set ●o smell her out . another can produce ●etters , to shew her portion 's out at use , and cannot get it in ; her mother 's faine to send her meanes , which by her notes is plaine : but written by the pimp still , once a week . the last , of all , her answers are to seek , and shee 'll confesse the vilenesse of this trash , so you will save her from the beadles lash : send out to seize 'em , as they walk the street , they 'll call familiar names , you smiling greet , with c●ze , how d'ye sir ? what 's a clock ? good night : oh , countrey-man ! what newes ? and you invite to drink a cup : put them within ( for state ) one of the bridewells , or the counter gate . the houses you may know , by little cans , and pimping pots , from any honest mans . where , they sell drink , or of their neighbours bought , of everie penny they will make a groat . their times of meeting 's after candle-light , you 'll find them in their filthy nests by night , with their foule traine ; trie , finding bad their cause , do justice quickly ; bribes will blind the lawes : shame partiall knaves : do ( trusting faithfull men ) more in a yeare than has been done in ten . this pleas'd him well ; he 'ld use his power and skill , to honour true men , chase away the ill . and parting thus , a rogue , that bought his wife , being kin to great men , they might save his life , and make him sessions proofe , appear'd before . when he was past , there was behind a doore the devill booted , in his hand a switch , who with a bawd , a strumpet , and a witch , held conference ; the first , as it appeares , demands a lease of one and thirtie yeares , to live at ease , with mirth ( as she hath seen ) but his commission grants but seventeen vpon a rotten soule . the second must have fortie five to satiate her lust , and dwell with pleasures ; and the fiend must be engag'd to keep her from the gallow-tree , and whipping posts : 'cause her bewitching tongue must bring him custome , being faire and young ; he seales for thirtie , giving her a jeere , i never us'd to buy a soule so deare . then spoke the witch , to have her lease renew'd , most out of date ; which when the devill view'd , he laughing said , i will renew thy roule , if thou canst pawne me but thy daughters soule ; for this is mine . do'st take me for thy slave ? lend time on that , which shortly i must have ! feare made her quake . he ( to resolve the doubt ) will keep her warme when her indenture 's out . as strangers , flatter'd with deceitfull snow , fall in a deadly pit ; they do not know , that ruine waits upon them . like the asse , vpon bare quarter to and fro doth passe , laden with spices , gold , and precious stones , fowles teare his flesh , and dogs do gnaw his bones . when they die , slaine , diseased , weak , or old , they cannot bribe these vermin with their gold . so hell-hounds , peece-meale , vexeth everie part , which suck their bloud ; the vulture cats the heart . their feet make creepers , to support the brand , their legs in flames , like hand-irons do stand : their bellies fill'd with horrours , and for racks , to hang their bowels on , they use their backs : they drie their livers , and they broyle their lungs ; slicing their armes , their hands they use like tongs , to stir the burning coales : in sulph'rie smoke , their heads must hang , with which the throat must choke : the veines and sinnewes shrink , the ribs must lie like gridirons , on which their soules must fire : their spirits dye alive , they have their skin tann'd brimstone proofe , to keep their torments in . th'ad better been unborne , than thus misled , to be in hell anatomiz'd when they ' are dead . sect. vi . a formlesse female you shall find , as well in body as in mind ; her face , her speech , her breath bewray'd , her hands , back , sides , legs , feet , display'd : she 'd faine turne whore , if not a bawd , her meanes have suitors ; none applaud her parts , non person , in disgrace they leave her , when they see her face . ere flora's savour had the aire perfum'd , or barren winter was by time consum'd , the teeming earth did promise wealth and peace , when she was stor'd with blessings of encrease . the day had morgag'd time to envious night , then was a female brought unto my sight , drain'd from the dregs of time ; which when i saw , how she was fram'd t' oppose great natures law , i could not chuse but wonder : then my muse call'd fancie in , took libertis to use her skill , to limb this virgin : you may see how both her beautie , and her parts agree . you might perceive the haire upon her head was took on trust , or purchas'd from the dead . her ears were large , and hang'd about with 〈◊〉 , she 'd shak'em oft , and prick them like an asse : her browes were furrow'd , verie deep , and large , and fill'd with soyle , ( 't was but an easie charge ) they like a pent-house hung , to save her face from all mis-fortunes ; colour'd with such grace , say what you would , her colour would not change , 't was chesnut-like : in maids 't is verie strange . her nose did shew , how envie doth appeare : above 't was pale : consumption , griefe , and feare , had made it shrink ; the other part did swell , and look't so red , as if it would rebell : it did disdaine the other in distresse , that part grew rich , the other poore and lesse : the lower part turn'd up againe with spleen ; to quiet all , there was a hill between , kept downe the fire : but still the graine doth fret , the holes were made , some of the rubies set . two streames run through 't , how strange it was to me , that fire and water should so well agree ! her eyes perceiv'd this strife about the nose , though they were sunk , the water then arose to coole this broyle : fresh remedie it seeks , with running post it gutter'd all her cheekes , but all in vain : then both her eyes did bend their force to wait upon the lower end . though divers waies they seem'd to go astray , they view'd the nose as constant as the day ; they altogether sham'd great neutunes pride , when that is low , 't is alwaies here high tide : her pimpl'd cheekes made fruitfull by the itch , deckt o're with pearles , but were not halfe so rich ; they still were solid in the midst of mirth , for gardning time , her nailes had rakt up earth . her breasts were like two bottles made of leather , yet thev were twins , for they stuck close together , some carbunkles , with saphires there were set , the ground , some yellow , some as blacke as jet , she had one fault , her mouth was too too narrow , reacht but from eare to eare , mouth'd like a sparrow ; her lips were shrewdly beaten with the weather , and so at ods they would not come together : they swell'd with pride , then emulation rose which first should catch the droppings of her nose ; the lower lip did alwaies cheat the other , and quite forgot the upper was her brother ; her teeth being kind , did grieve so much , that they fell in consumption pining still away . all mourn'd in blacke , each tooth did lose his life dy'd by degrees , and left them thus at strife ; the language that did steale out from her throat did jarre , and sound just like a ravens note ; the screech-owle in the tone did beare a part , but not a word proceeded from her heart . to see this damsell many there did throng , her breath did keep them of it smelt so strong , full six yards of ( muse prethee do not lye ) her breath was smelt , judg'd of the standers by . a sillie cur was for this savour blam'd , he being guiltlesse , ran away asham'd . her neck was sable , and decitfull too , bearing the head with verie much adoe ; nor could it once be brought to owne her face , but sinke it downe , and left it in disgrace . her shoulders still were constant at a pinch , her head abov'em could not creep an inch : they held together and did domineer , keeping the head with force below in fear ; her hands were wrinkled , with so grosse a graine you could not see the rising of a veyne . and being colour'd of the sadest white like mourning-gloves , and yet swell'd up with spite : her fingers were too short to tell a sum , nor could you know her fingers from her thumb . then looking on her backe , a bunch i spi'd that was most constant on the weakest side : 't was broad and ridged , yet not much in length , made fit for burdens , but she wanted strength . she 'd lost a joynt being frighted in this fray , one side sunke halfe a yard the other way : her hips did shrink aside , yet they with passion broke out , 'cause fardingales were out of fashion . to all the rest , her buttocks were unkind , they followed after , but a yard behind ; her massie legges , seem'd to be made of wood , here 's one fault more , the wrong ends downwards stood . she on her leg did scorne to nurse a calfe , the lower end was fuller fed by halfe : her fleshly ancles would not be content , but spread themselves ( think but how spare she went ) her corn-fed feet with haste were never mov'd , her heels would strike each others , yet they lov'd ; the sides were not so hollow as the rest , the bottomes too did like plaine dealing best : she loves square play , she is even with her toes , th'were borne together , but they live like foes . they will not yeeld , although they are kept under , they keep true distance still a yard asunder ; her temper is the lowest in degrees , pray pardon one mistake , i 've mist her knees ; they did uphold each other in this fight , like faithfull friends , yet they would often smite ; her mind was wanton but her face and shape would coole the lusting of the filthiest ape . she was a fowle of night , what nature did lay open to her shame , she would have hid ; a whore she would have been , none did appliud her parts , nor person , then she 'd turne abawd , but that she prov'd to be the common scoffe , but as a foyle , to set such cattell off , she might be us'd , if she could get a place , for she 's as shamelesse , as the begger 's base . to shun temptation , there 's no need to maske her , shew but her face , there 's none alive will ask her . her fame was spread , to see this lasse came store , but then her looks did fright 'em from the doore : the rayment on her backe was verie rich or for her lands and coine , i know not which suitors came in ; the wealth they came to woe , bur none could hav 't except they 'd have her too , then they left off their suits , still to this time she leads a single life , being past her prime . if i should show her wit , how she will vapour , 't would 〈◊〉 my time , besides a sheet of paper : her out-side now shall satisfie my rime , i le blaze her inside at another time . look where she is , and view her in the light , now i le be filent , least i shame her quite . sect. vii . a carpenter the devill turnes , and in a brothell-house , he learnes to pimp about . he falls in love with two or three that lye above . he'ad been gentile , to please one whore , had not the surg'on found her sore . a cheat , complaints , a filthy damp from traytours vaults , the beastly camp ; a phoenix found ; two sherking spies ; the bawds profession , ere she dies . after the storme , the clouds which did embrace the nights black bosome , flatter'd with disgrace , prove turne-coats on her ; or , like moores in spite , being black themselves , do paint the devill white : their shrowds were gleanes & comets . now their pride ( their watne robes dropt peece-meale ) cannot hide the passages of hell : they rather make a court of guard , that the infernall lake may have commerce more freely : at the last , hell sent a private spie , who with a blast . mounts to an upper roome , and gain'd reliefe , where cock the coblers pink commands in chiefe . his habit like a carpenter , his hose of beggars velvet , here and there a rose brancht out with fruits ; his wast-coat verie red , a plaited band , a cap wrought on his head , a rule by 's side , his apron rugged leather , his stockings blue , his heeles went close together ; with flat sol'd shooes . i drawing neere to see , his cloke-bag hose were ti'd above the knee : his hands were brawnie , with a swarfie face , much like the jew that us'd to haunt the place , which ends this bawdie row . black nick's their guest , who minds them most , when they do mind him least . he 's much in love with cock , and haunts her bed , he ccurts her twice , and if her maiden-head had been but vampt , sh'ad pleas'd this cautious spie , who fear'd the heat . she did but draw his eye ; he hopes to match her , to encrease the breed of vulcans nephews , and the serpents seed . he loves the mistresse too , because she 's right , he 'd be the jewes corrivall : but to night the clerk must becord her first ; hee 'll patience learne , finding she breeds up others for his turne , and payes the use to hell : when she doth call , who hopes at last to have the principall . this fiend is active , downward he doth creep , and finds a vassall enter'd , fast asleep , who had not paid the custome for his sin , but thought to cheat the devill ; who came in and like a coarse he winds him in the sheet , and carr's him out , and layes him in the street ; by rule he measur'd him , as though his doome had been to make his coffin or his tomb , but left him on his face , as if this slave for 's 〈◊〉 , were to scratch himselfe a grave . when waking he amazed , and affright , with nembling joynts , fierce looks , with 's haire upright ran to , and fro : he by experience found his lodging was upon the devills ground ; where he will build anew , or pitch his tent , and for this end this carpenter was sent . he 's often in the cellar , through a chink he 'll peep , when giunie comes to draw the drink , sculk in the drinking-rooms , when any whore lookes on his face , he slinks behind the doore and vanisheth : yet knocking neare the rout , stamps on the flowre , and throwes the goods about : trips up the staires , and finds a sherk a bed , he walks about the room , then holds his head . he proves a constant ghuest , both night , and day , but like the scotch-man , deile a groat he 'll pay . well , nick mounts higher yet , and whets his tooles , throwes down the table , up and down the stooles : and finds a pinnace waking , by and by he takes his axe ands lifts it up on high , aimes at her necke , and holds it o're the bed , as though he did intend to chop her head off at a blow : if thus he had serv'd this jade , 'thad been enough to 've spoiled the hang-mans trade . a reall warning ! and the stroke had been , but yet she is not blacke enough with sin . she 's fearfull , strange , she doth not like his pitch , if she were old enough to make a witch , he 'd grow familiar with her , then he spv'd a surgeon coming on , who must be fry'd , for being scalded , or the old disease creeps through her bones , which can afford no ease : must have a private search , and who but he attend him up ? the carpenter must see . sometimes he 'd peepe , and by and by he 'd pause , first here , then there ; and when he found the cause , slunk out of sight , the surgeon saw him first , call'd for a jugge of beere , to quench his thirst ; tooke him to be the tapster : but in feare he left his patient , and forgot his beere . the carpenter was taken with this jade , and for her sake he had forsooke his trade , pack't up his tooles , and sent away his boxe , save that he was afraide to catch the — or to be burn'nt , he could not leave his nel : alas , he knowes there 's heate enough in bell . i heard a sudden knocking , at a dore , none in the house , but choise of goods , and store ; the answer was , no person is within , they heard one as they saide , and doe begin to give salutes , to blinde the neighbours eyes , they put one in , and car'd away the prize . neare to that place , was a malignant crue , plotting deceits : ( let casar have his due ) and spurne at those ( like drones within the hives ) that fetch them hony , to preserve their lives . then coming neare their camp , some swore , som drunk , each , two or three . betwixt them had their punck : some rob'd , some stole , and brought it to their den , they 've license for 't , shall princes loose their men for want of pincks and plunder , is it right ? th'associated pillage made 'em fight . as they preserve truth , liberty , and lawes , so let them thrive : let justice trie the cause . here 's one comes moaning of her selfe , her case is very bad ; she cannot keepe her place for supervisers . wenches tooke away for bridewell birds . but i shall see the day when they shall suffer for this foule abuse . i made amends . now pleasures out of use , if such prevaile , we that have pleas'd the age , shall have rewards ; in bridewell , or the cage . but here 's another ( which is rare to finde ) of better temper : formerly too kinde , which breakes her heart , makes teares drop downe along her paler cheekes : true sorrow moves her tongue , thus , to disclose her greife : oh! thou that govern'st all things , pitty mee ! that have lov'd sinners , and forsaken thee ! i 've purchast shame . oh! thou that giv'st all grace , shew me thy beauty , let me see thy face in sweeter termes : and let thy spirit fill my soule with love of thee , to hate all ill . teach me to feare thee while i draw my breath : and free me from the snares of sinne and death . although in sinne i 've spent my former dayes , yet , make me now an instrument of prayse . among the fondlings one is founde , here blest : who like a pliemix will disgrace the rest . i press't on still , ( my night being sharpe and long ) and spy'd two shifters , but i held my tongue . one was in threed-bare scarlet , wanting colour ; the other was in blacke : as he grew duller his robes turned gray with age : 't was my intent to marke their carriage : to a stewes they went . the bawde was pocky-sicke ; yet spoke this beast ah! i am going to eternall rest , to see my saviour . i must minde my toombe . those whom you seeke are in the drawing roome . goe , take your choise , when i am dead and rotten , honest meg spencer will not be forgoten . my girles were free , you never knew that i di●grac't a man that left our company . ●hat comfort 's this to me ! goe , i am ill you stand in thornes untill you have your will . here 's mischeife in the abstract : in their path sin walkes with hell in state : death arm'd with wrath doggs them behinde . the divell keepes his court a while on earth , to make his fondlings sport . had hell a quezie stomacke , they might bee sav'd from her jawes : or at the least if shee did swallow them : when once she left the paine ( to ease her spleene ) she 'd spue them up againe , but nothing frets her lungs : she needes must thrive : the ten horn'd beast she swallow'd downe alive , with monstrous locusts . she 'll her patent use , to take in all which heavens doth refuse bawd-like , the spider , in his pantry spies , to sieze the heedelesse carkases of flies ; and vent his poyson'd humours . for his hire he with his brood are swept into the fire , or prest to death . as wandring comets fall to earth from whence they rose , ( this rabble shall speede like the spider ) and their sparkling flame shall fall as low as hell : but still their shame must live on earth : except my papers rot , or time consume their memorie . if not , some sharper quill may chase them to their inne , when they have onely priviledge to sinne ; and pleasures are degraded , by their paines , old time consum'd ; eternity remaines . sect. vi a hatefull swarme , the shot one pai'd : the plaister'd crue , seizd goods , what stai'd . they bib a fresh ; the cripples will : a bore , the ruiners lines prove ill . the day being driven neare the furthest point , sence dead asleepe : discretion out of joint ; blacke darkenesse rul'd with triumph : sent out spies , to take close prisoners , all with open eyes ; least they should view the workes ( by candle light ) untill they were exchang'd for bratts of night . the starres did feare infection : and the moone turn'd backe with feare to see one night so soone should gender such corruption ; wherein breedes such strange shap'd vermine , and such hatefull deedes , by them ador'd . those that love slothfull rest , call her sweete shadow , chamber for the blest . now , to my worke . i scouted out , and found a sixe fold knotte , one in a drunken swound lay stretching by the rest . one's like to choke ; the third ( whose heathen weede — turn'd into smoke , will cure all distempers , in the braine , ) is but a learner yet , the fourth had a vaine with new-found baites , to cheate the silly fish , had he but catcht'em , he 'd present a dish to these , his friends . the fifth a grosse offender , and judg'd to be but of the doubtfull gender . the last was of the neuter : but to night their gender 's common in the coblers sight . the lustfull ape would blush to heare it nam'd , and brazen impudence would be asham'd . they 'd swear and drink out time : they with their whores did onely chase his fore top out of dores , and saw him bald behinde : one sculks away ; but now the reck'ning comes , which one must pay . the captaine has no coyne : but he intends to leave his tooles : which with the coblers ends , will stoppe a hole . the man that suks the weed is flush , as yet ; — and he must doe the deed . the bill . no. 1. for two and forty pots of ale , o 11 s. 6 d.   and jug that told the merry tale : no. 2. for wine , and sugar , and for nell , 1l . 2 s. 3 d.   but you must pay for what befell no. 3. for cakes , strong-water , smoke , and wood , o 17 s. o   pay all , and ther 's my flagon good : no. 4. but i forgot , you had at first , o r. s. 7 d.   of red cowes milke to quench your thirst .   his purse did swell , till he had paid , 2l . 12 s. 4 d.   but then the rising bunch was laid . one foaming like a boare , that 's not excus'd , who hatmis the sinkes of sinne , and he is us'd for hotter worke . for he goes up and downe to serve the queanes , their friends being out of towne but then , there was presented to my sight a master-peere : the worst i saw to night : a formelesse heape of rubbish in a cell , almost as darke , and not so hot as hell yet living buggs . some had but halfe a face some halfe a nose , some none , some in the place 〈◊〉 lost their legges , another wants his arme , another both : some hands , some had their harme about their loynes : some wanting 〈◊〉 , some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gregory scorcht ; their sight i did despise , they point their 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when to 〈◊〉 which rob in private , which in open streete ; who to be baud in cheife : who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who warden of the 〈◊〉 : and every impe 〈◊〉 their orders from 〈◊〉 , and they doe 〈◊〉 lawes , and punish grosse offenders too ; they make them pay 〈◊〉 for severall sinnes ; 〈◊〉 cabbs in graine : — yet , one of them beginnes 〈◊〉 malignant humors ; and 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 they consume their stock ; and he prepares a bill against them , but , before t was fram'd his goods were seiz'd in th'inventery nam'd . primo a dish , two spoones , two earthen pans ,   a tub , two stooles , one was his mans . secundo a dublet , and a paire of hose :   the coat 's at pawne belong to those tertio a pot , a cubbard , and a knife ,   a gooding bagge , a coyfe for s wife . quarto a boxe of salve , and two brasse rings ;   with parkers workes , and such like things . quinto a bedstead and a bed of straw   a sheete a rugge : all which i saw . sexto with other lumber , being gest ,   will come to nine pence at the least besides , he has convey'd away , a bowle , a skillet , and a tray , a trowell , and a paire of tongs : and downe this court apparant wrongs . he stands sequesterd : now he`s made their 〈◊〉 ; being a delinquent , who can take it off ? i must goe view my senators , who have new plaisterd all their sores : they onely crave an other tub of ale , to laugh and prate : and he shall pay for`t out of his estate . the chiefe of these did surfet , and was ill : so sicke , at last , that he did make his will . in manner and forme following . inprinsis i doe bequeath my pallet bed   my hat , my cap upon my head .   to will in 〈◊〉 item my pewter dish , my earthen ware ,   and sheetes , i thinke i have a paire .   to doll in old bridewell . item my table , and my two joyn'd stooles ,   my trusses , and my plascering tooles .   to ned in the clink . item i freely give my pleared ruffe ,   the third part of my housholdstuffe .   to 〈◊〉 in the gate-honse . item the other two parts i bestowe   ( if he will pay what ere i owe . )   to george in the white lyon . 〈◊〉 i give my shirt , an ell of lawne ,   which lye for eighteene pence at pawne .   to nan in the marshall sea for clouts . item my wearing clothes within my chest ,   the cloke hath beene but nine times drest .   to 〈◊〉 in the counter . item my second cruch , scrapt lint , fine clouts .   an ounce of pills , or thereabouts   to giles in the hospitall . item my better crutch , my plasterd rowle ,   boxe-legge , receits , and bowzing bowle .   to this worthy assemby . as for my foule , i cannot tell whe`re t is for heaven or for hell : i leave it to the venture . a private dunghill for my grave , my corps cast in , by night , i 'd have : least 〈◊〉 idolize my name , or envious roundheads blase my shame . i leave it to your wise consideration . being joynt executors , this my will within two monthes , you must fulfill . or my ghost will 〈◊〉 you . but this disaster parted all the rout , t' will cost you paines agen to finde a poetaster comes , and yet i the' are rough , they they he how art , they are not with ekes , from weight . as is the horseleech , , the poetaster . whose sides bagg out when newly fetcht from grasse his prayses make them rich . he hewes their feete like his that rim'd for farthings in the streete . yet they have tooke a pinnas , who 's at strife , to cut the throate , or poison his poore wife . but feares the wardens check : ( her love of late ) that walks to 's mannor once a month in start . he 's 〈◊〉 a begging paper to a knight , or else he had bin study'ng all this night they made his worship laugh : yet gave no chink : but stuft his belly , and his braines with drink . his rimes made privy seales : he sweares ( being vext , ) he 'll write no more to knights : a lord 's the next . he rail'd , and reel'd about , untill he found his heels betray'd his fancies to the ground : but no learshon : poore poets old excuse ! his stock was witte , before 't was put to use . as is the ty-dog mad , when he breaks loose , here spoiles a sheepe , and there he pulls a goose , yonder a calfe . with rage and venome prest , he 'll bite a man , as well as teare a beast . at last he 's caught ; he dies : they seize his skinne ; he suffers for his fact ( yet free from sinne ) being hard to take , so violent and curst , before he dyes , he 's knockt and 〈◊〉 first . such fit similitude may blaze your ill ; to open view : although he made no will . you all had chaines , by nature , on your necks ; nor did all spring from dunghills : but had checks with sweeter education : natures tye is broke by force : from what you learn'd your flye : make spoyle of what you finde . 〈◊〉 a while you pull and teare : and growing still more vile by finne you 'r caught : burnt , mangl'd and disgrac't , disarmd , unnos'd , dismouth'd , and some unfac't . the law doth seare , whippe , crop you : at the last death takes you as he findes you : having cast your naisty , plaisterd 〈◊〉 into the dirt , your soules grow mad , where they can doe no hurt . i pitty you . ah! must your helplesse soules dwell still in teares and groanes ! where hels black roules ingroc't with all your sinnes , lye in your sight ! to gnaw your wounds , but never see the light ! yet all such torments , with the soule , in summes , dwell but in as earnest till the body comes , sect. ix . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 , his shirt exchang'd , a smock displaid with armes upon 't . another time a basket-wench renues his crime . the grated vermine . rebels land shall buy no finne at second hand the drunken dust , how shame breaks in . a wooden ligge prevents a sin : the guilty priests , a drab denyes her husbands names : the judge then spyes a glorious sight . the young mans greife the old mans shame must have 〈◊〉 . the ayre as now enlighten'd with a gleame , night winkes at all : or being in a dreame : a gentle 〈◊〉 glides in : she 's over-prest ; or having tooke a surfet at the feast , quicke eyes tooke license to behold the crimes , that are in 〈◊〉 , with the charge of times . darke losers 〈◊〉 , bearded comets seene , backebite dame venus , flatter with the queene , yet breaking 〈◊〉 with finners , they devide their shame by equall portions . then i spi'de a squire of 〈◊〉 court , to recruite his sin , a facke of female kitchin-stuffe tooke in to greaze his way to hell : and his intents with 〈◊〉 , oaths , and compleents . were varnishd thus — dam-me i 've a minde to court thy louzie carkase : be but kinde , let me imbrace thy corps : it is my will to search thy closet : doe not take it ill : be not so coy — confound me thou art strange ? sir , did not your grandfather build the exchange . you are a worthy gentleman : but i am far unfit fot your sweete company ; being old , and dirty , and my dressing tore my smock is nasty , ragged , course and poore . hang 't thou shalt have my shirt , thy smock i 'le make gentile in love : i 'le weare it for thy sake . they are gone to bed : but how the bold fac'd night did turne , their baud , i , m silent ; when the light had out-fac'd darknesse , she had quit the bed : the squire gropt , but kissing shiffe was fled . he rose in rage , inquir'd , searcht about , his shirt did wipe her heeles when she went out . he in her frocke as blacke as hell did looke ; arm'd with a patch of greene , the left arme tooke the azuae trophie , time did now uncase , the divels fondlings . in another place , the bloudy colours , from an ancient house , where the pale 〈◊〉 of the passent louse , lye couchent bend , in sable-field : but he is rampant , gules a trope of victorie . a badge : the mullet seated on the breast a woodcock moulting : squire had lends creast but the supporters were ( this vesture bore ) an ape in chaines , a letcher burn'd before . some laughing said , this garment was astray : the hang-man was too proud , to bring 't away . when crosse-lane peggy dy'd : and some did thinke it was the divels dish-clout , dipt , in inke . inricht , with bluekins tippet ( being seene ) or lady katherines flesh-bag trim'd with greene . when this choyse robe , was by the landresse found , the reliques was reserv'd , the creepers drown'd . let greife in , commans waite upon this sparke : his onely shirt is lost , which cost a marke . who 'd be the divels vassall , if he must be alwayes cheated by a sinners trust ? this blade recruites agen : his courtly minde was to salute , disgrace : where he did finde a water'd clod of dust : whose dropping nose , with waper eyes , and matter , did disclose deformity , if selfe : her broadsold feete bore natures greife , which at the heeles did meete : lust was in travell , when the watch-man found these lovely babes where sinne with shame is crrownd . his wife , who heard the fame , spoke thus : you 'll have your name , and state goe mourning to the grave , attended with disdaine . reproach will live to staine your family , when death shall give a challenge to your dust : who will display his fable flagges and storme your house of clay . he answered her , let me have pleasure seal'd for tearme of life : such acts may be repeal'd ere saucie death be arm'd ; i 'le leave my lust when drops of pleasure cannot drench my dust . quit scores with me . but she with teares replyde how vaine is that revenge , where sinnes abide . with miserie ! but justice gives releife to plunderd hopes : and will casheere my greife , when wounded joyes shall muster ; [ dead ] they must have all free quarter in the easie dust . had i had portion , comlinesse or wit , i had not beene so fond , as to have quit my freedome thus : or sold content to borrow a dying prop , where strife breedes living sorrow . this stately courtier scornes to harbour shame but impudence is guardian to his name , from the assaults of modesty . and he will have the rules of hell for 's libertle . could they but bring his pinnace under saile , plac't next the herbe-wench with her dagl'd taile he in his scutchin'd robe ; and one by vote , to read this history , and blaze the cote , set neare th' exchange , about the golden 〈◊〉 . if they afford this shew for pence a peece , the turkie-rom , the double footed hart , the dancing horse , and hocus with his art , being joyntly , or a part put out to use , flags to entice the eyes , can neere produce such choise of penny-customers , who 'd see this cominicke story with the tragedie . a nest of water-rats with dropsie swell ; grin through the grates : being like to challenge hell one tamer then the rest , as he did stand a spie for death , cause he would come to hand he was allow'd such priviledge to have ; as suites the confines of a living grave . this vermine spies a fury , one , whose haire had quit the skull : her face with age and care was tan'd and furrow'd deepe : her purled skin , was pleated , for the grave rat brings her in . to stocke his crimes , must arme this fondling up , salutes the lady having dranke a cup . he 'd grow familiar , she begins to fight , and scratch his face , and had a minde to bite , but that her guns lay follow : in their play her 〈◊〉 were dag'd , her legs were wreath'd with hay . hell hath her ends . all those percullos imps under her privie seale , became their pimps . despised 〈◊〉 of vice ! whose putri'd slime makes living vengeance ripe before its time . one who pretends she's plunderd , with a breife will beg in print , to keep a pimping theife ; came creeping by . a bloudy rebell then vvho had acquaintance with committee-men , if they'll befreind him so , to save his land , he 〈◊〉 scorne destiuction at the second hand : but give a rate , for any , new-found sinne , though but at 〈◊〉 ; as when he did beginne to murther under seale . new here 's a punk , seiz'd by a lumpe of clay : being stag'ring drunk vvill slake his hell-bred heate : this rake-shame must spawne plagues in 〈◊〉 , and gender guilt with dust : but found her limping . vvhen he brought her in , she could but give bare quarter to his sin her wooden legge , or turne-pipe , being stout , vvhich like a barracado kept him out : and when it was unbrac't , with what belong to this rare-peece : ye buckle and ye throng , fell out upon 't : which skirmish did betray their twisted shame , before they went away . this damosell could not walke , untill by art the stump was reconci'd : nor could he part from his beloved criple . greedie hell cast lots with death , when her choy'e member sell , as pars pro toto . all this pot-cat kinde , when ere they passe , they leave a stinke behinde as did ye vxebridge priest , who needes must wooe the guard of death , when he did lye with two . one that joynes issue with an heire of shame , forsweares her husband , and denyes his name , keepes him in prison , angells teach the judge , he 'll take no bale . and now she will not grudge his clarke a feeling : reason out of sight , he weighes downe sorrow , cause the womans light . an aged father breedes his childrens greife , truthes persecuter , and a bloudy theife : props shame with crooked shoulders , and invites a lease of strumpets to his base delightes . vvho tyrant-like promotes a damned cause , to banish right , and poyson wholesome lawes . strong parts speake plainely , when they grace the divell , 't is grace , not knowledge , keeps a man from evill . flesh genders lust , which flaming torments breedes , without manuring , as the earth doth weedes . which shelters vengeance ; and contracts the crime of yeares of pleasure in a minuites time , with lasting shame . that foole , who for a bowle would sell his coate , deny'd to pawne his soule . these venture all , they 've not enough of life . to taste all sweets , before the fatall knife strikes all their joyes , like beasts ( for what the've eate ) their parts devided , pay for all their meate . when reason is engag'd to beastly sence , a man turnes 〈◊〉 agen : and will commence lost by degrees : saluting death he spyes 〈◊〉 breake prison , where his pleasure dyes for hells burn't off'ring . in which horrid frights , his soule hath tooke her leave of all delights . his dust committed ; till th' impartiall toombe vpon the summons leaves him to his doome ; wner's justice is compleate , and hell-hounds-have eternity to guard their burning grave . sect. 10. a cell of sharks , the tutor made , a falcity , doggs learne his trade , he bayts his snares with rings and glasse , to catch the weake , his words shall passe , to cheate the doblt , his strange decipes an other finding newer baites , he spies his times , hides ill with lies , and rides the circuit of the size . about the second watch i saught the places where sharkes did meet , the starrs had hid their faces the vapours were congeal'd into a cloud with which the shades of night had made a shroud to wrap poor mortalls in : i being in feare , did heare a whispering , but i knew not where . but gaining courage guided by the sound , i , spi'd a cell , where cheats were under ground . they did divide the spoyle , the lots were throwne , all had their shares , but no man had his owne . they brag'd , and told each other how they sped , how some did take the prize , while others fled . the tutor first begins : i have to night mett with a booty ; as i tooke my flight . i was discover'd i began to try . stop , stop the theife ; to catch him who but i ? i gave my prey unto another man ; i was discharg'd : but finde him if you can . i have a dog , that can convey a purse vnto my fellowes , what am i the worse ? if hee be tooke , i 'm gone , that did the deed . if hee be hang'd i 've others of the breed , i raise a tumult as i walke abroad , to help my friends . i 'm partner with a bawd . ther 's not a tearme , but i doe understand where gamesters lye ; with some new slite of hand i get their gold , new plotts i doe devise , to gull the world i baite'em fresh with lies . to cast a coular'd chaine , a ring of brasse , an empty purse , or braceletts made with glasse , to catch a country-man ; or draw him in to pick his purse , perswade him we are kin : to name his neighbours , or to give a slip before to make him fall , while others 〈◊〉 his purse away , to cut a cloak-bagg downe , these trickes are stale ; and common in the towne . i borrow money , other men are bound , i give my name in wrong : nor am i found when 't is to bee repai'd : and those agen take names of worth , but they are not the men . i doe procure it , they will set me free . 't is but to give the scribe a treble fee . or any heire , not come to his estate , yet would be brave ; paying but twice the rate i 'le bring him one shall fit him , if he will morgage his land : he payes me for my skill : but if the land be forfeit , then my paines will be rewarded with the greater gaines . he that has no invention , is not fit to use this trade , 't was industry and wit that made me perfect ; things both old and new may help our traffique , and uphold our crew . but new conceits i love , pray how was he that had the carte , and then the pillorie prais'd and belov'd ? his witty projects made him both gentle , and master of his trade . faine i would give you rules , and tell you how to cast your plotts , but i 'le say nothing now . just , as hee stop't , another broke his minde : i walke the city round , and where i finde . a doore left open , if it be but late , i slinke in quick , and take a peece of plate , or any thing of worth : if any spie mee i 'se hide the prize , and sweare they doe belye me . or els to cover and prevent all feare , i aske for such a one , or call for beere ? i tooke it for an alehouse , if the maid will be familliar , i am not affraid to trye agen , perhaps i 'le be her suitor , to bring my ends about sh'ell be my tutor . if all be closse , or if there be a hatch where i have laid my gin , then i must watch walke to and fro , untill i finde the slight to turne the wards ; it is a hatefull spight that they were e're devis'd , tha're alter'd still ; i am to seeke ; i strive to learne the skill where they be sold , when i have found the way let me alone , i 'le quickly take my prey . i change my walkes : for where i shew my face this night ; the next i 'm in another a place ; vnlesse it be full tearme : then i doe stand to take my turne in fleet-streete , or the strand . i were a livery , and what i can that men may thinke i am a serving-man ; i counterfeit a letter , or a bond , a justice-warrant ; any thing will stand when i am wittnes too t , if i am found 't is but a whip , or snip : twise turning round will weare it out ; and for a single fee i 'le sweare a lye , as others will for mee . at any meeting , revelling , or feast i make up one , when i am neatly dreast who will distrust me ? then i take my time to snap a bone , as perfect in the crime . i goe to church ; if there i doe but spye a man that on the preacher hath his eye , i 'le seeme as strict as hee ; and with a grace i 'le shake my head and looke upon his face , till i have got his purse , or cut his cloake , then looke on still : i care not what is spoke . nay , more , i ride the circuit , cheat and steale before the judge : i see him every meale , and taste his fare : and yet i scapt ' till now : i keepe a whoore or two , can tell you how i spend my meanes . come , rise , let us dispatch to quitt this place : for yonder comes the watch . i would have told you more ; but now i must commit my skill and secrets to your trust . as doth the snake in summer first begin to shift his hole , and then to change his skin ; so , doe those vermine , when the light appeares change place and skin : their necks , backs , nose , or eares will beare the brunt on 't . they 'l be made a prey , sweepe down the cobwebs , th'spiders creepe away . those noysome flies that on the dunghills feed , and buz about , though now they are agreed to read to one an other , yet they 'l finde the meat they feed upon , will make 'm blind . they lay the sceane above ground : but they make the vult et exit in th'infernall lake . they crawle together , growing still more vilde , if one repenting dies , their plots are spoil'd . humanitie with them is out of date , all right and justice , till it be to late . they praise themselves for sin : what art from hell they can but learne ( till there they come to dwell ) shall be prefer'd , but ah ! how soone they slide downe to their mourning shade ! who can abide to reckon up their woes ? such cheating slaves are brought full soone to their unwelcome graves . who can rehearse the miserie that they doe meet withall towards hell ? when all the way is full of snares and feares , which will undoe their mirth at best : it 's joyn'd with torments too . a serious looke , the shaking of a hand , a dogge that barkes , or any thing will stand to let in shame upon them , all they get , or makes them lasting gins , or weaves a net to keepe them for the triall : when they must be sent from whence they came ; from thence to dust . and as at first , when cheating they begun , they lov'd the darkest shade , and loath'd the sun ; now darkn esse is their portion : where death have tooke all their cheats to purchase them a grave . poore sotts ! that were bewitch't ! you did but finde a smacke of hell : what follow'd on behind you could not see till now . oh let my quill display , not teach , nor countenance such ill ! oh , that my muse could shew what horrid state hell meetes with sin and death ! then sinners fate in mournfull measures would be ever sung by all that love the muses ; every tongue would move in order . but my slender quill sutes with my muse , compared with my skill . vile sinners are in life and death distrest read but this epitaph then take your rest . the epitaph . two sharkes being dead , alive did feare no weather they pawn'd themselves or any ill they 'd doe : the hangman put'm in a hole together : their hopes are earth , now they are private too . beware of 〈◊〉 , 't will raise a horrid blast . these sherking rogues did cheat themselves at last . sect. ii. a constable is wise and grave , he sucks the sack : and he will have his guilty neighbours scape the lawes , the beadle , doth bewray the cause , another strikes where he 's abus'd his 〈◊〉 guard , his wit accus'd . his love his teares beget a feast , his 〈◊〉 preferment is exprest . i searching went , my busines to dispatch , and on a sudden spi'd the common watch : the constable being grave , put me in feare , he should have bin the officer last yeare : his rule was by example , when he spoke one halfe was sacke , the other part was smoake the taverne was his centre : he must have the other quart , and hee 's an errand knave that will not pledge him : if a hansome whore be guilty found , her freedome hee 'l restore : she promise to amend : but this the case she payes her fees ; he points a private place to meet about it , if the bawd can make but friends , or money , hee her part will take and quitt her for this once : to please her then hee 'l winke in love , or not come there agen . the wine converts him to a cunning spie ; none but his favorites dare looke so high as such out landish liquor , some a sleepe are , while the vermine round about them creepe . the rest are in blind ale-houses ; for they have pence a peece to spend , and when the day begins to peepe they cannot see it : why ? tobacco's cloudy smoake doth charme the eye : and they 'l be all gentile , before they goe : for they can prove this weede makes all men so the roaring smokers , they me thinkes doe mocke ; let him be judge that 's in the porters frocke . some are bewitch't to this out-landish weede ; nor can they leave , though that with fire doe breed a sulphrous sinoake , that representeth hell . is 't christian like ? the heathens they can tell is 't whole some in excesse ? those that did strive t' exceede , found death too soone : were they alive they 'd fright you from it , if men were not blind they would not to the divell be so kind . ti's not gentile , this cause the hangman try'd ; who tooke it but the day before he dy'd . mistake me not ! t is lawfull to be us'd as phisicall : but not to be abus'd . i have digrest , where 〈◊〉 the watch so long ? i cannot find : now i may hold my tongue . peace , yonder sits the beadle on a bench , his candles out ; and he ha's got a wench , with whom hee 's to familliar , that 's the cause he frees such imps contrary to the lawes . hee 'l over looke their cells if you complaine , ( what would you have him cruell ) ti's in vaine , hee 'l plead their custome : urge me not ; must i doe what my predecessors did deny ? and for the constable , hee 's much in feare : for those that went before him , yeare by yeare did passe such things , perhaps they got a fee they be our neighbours , and we must agree . we must be mercifull what er'e we doe that 's harsh to'ards them , we should repent o' nt too ah , no redresse ! i must goe search agen , some honesty may dwell among such men . well now i am in hope : for heer 's a man reputed just : accuse him if you can . make roome for master constable : for he hath purchas'd wisdome by authoritie his staffe is neatly painted ; he will frowne : keep off ; or els poynt black hee 'l knock you downe . hee 'l use his power freely in his fit what ere you thinke , pray question not his wit . he naturally knowes his charge , in 's place , and he can judge before he heares a case . his confidence is strong , his fancy weake ; his eyes are dimme ; yet he can see to speake : when once his toungue is dipt in spanish oyle it runnes all byas , though his heeles doe faile . submit your selves ; for he 's a man of might : he is no spirit though he walkes by night , he 's justice in the letter , friend , or foe ; if you offend him , to the goyle you goe . his guard attends upon him , weapon'd men , affront'em not , for feare they turne agen : but there 's no danger with an angry word th'ir laid , at least wise if they see a sword . mistrust him not , to differ place , or time : he being prov'd not guilty of the crime , he 'l make you smoake ; one fearing he had wit , was shrewdly shent , the officer was quit , from such a slander , th' others fain to make confession of his fault : he 'l warning take by this mischance ; and promising to men ner'e to be jealous of his wit agen . the magistrate being pleas'd , doth at his charge make him a feast , and now he will enlarge his words beyond all measure : nor can i attend upon him till his eyes be dry . oh tender heart ! how sudden is thy change the juglers slights are common , thine are strange . nature for changes , forced now must be to worke by night , and take her aime from thee : if full mouth'd winter thus can charme thy yeares the gentle spring will 〈◊〉 thee into teares he that to buy a jest , can spend his store , i 'de have him still collected for the poore . when honesty and wit are in a fright , who shall we find to overlooke the night ? one is a foole in grosse : the other dreames his retaile 's just : yet both are in extreames . a foolish pitty makes a hellhound worse , and justice out of joynt , will spurne and curse all reason out of use , who can but see 't is hot and cold beyond the ninth degree ? video et doceo , perhaps i may find better orders , when i search by day . sect. 12. a doctor kept a 〈◊〉 jade his will , being dead , shee 'l 〈◊〉 his trade , with his receipts what she can cure , the will is prov'd , she must endure to take the shame , and leave the rest her husbands sorrow is exprest : of her reply , shee 'l print a bill , to blaze her art , and hide her ill . i went forth right and saw within my round a great phisitian ; but he was not sound . his wife was old , his promis'd love was dead : he shun'd her company and loath'd her bed . although his love was dead , yet he did strive with all his art , to keep his lust alive . a young one he must have and she must be a married wife , that their adultery might be compleat , he 'd keep her in despite of all gain-sayers : through the divells right he claymes her for his owne , her husband may bewaile his wrong ; but can not find away to right himselfe , for they have both agreed to stand for hell and death : his heart doth bleed but they rejoyce in glist'ring all their sinns , to make exchange . now infamy begins to blaze their shame abroad : yet they do sleight the breath of men ; they will not break delight . but the phisitian ( though his trull was by ) did fall downe sicke , so sick that he must dye . now farewell all delights : thou must endure the launce of death , thy art can finde no cure . but he had time to mourne before he dy'd ; yet , in that time , his doxie from his side would never part : his wife and children may see him for once ; but there they must not stay . he makes his will , and gives unto his whoore halfe his estate ; his cast off wife's left poore , with all his off-spring : mourning she must have t' attend his corps unto his silent grave , wherein he 's layd ; and there he must abide past cure , untill his second act be tri'd . his epitaph . this peece of art that lye beneath these stones , maintain'd a 〈◊〉 , untill his flesh was dri'd with death she 〈◊〉 the marrow from his bone : he broke his marriage vow before he dy'd . he liv'd a 〈◊〉 ; but now he must like paracelsus only deale in dust . this halfe excextrix hath gain'd great skill she 'l practice physicke , to remove what ill is gender'd in the bladder : ( she 'l endure , ) but morbus gallicus she cannot cure . she cures the stone exactly , with your paines , to helpe you to the running of the reines . all fleshly humors with her art she 'l nurse ; and last of all , she 'l ease you of your purse . she 'l car ' her medicene home : with all of which she 'l help her husbands head , and make him rich . and when the will is prov'd , she will begin to temper druggs , to counter vaile her sin . she 'l have her share : these goods were hers before and those she had for playing of the whore : some petty things she beg'd : whose are the rest the will declares : he swore he lov'd me best . i was his darling , should not he bestow his goods in love , where he most love did owe ? but when she was examin'd by what right she claim d her legacy , she did indite her selfe for her offences : she was faine to beare away the shame , and leave the gaine . the reason 's found of his distempered mind , the letcher was bewitch't lust made him blind no share but in the sin , that she can have now shee 's gone weeping home if she can crave . pardon for this offence , she will not misse to act another sin as bad as this . but when her husband spy'd her , he began to ' vent his grief : alas ! is any man in my condition ? thou , hast broke thy vow together with my heart . ther 's nothing now for me but shame and sorrow , till that day when gentle death shall wrap my corps in clay . keep at a distance from me : for with fear my heart will bleed afresh if thou comest near . the adulterer and his gold did ravish thee from thy dear love ; whose death hath set thee free . then she reply'd : in vain your tears are spent . did you but know the scope of my intent , you would not grieve : 't was not for want of love that i did leave you : 't was his art did move me to embrace his love : i have a way that when you know , you cannot chuse but say my time was well employ'd : he and his books have taught me skill , to know men by their looks and what disease they have ; and can apply to every one a present remedy . and i can keep them underhand for gain , and make them give me gold to ease their pain . to bring in customers i 'l print a bill : i do not mean to barrel up my skill . if you do thrive , by whatso'ere i do , you may forgive my fault and thank me too . blush all you birds of night i was 't ever heard among the fowls , that fouler things appear'd ? how are thy sins made snares ? the world denies thy breath free passage : the heavens twinkling eyes look through the vaile of night : all things that be ( made loving friends ) are enemies to thee . do'st mock thy maker , that thou sell'st the truth to change thy lover that should guide thy youth ? when need did drive thee home , thou in thy sin didst wrap thy self ( by pleading ) further in . and he that kept thee with his foul endeaver ( cast off his mate , which none but death should sever ) will find the serpents egs which sin hath hatcht among the brood ; he 'l then be overmatch't . after your pleasures , you may feel the smart , always together where you cannot part . sect. xiii . two spawns from earth , want sturres their crimes ; a damsel stole with borrowed rimes : her usage , he prefers a pink , a bed at bord : being like to sink she makes her moan ; what was reply'd by both ; all favour was 〈◊〉 . she 's sent away , they grow more ruds , to vex her more they do conclude . when i perceiv'd the cloudy seales of night compose themselves against the glim'ring light , ( those that did plot to'ards hell , did make no stay , for all't was dark , they could not lose their way ) with artificial light i did descry a scum boil'd out of earth : when he came nigh his breath gave warning : but it was not good h'was seen , felt , heard , yet was not understood . the kennel spew'd him up ; but you may rake for such another , till your hearts do ake , and lose your labour . being drunk he reels ; and if his guts were hang'd about his heels he would not vex me . stay ; here comes his whore with open mouth ; but ah i she cannot roare , because his cash is gone . he wants a wife : if you know any weary of her life , pray wish her to him : money he must have to keep his quean : then let the hungry grave open his jaws upon her ; what cares he ? this trull will serve for his necessitie . well , they must part a while , till he hath got one to releeve his need ; and then the lot will fall to her again . if he can get some begging poet , he will die in 's debt if he will write him verses : but he must keep it all private , not betray his trust ; they must be call'd his own . his love they 'l break , though he be drunk or mad and cannot speak . he ha's betray'd a girle , with much ado , that 's honest , hansome , with a portion too : to a poor home she 's brought . within a while he brings one to compet with her , as vile as hell and sin can make her ; she will be mistris of all . did you but hear and see the passages , you could not chuse but grieve for her , whose case , death onely may relieve . to trick his jade up fine , he spends her store . one night he lies with her , three with his whore . she has her chamber furnish't , and her meat o' th best cut first ; the woman 's fain to eat what scraps the punk doth leave . oh! most unkinde ! then to her husband thus she broke her minde : how have i bought my sorrow ! this is bad ! you drew me in to marry what i had . you keep a common strumpet : how can i behold her but with grief ! you set me by as out of date . intreaties cannot move you from your ruine , to embrace my love . death , do thy office : for i cannot have a fitter chamber then a quiet grave . with that the tib o'r-heard her , and began ( first to the woman , then unto the man ) to break her spleen : am i the mark , which thou dost shoot thy spite against ? thou knowst not how to help thy self : but thou shalt finde e're long i 'l be reveng'd , and make thee hold thy tongue . i 'l have the rule of all : and make thee know he 's mine above stairs , though he 's thine below . we two are old acquaintance : and will be kinde and familiar in despite of thee . he 's ty'd to me in love ; why should not i please him at bed and board ? wilt thou deny our love free course ? be silent ; or i shall trouble his goods , and make him sell 'em all . he 's mine by promise : shall i be controll'd ? h'had ne'er took thee , save onely for thy gold . what sayes my chuck ? speak ; didst not thou begin to draw me with conditions unto sin ? now i am thine for ever . let not me be grumbled at by such a one as she . let not her howling move thee : let her frown , another time , i 'l pawn her tammy-gown . then if she 'l not be warn'd , this i will do , sell her best petti-coat ; and then we two will make a merry-day , while her fond breath shall wast away with crying after death . he having matter lay about his chest , which slep't quite through his maw , along his brest into his wind-pipe : when 't had bluster'd long it shoke his jaws , and seaz'd upon his tongue , which made him speak : i am not mov'd to cast a way my sweet ; my love is ty'd too fast to be remov'd with breath : though thou art pain'd through fruitlesse humors , and the law 's have gain'd a part of what i had ; i will not leave her company , till time doth me bereave of sense and motion . if thou still wilt nurse such jealous fancies , thou wilt make me worse , be rul'd by her , and do not me mistake ; thou speedst and far'st the better for her sake . do' it think for dyet i would be so free , spend thus at home , but for her companie ? then turning to his hag , he thus did say : i am no turn-coat : i 've devis'd a way to fit her in her kinde : i 'l send her down i' th' countrey to her friends : although they frown , what matter is 't ? expences will be large , there let her leave her load : 't will ease my charge . and when she 's gone , we 'l fell the houshold stuffe to spend the coyne ; we 'l have delight enough . when she sees this , and hears what mirth we had , being wilde before , these things will make her mad . poor soul ! th'art bought and sold ! but do not fear , thy hell is all on earth , their heaven 's here . thy sufferings will be short . repent and pray ; thy next will be a sweeter marriage-day . ye cursed blind-worms ! if ye had your due hell should be hotter made , and brought to you . yo 've wrong'd a harmle's soul . your sins will be chang'd into plagues and then you 'l disagree . thou incubus how cans't escape the curse that 's laid below ? and succuba is worse . your hateful brood being passent in their ill , keeps off the muses from my humble quill . sect. xiv . the vsurer and broker stept into a hole ; how dry'd : whore kept the rueful court . a witch descry'd : a devilish lawyer in his pride . the speechles bell . a trap , two stroyes : a beggar doth adopt two boyes . the vaporing rogues , new traitors found : the guards neglected in the round . a welchmans guilt much sorrow brings : though he complains , his cozen sings . so many changes in a night ! before the meadows were like ●allet ●ugger'd ore , now change their party colours : and the ice e'rewhile was proof of steel ; yet in a trice fals in consumption : as it doth decay ingenders treach'rous pits , which do betray my ' nocent babes . the broker doth begin to try the depth ; the usurer steps in to free his debtor . to be dry'd they went to white-crosse-street . the usurer had lent the broker many a pound ; and he ( no doubt ) had lent upon good pawns the money out . this house had pawn'd him divers pretious things . silk peticoats , and gowns , with diamond rings , hats , scarffs , and dressings , handkechers of lawn : their smocks in time of trouble went to pawn , to line themselves within . when trading fails , poor tyers hackneys cannot pawn their — the usurer is fearful ( not of sin ) since story broke , he 'l call his money in : yet , having seen the pawns , without abuse , he 'l have gratuity besides the use : for feelings now and then , he 'l be content to take 'em here ; forbear the money lent , so he be shot-free . trading will increase , seing cut-throat huxters sue to make their peace . with that i met a man that rung a bell , who thought the marshall-court was kept in hell : chief officers were sunk ; the marshals brains could find no grave : the steward left his gains . the cryer and the jaylor , with the rest , which to recrute their den were judg'd the best , by devils are preferr'd . how they agree , you 'l hear more on 't ; for web is gone to see . a lawyer known , that died , of lincolns-inne appear'd in sight , as living he had bin ; who spit out haile-shot : which did fall so fast , that made us run . a seeming beauty past , and kept her distance : as we trac'd the ground , his bell grew speechlesse : having lost the sound , so , damb yet still remains . and in a fray a witch , cat-like , did carr ' his dog a way . then one that had been carted for a bawd , complain'd she was betray'd : yet did applaud the plot of those that bargain'd for a whore , and made her panderesse to keep the door , till tostes came , from one whom she did sue , who call'd her so ; but could not prove it true , till sin conceiv'd again ; which with consent made proclamation for her punishment . a man compleat in habit , dogg'd a whore , asham'd to arm her : but he mark't the door where ( fetching of a compas ) she went in : he follow'd after ; not asham'd of sin , so it be private . sorrow meets with shame , to seize his person first , and then his name . with that i heard three voices sing with grace , the mean , the treble , and the beggers base : two of them vapouring citizens , both known , adopted by the begger for his own . he 'l bring them up , that they may grow more vile ; let them but sin , and he will beg the while to bear 'em out in 't . then this grandy sings , a publike maunder ; deals with private things . still moving on , i heard a hideons brawl ; their chief commander had been a corporal , but now cashierd : they swore and did protest they 're majors all ; a captain was the least : and so they passe , they live by theft ; and rore , with sack-split-oaths : each vassal keeps his whore . horn was as great , though he in new-gatetry'd the virginals , till he at tyburn dy'd . but in a fog , i heard a twisted breath , as though that sin and hell had brawl'd with death for 's 〈◊〉 : but near the dammee crue i durst not venter ( as i lay perdue ) being twice in such ( so like the devils ) hands , i bought distrust ; i do not like such bands . methought i heard these words ; we have compounded for the bloud we spilt , which ran as round-heads ; purg'd away the guilt by a confiding oath . and now we may without distrust , walk weapon'd night and day , to find out royalists , about the town , upon commission , pull the prisons down , to make a gallant party . if we please to raise a stock , we 'l plunder , rob , and seize on any thing . our projects being hid , will better thrive then ever waller's did with roiler's wit . our fortunes all are crost ; let 's swear each other : 't is but labour lost . we 're all made men , if this invention thrives : or at the worst we can but lose our lives . we are despis'd . we may ( our father tels ) break faith with hereticks and infidels . what sores may break when knaves are discontented ? it 's best to doubt , to have the worst prevented . their water 's low ; they double in like shrimps : as witches are forsaken by their imps. when justice meets them ; so , these twice sold slaves are left by wrath , to vengeance-purchast graves . then to the line i went , to walk the round ; where fast asleep a centinel i found : i check'd him thus ; thou art cipher'd ginne , to let knaves out with ease , and villains in . the guards were carelesse , with their matches out ; some drunk , some absent , others marcht about in grumbling postures : wheels , when wanting liquer , do move as free , and turn about much quicker . they take a charge , but not discharge the thing ; an old acquittance goes for manwaring ; a cancell'd bill , they passe in reading's name they read their ignorance , and passe their shame , when folly 's in the front . they love to look as did the tripe wife in her guilded book , who could not read a word . but this they say , they do their duties as they have their pay . their wages small ; yet this their hardest lot , that sometimes they are paid , and sometimes not . the master gunners run so far in debt , their credits die . the poor matrosses get their poverty renewed . ah! then thought i , the stewards are unjust . truth must not die . at my return , i found within the citie a welshman thus complaining : was cret peete her shod pee ' pus'd ! py taffee wass not cood , her leck py cownt-men , put in shink ap wood . her shentilman ap wales , was take creat scorn , her peticree was ' print , ' fore prute was porn . was take it feree pad , ap all her nation : was porn a pritan ap te told translason . her was ap morgan , shinkin , 〈◊〉 shile , was trug cret muntaine ore , ' pove fife-score mile ; was see her cusse , trink two pot cud ale ; pe merree , kish her cosh : was tell a tale . was learn cod englis ; her put take her turn : shon was put ich pefore : put now her purn was loosse her silfar . was her cussen true ? was say , her was ap leiws , ap shones , ap hue ; put her was lye . was naty pag , pe pold ; was make her purn pelow , her , pove was cold , was let her co ? py shon ap morcans solc , was no cod fashion put her shink in hole . this brazen morter-peece , within the cage , enough to fire a town , bites in her rage ; yet she could gnaw the grates . at what he said is no whit mov'd ; but laugh'd : being not afraid of whip , nor halter . when sh'ad chav'd her tongue , her humors dropt upon 't . she sings a song . a song . 1. though lovers be in prison cast or cag'd like birds , our pleasures last , to dresse delights , a pleasing theme : which fool : ne'er know but in a dream . fala , falare , fala falee ; tandan , tandare , tandan tandec . 2. what though we chatter in the cold ? one night cut peece meal , brings in gold to charm the lock ; then we will flee beyond the welshmans pedigree . fala , &c. 3. if windbound troubles , grievings move , we 'l drown'em in a draught of love : and candie ev'ry lovers kisse , to purchase magazins of blisse . fala &c. 4. the prick-song warblers of the spring , our pleasing strains in winter sing : while dull breath'd fancies whine and play sad lachrymae and weladay . fala &c. 5. let gold-worms morgage ease and mirth , to rob the bowels of the earth : their spawns will sacrifice , and cast those drugs to venus at the last . fala &c. 6. conserving joyes , we feel and see , as schedules of a jubilee ; make stoicks dumb , our courtlike playes , with silken credit guilt our joyes . fala &c. 7. imp't , lured by the noble race : let clowns that play at prison base be mockt from pleasures : sence will find though cupid be , we are not blind . fala &c. 8 fair day-light courts , as black hair'd night , our private hand-maid to delight . though we are tax'd , our love is free : and that 's the subjects libertie . fala &c. the drowsie lethargie ! which makes men 〈◊〉 , yet , juggles laughter out , before they dye . sinners have running gouts ; though they rejoice , their tone is like the hateful scritch-owls voice , presaging death . their language doth foretell the doleful sounding of the passing bell rings pleasure to the grave . their ill-got gain , like traitors bribing death , whose menstroas staine age cannot eat away . their conscience sits , as judge and jury : while their dear-length wits are charg'd with 〈◊〉 . all their sences chain'd ; as theeves before a 〈◊〉 are arrain'd by one another : those that there are caft , receive their doom , before the've sentence past . as 〈◊〉 in half-starv'd garrisons , are beat , to drown complaints , when children cry for meat . their lusts raise tumults , reason to controul : or parling cheat the hunger-starved soul with fond relief . as slaves their freedom sell to tug with 〈◊〉 oars themselves to hell . and as they row , they spie upon the way their sins by day-light , march in battel-ray . where wrath 's in commons , they arrive at night . black vengeance , feed , sequesters saucy light . sect. xv . a taylors shred pluck't out of hell is trim'd , a monkey loves her well . she 's free to all ; the monkey frets ; her open shop : whom in she lets are lost . but one whose nose is sunk gets much in favour with this punk . conceit of want doth make her swound ; the gold all gone , they change their ground . o , this a busie night ! who , who comes here ? a shred pluck't out of hell ! can shreds appear in shape so like a woman , charming men ? yes , and bewitch them too , till hell agen doth close upon her . now 't is open , hush : how came her carcase to be wrap't in plush ? she chop 't for broken peeces , ( being free ) the serving-man gave no such liverie . perhaps the flower that fore-runs the spring , for quick commodities might change the thing . 't was mistris maudlins gown : when she was fry'd for morbus gallicus , she did divide her clothes about in parcels : this was cast on her at 〈◊〉 ' baudy-house where she dwelt last . a monkey bred beyond sea , full of lust , found out this apish shred : alas ! he must needs couple with her : married they must be : the forrein beast is ty'd to miserie : for when he had fulfill'd his foul desire , the home-born'd ape grew common : and her fire sparkles into a flame : who will , may have this hell , his bier , to carr ' him to his grave . her fulnesse made her worse . she bends her will to taste and rellish every thing that 's ill . when he perceiv'd his fate , thus he began to breath his meaning somewhat like a man . what have i done ? how fatal was my birth ! i 've travell'd far to seek a hell on earth : which i have found too soon . but ah ! 't is fit that punishment with grief should teach me wit . did i redeem thee from a house of sin to make thee honest ? and dost thou begin to treble up thy shame ? thou wantst for nought . i sold my self too cheap : but i have bought my crosse too dear . hell is not eas'ly drawn ( unlesse a man will lay his hopes to pawn ) to promise pleasure . i am laid at stake for shameand sorrow . how my heart doth ake ! she hearing this , reply'd : pray blame not me : it was your fault to seek for misery . i did not think but that you would consent that i might pleasure friends : you have content : you have your times ; the choice of all my store . what harm is 't then if i can pleasure more ? you know what house i liv'd in : did you think to have me free from sin ? did you but wink we might agree : if you 'ld have had me cleer , you 'd not have come to such a house ; for there we' are season'd 〈◊〉 . i cannot leave it now : i 'l venture all i have , if you 'l allow that i might have return , from french , and dutch , with english too , that you may do as much . that will be quid for 〈◊〉 : thou knowst my mind : come , little monkey , every beast in 's kind . with that he steer'd away , and fear'd no weather ; but with more shame then ever he came hither . now , come , my customers ; for i 'l be free of what i have . i 'm set at libertie . she 's such an active whore , to all that come , as if sh'had learn'd it in her mothers wombe . she wears out one ; another , he is lost ; a third's consum'd ; she jeers him for his cost . then meeting with a shifter , who of late maintain'd a nastie whore , till his estate was sunk much like his nose : and she had bin under the lash to suffer for her sin , indicted , and arraign'd ; and then she fell to tune aloud the fourth part of hell . he being flig'd again , he chatters out like to a rook in spring : and flies about to find a place to build in ; where he brings his new-found whore , whose taile is full of stings . but there the nest is made , till he had spent his present stock , besides what to him lent . and now this ape 's grown sullen ; she 's not well : what , nor a place , nor lands , nor goods to sell ? i want a petti-coat , a bagge , a jewel , another thing or two . such beasts are cruel . he pitty'd her , and answer'd with a smile , thou shalt have those ; but thou must stay a while : i 've such a thing to sell : i know not how to sell 't but with great losse , as times go now . he going forth , she drops down to the ground ; dissemblingly she fals into a swound : and being taken up , she hangs her head ; hold's in her breath , as if she had been dead : closing her eyes , and slobbering out her tongue : 't had been some hope on 't , had she been so long . her neck like tyburns blossoms had been , if it had been long enough , or half so stiffe . but her's was plyable , to turn about , forward , or backward ; all might find it out that 't was but fained . she was throughly vex't 't was done no neater : but she 'l mend the next . he hearing of her fall , came in again ; and when she was reviv'd , she did complain : ah , ah ! unkindnesse ! ah! 't will break my heart ! alas , i love too much ! the more 's my smart . unkindnesse kills me . oh! my heart is broke ! she drop't down tears like charms . then thus he spoke : what , should i be undone ? woulds't have me strive ( to humour thee ) to dig my grave alive ? thou hast bewitch't me . what he spoke was true . the jade had her desire . sh'was trim'd anew . within a little time . the land was sold : they laid it on a while , until the gold was sent from whence it came : then with a jest she cast him off , as she had done the rest . she 's taken up and coatch't unto the bath : but still she 's follow'd with a cloud of wrath . how she did truck in common , with what men ; perhaps i 'l tell you , when she comes agen . sect. xvi . one vampt with plush , lives not in awe ; is found a letcher at the law . a married man ; four queans he 'l have : one very young , one tall , and brave ; the third for wit : the fourth she must be full of stuffe to slake his lust ; they live apart , for each his wife : one with his worship fals to strife . when in my search queen phoebe cast a blush , i turn'd aside and saw a thing in plush , as black as hell : his lust was in the prime : he had a gown ( too long ) did hide his crime . his wit was put to nurse ; his face was blew , and all his upper parts were vamp't anew . his garbidge kept him moist , because his 〈◊〉 was lately bottom'd . till his purse doth faile he 'l wear a ruffe , a full-crown'd beaver-hat : loves he the law or no ? guesse you by that . he 'l give you words , as good as gold can make ; give him his way , advice he will not take . he 's wise enough for hell , pray let him stand : his practise of delight lies underhand . he 's often distant from his native place ; i 'l shew the cels he hants , then judge the case . his wife and children in the countrey bee ; they hardly will beleeve ( nor can they see ) what hell doth daily venture on his side ; nor how he bought a whore ; sweet mistris bride she must be call'd : he doth consume his ' state to keep her to himself at any rate . she 's young and fresh , her hair brown , like a berry , and full of mirth to make his worship merry . a second he must have , that 's full of wit ; she gives him great content : for that is it that he stands most in need of . she is thin , small , low , and active , with a milk-white skin . the third that he doth chuse is very tall ; well joyn'd , upright , her fingers long and small , with yellow hair , her eyes being full and gray , with cherry cheeks : this modest quean will stay her turn and never grumble . but the next , if he but break his day , she 's shrewdly vext . she 's very fleshly minded ; full of stuffe , with greasie brawny limbs , and tongue enough to raile him to her self : as free from fear as honesty : but not from — stand clear . he visits them with papers in his hand , as though he came to state them in his land . he spends his time , his substance , and his life : and every one of these goes for his wife . he takes a part , for every one a room , maintains them at his cost , and he 's the groom to each of them by turns . when he would have a laughing bout , the pleasant wench he 'l crave . when he would hear new fancies , then he 'l dwell with her that with her shame ha's wit to sell . when he to sin with silence has desire , the tallest bashfulr'st whore must quench his fire : but at spring-tides , his lusts swell high : then she that 's full ofstuffe shall have his companie . although a part their seiz'd , they do forecast with joint consent to help him to his last . one of his tibs , full of the lustfull itch , did kick and bite ; i need not tell you which . he staid a way too long ; nor could she have what she desir'd : though silence he did crave it could not be obtain'd . they fell to strife till 't was perceiv'd they were not man and wife . the' are hist a way from thence : but then her mother does prove their baud , the whisking is their brother . but tell him if you durst : what law affords , or violence , to make you eat your words , shall not be wanting . but the common fame is mounted up to blaze their sin and shame . the several nests are found : now he must be purg'd by the law . but ah ! the miserie is not bewail'd : no means can give redresse t' a man that 's morgag'd to his wickednesse . he keeps his truce with hell . he doth bereave himself of hopes : till devils give him leave he cannot change his course : or till grim death , age , want , or sicknesse doth attach his breath . had he so many souls , as many lives , as he hath whores , for his supposed wives , he 'd venture all : but is not one too much to lie at hazard for a world of such ? thou common vassal ! what dost mean to do ? thy various sins , breed several torments too . thou canst not live here ever : thou must have to end delights , a prison and a grave . y 'ave change of rooms for death , being dead alive : one room in hell may eas'ly hold all five . though sin remains there still , there 's no delight : souls dwell with horrour and eternal night . but where 's the scurf of age , that is so vilde to turn a baud ? and offer hell her childe upon such easie terms ? i would not ask , but that she has performed such a task , that hell seems innocent . what did she hatch a brat for living shame ? then make the match ? her sense , her nature she doth now controul , to give the body life , to damn the soul . her shame is dy'd in grain : why write i thus ? she 's fit for nothing but an incubus . there is a pander too ; i 'd call him in , but that he is so overgrown with sin ; being made an officer , his humours swell ; he 'l curse and swear the devils out of hell . his counsel cost him nought : his sisters man ; call him but so , he 'l swear but by her fan . i cannot talk with him , he doth so stink ; being parboil'd twice , and overcharg'd with drink . i 'll leave you altogether , till my pen be sharper set , and then i 'll write agen . if i should shew her wit , how she will vaper , 't would steal a way my time , besides a sheet of paper . her outside now , shall satisfie my rime ; i 'll blaze her inside at another time . look where she is , and view her in the light : now i 'll be silent , left i shame her quite . sect. xvii . a young mans 〈◊〉 , furies rise , his mothers ghost , her words , his eyes disclose his grief : into the fire they thrust his soule , the sinners 〈◊〉 : his soul returns , his mothers train , and whiter devils come again : some pull , some call , he sound his tongue ; he was releas'd , but 't was not long . a devil grave , fain'd love exprest , more wantonsome then all the rest . plaid , sung , and dane'd ; while he did pray the evil spirits flunck away . when through contempt and wilfulnesse to sin man forfeited the day , he did begin to side with darknesse : and to hell he 'd creep , unheard , unseen , when conscience was asleep . she leaves the charge to cerb'rus ; made no stay , but sends out strength to meet him in the way . who marching on , desired sinful leasure ; because the way was sweet , and full of pleasure . but lusting mischief ever comes too soon , unlook't for , in the morning ; if at noon , 't is conceal'd to the minde ; or if at night , 't is most unthought of . he should take delight to reckon well spent-time . but as he stands expecting rest , as purchas'd by his hands , death strains his senses . ah! he must submit to deaths pale tenant ; where the hungry pit will keep him prisoner . but i must indite a scean of dolour . hell 's broke loose to night . he that neglects his watch , will find too late terrors and feinds , assuming pomp and state , with furies waiting on them . passing by a hollow cave , i heard a hideous cry : come , le ts divide the spoile ; his bones are thine : betwixt you part his flesh , his soul is mine . a masculine being past the third degree , and into manhood enter'd now is hee , yet never liv'd , unlesse it were to sin ; being frighted from himself , he 'l now begin to change his course . if this black storme were past which hell hath rais'd ; to heaven now at last , he 'd consecrate himself . the night , being dark , it cannot hide his grief : hell light 's a spark to blaze his crime in colours . first , there came his mothers ghost , to gender fear and shame within his breast : and threatning him , she said ; ah! thou art lost 〈◊〉 how often have i stay'd thee from thy ruine ? worse , and worse thou art ; i was thy mother once : e're we did part i begg'd thy change with tears : but i was crost in my desire . turn , turn , or thou art lost . and many other spirits with consent , did becken from above ; then out they went : but fear came in the more ; for there he saw a troop of deadly 〈◊〉 , who strove to draw ( as they were gaping on the fiery brim ) him to the furious lake , or that to him . ( but , species sine visu ) he believ'd his torment was begun ; and still he griev'd ; which made his wound more wide : his loathed bed helps not his quaking limbs : his heavie head hardens the gentle feathers : and his tears did onely shew , not mitigate his fears . then came the feinds , and snatcht his soul away , making a triumph : soon they cast their prey ( as he conceiv'd ) into a vault of fire ; thrust it with forks . this is the sinners hire . then to the bed , a fury brings a bier , to lay his corps upon : and now his fear hath made him speechlesse : but his sense remains , to fold up sorrow . who can judge what pains hell gives in earnest ! but the hardned sinner knows what hell is : for he was the beginner of discord in the world ; and he shall have a bed of sorrow , lower then the grave . i must not stray too much : my feeble pen must give account ( his soul being come agen ) of what the issue was . in this distresse he water'd his pale-earth . groans did expresse the horrour of his minde : he spi'd again his mother all in white ; with her a train of saint-like figures , pointing down to'ards hell ; then heaven-ward : he mus'd , but could not tell what speech they us'd . of gleams they had a shroud : with verba sine voce , in a cloud , they vanish'd all away . but there remain'd the horrid vision , which from hell was strain'd with strange deformities . a fury call'd upon him strangely : other would have hall'd him from his wat'ry couch : fear made him strong , and home-born danger help him to his tongue . thus he in anguish said : ye feinds of darknesse ! what have you to do with me that am redeem'd ? you shall not woo my soul with your enchantments , to embrace the motions drawn in hell . although my case is much to be lamented , i am free for mercy , as the rest of sinners be . this book ( the book of god ) may end the strife ; my name is written in the book of life . nor shall your 〈◊〉 remove me : i am set to keep possession here : and all my debt is paid by him that gave himself to death , that i might live . from him i draw my breath . depart , ye damned spirits : i have cast my self for sin . i 've griev'd for what is past . thus said , they quit the room . with that he rais'd his feeble 〈◊〉 ; and in his heart he prais'd him that had bought his freedom . but he spi'd as he went down , once more , his mother ti'd ( but not from motion ) in her winding sheet , he thought to gain his freedom in the street , but could not find the key within the door : being frighted worser , then he was before , with lamentable voice he did begin to call for help ; and then the key was in , by which he was discharg'd . and now he will take notice of his wayes to shun the ill . now , like a hart freed from the hungry hounds , which woon his life by swiftnesse , keeps his bounds among the horned heard : he never goes at random by himself , for fear his foes should sent him , bring him to the bloody knife ; to dine with corn he will not pawn his life . so , he escap't from hell-hounds , cannot be contented by himself : good companie is that which he desires : what was amisse he 'l mend , as knowing 't was the cause of this . alas , i have not done ! you must excuse my wandring genius : for my bashful muse did never see a ghost . pray tell me how her songs may rise to that 〈◊〉 sung while now . his spirits being setled , home he came , and brought a friend ; beleeving fear and shame were banish't from the earth : but when his head was laid upon the pillow , then the bed seem'd overcharged with the sinful weight : the walking devils laid another baite to snare his soul . a messenger from hell ( in his appearance grave ) began to tell what favours he would do him : he should find his words all true , if he would frame his mind to keep him company . then he begins to reckon up in order all his sins . and seal'd them to the curse : still when he spoke hell gave a vent , from whence there came a smoke . his courage like to armour made of steel , turn'd back th'assault . what horrour he did feel was secret to himself . he would not make his bed-fellow afraid ; yet he doth take th'advantage to reply : and thus he said ; thy message is from hell ; i 'm not dismaid : i 'l have no aid from thee . do , do thy worst , i will not lose my hope : 'cause thou art curst , thou'l 〈◊〉 make me so . my sinful soul was bought from hell with stripes : i by the truth am taught to wait for grace ; beleeve , repent , and pray ; man by despairing gives himself away . thy plots are vain . thou cursed fiend , be gone : i am a child of promise , thou art none . thou go'st but under bail : thou 'lt shortly be imprison'd to eternal miserie . when he had done his speech , he did perceive th'embassadour of hell had took his leave . but e're sweet slumber had his eyes possest or bridled up his thoughts , to silent rest , hell sounds again : but with a smoother theame ; ( she thought to take him swimming down the streame . ) of heroes , nymphs , and fairies , in came store ( not shap't like fiends and furies , as before ) with wanton postures , and with whorish tire , unsav'ry speeches , stirring foul desire in all their gestures . some with lustful singing striv'd to enchant him , while their lutes were stringing . then in a consort , when their lutes were strung , naked about his bed they plaid and sung . dancing with nimble measures , seeming fair , and in their motions they excell'd the air but hell's befool'd again : for now his dust is dri'd , and cool'd with grief : and all his lust is to be freed from shame . truths common so may well be fool'd , when hell is foiled so . these words he utter'd with an inward voice : you shew me what i was ( i 've chang'd my choice ) not what i am . away , ye haggs ! your spell is but damnation varnisht : for in hell there 's no such musick : trebles give no grace : their tunes are howling discords from the bace . my musick shall be praise ( which i intend to sing in heaven ) that shall never end . hell has her own again , with labour lost ; and all her factors are as often crost . they misse their ends ; their prey keeps off too long ; or if they take it soon , it proves too strong . nor can they well be rid on 't : for the crie calls help from heaven ; so the takers die . who can expresse the torment he endur'd ! the passion of his minde being somewhat cur'd , he with his bed-fellow did quit the room ; who was half dead with fear . they thought their toom had been erected there . now out they creep , both in a trance : as men which from the deep half drown'd are brought to shore ; who musing then will breathe half words ; then stop , and muse agen . but having gain'd their sense , strength gaining time , their stomacks cleansed from the watry slime , they 'll tell you of the shipwrack , how it past ; and of the storm , how they escap'd at last : just so these tired partners do begin ( partners in punishment , but not in sin ) to breathe their woes in parts : they make their moans in words , then sighs ; but make it up in groans . but having felt their footing , they will tell what they escapt ; how neer they were to hell . man sins , then suffers ; sorrow , mixt with fears ; shame leaves him naked in the vale of tears . he sowes disgrace , which genders unto strife , and runs th'row grief with cost to lose his life . hell joyns with heaven to revenge a sin : when she falls fcul upon us , we begin to feel the storms of wrath : and then we cry help , lord , we 〈◊〉 alive . but by and by ( the tempest being calm'd ) we do repent of our repentance . then we give consent to what we did deny : and at the last we do renew the score for what is past . the devils trace the earth ; and where they finde a patentee for 〈◊〉 ; as he 's enclin'd , so they can bait the snare . they take up shapes , with change of habit : as his fancy gapes , he 's humor'd for a time . they are not men , nor women that are dead , that come agen ; but devils in their likenesse , to invite the heedlesse sinner to eternal night . or looking home , they with despairing site , shake him from his beleeving and his wits . were they not chain'd , they 'd take up all for strayes , to trap our souls they have a thousand wayes . i rais'd not fiends , to drive you to a fright ; the' are of my theme , because they walk by night . sect. xviii . a meeting , and a costly feast , the meet , and sitting of each guest , their wines , their cariage , healths among , they drowne their soules , pimp-minors song . night sits enthron'd in state , to seise a prize , " in darkest robes , whose objects blind our eyes . " she cloth'd the clouds in black , and did upbraid bright cynthia's gesture , cause she was a maide . she arch d her screens with jett ; the virgin queen could neither overlook , nor look between . thus 〈◊〉 close , my muse began to call a poet up , to write her funerall . ill humours she doth cherish with her breath , she 's both of a tipe of hell , and nurse of death : so , black with envie , and being swell'd with pride did shrowd the starres in cipresse ; and devy'd her tempus in the middle : half her store was left behind , half 〈◊〉 on before . she ad put the spies in prison : gentle rest had 〈◊〉 some to silence ; others prest to hide their shame with sinne , among the crowd some suck't in poison , but i 'am not allow'd fresh garments from the skye . i 'm paund in birth to shew such feastings , seldome seen on earth . i do invite my readers ( pray come near ) as lookers on , take heed , taste not the chear . those that are guests , love darknesse ; and do dwell or neer unto , or else belong to hell . the time 's most fit , 't is midnight ; and the place was used for burnt sacrifice ; the grace dropt from a bawd , who did invite the guests , the bank did pay the charge of both the feasts . they sit in order : they that took their heats , and temper most from hell , had the chief seats . the bawd being old , and constant , and no waster , serv'd fourscore yeers , and never hang'd her master : she 'as done good service , laying still her gins to draw them to , then snare'em in their sins . the major vote is , she must sit above ; and next to her , the haxter and his love : he rob'd before mens faces in the feild ; she cut the throats of those that would not yeeld . the common whore sits on the other side , next to her mistresse : she has nere deny'd a motion , or an order from the devil , to plead for sin , and tempting men to evil . the private whore sits by her , and she saith she never scor'd upon the publick faith . her pimp sits next her , who did still devise new tricks to fetch her out , for studying lies . he did exceed the rest , to manage it , they say he has a magazine of wit . the pander for his subtiltie , and pride , sits equall with him on the other side . the theife sate close by him , the out-purse jade sate over-right , that drove a double trade with men and beasts , the prodigall ( their friend ) his money 's spent , and now the lower end must serve his turn to night : when he for love renues his pockets , he shall sit above . the constable came in that us d ( you know ) to search above , and leave the watch below . the outworn letcher , and the drunken gull sate down together : now the table 's full . above they had varieties of meate , some standing dishes , but not good to eate . they'ad oysters pickl'd and the best lavere anchoves woodcocks ( which was daintie cheare ) whose brains didmake them sawce , with ambergreece and mumma of mans flesh which cost a peece . with divers other dishes from the fire , where nature mixt with art , to breed desire . for those below , that could but pimp and steal , had butchers meat , ramme , mutton , hog , and veal . no second course ; nor did these sordid elves desire fowl : for they were foul themselves , yet they had tongues and harts , dried , slic't and cold , with severall sorts of wine , but some did hold that viper-wine was best . some lov'd the red , being likest blood ; some that the dragon bred and bears his name , all lov'd it mixt with sin : they'ad healths , and some diseased souls put in . now , in their midst of mirth , they drink the round , they may be bold upon the divills ground , where ev'ry one must freely drink his bowl ; and he that cannot swear away his soul , and drink his reason drie , and play the beast , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be bid to such a gallant feast . before they rose ( though sitting over long ) pimp minor came , and he will sing a song . my song shall relate , what pleasure and state what mirth , and contentments are in love , the world is at at rest , now how we are blest . no sorrow can make us remove . in love we do agree , and who so merrie as we . black night is our bawd ; and fates do aplaud our happinesse : heavens consent , to mask up the moone , least comming too soone prove treacherous to 〈◊〉 content . our pleasures do all agree . and who so merrie as we ? this delicate feast , and every guest still praised shall be with delight : ther 's nothing but day , can fright us away : let 's honour the goddesse of night , that doth with us agree . and who are merrie but we ? the searcher 's asleep , nor durst he once peep to backbite our revells ; agen , if the rimer should write of our meeting to night , with wee 'l vow to sequester his pen . with us hee 'l not agree but who so merrie as we . ? what need we to fear ? the constables heere : pale envy is laid in her grave ; our drinkings breed health , & pleasures bring wealth and joyes are the clothing we crave . with laughing all agree . oh none so merrie as we . wee 'l reap our desire , when lovt is on fire , and 〈◊〉 of the pleasant dishes ; what happinesse can , be more to man then so to embrace his wishes ? our love do thus agree , and who so merry as we ? the scraps which we leave , let watchmen receive , when brokers have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , now give me a cup , and 〈◊〉 drink it all up , and the divill shall have the 〈◊〉 . who doth with us agree , then who so merrie as we ? when they had laughed at this , some 〈◊〉 , asleep , fell on the ground : and some began o creep in private corners , others fell to play , some to their plots ; while others 〈◊〉 away the neighbours goods , but 〈◊〉 this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was broken up , they had a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now like a herd fast by a river side , had eate their commons bare , but having spy'd fresh quarters ore the water , they begin to strive by force which shall go foremost in . and enter first the sev'rall : as they swim the proud curl'd waves assault them , every limbe is shaken with their fury , some do sink , some beaten out of life upon the brink . the rest the streames leave prisoners in a lake , where death must set them free , none of them take , possession of the pasture . so , do these , swim down the tide of lusts , although they please their humors for a time , at last the shore receives them breathlesse . charon sculls them ore into the land of everlasting night . nor sun , nor moon shall vex'em with their light . guilt , shame and tears will mingle with their sins : this feasting's done , the divells feast begins . sect. xix . the night doth quarrell with the moon , the divills feasting comes too soon ; how all was drest , their staying long , before they part they have a song . the whirlwinds , 〈◊〉 , the furious rent , made through the earth , which way they went . before bright phebe did begin to steep her shining body in the atlantick deep , or entred latmos palace , where she us'd to sleep with her endymion ; or refus'd to chuse her whiter bindes , her clearer eye look t through the sarsnet vail , and did discry the folly of the goddesse night , who did defend the fowls of prey , she 'd have them hid . and spits ill language at the moon , and looks black in the face with pride . her secret books are seald with pitch , as black as her aparrell ; her rage breaks out ; thus she begins to quarrell . thou upstart , to antiquitie a fo. i am no light huswife ; but i le prove thee so . go , go , thou changeling , vex me not : must i be subject to thy check ? must thy fond eye be made the overseer of my trade , that had my birth before the world was made , and rul'd alone ? and but for thee still might , i change not colour : for my nam 's black night . i can do nothing private , now , but you must ride above in state , and take a view . of all my plots , as other round-heads do , sometimes yo' are like a round-head slit in two : sometimes yo' are drest with horns upon your head , coming from sols or from endymions bed , yo' are big with childe ; & looking pale yo' are shamd ; being loth to have it known , or have it nam'd , you travell in the sea : and then you smother the babe ( 't is thought ) least he should peach the mother that must be call'd a virgin , you in rage turn men to beasts , and make an hour an age , bald time eternall . as your humours swell , the seas must ebb and flow ; if i should tell all that i know , 't would keep you from the feast , drive down your charret , quickly , to the west . she blushing glanc't away . and now the cheer is making ready , that must cost so deare . here are no sheriffs , nor hinch boyes , nor no maior , nor no church-warden , nor none seeming faire . forbidding johnson's guests , both all , and some , except the jaylor , and the sergeant come . those that are hard and season'd in their evill , will make the fittest messes for the devill . nor did the time agree ; for 't was at noone , and this by night , who 〈◊〉 away the moone . the divell being invited by a sinner , h'ad rather come to supper then to dinner : for then his work is done nor did his haste shew any stomack , he but came to taste . and here he came unlook't for . heare the cryes ; he came but thither choach't , but here he flies . he was invited by the cook , and had his man to dresse his meat ; but good , or bad , he do's it here himselfe . the place is fit : a vault , where soules do sink for want of wit . what hideous noyse is this ? what brimston smell ? what sparkling flames are these ? their'e guests from hell , in 〈◊〉 postures . dreadfull stormes arise , which dumbs the tongue , and deaffes the eares , the eyes are dipossest . strange feares possesse the hearts , with dreadfull horrour in the inward parts . of all the former feasters , none can hold for furious burning ; yet they shake with cold . the prince of darknesse , seizeth on his prey , divides the spoyles , and peece-meale he doth lay his choicest bits in order : some he boyl'd , and made him broth , and other some he broil'd . the bawd he stew'd , because she was so tough . the common trull , before sh' was boyl'd enough he snapt her up ; because his stomack ak't : the haxter and his litter , hardly bak't , was chop 't in after : rotten roasted pimp was swallowed in ; and next the parboil'd imp ; from whom he gravie squeis'd : which scall'd his tongue ; the pander lying at the fire long was dry'd away : whereat the divell vext ; and swore by hell , what ere he met with next he 'd make no bones on 't . with his griping claw he tore the cutpurse , and he eats him raw . a bone ( being greedie ) in his stomack sticks : and he perceiving , that the bloody flix was like to take him ; boyl'd into a jelly the prodigall , to ease his rumbling bellie . to stay the flux , the gull was neatly fry'd ; the letcher gum'd , being finely cut and dry'd , was whift away in smoak : the smoking cell is found on earth ; 't was us'd to be in hell . the officer escap't , this once , ( 't was late ) for he may turne informer to the state , and find out such delinquents . if he can i le have him put in print , a gallant man ! but this unwelcome guest , grown full , he groans , to broil the marrow out , he burnt the bones . his train must eat the scraps , though he begins ; the sawce was all brains , livers , hearts , and sins . their drink was bloud , but from the buttrie hatch a little divill sprung , who sings a catch . never were angels entertaind as we have bin , to swell with mirth : wee 'le break the gaole where we were chaind to lick up the hony and cream of the earth . with hay down down , &c. this castle , and the fare we found have pleas'd our princely humors well , lust leavens blood , theft tears the ground , to make us free trading 'twixt earthworms and hell . with hay down , &c. the scandalous priest , that lives at ease who studies earth , and sucks her store , his state he spends his lusts to please , and a hundred a year to furnish his whore . with hay down , &c. i like the cunning cutpurse jade , that 〈◊〉 twins of sin ; if she be question'd for her theiving trade , she 'l swear he 'd have ravisht her , or t was her fee with hay down , &c. that gallant wench that lies at stake , to seize a prey , her pimp made bold , most quarrell with him , for her sake , she 'l hug him , to save him , then pilfer his gold with hay down , &c. our noble freind that keeps his pincks , steals , pawns , and sells by common vote ; and if his wife with sorrow finks , he 'l starve her , or kick her , or els cut her throat , with hay down , &c. take pleasure , fear not sin , nor shame , you babes of night , flye from despair : joy , wealth , and praise , shall guard his name who honors diabilo prince of the aire . with hay down , &c. then having finisht all ; a whirlwind rose ; the hel-bred furies did begin to close divisions ranks , and files , and with a wound , they forc'd a passage through the trembling ground : but left a blaste behind , resolves the doubts , that you 'd beleeve that hell lies thereabouts . are sinners torment proof , that they do take delight in their undoing ? who can make the angrie heavens smile ? or gaping hell take bribes for souls , when lusts like seas do swell beyond all bounds ? where furious winds do cast those stragling torments , till they run their last : which thirsty earth drinks up , or angry time , for their assault converts them into slime . so mortalls do , passe reasons rules , and please their sences , till a writ of little case be sent from heaven , then their heart misgives , whose 〈◊〉 one day , whose torment ever lives . earth drinks their joyes alive : and hell receives the slime at 〈◊〉 , the trees , the fruit , and leaves . are fit for fire , or like the fox , whose prey is stole at night , but eaten in the day . this theife is so gentle , he makes his den a poultrers shop . a rabbit , and a hen lye by his side : and at his back a goose ; so thrives a while , at last the doggs get loose , and catch the craftie fox , his flesh is tore , his plots are are spoyl'd : his cribidge stole before , now 〈◊〉 for want of eating , ah! me thinks , here 's meate , sharp sauce , and yet my subject 〈◊〉 , for want of seasoning , being peece-meal cut , into the divells lardar they are put . who plaies the caniball : and still he strives with black reproach to crown their dying lives . sect. xx . to share their boungs , three beggars meet , one stunke erewhile , but now made sweet . the second passe , the third 〈◊〉 treate , their begging tone is not compleat : the rules to begg , on what they feed ; their trade and triumph , how agreed , from all oppressions they are free , how merry they at parting 〈◊〉 . i walk'd alone , my brain on fancies fed , the man i' th' moone being newly gone to bed , my light was all confin'd within my brest , my eares were open , forward , still i prest , till at the last i spi'd a glimmering shine , and heard a voyce , which made my muse incline to tune her song anew . three mandies did divide their boungs : the matter should be hid . one had his night-cap brought him , and his ruffe , his gowne , clean lynen ; every thing enough to please his humour . he is very grave his leg's unti'd ; his pleasure was to have his crutches out of fight ; he cleares his throat with butter'd-ale , to help his begging note . the others young , ( a whipping bought his passe ) not borne a beggar as the other was : he 's chang'd from top to toe ; he feeles no smart his arme's restor'd , his sores were made by art . but looking towar'ds the right , i did espie a doxie lately bottom'd , which did cry salva the king of beggers ! let the rest in bowsing kenadoes be ever blest ! then altogether they began to prate of citie businesses , of church , and state , where they should beg to morrow , such a place brings in most coine , the other gives more grace to our endeavours : fleet-street shall be thine , turn-style is his , the temple-lane is mine . 't is late , they must divide what they have got , there 's but a mark betwixt them : but the lot fals double on the seignor . i was fain to bring you both into a begging strain . yet , thou beg'st out of turn ; nor canst thou cry with dolefull tones , to move the passers by to draw their bounty . thou shouldst shew thy sore to make their purses open : then our store would be encreas'd . but tib doth beg with grace , she 'l howl out , 〈◊〉 your worship , make a face , to coyne a groat at once : she 's young in years , but old in cunning : her dissembling tears will make a usurer a peny spare , so in her prayers he may have a share . there 's not a day , if once i sit but down but is a noble-day : alas , a crown will hardly bear my charge ! a dish of meat would cast one half on 't : many things i eat which are not common : now and then i have a pullet , and a tart ; sometimes a crave , a pigeon-pye , a woodcock , or a goose , a pig , a dish of larks ; let me but loose , i know what comforts age . beife is but course , veal 's waterish , mutton grosse , and pork is worse , i cry and hold my legg , some labouring gull gives me a penny , when my purse is full . when he ( perhaps ) hath not aishilling left to keep himself . then begging joyn'd with theft , there is no better trade . i have excuse to save my money which i have at use , to keep my port , and credit to the last , his port , when all my merrie begging dayes are past . how ever all the day i seeme to men , when i come home , i am no begger then . what er'e i ask , i have for my delight , my table 's spread with meat , my bread is white . a fire , slippers , and a cup of ale , good wine , well suggar'd , with a merry tale , to cheat the slow pac't minutes : i am free from all suspition by my beggerie . who 'l seek for money in a beggers house , the proverb is , there 's nothing but a though i keep fellons goods , i 'm quit from shame , the harmlesse beggar is both old and lame . come , let us share our boungs , thou must away , my enter'd rogue ! ten groats shall be thy pay . my little gill , thy subtle antique tricks gaine foure shillings , i 'le have the other six . this parting cup shall drown all care and sorrow , chuck thou art mine to night , and his to morrow . as do the snakes in dunghills , bre'd , and thrive , and have their vents to keep their stinck alive , morall . so do this brood of vermine , baske all day to suck the spoyle ; at night they part the prey . those rotten vassals , cannot choose but see they are the drones which rob the painfull bee . to all that 's begging-base they are agree'd , they 're 〈◊〉 for the 〈◊〉 then for breed . they swarme like catterpillars : none can stand before their mouthes : they cover all the land . they are the sores of england , which do run almost past cure . alas they have begun to bring the body lowe ! let lusty knaves be whip't to work , and hamper'd up for slaves . let bridewells joyne to guard these begging whores which breed like mice , they are the greatest sores . the weake might then be kept , the blind and lame pon charity , our kingdome quit from shame . if they were dealt with , as they are displaid , in halfe an age those rats might be destroy'd sect. xxi . her , e officers are guilty found , a sodomite , a spie , our ground breed monsters , now , the souldiers punck , the reformado shamefull 〈◊〉 ; the ramping dame one robs the state , the choice of pincks , the harlots rate . to take a bribe , this cannot brook : two bawds twice burnt ; a frenchman took . vvhen swarfie night had mufled up the queen with clouds of darknes , sable vails , in spleen were spred before the stars ; their twinckling light , must look tow'ards home , accus'd by envious night : all colours were alike ; she seem'd to have the glory of the world , bound in a grave . the watch was set , the court of guard was plac'd , the spies went forth , bold sinners were disgracd , though mask'd with darknes . by & by they brought a rabble rout , that sold themselves for nought , to purchase hell on earth . a captain came that spit out oathes ; i must not tell his name . a damme blade , for he will tak 't in snuffe ; he 's dawbd with silver lace , and clad in buffe . but pennylesse poore slave ! the night before he had a crown , but that he met a whore , that rob'd him of his wits , to trade with sin , he to the bargain gave his money in . he was a plunderer , roving up and down ; just such a one would have betray'd the towne . a theif in office . ever untill that , this swash was judg'd to be a beggars brat . but here 's a maior , that can keep his jade at hard meat all the year ; and drive a trade of robbing by a word . this country votes can justifie : but he will cut their throats if they complaine . his colonel 's out and when he went , he car'd hi doxie down , untill his shame increast , and coyne was spent ; his tenants plunder'd , cannot pay his rent . a colonel . at basing , redding , or at maidenhead , he drops his ware , and he is gone to bed without his supper ; having little ease , his braines , and cash are morgag'd for disease . but here s a woman , that is faine to stay in town a while , to get her husbands pay : yee dy'd with wounds ; and while she stayes in town , she 'l truck with hell , to bear her charges down . and then she 'l leave : ere this she'ad chang'd her ground her bawd ha's still a noble in the pound . sir , her 's a sodomite , a souldier too , a damned cab : that used much to wooe an incubus , and he will sell mens lives for pence a peece . he thinks because he thrives that hel's his friend . he must commit incest , or else a rape , or bugger any beast . he 's like the dutch-man , hell hath made so bold that ravish't women , having stole their gold . he 's for the subjects liberty , and will die a good protestant . he 'l only kill the kings ill wishers . here 's his only friend has still three wives alive . and 't is his end to take another , help him in this case , for all his wives are distant from this place . she must have means ( for here awhile he 'l stay ) to keep him brave , till he can run away . what greasie peece is this ? this is a spye , that has been long in service ; faine to flie for conscience sake . his company was lost at edge-hill fight : was ever captain crost as he hath been ? he was beyond sea maim'd , at hoast-end fiege , but he is here maintaind for information . he doth sculk about , in bawdy cells , to send down news , no doubt , he has allowance : and his queans for nought ; as for the running in the raines he bought . he 's fiery fac't ; his company was rais'd within his bosome : of ill spirits praysd , he gives this motto , ( and he kicks at fate ) au segnior , captiano , grand souldate . a monstrous woman ! to the guard we 'l send her , a parboild frow , and of the neuter gender . who alwayes waites to snare men in a gin ; and claimes a priviledge to make them sin . to beg sometimes , and otherwhile complaine , then breath out wishes ; any thing to gain a mony'd guest . oh! now 'tas found a spark , that 's flig indeed , a walking in the dark : the jades are all too course : this frap must borrow a finer tib : they shall be paid to morow . if gill comes from the knight , that did so seek to gaine her love ; she 's hir'd for a week . here 's a common souldier , who was found at letchers base , within the divells ground . he 's drest with rags ; nor can he get his pay to cloth himselfe . he hopes to see the day when theft shall be in fashion : yet he must eate , drink , game , whore ; all on the common trust . who 's this , his trull ? indeed forsooth i went his trull . down to the army ; with no ill intent , onely to see my friends ; and use my trade , the marshall us'd me roughly ; that he made me leave the field ; my love and i to rest , did think ( in winter ) garison was best , to ease each other : is it any sin ? he pimps without , whiles i do work within . with cabies we are suffer'd , day and night , their plunder and their wenches , mak 'em fight . pray marshall keep 'em safe . sir ; here 's a reformado , who being drunk , he reeld about the street ; and met a punck , who had her waiting maid ; he took 'em up , in druery lane ; together they must sup ; he 's charg'd with eighteen pence ; and then he felt into his fob ; but he must pawne his belt to free his heeles . did that discharge the score ? his sword had gone too ; but 't was pawn'd before . he 'd take a lodging ; but she scorn'd to swive under a crown , with any man alive . more night-work yet ? oh , her 's a ramping dame , compos'd with basenesse , impudence , and shame : pray , who's 's your clerk ? thou lying paultry spie ! do'st dare to prate to such a one as i ? if courtiers were at home , and all the peeres , i should find friends ; thou durst not for thy eares say half so much : for i took many a crown of courtiers weekly ; they being out of town my trading 's low ; but i was one that went to cry for peace , and thousands , with intent to force it on ; and levell all our forts , to let the king come in . but false reports make us malignants . i shall live to see our fortunes rais'd , and you as low as we : or higher by the gallowes . then wee 'l sing , hang all the round-heads : we are for the king . here 's impudence indeed ! a man in office comes , that 's very grave , you would not think that he should prove a knave , he has a trick unknown , to raise the rate ; i am jealous on 't , i doubt he robs the state . he 's like the coleman , for he peeles the poore , and spends the parish stock to keep a whore . doth he convert our seasments into crimes ? i wish there were no reason for these rimes . no new-made states-man , nor no proud priest can be close patron , to this bearded villany . a sub-committee-man ? oh ! let him passe , he rides in state ; he 'le call thee foole and asse : to question him : i doubt he is not right , i 'm vext to see him cause my purse is light . she second , met a lady that was wise , faire , young , and vertuous too , 〈◊〉 husband lyes fin'd a d. linquent : but if she 'd consent to be his prostitute , he 'd be content to get the charge remov'd : when 〈◊〉 come in he 'l gain a vote , make taxes , pay for sin . another of 'em ? he has laid his baits , to snare his partner , cause he hates deceits , and will not cheat the state ; and therefore he shall be sequestr'd : but this treacherie is laid to view : seiz'd goods he would purloyne prais'd for himself : hed pocket up the coyne for 's private use . oh! how that province grieves that must be subject to a pack of theives ! wise senators being in their choyse deceiv'd , truth 's in exile , and rights's by trust bereav'd . if publike men , for private ends shall cope , and sue divorce 'twixt charity and hope , let plunder'd men fit still : poore souldiers cry , they may confide , untill they starve and dye . here 's nul the neuter , that could ne're abide . to draw his sword : or stick to either side . but which prevailes is his : and he will be a man of war , when all the world is free . a noted letchers found , that us'd to seek varieties of sinkes ; for twice a week he must have choice ; this incubus is bred of gomurs race , it is the maiden-head he aims at most . this vassals worse then mad . for killegrue and mints are not so bad : a committe of divills , chus'd him well , to trade by wholesale for the pit of hell what , three at once ? two drunkards were at strife for this fine trull , and shee 's a married wife , but leaves her husband . he that has most cash at any time , may have this nastie trash . oh here comes one , that will not take a fee of any man , but if they do agree if he will send a thng to make her fine she loves her lust , she 〈◊〉 not trade for coyne . two charcole bawds , being burned twice a peece , did spread a net , and took a flock of geese , to pluck their feathers , they to dresse them strive , some stewd , some rosted , some were burn'd alive . they wink at one another , with a grace ; thee'l have their houses in an other place , a place of fame , betwixt them they maintain a surgeon private paid with hellish gain . this frenchman comes to night , to be a guest . me been a sowder , an wood nom been preest , me feet for anlish croons : an wood non have tashentelman go goon , t is boon me crave dat me 〈◊〉 pos ; me none more sick been seen : me non malignant . me been vor de queen . see here you troop of fondlings ; you are bent to please the prince of darknes ; his intent is to requite you , payments please you well you' are all of the black regiment of hell . you live without a soul , and you do make sinfull conceit your leader : you mistake to fall in love with ruine . such a sink " will venom paper , and 't will poyson ink , " is common reason lost ? sence will be heard , with mournfull groans : that hell will be afeard to stand before it : you 'l with terrour see 't , sin , shame , and torment shall together meet ? fraught with disdain , yet emptie tubs , you sownd your miserie possest ; but when you are bound with chaines of darknesse , and clost prisoners cast into the gronndlesse dungeon , when your last vapour shall vanish , who will stand for you ? heaven will despise you : hell will claim her due . before the clouds grow black , turn from your sin : or els 't will call eternall darknesse in . sect. xxii . a monster raisd , that is espi'd and by a ragged bawd descry'd and pointed out , the monster ple ads to justifie the life it leades . and blames that fowl , and all her 〈◊〉 that roost with all for pence a peece , provoking meates ; this must be try'd when that is to the gallows ty'd . before the queen of night , had made dispatch of her resignment , or discharg'd the watch of lanthorn-service , or the blushing maid before old tython had her flags displaid or fairer venus had unmask'd her face , to tempt the shepherd from his warmer place . i to perform my task , did walk the round , and search't about ; at last a thing i found , which made me wonder : as it there did stand t would fight with man , or woman hand to hand . it's face was like a womans , but behind a seem'd a divill of the better kind , it was nor man , nor woman , bird , nor beast it was bespoke of hell , to make a feast . it was a fearfull monster : no man may without a blush behold it in the day , i did conclude at last , ( i veiw'd it's pitch ) 't was not a divell , but the divells witch . 't would rob , and steal mens goods , and cut a purse and help all them that could but swear and curse . yet it had learn'd some charity from hell , for those that would beleive , 't would raise a spell , bring in the mould-bred divells , call 'em men , and help you to your goods and purse agen : but you must call it mistris ; and confesse 't is truly divellfi'd : then 't will expresse a serpents love : 't will swagger , strut , and roar , save that the gender 's wrong 't would turn a whore , and pimping is away it doth applaud , but being old enough 't will be a baud . 't was fed with dainties ( being puft with pride ) and something for a monkie left beside . it overcharg'd mine eyes . i turnd about , and presently i found a woman out , being poor diseas'd , and ragged , and her crime had made her turn a bawd before her time . she spi'd that pamper'd monster , and she ran to take the prize ; she thought t'had bin a man . but finding 't was a thing that did invade her custome ( coming on ) to spoyl her trade , she did disgorge her selfe ; and to begin thus she accus'd it of a common sin . what mankind stuft art thou ? thou art in rage to lead the front of sinners on the stage . they say thou wast a man ; but since the devill made one part like a woman , that thy evill , to all that see thee may appear : the rest is doubled in thy shame to make a beast . thou entertainst the roysters of the age , and high-way theeves ; each one a hackney page , drest like a man : they domineer and roar ; at such a price thou dost provide a whore for him that is unfurnish't . but the rate is alwayes double when the thief comes late . one that with friends , and husband lives at strife , a broken madam , or a courtiers wife , a chamber-maid that 's weded to her crime , or gentlewomen , that are past their prime , starch't o're with painting , fitting them for vice , out of the wardrop suiting to the price . if any be in danger for his theft , or any whore of whiping , thou art left . to fetch 'em off : for at the sessions still thou brib'st the men , or els keep'st back the bill . ( we know when sessions is begun by thee ) and for thy service thou dost get a fee . thy ruffians go in scarlet , or in plush ; thy truls in silks : there 's not a modest blush amongst them all . thou , thou dost hide their sin and this the evidence that i give in against thy knot , and thee , another day . come , slash and cut , hast any thing to say ? thou thred-bare witch ! what beggerly and bold ! am i thy fellow ? i can hardly hold my tallens from thy flesh : should i deprive my self of proffits ? any way to thrive i mean to use . how should brave hacksters be preservd , and furnish't , were it not for me ? no lowe pris'd ware , shall come within my dore ; ( she that will truck for sixpence is a whore ) i company with gallants , lords , and knights , and please their humors , to encrease delights , i furnish them with lasses : who dare say i am a bawd to deal with such as they ? i fear no law , nor prison : now and then i have bin in ; but i came out agen . the justices , the jury , and the clarks do know and favour me : the velvet sparks will plead my cause : or any thing they 'l do , run , ride , make friends , drop down a peece or two . to make my cause run smooth : why then should i fear or forsake my trade untill i die ? i live in pleasure : cocks , bears , bulls and playes : bring fresh delights . what sweet and merry dayes have i enjoy'd ! then doggs , and monkies be at other times good companie for me : i drink tobacco , wine , but towards the shot i break a jest ; but never pay a jott . why speak i thus to such a one as thou ? i 've justifi'd my self . i 'le taxe thee now . how dos my spirit boyl , to hear what trade thou driv'st for death ? how every common jade is entertain'd by thee ? thy seely geese will dable in the durt for pence a peece ; thy halfe-fac'd frows will put a man to fright ; they beg all day , and play the whore at night . the 'r slic't and dry'd : yet one of them must be extreamly modest ; hardly woon : for she is tyred at the brokers , she must seek a penny more : she payes a groat a week . another's soon perswaded , she will yeild with words on trust : for in the open field she keeps a market : there the vermine play , who scapes at night , she takes him in the day . the third is mark't with reding : she will try ( tempt , fawn and call upon the passers by to come to hell , if she can draw them ( so ) she burnes them half a live before they go . the last lies to be cured of her curse ; she 'l deal wi' ye even hand , and spare your purse . she hath provoking meanes to stir up lust , one must be whip't with rods ; another must be beaten out of dores , and for his 〈◊〉 coole at the gates of hell ; 't is hot within . another's made a skullin : he must wash the dishes , and be knock't . and then the trosh must kisse to make amends , untill desire is by degrees , converted into fire . the common cheaters when they take a prey doe come to thee by turnes : ( the more fooles they ) thou canst not help them in a dang'rous case ! nor at the sessions dar'st thou shew thy face . who come to thee to night , the next be hid in a hole , for feare when thou do'st see a gorget , that 's for cis ; a handsome dresse must be for gin ; the wastcoate is for besse , being trim'd with stolne goods , their price is rais'd thou art maintain'd , and hell and thee both praisd : thou art a baud , a theif , an out-worn whore , if e're i come to tyburn i 'le say more . i was in hope the morn by this would smile , but 't is grown darker then it was ere while ; a tedious night ! nor can i once forecast to ease my muse , untill the night be past . those that do sin in state , do here foretell that they shall have the hottest room in hell . for those that live to sin , and sin to live , shall find what motto death and hell do give . they purchase pain and shame with greedie sinning , whose life is death , whose end is deaths beginning . sin is at ods , i need not tell you how ; hell did agree , but 't is divided now . she 'l never yeeld , till she hath all she had ; when she is chok't , her tenants will grow mad . sect. xxiii . the devill with a priestling meets , a souldier comes , the devill greets ; he rails at first : the feinds unkind ; how he in sorrow speaks his mind . the preist is charg'd , of his advise , how he did tempt the devill twise . pandorssus try'd , how he did wooe , casts off one whore , and takes in two : the dreadfull fight , the combat past ; their healths , and triumph at the last . now hell will sound a parle , before tshe'l beat up her travail ; or seem to make rereat : she musters all her forces , views their scope , draws up the reer : in the forlorne hope the prelates traine was plac'd . she iounds agen ( the divell hath reserves as well as men ) but light ( though distant ) scornes to stoop , or see her issue joyne with this black pedigree . the divell met a priestling , where came in a bloudy rustick ; who had lately bin a suiter to this feind , that he might take mens lives , and plunder freely ; who did make him promise to that end : but , cause he fails souldate growes mad , and at the divell railes . have i been servant to thee many years ? and took thy word for all ? as it appeares by my successe : nor did i feare to kill the innocent , being promp't to what was ill . rob , teare , sweare , curse at those that did rebell a'gainst thy lawes . just so do we in hell . souldier . and so thou'lt serve me too : and for my gaines , thou 'lt send black death , with torment for my paines . is 't come to this ? divell . i pray thee tell me how our plots should thrive , if we should not allow false protestations , with the breach of truce , to cheat conceit ? such subtletie 's in use . souldier . now thou dealst plainly , hadst thou don 't at first i had been happy . divell . now thou art accurst . we try all means your senses to invade , sometimes we 'l be gentile ; but 't is our trade to chayne your reason to the breath of men , who are our journey men : and now and then they send such chapmen to our darksome cave , to purchase tombes with life , that loath'd a grave . they can do more then we , being in request , our names are stain'd ; what is by us exprest is put in use by deputies . but we work privately . souldier . ah! to what misery have i engag'd my self ! if earth and hell combin'd against me , is 't in vain to tell my cause to heaven ? divell . aske this flattring priest , that goes in velvet slippers ; give a list of all thy rapes , and he perchance may give an absolution ; his conceits do live with wastefull hopes : being pregnant in his evill , he thinks in pride , to go beyond the divell . all learning dwells in him : what falls beside are but the concrets of his inward pride . souldier . you 're comforters alike ! thou did'st begin a bloody plot ; and slily drew'st him in , to be thy executioner : and what is ill is but the execution of thy will ; being of the horsleech kind , and mettle free the priest tempts the divell . to take thy easie stamp . devill . he tempted me : for when the stubborn scot did give abuse , to his divinity , that was in use , du ni'd the gudly bukes , he rais'd his voyce in folio sodenly , and then made choise of my assistance : when he could not prate his hunderts out ; nor could retaine that state , he vomits bloud afresh : and then indeed i got an office , lov'd to see men bleed as well as he ; and when i went to fight , i long'd to have the parson in my sight . souldier . how are poore soules deluded ! that are taught by such to loose themselves ! now am i brought for sale to death . the trembling earth doth gape to let me down ; and would commit a rape upon my reason too ; the shivering aire benums my senses , but then , black dispair revives my grief again : the sawcie wind , that 's quarterd , with the anguish of mind : makes earth-quakes in my breast ; nor can i tell of one weeks pay to bear my charge to hell . shame joynes with terrour , to increase my evill : oh pitie me ! devill . aske mercie from a devill ? i shall be made thy gaoler , never look for pardon any more , now the black book is laid before thee . souldier . reverend sir come 〈◊〉 oh now ! or never quell the rage of sin . priest . shake off thy dumps , and lose not thy renown ; had not the service-book been voted down , i 'de conjure out this fiend , do thou but fight , defend our cause , thou need'st not fear the sight of men and devils , if thou dost forsake our blessed way , the devill will thee take : well , be advis'd . souldier . away yee fiends , away , you both desire my ruine , you 'd destroy me , soule and body , thou hast laid a 〈◊〉 to catch poor souls , of which thou should'st take care thou limb of antichrist , is this the rest thou didst propose ? thou r't proctor for the beast , the devill tels more truth , i doe defie a seeming friend , a reall enemy . goe , changeling , go . priest . can ideots understand , what 's best for peace , and freedome of the land ? and such a one , as i be still to seeke , that understand the hebrew and the greek , in ways of truth ? devill . ho , — ho , heer 's dainty sport , because tha'st been a flattrer at the court , chok't with conceit , thy parts doe raise the rate ; i liv'd in heaven , yet lost my happy state . thy fall is comming . priest . i had best be gone , this fortune-tellers odds is two to one . souldier . no trust in clods of clay , let men addresse themselves towards heaven , for their happinesse . when this discourse was past the knot dissolv'd . a'crooked piece of filth that was involv'd within a trebble curse , came crawling by , and after him his trul , who us'd to lie , to take him captive : many years they had been jogging to the devil , he was mad , to wed this tub of treasure , kept for store , though lovely by contraries , 〈◊〉 befote , p andor sus now declines her , he has found at prison base upon the common ground : two punks new underlaid , and in his view , male a the best of them , was vamp't 〈◊〉 and furia had been bottom'd , had not she been over dry'd neer smithfield , but if hee can turne old querpa off , that he may have those prettie pugs to drill him to his grave , hee 'l give a double fine : it is agreed , that he shall work for death , and hee 'l make speed , left hell should be too full , before his lust , commits his rotten carcasse to the dust . well , now the wantons meet , and querpa sees that furia had his heart , and maleas fees , were fruits of pleasure , shee advanc'd her tongue , would you ingrose my dear ? i 've had him long , above these fifte n years , and i will claime priority in trust , it is my ayme , still to enjoy my sweet . furia . what needst thou move ? malea and i are partners in his love , he works , and brings us gains , he'ad rather piue and presse his hart , then we should want for coinc , querpa . i cannot hold my hands , i 'le have thy nose , and teare thy eyes out , such a pair as those , bewitch my joy ! these 〈◊〉 birds of prey , may chatter charmes and doetheir work by day : i vow i le make you packe . malea . i 'le vex her more , here are the clothes which yesterday he wore , left as the pledges of his free intent to wait on us in lovely merriment : what ere he hath is ours , his daughter now gets nought from him , but what we doe alow . chuck ? chuck is right . pandor . ha , if you finde meflinch , then blame me , no , i scorne to stir an inch from what i promise : querpa , you are old , tuf , dry , unactive , sence conjealjd with cold : go , trudgeto feeble dick : for i have made my choice a new . querpa . i am no out-worne jade . thou varlet of the tub ! i 'le make thy name a common stench , thou excrement of shame ! chiefe in the roule of rogues , in bride-well dy'd , twice free of newgate , once to tyborn ty'd : deny my love ? how like an asse he stands , come once again into the hangmans hands , hee 'l choke thy mirth . impatient of disgrace , he tore her head-clothes off , shee scratcht his face . but then his chieflings came unto his ayd , he got the day , poor querpa now is paid : for tongue tale scores being fled ; the bonny three drinke healths in riumph of the victory : they reingage themselves , his valours known , together with his love , they 'l have it blown with th'silver trump of same , that all may finde the rich borne issue of pandorsus minde . the devill breaks his covenants with men , when they are in a straight : and they agen with one another in a frenzie fit , he gains his ends , because he has more wit ; when their's are frustrate . when the hare to quarter freely where the hungry hounds keep randevouze ; or if the partridge treats with angry hawks about her choice of meats , what will the issue be ? these did agree , that are discover , d here : but now you see how justice parts'em : if they do rebell in change of sins , how will they do in hell , where plagues are crown'd ? for , there the hungry flames are in commission ; bodies , souls and names must ' bide th' arbitrement : they need not fight , to make their curse compleat . day 's turn'd to night , where horrour , ( free from chains ) doth gnaw the sore ; makes hope as blinde , as reason was before : and greedy sorrow , feeding upon teares , cender's despaire , which ruleth over feares with imbred terrour , born by helplesse grief : shame 's no abortive : death commands in chief . sect. xxiv . the serving-man , relate what he had known of 's masters miserie : his coach , sedan , what letters fees . he falls from satten to his freeze . how sin brings death , the purchast strife : a villain that betray'd his wife . before the vails were drawn , or dimfac'd night pon composition , would resigne her right to hespers train , before old tithons head was raysd with glory from his frosty bed , to shew his hoary locks : nor did the day peep through the streaked tiffany , of gray . for chantecleers commission was not seal'd to sound a parle ; nor any way reveal'd to bring aurora , in her silver pride , to storm the works of darknesse : yet i spy'd two silent walkers ; one was much affraid ; and i perceiv'd she was a chamber-maid , the other was a serving-man : for hee i soon discovered by his liverie . he being stay'd confest he did belong to one that kept his coach when he was young , for hackney ware , and feasted them in town , and in the countrey car'd them up and down , who had at every stage , a common inne , where he did put himselfe to sale for sin . he had sedans , which he did use to send to fech his minions private , and did spend his means upon them : now he paid his whore , when cash was low , he sin'd upon the score , somtimes he borrowed of a cavaliere , that us'd to hire a strumpet by the year , thei 'd feel his pockets pulses ere they 'd joyne , and have their courses when he had no coine . they 'd often be at ods , then he would curse the minntes of expence ; his humble purse did languish for his riot : she would rail , because the suit depending on her — was staid with an injunction : high-courts writs put down the common-pleas , and bring their wits to bill and answers , if their orders must be seeming prohibitions , to their lust , and stop their commings in , they 'l sin the more . ( both orders and decrees were broke before , ) subpoena shame , their mischiefs to recruit ; again , at non-equity they 'l try a suit . if any maid was handsome in his eye , hee 'd lay a snare to trap her , and would try with gold to win her , such a one as shee was made for pleasure not for 〈◊〉 , hee 'l take a chamber for her , make her fine , and keep her at his cost , if thou 't be mine : thou shalt not want ; most modest gives content , another time shee that 's most impudent . he sends his pimping letters , i must be his whiskin , else , we never could agree . here is a copie to his mistresse which hath spent him much , her fingers ofted ich to nim his gold , her answer i l'e reherse , but you may read , for they are both in verse . his letter . to the mistris of my affection , at her chamber in the strand , mistrisse i. g. sweet-heart thou art my chiefe delight , i dream'd i was with thee to night , since i have seen thee , time appears to me as five and forty years : i cannot eat , nor drink , nor sleepe , but somtimes sighth , and somtimes weepe . i 'le freely take what e`re thou giv'st , the latter should excell : i 'm thine while thou in credit liv'st , poore , or diseased , farewell . ? till then thine , for pleasure . i.g. he 's now declining , sattin , silke and plush are turn'd to freeze : and yet he will not blush though all men jeer him ; he to gain his ease will take some wholesome drudge , that his disease may be remov'd to her . a hellish woing ! for he minds nothing but his own undoing . he runs in debt , but never means to pay : had i my wages i would never stay . his former bawd , because he lest her stew comes railing to him , there`s a quarter due for retaile dealing , and for common fees ; he`s sinking now , and falling by degrees down to his purchas`d place ; where he will meet with course salutes : sin sifted from the sweet . i serv'd another gentleman , whose use was to defile himself ; all foul abuse . he judg`d as gentle qualities , and when the damned haxters met , they were the men that could excell in vilenesse , drink , swear , roar , or take a purse ; and he that kept his whore at greatest rate ; they thought these bloody times would grant them pattents , patronize their crimes . if any sought to turn him from the sting , a rounded knave ! a rebel to the king . should not controule him : he did ne're deny his lusts a vent , his reason still did dye to keep his curse alive : his soul thus tost , till credit , meanes , with man , and all were lost . sin took advantage when his bones were dry'd , put him a year in hell before he dy'd . another once i knew , that did a fact which impudence did blush at ; such an act was never heard of ; he would give a fee to one that should commit adulterie with his own wife , and he would have at hand his evidence with him , who there would stand to see it done , that he might freely take occasion , that he might his wife forsake . and turn her off with shame , then he would find content in wickednesse : and set his mind to pimp for venus , as i came along i heard a noise , but still a womans tongue . did carr ' the sound away : she 's one mans friend , and deals with none but him : yet in the end she 'd trade with them by turns . jack payes his shilling , but that he 's out of town , she 'd not be willing . this peece was over-hat they fell to words , and then to blowes ; had not their state-bought swords bin bound unto the peace , they had not left untill their pates , or else some post had cleft , their cloaks were put in prison for this crime , their cause adjourn'd untill a purging time . is thy relation true , yes . can pity here take place ? then summon fear , that any men that are but inmates here should live like divells , pain from pleasure springs : contempt from sinfull sweets , a thousand stings wait on the sinners joy , and when they must be kept close prisoners in the surly dust , they 'l meet their rising fresh when they shall run to mille malis , which were here begun . like to the fouls of prey , that soar aloft , whose stomacks bribe their eys : and seizing oft upon the harmlesse birds , at last the net doth take them prisoners , where they dye in debt : th' are pol'd like traytors , shame out-lives their gains who for example hang abroad in chains . so , these despised vultures soaring high , their pleasures are unwing'd , they fall and die in debt to all the world , then who can tell their misery , but those that come from hell ? fond dreams where serpents are imbrac t for friends , contracting torments when the fable ends . sect. xxv . strange stories from a chambermaid , the pimps imployments are displai'd , the justice , watch , the marshalls guard , protect the sinners for reward , the tavern pawns , a spie espi'd . two sworn for hell , and how they di'd . by this the night began to be in fear , the sweet-fac'd light beginning to draw neer , to bring the morning in , with rosie dawn , with officers in scarfes of cobweb lawne . to raise up forces which did all resort to phoebus which did scale the royall fort . without resistance , all within the line , was repossessed with his glittring shine . aurora rais'd , did send out many spies , with scouts and trumpets , being full of eyes ; with ambuscadoes , who did 〈◊〉 creep ; ( the black fac'd regiment being most asleep ) they seiz'd their works , and pillag`d all within ; kept those close prisoners , that had traytors bin , to have their triall . juno all in state made vulcan horn`d by venus advocate . the sentence past , they being guilty found ; and sol in pride riding the third dayes round must see the execution , from the stewes , yet here`s a prisoner that will tell more newes . indeed forsooth i am a chambermaid , when i was young i meerly was betray`d with shews of gold , rich fare , and brave attire , a gincrack like a lady did me hire , to be as her companion , till she brought me to her will ; my honesty was bought , sold for disgrace , all sorts were entertain`d , who ever lost , of every one she gain`d that had but coyn , if any one seem`d poor , she`d send pimp minor for a pocky whore , to fit his rate : if any spark came rich she`d come in silk , and painted ; if this witch was not accepted for her wrinkled face , i must be trim`d to take my mistris place . if two or three came in pimp major must , take up some sinner on the brokers trust , to gaine a double fee : our rates were higher according to our beauty , and attire . she`ad skill to cure her guests , being over-hat , or frenchifi`d ; she had the more for that . if lads came thin , she`d send her pimpes about . to raise a tumult ; bring a totter`d rout . before some taverne doore , raile , sweare and curse at one another : so they`d cut a purse , or pick a pocker ; then they`d take thir flight to rob some house , being alwayes in the night , were any of us taken in the darke , we`d bribe the justice , and we`d fee his clerk , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the lasses were in feare , when 〈◊〉 away , on may day was a yeare , about long-acre ; common stinking 〈◊〉 , but they were freed and never had the lash . for justice nimis was their friend , and can do courtesies : but they must pay this man , and parish officers will them enlarge , excuse their faults lest they should keep their charge . at other times , our pimps would much frequent the shovell-bourds , the dicers , and they went to ordinaries to gamsters , bowling places , to gaine acquaintance , when they knew their faces , thei`d grow familiar : so they drew them in , and made them tenants to the house of sinne . gamsters and thieves , that drinke the full carouse , are the chief piilars or a dawdy house . we 'd tell each other all : who 's best for play , who , for the house , and who will freely pay ; who 's pleasant for discourse , what slave doth grutch , our common fees , and who will give too much : we 'l now seem chast , but if the golden crue comes greedily , sirs , 't is for love of you we break our vows , beliwing what we say the 'l drop dust freely , when th' are gone away to jeer , or praise 'em , as we found em right . it is our recreation and delight . a villain us'd our house that was accus'd for ravishing two children : he abus'd them , as 't was prov'd : hells factor gave consent he should be freed , but damn'd the innocent . a wise mans case , ( his bribes were all but fees ) fin'd , censur'd , and imprison'd , by degrees being judg`d for hell , stood for his plaintiffe sin ; and walking on her brinck she took him in . when any fear'd our wenches were not sound , the bawd would stand engag'd to turn them round , but they must pay for 〈◊〉 , if they will not they run the hazard , every one his lot . shee 'l name her golden guests , and make great brags such gallants use her house , if one in rags comes to exchange a sin , and truck for shame , he came by chance , nor doth she know his name . if court and tearme be here for ev'ry crime , shee 'l ask a crown , but in vacation time , a 〈◊〉 serves , she as once a year new whores ; poor , sick , or old she turns them out of doors , no man dares question her , for divells do grant her protection : being guilty too , they 'l but disclose teir shame , the common watch both harbour , and defend , and often hatch some of our brood , their profit lies at stake , and for the constables and beadles sake , they 'l wink at small faults , hood-wink sawey laws : and now and then a feeling in the cause would chase our fears , some officers at first will lie in wait to take us , till their thirst turn to a surfeit , what 's the marshalls guard ? if in their walks they spie us , a reward will keep them silent . many of them will protect us , to be partners in the ill . we 'd have them to the tavernes , one of note did pawn his cloak , and i my peticote ; another left a watch , for want of coyn , to pay the shot ; their love they did assign to help us at a pinch , our time we spent free from all fear , in joviall merriment . a greazy punck once in one house did lye , an oxford bawd , first , then a basing spye : a bawd to her own child , who came to town for information , walking up and down , she was suspected to be much in debt , and by a chance a serjeant with her met , and scrap't acquaintance with her , being weary arrested her , yet , she could not be merry , a new fil'd bawd , now grown an out worne whore ; she 〈◊〉 a breadth , and went upon the score , being begging ripe ; but yet her bed was made in ample sort too good for such a jade , out at the window in the night , by rope she stole away , the hangman is in hope , to find her shortly , he that do`s her see and bring her in shall have a double fee . she`s black , and brawny , shamelesse , in the close she`s goggle ev`d , and ha`s a crooked nose , her lodging is neer westminster , and she haunts bawdy travernes , and where treachery is most in fashion ; now she keeps her bed , and drinks no sack , because macquiers head is taken from their plot , 't is thought she had a daughter for her time was full as bad . but beautifull without , and yet within the divell kept a count ; she sold her sin to him that bid most for it , or at least a royalist transform`d into a beast . she took a ladies name , her sinfull leisure is tyed to one man now , but at her pleasure she`l change him for another ; at the last thed divell made a match , and ty`d her fast to one that did him service , what of hell he had which made him proud , and what befell him at the last , is known ; for in his pride he fought for sin , fell down , and so he dy`d . her epitaph this vapering spark sprung from an unknown race by venus made a captain in the field ; but mars was angry , when he saw his face , a souldiers look , unhorst him , made him yeeld , first he was pillag`d , after seiz`d by death , he`ad runne away , save that he wanted breath . his glorious minnon hearing of the chance , being charg`d with sorrow fell into a trance ; but when she was recoverd , she began to teare and rave , oh ! where 's that man , that man ? and shot a pistoll in her side ; her breath was charged out , to let in serjeant death . her epitaph . she`s buried here that should no burying have , she sunk her selfe being overfraught with evill ; her lusts before did make her bed a grave , she`as quite undone her selfe to please the devill to meet her joy , she kill`d her selfe and fell , where love is cool`d : but beds are hot in hell . you see vile actions spring from vaine desires ; which in their meeting kindle furious fires , to scorch the sinners : like the knats by night , they buz , and flye about the candle light , being fearelesse of the issue ; till by turnes the wings first scorcht , and then the body burnes , or like the beasts , that travell many a mile , one swinnes a brook , another leapes a stile , some mir`d in a lake , some beaten blind , some leave their hoofs , and some their hornes behind all will not free them from the butchers knives ; they buy those wearie steps to sell their lives . so here are all diseases , which , if well considered of , they might prevent a hell . alas ! they but increase it ! now my might must banish't be ; on marrie with the light . the sores are searcht , my patient must endure perpetuall torments , or apply the cure . sect. xxvi . what the ames declined by my muse what night-born subjects she doth nse : the authors charge ; by whom 't was pen'd , his answer to 't , and there 's an end . my muse , scarce treats with any one that fights . for princely crimes , nor of the new-made knights 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lands do lye , that should maintain their worships titles , or what number slain , to feed conceit ; nor where they sell , or when : nor those ignoble ones that came agen , when riding paund their trust , nor of the curst humors of such , whom bloud must quench their thirst . nor how our brave commanders in the west , have gain'd eternall fame ; how they are blest from heaven with successe : but if i may make truce with time , i 'le view their acts by day : nor hath she ransack't in the cavies den ; nor touch't the excize , nor grand committee men , nor of those flattering rimes , that can declare a coward valiant , knaves beyond compare , nor of the false imprisoning of the just , nor what in traytors hands are left in trust , nor of the torments which the laws indure , how those make wounds , that should apply the cure . but chides with begger buff , and charms the pride of major plund'rer ; all that do divide the spoils of mem , bawds , panders , whores , and pimps , thieves . witches , sherks , the devil and his imps : gulls , letchers , jaylors , beadles , bribing clerks , buffoons , base upstarts , drunkards , swagg'ring sparks , that parle with lust , and for the devill fight , make articles with hell , all found last night , now laid in view : the fowls were hard to find , more hard to take ; yet bats , you know , are blind . but , here 's a swash , drain'd from this dropsie age , who keeps his punk , attyred like a page . his second [ rich ] was husband to a whore ; he 's but her cosin now , 'cause he 's grown poore : a bridewell strumpet [ salt ] being mov'd with ire , tom ran away with all her whorish hire , coms with them , railing , in whose hands ispie my charge drawn up , to which i must reply , partly ingrost by them ; the rest doth speak from better minds , though ignorant and weak . what! malice sold in print ? revenge is set to seize delight , to make us die in debt . our sweet 's o're-charg'd with envy : if we die , we 'll wage the bill , and never will comply . yet he may do us favour , to renew and teach our art , which many never knew . his practice taught his art , for which he gives to charge from sense , so clavill peacht the thieves . he hath been bit , which makes his courage cool , boyes payes for wit , when they are whipt at school can he court truth , doth heaven judge stewes fit to teach men reason , modesty and wit ? the answer . had it been malice , enmity or hate that mov`d my pen , i had not searcht so late , to chide your sin , your misery uncloath , ` t is not your persons , but your wayes i loath . but wave it if you can , your plagues renew , ` t was more for love of others , then for you that urg`d this night , let vices warning have , ` fore death doth sammon you unto the grave . if any from contraries do amisse , to feed his lust , and take a ground from this , hell will but grasp him sooner : this no gin to snare tame fools , it is to scourge their sin . a wise man doth a strumpets wiles descry , allurements promises , and her bed whereby poor simpleton is caught , then he doth tell her chambers lead to death , her staires to hell : this is my aim : th' assembly of divines , with toleration cannot charge my lines ; to see a drunkard reel , or court a whore , wise men will prize sobriety the more ; and ideots shun the shame , when 't is uncloath`d , vice must be known before it can be loath`d . there`s no physitian swallows poyson`d pills to help his art , he knows before what kills . if preachers opening sins , ( to break the frame ) did practise what they know , they`d preach their shame the guiltlesse man , is wise who better can ? describe the drunkard then a sober man ? the thief`s convicted by the judge that`s free , who never knew the crime so well as he . to speak of what they gave consent unto , or saw at large , is that which fools may do . these things you`l say are true , pray tell me how you prove them so , yet could not see while now ? experience taught you , bring me one that`s bit almost to death , and now recover`d wit , i`d have his counsell in`t ; but few there be that purchase wit by sin , but misery . envy will quit me , she`s of this belief 〈◊〉 ne`re was drunkard , begger , sherk , nor thief , though they are here displac`d , nor shall the rest be charg`d upon me , 't is your shame exprest . some part is meerly fanci`d ; some takes sence from observation and intelligence ; which i have drest in colours , that it may stop you from hell , or vex you in the way . defence to those whom heaven and earth despise , is more then needs , truth will content the wise . good morrow . the table . 1. the preparation and the plots . 2. the strange passages of the spie . 3. the changes in returning to the centinells . 4. the slumbring vision , and the accidents . 5. the officers feast , and hells commission . 6. the counter-panes of beauty and vertue . 7. the devills trade , and the bawds profession . 8. the 〈◊〉 full meeting charg'd . 9. the black courtier , the rats and the turn-pike . 10. the nature of sherks and sherking . 11. the differences between constables . 12. the physitians foul disease , his will . 13. the scum and his doxies triumph . 14. the new traytors , and the welshmans grief . 15. the shred from hell , and the monkie . 16. the lecherous lawyers varieties . 17. the young mans dreadfull vision . 18. the bank feast and company . 19. the devills feast with them . 20. the conditions of beggers , their rules . 21. the examination at the court of guard . 22. the monster and the pettie bawd . 23. the devills dispute , and pandorsus change . 24. the serving-mans relation . 25. the chamber-maids confession . 26. the subjects 〈◊〉 , and the authors charge answered . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a50854e-3130 perfect beauty abuse of state the vapourer . the courtier a murder . morall 2 devils a lecher freed a poore scholler a harlot . a borrowed whore . a thief a deniall three to one a landresse complaints a lord a midwife bailiffs a penitent a froward wife her letter . his letter . similies . morall . the guests . the place . dung hill breed . another searcher . how to 〈◊〉 conference with the devill . morall . descriptions . a spie . his habit . his person . the divel 's in love . custome for sin . the devils grave . the devills tooles . she likes not his pitch . the surgeons fears . m 〈…〉 sp 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the capt. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the beggers will . begging 〈◊〉 the morrall . morrall . the tutor . the dogs rode . a tumule . sherkes plots . wrong 〈◊〉 . new conceits . counterfeits . morall the petty side cōstable . the terrible 〈◊〉 . the husbands grief . the whores defence . maral . a scum . the womans grief . the railing whore . his reply . moral . in cow-crosse . the conditions . the court in hell . carting . dogging a whore . the beggers adoption . major . corporal . compositions . bold rogues . desperate villains . neglects of the guards . neglect of pay . the welshman . moral . free trade . a swound . his coming . furies . the ghost . arguments . wanton devils . hell fool'd . fancies . the order of sitting . choice of meats . pimp minors song . nights railing forbidden guests . his sure . the smoke . bones burnt the devils song the passage morall . accommodations begging tones . daily gaines fine fare . his port. the begger 's triumph . 〈◊〉 fancies . a damie blade : maior . plunder . the bawd a noble in the pound . a sodomite . a mad rub . 4. wives . a conceited captain . hit condition . a frow . a common souldier . a reformado . a belt paun'd . impudence . cry for peace . make malignant wishes . parish officers . sub-committee men . a 〈◊〉 letcher . strife most coyne trade free 2 burnt bawds the frenchman . morrall the divell and a priest . a souldier . divell . the divels plots . pandorsus , his change . 〈◊〉 a fight . the triumph moarall . a villaine . morall . should pimp majo the baud . skill plots robbers golden guests . the watch . pawne . macquiers head hells mouth morall . 54. sect. of the first part . the charge . the charge answered . god's soveraignty displayed from job 9. 12. : behold he taketh away, who can hinder him? &c., or, a discourse shewing, that god doth, and may take away from his creatures what hee pleaseth, as to the matter what, the place where, the time when, the means and manner how, and the reasons thereof : with an application of the whole, to the distressed citizens of london, whose houses and goods were lately consumed by the fire : an excitation of them to look to the procuring causes of this fiery tryal, the ends that god aims at in it, with directions how to behave themselves under their losses / by william gearing ... gearing, william. 1667 approx. 315 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 133 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42547 wing g435a estc r18630 13046408 ocm 13046408 96928 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42547) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96928) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 739:25) god's soveraignty displayed from job 9. 12. : behold he taketh away, who can hinder him? &c., or, a discourse shewing, that god doth, and may take away from his creatures what hee pleaseth, as to the matter what, the place where, the time when, the means and manner how, and the reasons thereof : with an application of the whole, to the distressed citizens of london, whose houses and goods were lately consumed by the fire : an excitation of them to look to the procuring causes of this fiery tryal, the ends that god aims at in it, with directions how to behave themselves under their losses / by william gearing ... gearing, william. gearing, william. no abiding city in a perishing world. [16], 247, [1] p. printed by r.i. for thomas parkhurst ..., london : 1667. includes bibliographical references. added t.p. on p. [183]: no abiding city in a perishing world. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng providence and government of god. london (england) -fire, 1666. 2006-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-08 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion god's soveraignty displayed . from job 9.12 . behold he taketh away , who can hinder him ? &c. or , a discourse shewing , that god doth , and may take away from his creatures what hee pleaseth , as to the matter what , the place where , the time when , the means and manner how ; and the reasons thereof : with an application of the whole , to the distressed citizens of london , whose houses and goods were lately consumed by the fire : an excitation of them to look to the procuring causes of this fiery tryal ; the ends that god aims at in it , with directions how to behave themselves under their losses . by william gearing minister of the word . london , printed by r. i. for thomas parkhurst at the golden bible on london bridge . 1667. to the right vvorshipfull sr. john pelham of laughton , sr. john fagge of wiston , in the county of sussex , baronets : to herbert morley of glyne , in the same county : to john gell of hopton , in the county of darby , and to gervaise pigot of thrumpton in the county of nottingham , esquires . from that dreadful fire that consumed a great part of the city of london , about the beginning of september last , i may take occasion to shew , that the greatest chances , alterations , and most notable changes have commonly hapned in the month of september ; bodinus hath collected many remarkable instances to this purpose . great earth-quakes wherewith oftentimes great cities and whole countries have been destroyed , have happened in the month of september : such was that earth-quake at constantinople , wherein thirteen thousand men were lost in the year 1509 in the month of september : in the same month of september , wherein the battel was fought at actium , ten thousand men perished in the land of palestine , with an earthquake . the victory of augustus also , against antonius in the battel of actium , was by him obtained on the second of september , by which victory the empire both of the east and west , fell into the power of augustus , himself alone . the third day of the same month the macedonian empire which had so long flourished , was by paulus aemilius changed from a great kingdom into divers popular estates : the king persius being by him overcome and taken prisoner : sultan soliman on the like day took buda the chief city of hungaria , with the greatest part of that kingdome . the same day and month rhoderick king of spain , was by the moors overcome , and driven out of his kingdom , which wrought a strange alteration in the state of that monarchy . on the same day of the month revolving , lewis the twelfth the french king took the city of milan , with lewis sphortia duke thereof , whom he deprived of his estate . on the like day the emperour charles the fifth passed over into affrica , and invaded the kingdome of algiers . on the same third day of september , in the year 1658. dyed o. cromwel : on that very day of the month , wherein hee had gotten two notable victories , the one at dunbar in scotland , 1650. the other at worcester , anno 1651. on the fourth day of september dyed sultan solyman before sigeth , which being one of the strongest holds of christendome , was by the turks taken the seventh day after , the city of jerusalem was taken about this time of the month of september by the romans , as xiphilinus declareth . on the ninth day of september , alexander the great at arbela overthrew darius king of persia , with his army of four hundred thousand men , and so joyned the kingdome of persia unto his own . on the same day in the year 1544. james king of scots , was by the englishmen slain , and his army overthrown . on the tenth of september , john duke of burgundy was slain by the commandment of charles the seventh , whence arose great wars throughout all france . on the like day and month was peter louys the tyrant of placenzza slain by the conspiratours . on the eleventh of september the paleology the greek emperors tooke the imperial city of constantinople , and drave out thence the earls of flanders , who had there possessed the empire 560 years . on the fourteenth day of september , the switzers were with a great slaughter overthrown by the french in the expedition of merignan ; which self-same day also the turk's great army besieged vienna the metropolitical city of austria . on the seventeenth day , the french army was overthrown at poictiers , and king john himself taken prisoner by the english . on the same day of the month a. d. 1575 the christian fleet with a great slaughter overthrew the turk's great fleet in the battel of lepanto . on the same day of the same month charles the ninth , king of france , was by his subjects assailed near unto meaux , where by speedy flight , and the help of the switzers , hee hardly with life escaped the hands of the conspiratours . a. d. 1567. on the which self-same day , month and year , henry king of sweden was by his rebellious subjects dispoiled of his estate , and cast into prison . on the eighteenth day of september bulloign was surrendred to the english . vpon the like day of the month , bajazet at nicopolis overthrew a great army of the christians , of three hundred thousand men . and on the same day saladine took the city of jerusalem , on which pompey had before taken it . on the twentieth day of september , was that sharpe sight at newbury , in that late unhappy war in england . a. d. 1643. on the four and twentieth day of september , constantine the great in a bloody battel , overcame maxentius the emperour . a. d. 333. and so became a great monarch , which wrought a notable change , almost throughout the whole world ; from thenceforth he commanded the year to bee begun in september , and to the greek feasts unto that day is added , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in this month pope boniface 8th . a. d. 1303. was taken prisoner , and deprived of his papal dignity . on the third day of the same month , a. d. 1556. such a tempest of rain and thunder hapned at lucern , as that a greater ( as was reported ) was never seen ; on which self-same month & day , the town-hall of maidenburg in germany , with the citizens dancing therein , were altogether with lightning consumed . about the beginning of this month a. d. 465. such an horrible fire brake forth in constantinople by the water-side , which raged with that fury for four daies together , that it consumed the greatest part of the city , and such was the force thereof , that as evagrius saith , the strongest houses were but like so much dried stubble before it . and how hath the lord sent a dreadful fire upon london , and it hath consumed the lofty buildings and palaces thereof in september last ? we read also , that many of the greatest princes and monarchs of the world , to have dyed in this very month of september ; viz. augustus , tiberius ▪ vespasian , titus , domitian , aurelianus , theodosius the great , valentinian , gratian , basilius , constantine the fifth , leo the 4th . rodolph , frederick the 4th . charles the 5th . all roman or greek emperors . and of the french kings , pepin , lewis the younger , philip the 3d. charles the 5th . sirnamed the wife , and lewis his kinsman , king of hungary , and polland , with many other most noble and famous monarchs . and it is remarkable , that lothair and charles the bald , the one the k. of france , and the other the german emperor , ( and both of them the sons of lewis the devout emperor ) both died the 29th . of september , the first of them in the year , 855. and the other a. d. 877. so charles 5. and sultan solyman , two of the greatest emperours that were these many ages , were both born in one year , and so both also dyed in one month , viz. in september . now though some have thought all these great and marvellous effects , to have been wrought by the conjunction of the superiour planets , or look below god to secondary causes ; yet let us look above all these , to god himself , who worketh all things after the counsel of his own will , eph. 1.11 . right worshipful , to you i dedicate these ensuing meditations , as a publick testimonial of those respects you have manifested to me , let me beseech you to look diligently to your selves , because the lord hath set you on higher ground than many others ; it is more for persons in your places and stations to win the city of god , being ships of greater burden , and in the main ocean , than for small vessels that are not so much at the mercy of the stormes , because by sailing along the coast , they may come quietly to the haven . in the midst of your worldly affairs ; labour ye to be like the fresh rivers , that preserve their own sweetness in the salt-sea . thus recommending you to the rich grace of god , i humbly take my leave , and remain , yours in all gospel-services to bee commanded , w. gearing . cransden in sussex . march. 27. 1667. god's soveraignty displayed . job 9.12 . behold , he taketh away , who can hinder him ? who will say unto him , what dost thou ? chap. i. for the author of this book , whether it were moses , as the jewish rabbins think , or job himself , it mattereth not ; we being assured that the pen-man thereof ( as of all holy scriptures ) was inspired from above , and it came not by private motion , but the author thereof spake and wrote as he was moved by the holy ghost ; as s. peter tells us , 2 pet. 1.20 , 21. yea , all the authors of the scriptures being as justin martyr testifies , like lutes ready strung , though not sounding till they were struck by the finger of god : it is of no great consequence who wrote it , as what is written in it . hierom who ( as lyra testifieth ) twice translated it , once out of greek into latin , and out of hebrew also into latin , saith , that it was for the most part written in hebrew hexameter verse : all do number it among the poetical books : it may seem a tragedy in regard of those many miseries that job endured , but at length it turned to a comedy , by the happy issue and blessed deliverance that god giveth to him . in the words of my text job acknowledgeth the soveraignty , power , and righteousness of god in all his dealings with , and dispensations toward men . the word [ behold ] is a note of attention , like the sounding of a trumpet before a proclamation , or the ringing out of a great bell before a sermon , and it signifies some matter of worth , of admiration and observation . in the matter it self ye may observe gods dispensations toward men : gods dispensation is expressed in the original in one word , he taketh away . one expositor saith , he snatcheth away suddenly , of which kind of dispensation , job himself had great and sad experience , four persons one after another being sad messengers of four sad and sudden strokes , job 1. then their condition and carriage under gods dispensation is to be observed , wherein two things are to be noted . 1. it cannot be resisted : whatsoever he pleaseth , he taketh away ; who can hinder him , or cause him to restore ? none can rescue , or recover out of his hand . 2. it ought not to be controuled : who will say unto him , what dost thou ? who may in thought or word question or call him to account for any of his dispensations ? chap. ii. obser . that the lord doth , and may take from his creatures what he pleaseth . the point hath two branches . 1. de facto . 2. de jure . that the lord doth often take away many things from his creatures ; and that of right he may do it . that the lord doth take away from men what he pleaseth , there are great examples in scripture : this is to be considered in respect of 1. the matter , what . 2. the place , where . 3. the time , when . 4. the means and manner , how . sect . i. in respect of the matter or things he takes away . 1. he takes away health and strength , and that many times from his dearest children . we read 2 kin. 20.1 . that good hezekiah was sick even unto death : and joh. 11.3 ▪ the sisters of lazarus sent to christ , saying ; lord , he whom thou lovest is sick . the efficient cause of all diseases is god himself . i will appoint over you terrour , consumption , and the burning ague , &c. levit. 26.16 . i will appoint them as so many tyrants and lords over you , who shall vex you with all manner of vexation ; and i will appoint them over you as so many judges , who shall punish you for all your disobediences ; and i will appoint them over you is so many executioners , who shall execute the fierceness of my wrath upon you : they shall be over your heads , over your hearts , over your bodies ; they shall fall upon you when i will , and as often as i please ; they shall go to this person or that place , whither i shall direct and send them ; go whether you will , yet still they shall be over you ; you shall not escape them ; when i bid them to fall upon you . i will set them over you as so many task-masters with cudgels in their hands over their slaves ; they shall be watching over you to do you mischief ; you are not afraid of my threatnings , nor do you tremble at my word of precept ; therefore i will appoint terrour over you , i will appoint terrifying diseases to come upon you ; yea , your own fancies shall terrifie you : do we not see how mens fancies and imaginations are set over them in every place to affright them at this day ? how doth god sometimes set conscience over men to terrifie them , sometimes their sins , sometimes his judgements ; yea , god makes every rumor to affright them , and nothing can allay those terrours ; every man they meet , every bush they see , every sickness that is neer them , doth terrifie them ; fear is from god. — i will , saith he , set the consumption over you , a consumption which shall consume the flesh of men , and make them to pine away from day to day , waxing more and more feeble ▪ so that all the means they shall use , shall be of no value for their recovery ; god hath appointed it over them , there is no escaping : there is no remedy against evils which god appointeth over a people : so the shaking ague makes the strong-bodied , and the stout-hearted men to tremble : so likewise the fever is of gods appointment , which wasteth the spirits , dries up the radical humor , and puts men into a scorching flame . the like is threatned , deut. 28.22 . the lord shall smite thee with a consumption , and with a fever , and with an inflammation , and with an extreme burning : and ver . 27. the lord will smite thee with the botch of egypt , and with the emerods , and with the scab , and with the itch ▪ whereof thou canst not be healed . ver. 28. the lord shall smite thee with madness , and blindness , and astonishment of heart . ver. 59. the lord will make thy plagues wonderful , and the plagues of thy seed great plagues , and of long continuance , and sore sicknesses , and of long continuance . ver. 60. moreover , he will bring upon thee all the diseases of egypt , which thou wast afraid of , and they shall cleave unto thee : also every sickness , and every plague , which is not written in this book , will the lord bring upon thee . thus you see , every disease in the world is the stroke of god. men may attribute it , as pagans do to ill luck , you may attribute it to the unseasonableness of the weather , to extremity of heat or cold , to drought or moisture , to the illness of the seasons : all these are of god ; it is he that changeth times and seasons , it is he that maketh the constellations of the heavens to meet in such and such conjunctions , it is he that causeth a distemper in the air ; it is not the unseasonableness of the year , the illness of diet , that can bring diseases upon the body , unless god appoints them over a sinful people : yea , sometimes god imployeth angels to execute his wrath upon mens bodies , he permits the angels to infest the air , and so plagues and pestilential diseases are over a people ; it is the lord that sends forth these destroying angels ; sometimes he suffereth the devil to smite men , as he did permit him to smite the body of job with sores : whom or whatsoever you may look upon as the causes of diseases , they are of gods appointment ; it is he that taketh away the health and strength of any person or people . sect . ii. he takes away life , psa . 90.3 . thou turnest man to destruction , and sayest , return ye children of adam to the dust : dust ye are , and to dust ye shall return . when the living god saith return , there is no nay : in his hand is our life and breath , and all our wayes , dan. 5.23 . the chaldee paraphrast renders my text thus : si rapuerit hominem è mundo . if he shall snatch man away out of the world . so s. august . if he will stop thy breath , and deliver thee up to death , who can hinder him ? as if job should have said thus : he hath taken away my children , my cattel , my substance , my health , my strength , and all my outward comforts , and if he now come and take away my life too , i cannot hinder him . god threatned the old world , gen. 6.6 , 7. i will destroy man from the face of the earth . the original word signifies ( as pareus observeth upon the place ) i will steep him as a man steepeth a piece of earth in water , till it turn to dirt ; man is but clay , a speaking piece of clay , and is apt to forget his maker , and the matter whereof he is made ; none but god can reduce man to his first principles , and original matter whereof he was made : there is no dust so high , but the great god is able to give it a steeping . in the city of jerusalem , during the time of the siege by the romans , there died and were killed eleven hundred thousand , and there were taken by the romans ninety and seven thousand ; at which time there were slain in all judea in several places , to the number of twelve hundred and forty thousand jews , besides an innumerable multitude who perished with famine , exile , and other miseries . in the second carthaginian war , in italy , spain and cicily , in seventeen years , fifteen hundred thousand men were consumed . the civil war of caesar and pompey swallowed down three hundred thousand ▪ pompey the great wrote it upon the temple of minerva , that he had scattered , chased and killed , twenty hundred eighty and three thousand men ; and one cains caesar gloried in it , that eleven hundred ninety and two thousand men were killed by him in the wars . king mithridates , by one letter , caused eighty thousand roman citizens to be slain , who were dispersed through asia for traffique . in judea , in the time of king david , one pestilence in a very short time swept away seventy thousand men . under gallus and volusianus emperours , a plague arose from ethiopia , and invaded the roman provinces , and emptied them for fifteen years together , and sent an innumerable company of mortals to their graves . in the time of justinian the emperours , in the city of constantinople , and the places adjoyning , the pestilence raged so much , that every daylit dispatched five thousand , and some daies ten thousand to their long home . in numidia eight hundred thousand persons died of the plague ; in the sea-towns of africa , two hundred thousand . in greece , anno christi , 1359 ▪ there was such a pestilence , that the living were scarce able to bury the dead . in athens the pestilence raged for twelve years together . when italy was wasted by the gothes , in picene only , fifty thousand persons were starved with hunger . at fidenae under tiberius the emperour , by the fall of the amphitheatre there perished the number of twenty thousand spectators . how many thousands were swept away the last year in the great city of this our land by the pestilence , and yet in many other cities , towns and villages of this kingdome , the plague devoureth at noon-day ; the plague cries with a loud voice still to us , death is neer , death is in your streets , death is creeping in at your houses , and entring in at your windows . now whosoever , or whatsoever be the instrument of death , it is god only that takes away the lives of men at his pleasure . see now that i , even i am he , and there is no god with me ; i kill , and i make alive , deut. 32.39 . sect . iii. he takes away the spirits and courage of men ; that albeit they have opportunities put into their hands of doing this or that , yet their hearts shall fail them , and they shall not be able to effect it . he is said to cut off the spirits of princes , psa . 76. ult . princes are usually men of the stoutest spirits , but god sometimes cuts off the spirit of princes . when belshazzar , that babylonish monarch , was in the midst of his jollity , drinking wine with a thousand of his princes , in the vessels of gold which his father brought from the temple of jerusalem , he suddenly saw a hand-writing upon the wall , at which sight the king was amazed , so that his countenance was changed , and the joynts of his loyns were loosed , and his knees smote one against the other : what was the cause of this so great affrightment ? he saw a hand ; what hand ? the hand of a man. what could one hand of a man , saith one , terrifie so mighty a monarch ? had he seen the paws of a lion , of a bear or dragon , there had been some cause of terrour ; but need such a puissant prince fear the hand of a man so much , at whose beck and command an hundred troops of armed horse would presently fly to his assistance ? what dreadful weapon could that one hand wield or mannage ? none but a pen , with which it wrote : no other man would , much less a king , be afraid of a writing pen. had he beheld the three darts of joab , or the fiery sword of the flaming cherub brandished directly against him , he had then had some argument of astonishment . but one hand , one pen , one piece of writing which he understood not , this was that which daunteth him . sometimes the imagination that this or that evil will befall them , doth so disturb them , that they are presently over-whelmed with fear . there are more things which affright us , than there be which oppress us : some things do torment us more than they ought , some things do afflict us before they ought , some do disturb us which ought not : we often give place to our imaginations , and do not give a check to those things which lead us into fears , but feeding our fears by our fancy , we turn our backs and fly , and many times fly when none pursueth . i have read of certain souldiers , who being amazed at a little dust raised up by a flock of sheep , turned their backs , as if the enemy had been at their heels . the french history tells us , that the men of burgundy were so affrighted at the apprehension of the approach of their enemies , that they thought long thistles to be men with lances . we read that in the daies of ahaz , king of judah , that rezin the king of syria , and pekah the son of remaliah , king of israel , went up to jerusalem to war against it , but could not prevail against it ; and it was told the house of david , that syria was confederate with ephraim ; hereupon the heart of ahaz was moved , and the heart of his people , as the trees of the wood are moved with the wind , isa . 7.1 , 2. this kind of fear fills the heart with all confusion , leaving a man without memory , judgement , or will to encounter any danger that threatens his ruine , it dis-spirits a man , and enfeebleth his spirits ; that whereas fear is a spur to generous spirits to strengthen them , stirring them up to the use of the most effectual means to avoid the danger , it doth so deject the faint-hearted and fearful man , as he remaineth like a meer block or stone , uncapable at all of any action . there is a slavish fear , when the dread of evil drives us to desperateness in evil , and forceth us to fly from the presence of god. this is the worst plague of all other , no terrour is like inward terrours arising from a guilty conscience . the conscience of sin is the mother of fear , saith chrysostome ; sin is horrours fuel . this was the ground of cains fear ; the accusation of a guilty conscience followed him where-ever he went , he knowing that blood required blood ; feared lest every one that met him would kill him , gen. 4. 14. such a fear surprized caligula the roman emperour , of whom it is written , that when it thundered , he would get into a vault he had under the earth , to hide himself from the wrath of god : such was the fear of some whom aulus gellius speaks of , who thought there was a plurality of gods , and they divers in quality ; so some good , some bad ; some good to whom they sacrificed , and prayed to help them , and some bad also , whom they desired to please , that they might not hurt them . sin makes in man an assizes , where the soul standeth arraigned and condemned before a terrible judge : the heathen said , that the greatest terrour was earthquakes , thunderbolts , burnings , deluges , the earth gaping ; but what is all this to a trembling heart , to the thunderbolts of gods judgements , to the burning lake , to the inundations of the waters of bitterness , to the yawning of the gulf of hell ; this and worse is the condition of that man whose heart is the habitation of terrour : such a man is magor missabib , he is compassed about with terrour on every side , yea he is a terrour to himself ; he feels a deadly arrow wounding him to the very heart , there is both a fire burning , and a knife sticking in his tender heart . sect . iv. he takes away beauty from man : beauty is but momentaneum corporis accidens : if the body fall to ruine , the accident cannot stand . among all the qualities that flee away with the body of man , there is none more swift than beauty . when thou with rebukes dost correct man for iniquity , thou makest his beauty to consume away like a moth , psa . 39.11 . david complained , that when gods hand lay heavy upon him , his moisture was turned into the drought of summer , psa . 32.4 . the radical moisture , or chiefest sap of his body was dried up , wasted and worn away , so as he was even brought to deaths door , and become little better than an anatomy , or bag-full of bones . the radical moisture is an airy and oily substance dispersed through the body , whereby the life and vigor of the body is fostered , which being spent , death ensueth : and solomon tells us , that a sorrowful spirit drieth the bones , prov. 17.22 . the gathering together of much blood about the heart , extinguisheth the good spirits , or at least dulleth them , and that humor having seized on the heart , it cannot well digest the blood and spirits , which ought to be diffused through the whole body , but turneth them into melancholly , the which humor being dry and cold , drieth up the whole body , and consumeth the beauty thereof , for cold extinguisheth heat , and driness moisture , which two qualities do principally concern the life of man. the passion of fear hath likewise wrought strange effects upon some mens bodies : i have read of some to whom the sentence of death hath been brought in the evening , whose hair hath turned white before the next morning . beauty is but skin-deep , a very slender vail , a painted flower that soon withereth ; although thy hair doth now flourish , thy flesh doth shine like ivory ▪ though thy rofial face be beautified with the twinkling gems of thy rolling eyes ; though the health of thy body doth now minister ability ; though youthful age doth promise space of longer life ; though reason springeth , and the bodily senses are nimble and vigorous ; though the sight be quick , the hearing ready , the going right and strait , the face and countenance most pleasant and delectable , yet a violent fever will debilitate thy body , and a few fits of a quartan ague turn thy beauty into swarthy deformity ; old age , and the space of a few years , will shew the slightness of it , and death will utterly consume it . if vain creatures , that like narcissus , dote upon their faces , did think how soon , and how many wayes god could blast and take away their beauty , they would not spend so many precious hours at the glass in trimming this outward sheath , which might have been much better spent about the adorning of the precious soul . sect . v. he takes away wealth and riches from men : it is the lord that giveth wealth , and it is in his power also to take it away . seneca said , that fortune is a glass ; which oftentimes is the sooner broken , the more that it shineth : and the psalmist saith , i have seen the wicked spreading himself like a green bay-tree , yet he passed-away , and loe he was not ; yea , i sought him , but he could not be found , psa . 37.35 , 36. as job acknowledgeth that god had given , so likewise that god had taken . one might have said to him , o job thou seemest to be mistaken , for this large patrimony thou hast now lost , thou hadst from thy parents , thou gottest it together by thy own proper industry ; these flocks and droves of cattle thou hast obtained by thy own wit : but job saith , i am not mistaken ; for neither my parents , nor my own labour , nor yet my own ingenuity , but the lord gave me all these things , all which therefore by right and equity he hath taken away , because he gave them . but it may be objected , did god take them away ? is it not injurious to god to say so ? for the chaldeans and sabeans drove away all his cattle ; or if you will behold the original of all this mischief , satan bereaved him of all , for he procured the fire , he raised the winds , he instigated those robbers and free-booters , he threw down the house , and in very deed he did all these things ; and therefore satan took all away : but job holdeth his former sentence , and repeateth it ; the lord hath taken away , even the same lord who gave me these blessings , he hath taken away ; not the sabeans , not the chaldeans , not satan , but the lord hath taken away , and that rightly too , for he gave them all unto me ; for except the lord had given this license to satan , neither he nor any other of his instruments could so much as have stoln a fleece , nor a lock of wooll from me . the son of syrach saith , that good and evil , life and death , poverty and riches , are from the lord ; and saith he further , in the day of good , remember the day of evil ; when thou hast enough , remember the time of hunger ; and when thou art rich , think , upon poverty and need : from morning until the evening the time is changed , and all such things are soon done before the lord : art thou a lord , and of great power , thou mayst be brought to serve ? art thou rich and wealthy , thou mayst be brought to beggery and penury ? dost thou now swim in wealth , and is thy substance encreased ? one hour , yea a few moments , may deprive thee of all thy goods ; and when thy wealth shall take its uncontrolled wings , and fly away from thee , then thou shalt be driven to say , i knew , what was but for my use , was not my own ; the lord gave it , and he also took it away . sect . vi. the lord taketh away honours from men : he powreth contempt upon princes , saith the psalmist , psa . 107.40 . man being in honour abideth not , he is like the beasts that perish : sim lis pecoribus morticinis , like beasts that die of the murrain , saith tremelluns , and so become useless , and fit for nothing . this seemeth not unaptly to be figured in dan. 2. where king nebuchadnezzar saw an image , whose head was of gold , whose arms and breasts were of silver , the belly of brass , the feet of iron and clay : and there was a stone cut out of the mountains without hands , which struck the image on the feet , and brake it in pieces , and brought it into dust . figuratively by this high image , you may understand the high and mighty man of the world , whose golden head doth signifie the nobility of his blood , the height of his birth , and his high honour and advancement in the world ; his breast and arms of silver , signifieth the quantity of his money , in the getting whereof the rich man useth his heart , hand and arms ; the belly of brass , denoteth his fame or report sounding abroad , for brass doth lend a great noise or sound ; by the legs of iron , his strength and power is figured ; and by the feet of clay or earth , is noted his mortality : the stone which is cut out of the mountain without hands , may denote the death of man , which the hand of the lord hath not made , saith the author to the book of wisdome , neither doth he delight in the destruction of any , but our first parents came thereunto by their own demerits ; wherefore this stone strikeing the feet of the image , doth suddenly and unexpectedly bring the high and mighty into dust , as well as others , neither is there any one that can resist his fury ; and such , so great , and so uncertain is his violence in the manner , in the place , and in the time , that mans honour , force , or policy , cannot any way suffice to provide defence against him . of gods taking away honour from men , we have a notable instance in proud haman , who grew insolent by the kings favour , cruel , stately and lofty in his gate , as if he would have reached the very stars : all the kings servants bowed their knees to haman , and worshipped him , for so the king had commanded . now haman was as a cock upon his own dunghill , and would also be worshipped of mordecai as well as others , this mordecai could not brook ; some think he could not do it , because haman had the form of some idol-gods wrought on his garments in needle-work ; others think this worship did contain something of divine worship in it , a worship not to be given to man , therefore mordecai refused to perform it , lest he should have given gods honour to a man. now behold on a sudden a wonderful alteration , while haman was next to the king , and bragged of his honours and riches , his noble family , his children , his benevolent fortune , the kings favour , and the like , while he had the command of an hundred twenty and seven provinces , he is adjudged by the king to the gallows , while mordecai that was condemned to the halter , was all of a sudden cloathed with the kings robes , set upon the kings horse , adorned with the kings crown upon his head , led through all the chief places of the city , haman being as it were his lacquey to attend him , crying , so shall it be done to the man whom the king delighteth to honour . see what a change is here ; mordecai but even now appointed to the gallows , is now next to the throne , and haman who was so highly advanced , is now hanged upon the gibbet he had provided for mordecai . sect . vii . he takes away liberty : at rome m. cato , the pattern of a wise and prudent man , a lively embleme of virtue , was haled , thrust down , spit upon , stript both of his senatorship and pretorship , cast into prison , and compelled , as socrates , there to die . king jehoiakin is bound in fetters , and carried away prisoner to babylon : manasseh is bound in chains , and zedekiah is bound with fetters of brass , and carried to babylon , 2 kings 25.6 , 7. how was that of the psalmist fulfilled in them ? he shall bind their kings in chains , and their nobles in fetters of iron , psa . 149.8 . sapor king of persia took valentinian the emperour , and led him as a foot-block for himself to step upon , when he moved into his saddle : thus tamerlane served bajazet the turkish king. this hath been the lot of some of gods dear servants . joseph is sold for a slave , and put into prison in the land of egypt : when micaiah did prophesie , and pleased not king ahab , the wicked king commanded , that he should be put in the prison-house , and fed with the bread and water of affliction . john baptist was shut up in close prison by herod : paul and silas were cast into prison , act. 16.23 . and thrust by the jaylor into the inner prison , and their feet made fast in the stocks . the apostles were put into the common prison , act. 5.18 . peter was imprisoned by herod the king , and delivered to four quaternions of souldiers to keep him , act. 12.4 . but no evil shall befall those whom god possesseth wheresoever they are : what! though joseph be in prison , yet the keepers of the prison shall see that the lord is with him , he shall there speedily find his liberty ; the very obscurities of the dungeon will furnish him with light enough to discern what will happen ; and those that have been the contrivers of his ruine , shall be the causers of his happiness : god followed joseph into the pit , into egypt , and into the very prison , he is ever present with those who love and serve him faithfully . are they falsly accused , and thrown into prison ? e carcere veniet judex judicaturus judices . out of the prison shall come a judge that shall judge their judges , and those that falsly accuse and condemn them . oh how sweet is the yoak when god fastens us to it ? how pleasing is chains when god is with us , and sets our souls at liberty ? john baptist being in prison , was careful to promote the glory of christ , and to have it known that he was the true messiah , that he was also mindful of the salvation of his disciples , and was careful to have their faith confirmed in this article which was fundamental , and necessary to salvation . this burning and shining light could not be kept from shining abroad by the thick walls of the prison ; and though he was bound perhaps , yet the word of god in his mouth , zeal for gods glory , and love to his brethren , was not bound : so we find s. paul in prison , instructed and confirmed the saints by letters : it is a great honor to bear chains and fetters for christ , this is the golden end of the cross of christ : no man can be miserable there , where christ is the keeper of the prison , and lord of the keys . sect . viii . god takes away children , and dear relations : when job's cattle , servants , and substance were taken away , the lord suffereth the devil to bereave him of his children also : we are to know , that all that die for sin , do not die in sin ; this under-garden is gods own , and all that groweth in it , the flowers , trees , and fruits be his own ; if some be but summer apples , he may pluck them off before others : when god takes away our children , they are not gone away , but sent before ; and we should not think them to be lost to us who are found to christ : god many times takes away our children , lest wickedness should alter their understanding , or deceit beguile their minds ; though they were soon dead , yet fulfilled they much time ; and they may justly say , mors nobis lucrum , death to us is great gain , in that both they escaped this worlds miseries , and were quickly put into the possession of eternal felicity ; if they have cast their flower , their bloom is fallen into christs lap , and as they were lent a while to time , so now they are given to eternity ; and whereas others are fain to pass thorow even a vast ocean of troubles , they by a short cut , and a little bridg , have gained to arrive in the land of the living by the conduct of death . methinks i hear even christ from heaven more earnestly rebuking those that would not suffer little children to come unto him of their own accord ( concerning whom he hath said , of such is the kingdome of god ) than he did those that rebuked those that brought them . and these little ones ( who when they came into the world , might as well have laughed as wept , having equal possibility to both ) yet they wept as soon as they were born the prophets of their own calamity , for their tears are witnesses of their misery , as yet they spake not , yet they prophesied : what did they prophesie ? that they should come into the world with pain and fear ; being now past out of the world , to cry loud unto their parents and friends that do mourn for their absence , speaking not in the language of canaan , but of the heavenly jerusalem ; if you did love us , you would rejoyce , because we go to our father ; and weep not for us , but weep for your selves ; and in your weeping for us ( as you cannot chuse but you will ) mourn not as men without hope , we have that you hope for : our angels , which behold the face of our heavenly father , have now performed one of their offices for us , to carry our souls out of our nurses laps into abrahams bosome , and in time will execute the second , when he shall send them that can best command them , to gather his elect from the four winds , and from the one end of the heaven to the other ; then our bones shall be raised out of the beds where ye have laid them , and shall be coupled with their sinews , compassed with their flesh , covered with their skin , and crowned with immortality : this we have in hope , and not in hand ; but we have received the earnest thereof in our souls , that are already in the joyes of our saviour , and wait for the other at the appointed time , which cannot be long . i have read of l. paulus aemilius , who having lost his two only sons , all the hope of his house ; the one a little before , the other presently after his triumph , told the people of rome ( who were sorry in his behalf ) that he was glad in theirs , in that the calamity which had befallen him , might excuse them . now o ye that have lost all your children , if your seely scape-goats have carried the penalty of your family with them , and excused the hoped-for posterity of your other relations , let them glorifie god on their behalf , and say you with aemilius , i am glad that god hath given just occasion for you to lament for me , rather than for me to bemoan you . sect . ix . god sometimes takes away churches , and the light of the gospel , and ordinances from a people and nation ; and wheresoever it to happeneth , the lord is the author of this sad change : in the second and third chapter of the revelations , christ directeth divers epistles to several famous churches , and he threatneth the most famous church , viz. the church of ephesus , rev. 2.5 . remember from whence thou are fallen , and repent , and do thy first works , or else i will come unto thee quickly , and will remove thy candlestick out of its place , except thou repent . by the candlestick is meant the church planted in that place , viz. the visible church in ephesus , joyned together in the profession of the gospel , and the enjoyment of ordinances , as a candle put into a candlestick : those whom god formeth into a visible church ( who of themselves were sometimes darkness , as a candlestick without a candle ) and sets up the light of the gospel among them , as men light a candle , and put it into a candlestick : so when god will unchurch , he threatens to take away the candlestick , to take away church-priviledges and ordinances ; it is gods work to do this , i will take away , or remove the candlestick ; and the state of this church makes it evident , that it is not in the power of men or devils to unchurch a people , or remove the candlestick , but when the lord pleaseth . ephesus was planted in a rich and fruitful soil , it was a flourishing church , and stood firm under the roman persecution ; this church out-stood the fury of all the heathen tyrants , albeit that lasted three hundred years ; and about one hundred and thirty years after ( viz. anno christi , 430. ) the emperour theodosius ii. assembled a famous council at ephesus , to assert the truth of christ , and to condemn the dangerous heresie of nestorius , patriarch of constantinople , which was in dividing the natures of christ , making one christ man , and another christ god , as if they had been two persons : i mention this , to shew that it is not in the power of any to take away the ordinances of the gospel , and church-priviledges , from any place or people , but when the lord pleaseth : there are these three things to be taken into consideration . 1. consider the condition of this and other churches in the time of the ten roman persecutions , and the condition of the same churches afterward in latter times , when they lost their glory : under the roman persecution these churches were in great measure pure in doctrine , and holy in conversation ; and when was the rage of the devil and his instruments more against them than when they were purest ? and had they been able , satan and his instruments would then have utterly destroyed them : but in after-times they grew loose and corrupt , and then they fell by the world , when they were most suitable to the world , and most corrupted in the world . 2. compare the enemies of this and other churches against whose attempts they were upheld , with those enemies by whose hands they fell : they were preserved against the power of the roman empire for three hundred years , and they fell by the hand of sarazens and arabians , the vassals of that base impostor and false prophet mahomet : now what comparison between the fallacies and impostures of this false prophet , and the power of the roman empire , to overthrow a church , and yet they were upheld against all the power of the roman tyranny , and fell by the hands of desperate arabians , sarazens , and barbarous people , 3. this church of ephesus , with many other churches of the christians , while they held fast the profession of the faith of christ , yielded their bodies to the roman emperours as to their lords during those ten famous persecutions , and could not be destroyed ; but afterwards , though they took up arms for their lives , to defend themselves , yet they fell by the hands of barbarous arabians and sarazens ; a clear demonstration , that it is not in the power of men or devils to devest men of church-priviledges , and holy ordinances , when they please ; therefore when such are taken away , it is the lord that takes away the candlestick out of its place , being provoked thereunto by the sins of men , and especially by the unfruitfulness of a people under the gospel . i will give another instance , viz. in the church of israel . 1. in the case of shiloh , jos . 18.1 . we read , that the whole congregation of the children of israel , assembled at shiloh , and set up the tabernacle of the congregration there , and the land was subdued before them . the tabernacle had been in a wandring posture for forty years together , all the time they were in the wilderness , at length it is fixed in shiloh , being the first resting place of the ark of gods presence . now you may see 1 sam. chap. 4. that god gave the philistines a great victory against israel , and the ark of god was taken by them , and shiloh was devested of this great blessing : the psalmist saith , they provoked him to anger , and moved him to jealousie with their graven images ; when god heard this , he was wroth , and greatly abhorred israel , so that he forsook the tabernacle of shiloh , the tent which he placed among men , psa . 78.59 , 60. and in jer. 7.12 go ye now to my place which was in shiloh , where i set my name at the first , and see what i did to it for the wickedness of my people israel . 2. consider the case of temple in jerusalem , and the nation of the jews before christs coming ; see how god threatens them : i will do to this house which is called by my name , wherein you trust , and unto the place which i gave to you , and to your fathers , as i have done to shiloh , jer. 7.14 . though the babylonians and chaldeans were the instruments of its ruine , yet god is said to do it : thus saith the lord , i will give this city into the hands of the chaldeans , and into the hands of nebuchadnezzar king of babylon , and he shall take it , jer. 32.28 . god gave him the city and temple ; he did but take what god gave into his hand , and the greatest conquerors do no more , they take but what the lord giveth them . consider we likewise the condition of the temple in jerusalem , and of the nation of the jews after christs coming into the flesh . we read luk. 20.9 . christ spake to the people this parable ; a certain man planted a vineyard , and let it forth to husbandmen , and went into a far country for a long time ; and at a season he sent a servant to the husbandmen , that they should give him of the fruit of the vineyard ; but the husbandmen beat him , and sent him away empty ; and again he sent another servant , and they beat him also , and entreated him shamefully , and sent him away empty ; and again he sent the third , and they wounded him also , and cast him out . then said the lord of the vineyard , what shall i do ? i will send my beloved son ; it may be they will reverence him when they see him : but when the husbandmen saw him , they reasoned among themselves , saying ; this is the heir ; come let us kill him , that the inheritance may be ours : so they cast him out of the vineyard , and killed him ; what therefore shall the lord of the vineyard do to these husbandmen ? he will come and destroy these husbandmen , and shall give the vineyard to others . now it is said , ver. 19. that the chief priests and scribes the same hour sought to lay hands on him , for they perceived he had spoken this parable against them . the sense is this : god planted his church in the land of canaan , he brought it out of egypt , and removed and transplanted it out of a dry and barren soil , and set it in a fat and fruitful place , viz. the land of canaan , a land flowing with milk and honey , he gave them his word and ordinances , sent his prophets among them , rising early and sending them , and called upon them to bring forth fruit ; but instead thereof , they persecuted his prophets , slew divers of them , and at last slew his own son . now here is destruction threatned , and who shall do it ? the lord of the vineyard shall do it ; he shall come and destroy these husbandmen , and let out the vineyard to others : so that albeit the romans were the instruments of this dreadful execution , yet the lord of the vineyard did it . josephus tells us , that titus was very unwilling to destroy the temple in jerusalem , that he laboured to quench the flame after it was set on fire , and suffered some prejudice in his war about it ; it was done divino quodam impetu , by a certain divine stroke , as the same author observeth . but joseph being a jew , was ignorant of the main cause , sc . their rejecting and murdering the son of god. now of all judgements , this is the most sad and woful , when god removeth the candlestick out of its place , and unchurcheth a nation , and taketh away church-priviledges , and the use of his ordinances ; oh that we were deeply sensible , how we have provoked the lord by our sins to deal with us in this kind , to unchurch us , and leave us in the dark , as a people that shall no longer be owned by the lord for a people : if the lord doth continue these priviledges among us , we have cause much to admire his patience , and to magnifie his mercy . you see the people were very much affected with what christ spake , when he told them the parable fore-mentioned , and that the lord of the vineyard would come , and give the vineyard to others . when they heard it , they said , god forbid , ver . 16. sect . x. god takes away peace sometimes from a people , and settlement from states and nations : in all these publick changes we must eye god as the cause of causes ; whatsoever the instruments be , whether good or evil , few or many , whether they act by fraud or force , it is god doth all in all , and they do nothing but what god permits them , and worketh by them . commonly the instruments of publick changes are very evil , and the way they take is evil . the four monarchies presented to daniel in a vision , are represented like four cruel beasts . the chaldean in the likeness of a lion , the persian in the shape of a bear , the grecian , or macedonian , in the likeness of a leopard , and the roman by a strange . monster , with iron teeth , intimating that great conquerours , that make great changes , are most commonly like wilde and savage beasts . all those savage beasts fore-mentioned , fastened their claws upon the church of christ . 1. the assyri● or babylonian came like a lion roaring after his prey . in the daies of pekah king of israel came tiglath-pilneser , king of assyria , and took ijon , and abel-beth-maacha , and janoah , and kedesh , and hazor , and gilead , and galilee , and all the land of naphtali , and carried them captive to assyria , 2 kings 15.29 . and in the ninth year of hoshea king of israel , shalmaneser king of assyria came up thorowout all the land , and went up to samaria ; and besieged it three years : in the ninth year of hoshea , he took samaria ; and carried israel away unto assyria , and transplanted the ten tribes , placing them in halath , and in habor , by the river of gozan , and in the cities of the medes . now the assyrian was gods instrument to remove israel out of their own land , yet it is said the lord did it , 2 reg. 17.18 . the lord was very angry with israel , and removed them out of his sight ; there was none left but the tribe of judah only : also judah kept not the commandments of the lord their god , &c. this beast also invaded judah also in the time of sennacherib , and cruelly threatned jerusalem , where the temple of god , the special place of his worship was ; and in the time of nebuchadnezzar , this beast besieged jerusalem , and took it , and burnt the house of the lord , and the kings house , and all the houses of jerusalem , and every great mans house burnt he with fire , and carried multitudes of the people to babylon , and held them in bondage seventy years . now see what god saith of this cruel beast ▪ isai . 10.5 , 6. o assyrian [ or woe to the assyrian , as some read it ] the rod of mine anger , and the staff in their hand is mine indignation ; i will send him against an hypocritical nation , and against the people of my wrath will i give him a charge to take the spoil , and to take the prey , and to tread them down like the mire of the streets . what doth god make of this great conquerour , the assyrian emperour , that prevailed over his own people , and many others , but as the rod of gods anger , and one that could do no more than a rod or staff without a hand ; if the lord had not mannaged it , this staff could have done nothing ; the lord makes use of instruments as a staff , and soon sets them behind the door ; and this appeared by the great slaughter that god made in the host of this proud assyrian ; for in one night an angel of the lord smote in the camp of the assyrians , an hundred fourscore and five thousand ; and sennacherib himself was slain by his own sons , isa . 37.36 , 37. 2. the persian monarchy represented by the bear , though by the hand of god this beast was so muzzled , as not utterly to destroy the people of god , and so over-ruled by the lord , as to give opportunity to the people of god to return and build the temple , and repair the city of jerusalem , yet were they afterward persecuted by the court of persia , and brought in danger by the pride of haman , abusing his favour with ahasuerus the persian monarch . 3. the macedonian represented by a leopard , came with his flying wings to destroy the church of god in judah : afterward it was most grievously afflicted by two limbs of this beast , viz. that of the south , and that of the north , especially that of the north ; sc . antiochus epiphanes , whose cruelties are notably set forth in the first book of the macchabees . 4. the fourth beast , viz. the roman monarchy , is worse than all the three former beasts ; and that vision of daniel fore-mentioned , is suited to that of s. john in rev. 13.1 , 2. and i stood upon the sand of the sea , and saw a beast rise up out of the sea , having seven heads , and ten horns , and upon his horns ten crowns , and upon his heads the name of blasphemy ; and the beast which i saw , was like unto a leopard , and his feet were as the feet of a bear , and his mouth as the mouth of a lion , and the dragon gave him his power , and his seat , and great authority . the reason why daniel did not liken the fourth to any beast , as the former three were , is because it was a monster compounded of the cruelties of the several beasts , sc . of a lion , bear , and leopard , this beast was like them all . now this beast was some hundreds of years before it came to its full growth , and being distant from judah , the church of god felt nothing of its fury till the age before christ came in the flesh . the first time that this beast put forth his paws against the church , was about sixty one years before the birth of christ , when pompey , the roman general , taking advantage of the contentions of the two brethren ( hircanus and aristobulus , of the race of the macchabees ) about the priesthood and principality , took from them the city and temple of jerusalem , and made them tributary to the romans : whereupon , he and others with him , presumed to enter into the temple , and saw such things that was not lawful for them to see ; after which violence and presumption , it is noted of pompey , that was very victorious before , above any one roman , that he was very unhappy in his wars afterward , and being vanquished by julius caesar , fled into egypt for refuge , and there was murdered where he looked for succour . crassus committed horrid sacriledge , he robbed the temple in jerusalem of ten thousand talents ( that is , two hundred thousand pounds of our money ) and afterwards being overthrown of the parthians , had molten gold powred down his throat to satisfie his greedy appetite . one notable mischief the romans did to the people of god , was the placing of that cruel herod in the throne , who was made king by the favour of augustus and mark anthony ; he was a vassal to the romans , though a cruel tyrant to the people of god : and now the scepter was departed from judah , and the law-giver from under his feet ; this herod slew the sanedrin and grand council of the land , and murdered the infants at bethlehem , from two years old and under , out of a desire to murder christ in his infancy . this fourth beast murdered the prince of life , and lord of glory , pilate the roman judge condemning him , and the roman souldiers putting it in execution : and the jews , who formerly had suffered by this fourth beast , as the church of christ , and now joyning with this beast against christ , they became the most malignant persecutors of christ and his church , stirring up the roman magistrates in several provinces and cities to persecute the apostles of christ , and the sincere professors of the truth ; and remaining in their rebellion and enmity against christ , they were unchurched ; and the kingdome of the gospel being translated from them to the gentiles , the wrath of god came upon them to the uttermost ; eleven hundred thousand of them were slain by the sword , famine and pestilence , at the siege , by vespasian and titus his son , and the residue sold for slaves , and afterwards five hundred thousand of them ruinated by adrian the emperour . and because the soveraign power was now setled in the emperours , that i may speak further of the fury of this beast against the saints of the most high , i think fit to the two former descriptions in daniel , and that in revel . 13. to add another out of revel . 17.3 . where s. john saith , i saw a woman sit upon a scarlet coloured beast , full of names of blasphemy , having seven heads , and ten horns . this is explained , ver . 9. the seven heads are seven mountains on which the woman sitteth . ver. 10. and there are seven kings , five are fallen , and one is , and the other is not yet come , and when he cometh , he must continue a short space . ver. 11. and the beast that was , and is not , even he is the eighth , and is of the seven , and goeth into perdition . ver. 12. and the ten horns which thou sawest , are ten kings , which have received no kingdome as yet , &c. these shall hate the whore , and make her desolate and naked , and shall eat her flesh , and burn her with fire . ver. 16. and ver . 17. the woman which thou sawest , is that great city which reigneth over the kings of the earth . the seven heads are seven mountains on which the woman sate : this woman is that great city of rome built upon seven hills , viz. mons palatinus , capitolinus , caelius , quirinalis , aventinus , viminalis , esquilinus . they also signifie seven kings , or seven sorts of supreme magistrates , by which the city and empire hath been , and is governed . supreme magistrates in scripture are called kings , when israel was formed into a commonwealth , they had moses set over them , deut. 33.4 , 5. moses commanded us a law , &c. and he was king in jesurun , when the heads of the people , and the tribes of israel were gathered together . so the dukes of the sons of esau are called kings , gen. 36.31 . these are the kings that reigned in the land of edom , before there reigned any king over the children of israel ; that is , before israel was delivered out of bondage , and was formed into a commonwealth , and had moses set over them as supreme ruler under god. now rome is famous for these seven heads , or seven sorts of governours , i. kings , ii. consuls , iii. tribunes of the souldiers , iv. decem-viri , v. dictators , vi. emperours , vii . popes . tacitus noteth , that among other things , rome hath this honour , to have kings for its vassals . and s. john speaking of these seven sorts of magistrates , that did successively rule in rome , he saith , five are fallen ; that is , when this vision was presented to john , and the revelation written by him , viz. five of those seven supreme magistrates were fallen ; kings , consuls , tribunes , decem-viri , dictators : for although there were consuls many hundred years after , yet they were no longer heads , as formerly , though they had the same name , yet they came short of the former consuls in power and dignity . — then saint john saith , one is ; — that is , the heathen emperours were then in being ; these were then regnant , and had the place of heads in the empire : these began to head the beast ( as the sixth head ) about forty years before the birth of christ , and continued three hundred years after christs birth ; i understand it of the heathen emperours only , not the christian . — saint john addeth , and the other is not yet come , viz. the popes , they were not then come when john wrote . after the heathen emperours were taken away , rome was left vacant for the pope ; and although the christian emperours had some power , yet they did not reside at rome , but continued for a long time at constantinople , or ravenna ; and after the power of the christian emperour was broken by the barbarians , the pope got rome , and setled himself there , and so becometh the seventh head of the fourth beast . now the sixth and seventh head of this beast , one that was then in being , and one that was not then come , were the grand enemies of the church of christ . 1. the sixth head , the roman emperours , they raised many bloody persecutions against the church of christ , and though god restrained some of them , and gave his church a breathing , yet many of them tortured their own brains to devise cruel torments wherewith to torture the christians , as nero , tiberius , domitian , trajan , antoninus , decius , maximinus , dioclesian , &c. under whom many thousand martyrs sealed the truth of christ with their blood : such was the favour of god to this realm , that they escaped all , except the last persecution , which was under dioclesian : and alban was the first that suffered martyrdome in this land for the gospel of christ . but the pope , the seventh and last head , hath been more mischievous , and continued longer than all the rest : take his first rise , from the time the heathen emperours were cut off , and the pope hath continued 1360 years , or thereabout ; and rome was builded about a thousand and sixty years before the pope arose ; so that this head hath continued neer three hundred years longer than all the other six , which may give us hopes his time is now almost expired , and since the church hath been vexed by him for so many ages , it is not so much to be admired he should fall speedily , as that he hath stood so long . the pope was born about the time of constantine the great , and came not to his full stature till about the year six hundred , or somewhat after , then boniface iii. made by phocas , universal pastor of all the churches of the world , appeared with his ecce duo gladii hic : behold here the two swords , challenging imperial and papal dignity . the mischief done to the church by this seventh head , hath been partly by fraud , partly by open violence ; partly by bringing in corruptions in matter of doctrine , ( popery is not a single heresie , like that of apollinaris , or arrius , but a heap and sink , or common sewer , in which there is a confluence of heresies and corrupt doctrines meeting together ) and partly by rage and cruelties ; witness their cruelties to the albigenses , and waldenses . about the latter end of the reign of king henry the second , king of england , pope alexander iii. held a council at the lateran church in rome , where they consulted about the extirpation of the albigenses . they were a people that did not acknowledge the pope , prayed to none but to god alone , had no images , went not to mass , denied purgatory , and read the holy scriptures . the pope therefore gave the same graces to them that should spill the blood of these poor christians , as to them that crossed themselves to go to the holy sepulchre , and fight against the sarazens : hereupon dominick , the author of the order of dominicans , put above two hundred thousand of them to death : this was done in the time of john , king of england , and by the instigation of pope innocent the iii. and of the albigenses and waldenses , pope julius the ii. was the cause of the death of two hundred thousand . now whosoever be the instruments of great trouble to the church , or changes in the world , it is the hand of the lord that doth it ; we have no cause to repine and murmure at such and such , but have just cause to blame our selves for it ; others have not dealt so ill with us , as we have dealt with god ; therefore when god takes away peace , and sends trouble , takes away the fruits of the earth , and sends famine , takes away health , and sends epidemical diseases , in all these we are to eye god ; remember that the judgments of god are a great deep , and like the great mountains ; if we do not thorowly search the reason of it , let us confess our understandings are too short to reach to the bottom of it , let us not accuse god of injustice , but confess with job ; lo , he goeth by me , and i see him not ; his wayes are unsearchable , and past finding out . chap. iii. ii. god takes away what he pleaseth , in respect of the place where : so jobs children were taken from him when they were feasting in their elder brothers house , a place seemingly of great security . naomi lost her husband and her two sons in a strange land ; when she sojourned in moab , she was left a childless widow in a strange country , therefore , saith she , call me not naomi , but marah , for i went out full , but the lord hath brought me home again empty , ruth 1.21 . so jacob had his beloved rachel taken away from him on a journey , as they were travelling in the way . iii. in respect of the time when ; nebuchadnezzar lost the use of his reason , when he was in the height of his glory , walking in his stately palace of babel , dan. 4.30 . being puffed up with pride : is not this great babylon that i have built by the might of my power , and for the honour of my majesty ; and while the word was yet in his mouth , a voice came from heaven , saying , to thee it is spoken , the kingdome is departed from thee , and the same hour was it fulfilled upon him . so the rich man in the gospel had his soul taken from him , even then when he promised himself many years enjoyment of his wealth . iv. the lord taketh away by what means and instruments , and in what manner he pleaseth : job's oxen and asses were taken away by the sabeans , his camels by the chaldeans , his sheep burnt by fire from heaven , his children slain by the fall of an house , yet in conclusion job doth not say , the lord hath given , and the chaldeans and sabeans have taken , but the lord hath given , and the lord hath taken : now god is said to take away , when instruments do take away ; it is seldome that god dealeth with a people immediately , but in these outward providences he stirreth up instruments to do what is done ; but that which instruments do , the lord is said to do , isai . 42.24 . who gave jacob to the spoiler , and israel to the robber , did not i the lord ? men robbed and spoiled them , yet it was the lords act to send these spoilers upon them ; the act is from the lord , though the wickedness of the act be from the evil instruments . there are many wayes that god useth to take men away ; some die with the pestilence , and such like contagious diseases ; some die by the sword ; one is consumed with famine , another is killed with thirst ; some are choaked in waters , others consumed by fire ; some are torn with the teeth of beasts , others are taken away by poyson , and so by many means the miserable life of man is finished . chap. iv. sheweth the reasons why god taketh away from us what he pleaseth . sect . i. the reasons why god taketh away from his poor creatures what he pleaseth , are these . reas . 1. because of that right and property that god hath to , and in all his creatures ; they are his creatures , whatsoever they have he gave them , therefore he doth with his own as he pleaseth : gods own people did not consider this , therefore the lord threatens the church to take away what he had given her , hos . 2.8 , 9. she did not know that i gave her corn , and wine , and oyl , and multiplied her silver and gold , therefore i will return and take away [ my ] corn in the time thereof , and recover [ my ] wooll , and [ my ] flax given to cover her nakedness : though man be the possessor , yet god is the chief lord ; we are but stewards , god is the owner , as david acknowledgeth . all things come of thee , and of thine own have we given thee , 2 chron. 29.15 . god hath given us only the use of such things he hath committed to us for a time , not the propriety . a steward cannot say , this house is mine , these farms are mine , these are my tenements , this is my land , these are my cattle , this is my treasure , for they are his lords : he only hath the care of them , not the propriety in them : so every particular man ( whatsoever he enjoyeth ) he hath but the use of it , not the propriety . god is the lord of heaven and earth , he stileth himself the possessor of heaven and earth ; all these things are his , he hath jus ad omnia , jus in omnibus ; a right to all things , a right in all things : therefore he calleth all the creatures his servants , kings and emperours are his servants : my servant nebuchadnezzar : and all the kingdomes of the world are gods ; god calleth all things his : as jacob said concerning joseph's sons , ephraim is mine , and manasseh is mine ; as reuben and simeon , they shall be mine , gen. 48.5 . so god calleth all things his which we do possess . these houses are mine , these riches are mine , these lands are mine , these children and servants are all mine ; the sea is his , and he made it , and all the fishes therein are his ; the earth is the lords , and all the fulness thereof , psa . 24.1 . and psa . 50.10 , 11. god challengeth all the creatures to be his ; every beast of the forrest is mine , and the cattle upon a thousand hills are mine : i know all the fouls of the mountains , and the wild beasts of the field are mine : the rich treasures within the bowels of the earth , the rich mines of gold and silver are his , the precious pearls are his , yea all the inhabitants of the world are his : and all men at the best are but domini usu fructuarii ( as the civilians term is ) such as have the use and benefit , but not the right and property in the things they possess . god hath let out the world to the sons of men , as solomon did his vineyard at baal-hamon , cant. 8.11 , 12. unto certain keepers . solomon was to have a thousand pieces of silver , and those that kept the fruit thereof two hundred : god will have the honour of property and possession , we the fruit of his vineyard : therefore it was a presumptuous usurpation of foolish nabal , 1 sam. 25.11 . shall i take my bread , and my water , and my flesh , that i have killed for my shearers ? he speaks like a covetous , usurper , as if all these were his own , and not gods , as if he had both the propriety and use of them . there are two things that demonstrate that god hath the right and property of what we do enjoy . 1. because there is but one lord of all things in the world : god is the wise creator of all things , and he will be the lord of all his creatures : he will preserve the propriety of things to himself , although he giveth the useful fruition of his creatures to man. there are two reasons why god made man master of all the creatures ; one is , ut cum mundus refertus sit , intelligeret , quod locum in coelis , & non in terris quaereret : that seeing all necessaries are provided for him on earth , he should not seek after a place upon earth to settle himself in , but a mansion in heaven . another reason is , to shew , that seeing all things were made before him , that the creatures were the lords , and not his ; that he was brought to this great house of the world to be gods steward , tenant , or servant ; therefore god enjoyned adam to labour presently , even in paradise he was to dress the garden : adam in his state of innocence , when he enjoyed the whole world , yet he was not dominus terrae , the lord of the earth ; the earth was the lords , and the fulness thereof : adam was but as the french-men call a titular lord , dominus sine terrâ . 2. because god will have all men to be dependent upon him ; if men had their riches or honours from themselves , they would stand upon their own bottom , they would even dare with impudence to stand out and contest with god : who is the lord , saith proud pharaoh ? thus every one would be ready to say , who is the lord that i should serve him ? but when men shall know , that what they have , they have from god , they will depend upon him as a steward dependeth upon his master ; you see the unjust steward , luke 16. was undone , when his master turn'd him out of his service . sect . ii. god many times takes away from us what he pleaseth ▪ to manifest his power and soveraignty over us ; god will have us to see that he is the commander of all men , and that we are under his command , and he may do with us , or take from us according to his pleasure , and he is not bound to give us a reason of his actions . we are many times as blind as the disciples of christ ( and blinder too ) when they moved the question about the cause of the natural blindness of the man in the gospel , whether that man had sinned , or his parents , that he was born so , joh. 9.3 . our saviour answered , neither of both , but that the works of god might be manifest in him . what do i hear ( saith s. augustine ) neither he nor his parents ? if there be no man without sin , then doubtless not his parents ; and was not he himself born in original sin ? or is it credible that in his life time he had added no actual offences to it ? and though his eyes were shut , did not concupiscence wake within him ? how many mischiefs do some wicked blind men commit , yea from what evil almost do they abstain ? his eyes were closed indeed , but an evil mind can keep centinel well enough within it self . he knew how to think upon , and perhaps to lust after something , which being blind he could not put in execution , but be judged in heart by the searcher of the heart . doubtless then both had sinned ; but their sin was not the cause why he was born blind ; what then ? ut manifestent●r opera dei , that the works of god might be manifested . thus far augustine upon the same place . he saith , opera dei , the works of god ( saith calvin ) because as his work of judgement had been seen in his blindness ( which was opus solitudinis , a work of solitude ) so his mercy might appear in his recovery ( which was opus reparationis , a work of reparation . ) itaque oum latent afflictionum causae , cohibenda est curiositas , ne & deo faciasimus . therefore ( saith he ) when the causes of afflictions are not manifest , curiosity is to be restrained , lest we both do injury to god , and become cruel toward our brethren . this was manifest in job , a work of power in taking away all his children , and a work of his clemency in restoring him so many again , and in suffering him to live to see the fourth generation of them , and afterward to die old and full of daies , for god is able even out of stones to raise up children to abraham , to job , to every true believer . when god takes from us those things which he formerly gave us , as our habitations , food , rayment , health , wealth ; if any man being thus emptied ; complain of gods dealing with him , cannot god reply justly to him , i owe you nothing ? what i gave formerly , impute it to my meer love : my gifts are free , i take them now away , that you may know whence you had them , not that i am any wayes obliged to you : hitherto i have shewed my liberality and bounty toward you : if i now please to continue so no longer toward you , what law have you to recover upon me ? may i not do with mine as i please ? friend , i do thee no wrong , take what is thine and depart . s. augustine explaining gods equity , saith thus : god takes away from us sometimes things necessary , and so fretteth us , that we may know him our father and lord , not only pleasing , but sometimes likewise squeezing us . and who dareth or can object the least injury done unto him ? and if god take away necessaries from us , yet we cannot accuse god of injury ; if he taketh them from us , even for his own honour and majesty , and to shew his power and authority over us : let us then cease complaining , we are his subjects , and must be his clients . sect . iii. it may be god in taking away our health , wealth , honour , houses , possessions from us , intendeth to bestow better things upon us , and then we are no losers but great gainers , if god take away our goods , and give us more grace , if he take from us things necessary for our bodies , and gives us things absolutely necessary to salvation , as pardon of sin , peace of conscience , assurance of his love and favour , what have we lost thereby ? it is too low to say ( saith one ) these are equivalent to temporals ; they are transcendently more excellent than all temporal goods ; the whole world is nothing to the grace and favour of god , and to pardon of sin : if wealth were as necessary as grace , every childe of god should have it ; therefore godly men have great cause of contentment , if god for reasons best known to himself , doth either deny them , or take from them the things of this life . that christian is not poor , that is rich in grace ; that man is not miserable that hath christ for his portion ; though he hath no house to put his head in , yet he hath a mansion in heaven provided for him , though he hath no food for his body , yet he hath meat to eat which the world knows not of , he hath manna for his soul , though he hath no rayment for his body , yet he hath glorious robes for his soul . what kind of injury is that to take from one a thread-bare out-worn coat , and to give him a new one that is far better ? it is an excellent change to lose temporals , and get spirituals and eternals . we many times think that a great estate is best for us , but god our heavenly father both knoweth what we need , and what is best for us ; were we to be our own carvers , as to our worldly estates and outward comforts , we should do as the young prophet , who being sent to gather herbs , gathered poysonous weeds instead of wholesome herbs : therefore in all gods dispensations toward us , 't is good to submit to the wisdome of god , who could make all his children rich and great in the world , but doth not , because in his wisdome he thinks a meaner portion of the things of this life to be better for them than a greater : to have lectum stramineum , & cibum gramineum , straw for our beds , and herbs for our food , may be better for us , than with the rich epicure , to be cloathed in fine linnen , and to fare deliciously every day . in fine , every christian shall conclude , that estate god allotted me , was best for me , and the poor christian shall say , as luther did , it was better for me that i was a poor clown , and a christian , than if i had been great alexander , and an infidel . sect . iv. behold another cause of gods taking away from us : some there were that told christ of certain galileans , whose blood pilate had mingled with their sacrifices ( an argument of gods sore displeasure in the eye of man , to be surprized with death , ( and that a bloody one ) even in the act of gods service : ) but jesus answered ; suppose ye these galileans were greater sinners than all the other , because they suffered such things ? i tell you nay , but except ye repent , ye shall all likewise perish , luk. 13.1 , 2. and he confirmeth it by another parallel to it , of the men upon whom the tower of siloam fell ; here you see punishment for other mens instruction and example , ut aliorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that other mens scourges should be our warnings : let every one consider , saith cyprian , not what another hath suffered , but what even he himself deserveth to suffer . in this we may say as he doth plectuntur interim quidam , quò caeteri corrigantur . some are suddenly punished , to the end that others may be amended . it is a common disease among men , saith calvin , to be severe censors of others , when we see the scourge of god upon them , and to flatter themselves if they escape unpunished ; whereas thus they ought to consider : first , that they ought to behold their own sin , and to examine whether they have not deserved the like punishment : secondly , in that the lord in his mercy spareth them , and chasteneth others before their faces , to magnifie his name in their own behalf , and to betake themselves unto speedy repentance . caecus ergo & pravus arbiter est , qui hominum peccata ex paenis praesentibus astimat : therefore he is a blinde and perverse judge , who taxeth mens sins from their present punishments : neque enim ut quisque deterior est , ita primus ad paenam trahitur ; for every one that is worse than others , is not therefore drawn first to punishment ; sed cum paucos ex multis puniendos deus eligit , in eorum personâ relinquis denunciat , se fore ultorem , ut omnes turreantur . but when god singleth a few out of many to be punished , he threateneth , that he will be an avenger to the rest , that all may be terrified . for your part , o thou distressed city of london , say thou therefore with the prophet ; rejoyce not over me o enemy ; for thought i have fallen , i shall rise again , though i now sit in darkness , the lord shall be a light unto me , i will patiently bear the indignation of the lord , because i have sinned against him , mich. 7.8 , 9. and if any insult too much , or censure too hard of your calamity , and glory in their own prosperity , let christ give them their answer ; unless they repent , they shall all likewise perish . sect . v. god in taking away outward comforts from us , doth thereby teach us to know how to want , as well as to abound . i know both how to be abased , and i know how to abound ; every where , and in all things , i am instructed both to be full , and to be hungry , both to abound ▪ and to suffer need , phil. 4.12 . although some of these outward things are in some degree necessary for this present life , yet our heavenly father knoweth how far forth they are necessary , and how much is necessary for us , or else gives us content in himself immediately without them : yet these things are not so needful as they are commonly supposed to be : it is wonderful to consider what sweet joy and content many a childe of god hath had ; when they have been stript of these things ; and the reason is , because when the people of god do want these things , they do more fully apply themselves to god ; when a christian is stript of these , and hath none of these things to rest upon , then the affections of the soul are like water running one way in one channel : whatsoever s. pauls outward condition was , he could find enough in christ to be content ; in particular , he knew how to be abased , sweetly satisfying himself in this , that he was an adopted son of god , and he knew how to be hungry , because he had bread and meat to feed on that the world knew not of , and could feast himself with marrow and fatness at that time , when carnal eyes thought him ready to perish for hunger : he knew also how to suffer want , contenting himself with that abundance that is found in christ : many evil men have been forced to suffer need , but were never instructed to it as paul was ; they never learnt to relieve themselves in their wants out of the fulness of christ , as the saints do , who ( be their wants never so great ) do find enough in christ to satisfie them all . again , the lord doth immediately fill and satisfie the soul with himself , when it lies under many outward wants , and replenisheth them with abundance of joy , when they are under many occasions of sadness and sorrow . so saith the apostle , 2 cor. 6. 10. as sorrowful , yet alwayes rejoycing ; as poor , yet making many rich ; as having nothing , yet possessing all things : he was filled with the joy of the holy ghost at the same time when he had many outward occasions of sorrow : as poor in respect of worldly enjoyments , yet being able to enrich others in god ; as having nothing ( nothing of the world ) yet possessing all things in god. thus doth the lord glorifie the all-sufficiency of his grace , in giving in himself plentifully to his poor people , when they are under many outward straits and wants . moreover , there are many things which we fondly perswade our selves we can in no wise want , while we possess them ; but when they are taken from us , god teacheth us how to live without them . one that was formerly rich , and fared delicately , having by the providence of god , lost all , being brought to a hard pinch , is glad of a mess of pottage to his dinner , and to go to bed supperless ; he is then taught to be content with his mean estate , and to say , i had not thought i could have lived so sparingly . drexelius tells us of a prodigal knight , who having buried all his substance in banquets and belly-cheer , and for want of an horse , being forced to go on foot , in this ebbe praised god , and said ; i thank god , who hath set me on my own legs again ; i had not thought before this , that i was so good a footman : so god dealeth with many men , he reduceth them to a mediocrity and temperance , by a wholsome penurious indigence . many while they abound in all outward comforts , are apt to say , one thus ; i must have so many dishes at my table , i cannot not keep house without such an annual income ; i cannot endure hunger or scarcity : another saith , i cannot want sleep , nor endure watching ; i must have such conveniencies and accommodations : but now when god takes away these outward comforts from us , takes away our dainty dishes , our associates , our sleep , and turneth our wine into water , and turneth us out of house and home , then god instructeth us how to want , how to suffer need , how to fast and watch , and live under decks , or lie upon the ground , or in a prison , or to live in banishment , and then we need not care where or in what condition we be , if the lord be with us . chap. v. now let us prove the point de jure , as well as de facto , that the lord may take from us what he pleaseth . i. he may do it without crossing his justice : the lord is righteous in all his wayes , and holy in all his works , psa . 145.17 . clouds and darkness are round about him ; righteousness and judgement , are the habitation of his throne , psa . 97.2 . or , as it may be translated , are the foundation of his throne : his seat of judgement is composed of , and founded in righteousness ; whatsoever he takes away from us , he acteth by rule , his throne is upon judgement and righteousness ; god is infinitely righteous , it is impossible for god to do iniquity ; how unjust soever his wayes seem to us to be , yet they are most just ; he is the supreme lord of all his creatures , and may do with them what he pleaseth , as the potter with the clay : all acts that god doth , are acts of his will , and whatsoever he willeth , is exceeding just . this is a received axiome among divines : voluntas dei est summa perfectissima , & infallibilis regula divinae justitiae , & deus sibi ipsi lex est . the will of god is the chiefest , the most perfect and infallible rule of divine justice , and god is a law to himself ; no losses , no crosses that befall us , but do proceed from him who is most just and righteous ; therefore we must not murmure at god , when he takes our goods or houses from us , as if he dealt unrighteously with us ; but if we ponder with our selves what we have deserved , we may behold abundance of mercy toward us under our greatest losses , and his sharpest corrections . peradventure , thou art in some great pain in some part or member of thy body , but tell me , dost thou not deserve to burn in hell , and to feel the scorching pains of the damned ? if such an easie disease doth so torment thee here , think then with thy self how thou couldst lie in everlasting torments ? if the pain of one worm-eaten tooth doth so fearfully vex thee day and night , that it almost driveth thee to madness , think then that thou deservest to be tormented for ever with that fearful worm of conscience ? thou canst not brook the sight of such a person , nor endure the company of such a man who hath done thee wrong ; but tell me then how thou wouldest be able to endure the company of all the damned , yet even this also thou dost deserve : thy sharpest sufferings here are sweet ▪ if compared with hell torments : perhaps thy house is burnt , thy goods are consumed by the flame , thou hast lost thy husband , thy wife , thy children , thy friends , thy estate : but tell me , dost thou not deserve it , and much more , even to lose thy god , thy saviour , thy soul , thy treasure in heaven , everlasting glory and blessedness ? therefore under all thy losses and sufferings ; let god have the glory of his justice , and say with mauritius the emperour , justus es domine , & justasunt judicia tua . righteous art thou o lord , and just are all thy judgements : or as daniel , to thee , o lord , belongeth righteousnes●● but unto us confusion of face : say thou , i am unrighteous , thou art righteous ; i am a sinner , thou art just . ii. god may take from his creatures what he pleaseth , without crossing his goodness or mercy : his mercy is free , it is not due to any , he hath mercy on whom he will , therefore he may take away what he will from any : it is a mercy that god hath left any good thing in the possession of sinful man , who might have stript us of all ; and when he doth a little consume us , it is his mercies that we are not utterly consumed . s. augustine well weigheth the words of s. james : behold we count them blessed which endure . ye have heard of the patience of job , and have known what end the lord made . they should not therefore , saith he , suffer the loss of their goods , in hope to receive their goods again , as job did ; for his wounds and rottenness made him whole , and all those things which he had lost were doubly restored to him . that therefore we should not , when we suffer temporal losses , expect or look for such a remuneration , he saith not , ye have heard of the patience and end of job , but he saith , ye have heard of the patience of job , and have seen what end the lord made ; as if he had said , endure the greatest losses as job ; but for this your enduring do not expect the restitution which job had of temporal goods , but rather of a more enduring substance laid up in heaven for you . iii. god may take away what he pleaseth from us , without crossing his truth and faithfulness : for 1. gods promises by which he engageth to us in these outward things , are conditional ; and what man living is able to say , that he doth so exactly perform his conditions , that god cannot take any thing from him without breach of promise ? who among us hath performed the conditions of the promises ? your in quities have withheld good things from you , saith the prophet : so i may say , your iniquities have taken good things from you : we have either failed in our duty , or we have been unthankful for what we received from god , or we were not wise stewards of gods blessings , or we waxed proud and wanton , and forgat god the giver of our blessings , therefore god hath turn'd us out of all , or the greatest part of those good things he gave us , as a chastisement of our sins , and negligence in our duties : could we make good the condition of the promises , we should still find god making good all the promises of this life to us : assuredly , saith calvin , if we were fit and meet to receive gods benefits , he would open his hand , and deal more liberally with us : therefore when god takes away your goods , your wealth and substance , search and try your wayes , and you will find your iniquities to be the cause , and then you will see little ground to blame god for unfaithfulness in his promises : for albeit abundance of outward things be promised to the godly , yet if we are deficient in our duty , he may either with-hold or take away those good things promised ; for these things are promised upon condition of our hearkening diligently to the voice of the lord our god , to observe and do all his commandments , deut. 28.1 , 2. 2. god may take what he will from the wicked , without crossing his truth , because they have no interest in christ and his promises ; the promises are all yea and amen in christ , but the wicked can claim no interest in the promises , because they have no interest in christ ; and if god leave them any good thing , it is more than he promised them ; if he take away their children , and leave them health , it is more than he promised them ; if he takes away health and wealth , and give them only their lives , if he cast them not into hell it self , it is more than he promised them . iv. when god takes away health , wealth , goods , liberties , outward comforts , from his own people , he hath made up all their losses afore-hand ; he hath given himself , an infinite god , to be their portion ; nay , he that takes these outward things from them , will give them a kingdome , and that will make up all their losses , and therefore he may take away all other things . see how god speaks to abraham , gen. 15. 1. fear not abraham , i am thy shield , and thy exceeding great reward . had abraham left his native country , his kindred , all save one lot , and was he also gone from him to dwell in sodome ? was abraham now as one alone among strangers , among idolaters and atheists , and those the most execrable in the world , the very brood of cham , the father of canaan , a people devoted to destruction , having four hundred years given them to fill up the measure of their sins , and yet hath abraham no cause to fear ? no saith the lord to him , fear not abraham : the majesty of god is pleased to stoop so low , as in love to give a reason hereof to abraham , and one , that abraham must needs say , was very sufficient : i am thy shield , and thy exceeding great reward : which is more full , than if god had said , i will shield thee , and reward thee , though that had been enough ; but god promiseth himself as a shield to him , and so assureth him of an infinite protection ; yea , he giveth himself as a reward to him , an exceeding great reward . what cause then hath abraham to fear ? fear no dangers , nor enemies , for i am thy shield ; fear no wants , nor losses , for i my self am thy reward . are any dangers so great , any enemies so strong , that i cannot shield thee against them ? who am ready to cover thee with my wings , and defend thee against all the wicked of the world , and against all the legions of hell ? canst thou be undone by any losses , or be sunk by any wants , when i my self am thy exceeding great reward ? hast thou the possessor of heaven and earth in thy possession ? and hast thou cause to fear any wants ? if the earth cannot supply thee , heaven shall ; if neither heaven nor earth can , yet i will , who am the lord of heaven and earth , i my self am thy exceeding great reward , so gen. 17 ▪ 7 , 8. i wil establish my covenant between me & thee , & thy seed after thee in their generations , for an everlasting covenant to be a god to thee , and unto thy seed after thee . he doth not say , only to be a helper to thee , or a friend to thee , but to be a god to thee ; i will give myself to thee ; as i am essentially god , so i will be a god to thee , thou shalt have me for thy own ; those that are in covenant with god , they are in possession of an infinite good , and they have him in everlasting possession . chap. vi. vse 1 this may serve to discover to us the extreme folly of those whose chiefest care and greatest labour is about the getting worldly goods that may soon be taken from them ; their shops , their trading , their wares , their plate , their jewels , their money , their corn and wine , and oyl , their houses , lands and possessions , their wealth and substance are in their thoughts , and god is seldome or not at all in all their thoughts ; heaven is not in their desires , and grace , which is the riches of heaven , is nothing lookt after ; these things are the least of their thoughts and endeavours : when they are to leave the world , then is their time to think of god , and to take care for grace , and for their immortal souls ; when they are dying , then is their time to study how they may become godly : while they are strong and healthy , and fit for labour , their main care and labour is for the meat that perisheth , and to try who can outstrip one another in worldly riches , although god can soon clap a pair of wings to them , and make them to flee away from them . these things are the summum bonum , the chiefest good , the very god of the world , the paradise , the all in all of this world , the great diana that all the world magnifies ; they think it better to be out of the world than to have no riches , esteeming them the only miserable men that are poor and needy : jeroboams golden calves are still the worldlings god , the world is of jeroboams religion to this day ; no lusts are more unsatiable than worldly lusts , they are green and vigorous even in old age , the love of the world is a sin that never waxeth old ; when men should think most on the world to come , yet then are old earth-worms too mindful of this present evil world . o what unspeakable folly is this , so eagerly to thirst after and pursue such perishing vanities , which may soon be taken from us , and which only serve us while we are in this world ; for if once our soul be taken from us , then whose shall all these things be ? while the rich glutton lived in the world , he fared deliciously every day , and wore purple and fine linnen every day ; but when he died , he left all these things behind him : death turned him out of the comforts and possession of these things . he that drank wine in bowls , is now drinking of the cup of gods wrath in hell : he that had all things to the full , doth now want a drop of water to cool his flaming tongue ; he that was cloathed with purple and fine linnen every day , is now bound with chains of darkness , and cloathed with woe , curses , and unspeakable wrath : he that maintained hawks and hounds for his delight and pleasure , is now howling and roaring with cursed fiends and damned hell-hounds . thus he that had the worlds goods only , while he was in the world , he hath nothing in hell to enjoy but gods wrath , that is his everlasting portion . so again , rich abraham and job , that had this worlds goods , have now no need of them in heaven ; there is no need of the sun by day , nor of the moon by night , for the lord god is the light thereof . what a folly is it in men therefore to labour so eagerly after this worlds goods , and to set their minds upon them , and to neglect the good of their immortal souls ; to love riches more than grace , and love dross and dung more than christ , when as christ and grace will bee their comfort in this world at death , and in the world to come when this worlds goods shall be taken from them ; though your houses and goods be burnt and consumed to ashes , yet grace is a good that fire will not burn , nor water drown . justly did our saviour call the rich man in the gospel , fool ( and in him all such fools ) that had more care for this world than for heaven . who ever seeks the world for their bed , shall at best find it but short , and ill made , and a stone and thorns under their sides to keep them waking , rather than a soft pillow to sleep upon . o that it were written upon the bags , upon the doors , upon the chests , tables , counting-houses of worldlings , which holy job said , naked came i forth of my mothers womb , and naked shall i return ; i must appear before god not in the worlds goods , but in the sins which i have done in this world : it pitieth me many times to see the industrious bees to take such great pains all the summer to get a little honey for the winter ; they go abroad daily from flower to flower to suck honey , and carry it to their hives , and are burnt in their hives perhaps before winter cometh , and others take the honey . thus worldlings toil , and spend their lives and strength for the goods of this world , and think in their old age to take their ease , and give up themselves to a devout solitude ; but before that , it may be god takes away their goods by fire or water , or suffereth thieves and robbers to break in upon them , and take away all their wealth and riches from them ; or it may be death cometh , and exerciseth dominion over them , and turneth them into hell , and there they burn , and others enjoy their goods upon earth . will ye then spend most of your care , thoughts , strength , and time , for the things of this world , and have no care and thoughts for grace and heaven ? will ye like martha , cumber your selves about many things that may quickly be taken from you , and neglect the one thing necessary that shall never be taken away from you , if once you have it ? luke 10.42 . this worlds goods will do you good no longer than you live in this world , but godliness will make you happy , and the fruit of it will remain with you , when the goods and the world it self shall have an utter end : leave then this worlds goods to the children of this worlds , whose names are written in the earth , they are the only portion of worldly men : so abraham said to dives ; son remember , thou in thy life time hadst thy good things . god gives unto esau's the fatness of the earth , but denies them the dew of heaven . indeed , god sometimes promiscuously scatters these outward things upon the godly and the wicked ; he gives the wicked some share of his goodness , yet it is worth your observing , that isaac would not vouchsafe to call esau's portion a blessing , yet he gives him the fatness of the earth ; the worlds goods are the influences of gods providence , not of his love ; only the riches of his grace is the influence of his love and favour . ah! what pity it is to see how satan layes upon many men a burden of cares above a load , and makes a pack-horse of their souls , when they are wholly set upon the world ; we owe the devil no such service ; it were wisdome then to throw off that heavy load into a mire , and to cast all our cares upon the lord : oh never seek warm fire under cold ice ; this world is not a field where true happiness groweth . chap. vii . the work which now remains to use 2 be done , is the application of this to the distressed citizens of london in special , many of whom have had their goods and houses taken away and consumed to ashes by that late sad and raging fire that hapned among them . 1. i beseech you enquire into the procuring cause , and that you will find to be sin : if sin be in the city , and in the house , vengeance may quickly be seen at the door , and at the gate ; sooner or later god will visit iniquities , sin shall never go unpunished . this was davids resolution when god took away his subjects , behold it is i that have done wickedly , but those sheep what have they done ? 2 sam. 24.17 . this was hezekiah's confession for his own life . i have cut off like a weaver my life , isai . 38.12 . thus did that godly widow of zareptha acknowledge at the death of her son. what have i to do with thee o man of god , art thou come unto me to call my sin to remembrance , and to slay my son ? 1 kings 17.18 . she verily thought that either some of her former sins , or else the not using of so holy a man according to his place , was the cause of this present punishment : a harsh string to be touched , but will be tuneable enough in the ears of the childe of god , that is already touched with the feeling of sin , whose heart is still rather in the house of mourning , than in the house of mirth : it is the unison of gods people , we have sinned , and dealt wickedly . our saviour prophesied , mat. 24.12 . that iniquity shall abound , &c. and do not the times wherein we live tell us , that iniquity doth abound ? it hath abounded , and doth abound exceedingly among us in all our country towns and villages ; but i had almost said , it cannot abound more than it hath among you in london . i wish i could draw a veil over the sins of these times , and cover the iniquities of the city and country , as constantine did over the errours of learned men in his daies . but the sins of our times , and the iniquities of your city cannot be hid , they are too publick , too common among us : see whether all manner of sins do not abound among you ? the iniquities of the head , the iniquities of the heart , iniquities of the tongue , iniquities of the life , do abound in the midst of you : have not the streams of all iniquities fallen into your city , as all waters and rivers run into the sea ? there are some particular sins for which god threatens to poure down fiery showres of wrath and indignation upon a people . 1. the first i shall set before you is sabbath-breaking , the profanation of the lords day , jer. 17.27 . see how god threatens the city of jerusalem for this sin . but if you will not hearken to me , to hallow the sabbath day , and not to bear a burden , even entering in at the gates of jerusalem on the sabbath day ; then will i kindle a fire in the gates thereof , and it shall devoure the palaces of jerusalem , and it shall not be quenched . examine now whether there were not many among you that neglected and despised the publick worship of god ; and others , that as soon as they came out of the house of god , laid aside all thought of the word preached to them , either spending the rest of the day in the alehouse , or in some idle recreations ; yea , many suffering their children and servants in the close of the publick worship , to turn gods ordinances , sc . prayer , singing of psalmes , hearing the word , into shouting and clamors , idle sports , and foolish loud laughter , and that in such a rude manner , as if they would profess themselves open despisers of god and of his ordinances : is this to bring up your children in the nurture and admonition of the lord ? is this to do like abraham , to command your children & servants to keep the way of the lord ? is it a wonder to see gods judgments upon your city , to see the plague raging among you , & destruction wasting at noon-day , poverty encreasing , and a fire kindled in your gates , and devouring the stately houses and palaces thereof ? sect . ii. a second sin , is a general contempt and rejection of the gospel , and a despising of his faithful messengers . we read , mat. 23.37 , 38. that our saviour prophecieth of the destruction of the temple of jerusalem , for killing , and crucifying , and stoning some of gods prophets , for scourging others in their synagogues , and persecuting them from city to city ; therefore , saith he , behold your house is left unto you desolate . his disciples were troubled to hear that so goodly a structure should be made a ruinous heap : wherefore they shewed him the goodly buildings of the temple , wishing him but to look on them , vainly imagining , that he could not but admire the stateliness of the house , and sumptuousness of the buildings , and would call in his threatning , and prevent the desolation of it : but christ , who regardeth not the magnificence of buildings , or persons , but will stain the pride and glory of man ; was so far from revoking his threatning , as he doth assure them by an oath , that the stately temple so much admired for its curiousness , so strongly seated and enriched , should not only be left desolate , but should be totally demolished : verily i say unto you , there shall not be left here one stone upon another , that shall not be thrown down , mat. 24.2 . this was for their contempt of the word , and their cruelty toward the prophets . this sin god hath alwayes avenged , and will avenge with the forest destruction ; the temple in jerusalem was afterward burnt and utterly overthrown by the romans : no flame is more fierce than when oyl , wine , or sugar are fired : if you will know when the sins of a people are at the full , and ripe for the sickle of destruction , it is when the gospel is rejected , and his messengers despised , and misused . they mocked the messengers of god , and despised his words , and misused his prophets , until the wrath of the lord arose against his people , till there was no remedy : therefore he brought upon them the king of the caldees , who slew their young men with the sword in the house of their sanctuary , and had no compassion upon young man or maiden , old men , or him that stooped for age , he gave them all into his hand : and all the vessels of the house of god , great and small , and the treasures of the house of the lord , and the treasures of the king and of his princes , all these brought he to babylon : and they burnt the house of god , and brake down the wall of jerusalem , and burnt all the palaces thereof with fire , and destroyed all the goodly vessels thereof , 2 chron , 36.16 , 17 , 19. whether you are guilty of this sin , you best know . sect . iii. a third sin is the sin of oppression : when men grinde the faces of their needy brethren , and make the necessities of others their advantages to oppress them the more : how can the love of god dwell in such hearts ? i may say to such , you rob the poor because they are poor , and grieve their sad hearts rather than relieve them ▪ dealing with them ( as the jews did with our saviour ) in their extreme sufferings , give them gall and wormwood to drink , instead of waters of comfort : their own poverty ( like solomon ) chastiseth them with whips , and your oppression ( like rehoboam ) whips them with scorpions ; and as he told the oppressed people , that his finger should be heavier than his fathers loins ; it is most true of your oppression , it is far more tyranny than their wants : whereas you should pour oyl into their hearts , you pour in vinegar to aggravate their calamities ; whereas you should shew mercy to them in misery , you shew all cruelty to the miserable ; your bounty should relieve them , your cruelty draws more from them . oppression is like unto a grindstone , yea , it is as a milstone hung about the necks of the needy , and sinks them deeper and deeper into want and misery : the poor are the grapes , and you are the wine-pressers squeezing out the blood of the poor : it is a notable phrase of solomon , prov. 12.10 . the tender mercies of the wicked are cruel : it is in the hebrew , the bowels of the wicked are cruel : the tender mercies ] that is , when men seem to shew mercy to their needy brother , their words and actions carry fair shews of compassion , as lending money to them in their necessity , yet there is much cruelty in those mercies in the event ensuing thereupon : how often do oppressors fetch home their money lent to needy brothers with a vengeance , and unconscionable exactions ? how often do they take the garments which should cover the nakedness of their needy brethren for a pledge ? aad instead of cloathing the naked , they expose them to nakedness , exod. 22.22 , 23. god threatens , if thou afflict any stranger , widow , or fatherless childe , and they cry at all unto me , i will surely hear their cry : oppression is a crying sin , it cries for vengeance ; yea , gods anger will burn against such merciless men ; and my wrath , saith he , shall wax hot ] and i will kill you with the sword . ] god threatens to meet with the oppressor by one judgement or other : and god will make your wives and children to be in the same extremity , that your needy brethren are . the stone shall cry out of the wall , and the beam out of the timber shall answer it , habak . 2.11 . suppose the poor and needy whom you oppress , do not cry against you , yet these dumb inanimate creatures will cry out against your oppressions for vengeance upon you . amos 5.11 . forasmuch as your treading is upon the poor , and ye take from him burdens of wheat ; ye have built houses of hewn stone , but ye shall not dwell in them : god threatens to take away the habitations of such as oppress the poor and needy . sect . iv. a fourth sin i will set before you , is incorrigibleness under former judgements : god sent the plague to the great city of this land the last year , which swept away many thousands of the inhabitants , week after week , for a great while together ; and even to this day the plague rageth in many towns , cities , and other places in this land : but my brethren , who is the better after this sore visitation ? did not sins of all sorts and kinds abound in the great city , before god consumed great part of it with fire ? oh what wicked and profane practises hath over-spread it since the late devouring plague , like the sluggards field that solomon speaks of , that was all over-spread with thorns and thistles ; and not only so , but persons of all ranks and conditions , and estates ( it is to be feared ) have been actors , factors , and abettors of sin ; most men have run into sin with more greediness than before . as noahs flood covered hills , dales , mountains , vallies , so the flood of ungodliness hath covered high and low , rich and poor . though god justly punished us , yet in the time of his just wrath he remembred to shew mercy , habak . 3.2 . the mercies of god are over all his works , even over his penal judiciary works , psa 145.9 . his mercy is most conspicuous in times of judgement ; to command deliverance when we are in the mouth of danger , in the den of lions , in the burning furnace , is mercy indeed : to save a people being in the very jaws of death , is mercy indeed : it is the lords mercies you were not utterly consumed , the sword would have consumed , the plague would have devoured all ; these judgements like fire and water , are merciless ; had not god interposed his own mercy , you had been utterly consumed ; if mercy had not rebuked his judgements , they had swallowed you up quick , you can no more resist an overflowing judgement , than a level of sand can withstand the inundation of the sea. the lord gave you a respite after the last years wasting plague , he moderated his wrath , and did not make a full end of you ; the lord would make tryal , whether you would act according to your resolutions , vows and promises made in the day of your distress . when the plague of frogs was upon pharaoh ; when the frogs were crawling on his bed , on his table , in his chamber , when he heard frogs every where croaking , and saw all egypt to be filled with them , then he sent for moses and aaron , and begs them to pray for him : entreat ye the lord to remove the frogs ; and then he promised to let israel go , and they should serve the lord : moses prayed , and god removed that plague ; then he put pharaoh upon the tryal whether he would be as good as his promise , but then he hardened his heart again , and would not let them go : by this god made a discovery of the grand hypocrisie of his heart ; hath it not been so among many of you , in the time of your sickness , in the day of your calamity , when you supposed your selves to be very neer to death , did you not then promise to let your sins go ? god was pleased to give you a respite , to set you at liberty , and have not many of you again hardened your hearts , and refused to let your sins go ? therefore you may think god hath now suffered this late fire that was kindled among you , to devoure your habitations : certainly , it were better to have no respite given at all , than to have it , and abuse it : it were better to be taken away by the first judgement , than to have a respite between judgement and judgement , if you repent not ; for now ye become greater sinners , and you treasure up for yourselves more wrath ; the more respites you have given you , and you abuse them , the greater will your condemnation be : to such the lord saith , why should ye be stricken any more ? ye will revolt more and more , isai . 1.5 . they were never the better for all the stroaks of god upon them , but encreased their revolts ; now see what judgement follows hereupon , ver. 7. your country is desolate , your cities are burnt with fire , and your land strangers devoure it in your presence . scultetus on this place saith , it is theologica pictura germaniae , a divine picture of germany ; i may say it is theologica pictura londini , nec-non totius angliae ; it is a theological description of london , yea of all england , i mean of the wicked in city and country , isai . 26.10 . let favour he shewed to the wicked ] i. e. let a respite be given him from destruction , yet will he not learn righteousness , but return to their former wickedness ; see how god threatens them . ver. 11. the fire of thine enemies shall devoure them . though thou bray a fool in a mortar with a pestle among wheat , yet his folly will not depart from him , prov. 27.22 . though god doth pound them even to powder , following them with stroak upon stroak , yet their folly remaineth with them . sect . v. whoredome is a sin also which god threatens to punish with fire . sodom and gomorrha burned with lust , and god overthrew and consumed them with fire and brimstone from heaven . o how many have been guilty of this sin in city and country ? how many are there who have eyes full of adultery ? 1 pet. 2.14 . how do multitudes of men make lusting after a woman the end of their looking upon them ? they look in order to their lusts , making no other use of their eyes than a man doth of a burning glass , meerly to set their own hearts on fire of unclean lusting : yea many continue looking , till their hearts be enflamed with lust after women ; pulchris vultibus oculos affigunt , they nail their eyes , and fasten them to beautiful faces , as chrysostome speaks , delighting to feed their eyes with the sight of women , and seeking after beautiful faces to feed their eyes with them , and as the same father saith , not so much that they would commit corporal uncleanness with them , but only that they may lust after them . as often as a man looketh on a woman with a fixed eye , or a glancing eye , it mattereth not much ; if it be accompanied with a lustful motion , this is adultery before god ; how many such adulterers are there every where ? and as with the eye , so there are many that commit adultery in the heart , as by unchaste imaginations , and unclean fancies , and by lodging unchaste thoughts in their hearts , and giving entertainment to them : how many are there , whose hearts do long , lodge , dwell , and insist upon unclean things ? which is abominable heart-adultery in the sight of god , inwardly wishing to have their lusts and desires satisfied , with an actual commission of carnal uncleanness with those persons they lust after ? yea , many take great delight in such wanton and unchaste fancies and contemplations ; this is an high degree of adultery in the heart . i know it is a question whether every such thought and motion of the heart be a sin , as long as a man doth not consent unto them . papists will not acknowledge them to be sins till they are accompanied with delight and consent ; but paul determineth the question , rom. 7. who there tells us , tha● such motions are sins , whether consented to , or not , delighted in , or hated paul did not consent to them , yea pau● hated them , yet he acknowledged then to bee sins ; whatsoever is a transgression of the law , is a sin ; now to covet , or lust , is forbidden by the law , whether a man consents to it , or not consents to it , hateth or delighteth in it , yet because he coveteth , he sinneth ; to consent to them is a higher degree of sinfulness ; the fuller consent men give , the more hainous sins are ; the more men delight in such lustings , it is an higher degree of sinning against god. hence you see the reason why our saviour doth so much condemn the filthiness and uncleanness of the heart , mat. 5 27 , 28. heart-adultery is minoris infamiae , of less infamy , because it is secret , and unknown to any man ; but it is majoris culpae , a greater fault ; the reasons are these . 1. because heart-adultery argues atheism and contempt of gods presence more than the outward act ; thou actest that in the sight of god , which thou wouldest not act before a poor sinful man. moreover , 2. heart-adultery is more directly against a mans own soul than other sins : here a man makes his own soul the adulterer , and the adulteress , the bed , and the brothel-house , the incubus and succuba , the agent and patient , the whore and the whoremonger . 3. adultery in the heart is far more frequently committed in the heart , than the outward act is or can be ; opportunity can never fail the adulterer in his heart , he can have an opportunity when he will : the heart-adulterer can never want an adulterous subject , he can frame one in his mind , and can with delight commit folly with his own imaginary strumpet ; he can do it in every place and company , yea , though a thousand eyes be upon him ; and when he wanteth strength and ability of body , yet then his will and fancy is strong to act this wickedness ; sick men , old men , can then commit mental uncleanness with greediness ; yea , many there are that come into our publick congregations , chiefly to look after and look upon beautiful faces , and when they are outwardly conversant in the worship of god , when they are hearing the word , their eyes and heart may then be full of adultery . what cause have we all to bewail the woful pollutions of our hearts ? who can say my heart is clean ? now for corporal uncleanness , never was this sin thought to be more frequently committed in the great city of this land , than it hath been within these few years past . the lord might now take up the same complaint against many wanton gallants , as he did by the prophet jeremiah of old . when i had fed them to the full , they then committed adultery , and assembled themselves by troops in the harlots houses . they were as fed horses in the morning , every one neighed after his neighbours wife : shall i not visit for these things , saith the lord ? shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this ? jer. 5.7 , 8 , 9. the lord chargeth the people of jerusalem , that they had committed fornication with the egyptians , and with the assyrians , and multiplied their fornication in the land of canaan unto chaldea , and yet they were not satisfied therewith , ezek. 16.26 , 28 , 29. therefore the lord threatens to give them up into the hands of those that should strip them of their cloaths , and take away their fair jewels , and leave them naked and bare , ver . 39. and ver . 41. saith he , they shall burn thine houses with fire , and execute judgements upon thee in the sight of many women ; and i will cause thee to cease from playing the harlot , and thou also shalt give no hire any more . it had been well if london had not been too true a comment upon this text , both in the sin , and in the punishment . sect . vi. a sixth sin is the sin of drunkenness and intemperance . how many might have been seen in every corner of the great city , who drank daily till they could drink no more ? who rose up early in the morning to follow strong drink , and continued until night , till the wine enflamed them , whose frequent walks were from their own beds and houses to the alehouse , and from the alehouse to the tavern , whence ( being not able to stand by themselves ) they were led or carried to their beds again , reelling to and fro , staggering , and being at their wits end ; and so they who had something of men in them when they arose in the morning , were ( when they came to lie down at night ) turn'd into beasts , their understandings being departed from them , and themselves at their wits end ? as the old world was swallowed up with the flood , so are many mens bodies and souls with liquor : as those waters prevailed exceedingly , so that all the high hills and mountains were covered , and every man ( as well as beast ) that was not in the ark , died ; so doth the deluge and flood of drink prevail upon drunkards , not only their bellies , but their brains are covered , not only the valleys of their sensitive powers , but also the mountains and high hills of their rational faculties are over-topt ; their reason and understandings are drowned , and all their wisdome is swallowed up : every thing of a drunkard dies in him ( every thing of a man ) and for the present he gives up the ghost ; nor is there any resurrection or reviving till the next morning , when these strong waters are asswaged , and these floods decayed and dried up : sad it is to think how this deluge of excess in drink hath drowned the face of city and country , and risen many cubits above the highest mountains of religion and wholesome laws . oh what swarms of drunkards might be seen in some great town or city in one day ? go but to some great fair or market , and you may see drunkards lye in ditches , or upon the high-way at the towns end where a fair is kept , as if some field had been fought ; here lies one , there lies another , even like unto men that are slain in the field , and are stark dead . i have read , that there was a street in rome , called vicus sobrius , because there was never a drinking house in it : but where should a man have found such a street in the great city , or in any other populous town or city in england ? multitudes there are who take a pleasure in drinking , till their bellies and throats can hold no more , yea , many there are , who by accustoming themselves to frequent acts of immoderate drinking , have gotten an habit of being able to drink excessively , without being distempered by it , notwithstanding that woe that is denounced against them that are mighty to drink wine , and strong to pour in strong drink ; that is , woe unto them that by repeated acts of drunkenness , have made themselves like brewers horses , able to bear away a greater quantity of drink than other sober healthy persons are , or themselves at first were . it is a sign of destruction and desolation approaching upon a people , when they are not ashamed of such a swinish sin , but drink and stagger , and reel to and fro in the face of the sun : o fearful condition of those that are not ashamed to go on in drunkenness , which is one of the most shameful sins , and most contrary to the light of reason . certainly god hath his times of visitation for this , as well as for other sins , and then the drunkard shall be cast down , and shall bee able to stand no longer . sect . vii . a seventh sin i shall set before you , is the sin of pride ; especially pride of apparel ; and to what height of pride in this kinde were people grown every where , especially in the great city of this land , who knoweth not ? it is a note of levity and vanity of minde , to be still devising and following new fangled fashions ; it makes the world beleeve the moon to be our mistress , and predominant planet , and then it will plainly appear , we are no better than lunaticks : it is a great reproach to the english nation , to follow all new devised fashions , and especially to bee the frenchmens apes , who are generally haters of our nation : therefore in forreign parts they paint an english man naked , with a piece of cloath under his arm , and with a pair of shears in his hand , seeking a taylor to finde him out a new fashion . the use of apparel is , 1. for necessity , to cover our nakednesse . 2. for ornament and comlinesse . 3. for distinction of age , of sexe , of quality ; for great personages may , and should wear rich apparel , so it be grave , sober , and seemly : but now people of all ranks almost are grown to an excess in this kind , and the servant can hardly be distinguished by his apparel from his master , nor gill from a gentlewoman . apparel sheweth what most people are that wear it , it uncovers their hearts to the world , you may know whether people are chaste or wanton , proud or grave , sober or fantastical by the apparel they wear . is not he condemned for a very fool that takes more care to be comly , proud , and rich in apparel , than to he healthy ? is not he a fool to be laught at , that will brag of a clean band , and hath a foul dirty face , and will not wash it ? strange it is to see the folly of men , whose special care is to adorn their bodies with costly apparel that they might appear comely and glorious in the sight of men , but regard not how ugly , how deformed , how polluted and abominable their souls are in the sight of god. as god complained of the jews , is it time for you to dwell in your seiled houses , and this house lye waste ? hag. 1.4 . so god may complain , is it time for the daughtets of england , for the daughters of london to be haughty , and walk with stretched out necks , and wanton eyes , walking and mincing as they go ? when the lord is pouring out his fury , like fire upon them , and marring the pride of england , and the great pride of london , as sometime he threatned to mar the pride of judah , and the great pride of jerusalem , jer. 13.9 . ah! how do many people spend more precious time in dressing their bodies , than in trimming their souls ; and delight more to see their faces in a glass , than to view their hearts in the glass of the word ! oh what will become of their souls , when god shall strip them of their gaudy cloathes , and pampered bodies ! what confusion will fall on them , when their souls shall appear naked before the lord ! then they will cry out ; the joy of our heart is ceased , our daunce is turned into mourning ; the crown is fallen from our head , wo unto us that we have sinned . our crown of honour , our crown of pleasure , our crown of pride is fallen from our heads , wo unto us that we have sinned , and walked in pride . pride is the usher of ruine ; pride goes before destruction , prov. 16. 18. one asked an heathen philosopher , what god was doing ? hee answered , totam ejus occupationem esse in elevatione humiliū , in dejectione superborum ; it is gods whole business to exalt the humble , and to abase and cast down the proud . behold the day cometh , that shall burn like an tven , and all the proud , &c. shall bee as stubble . mal. 4.1 . though now they are like iron and steel , yet then they shall bee like stubble before the fire of his devouring wrath . chap. viii . having discovered those capital sins for which we have just cause to think god hath been pouring out his anger against city & country ; let me now in the next place exhort you to mourn bitterly , for these and for all your sins : it is not enough that you mourn for the loss of a husband , of a wife , of a childe , of your goods , of your estate , of your houses ; this sorrow is that which the apostle calls worldly sorrow , 2 cor. 7. and it is so far from working comfort in the end , that it worketh death ; not only death temporal , but also death eternal : if this sort of men weep their eyes out , and their hearts out , for these carnal things , yet shall they no more partake of divine joy , than the tormented glutton doth of heavenly comfort . david's mourning for his son absolom was carnal , and did no way tend to his true comfort ; joab did justly blame him for his bellowing and howling for the death of absolom . this mourning may be found in pharoah ; such was esau's mourning for the loss of his fathers blessing . the prophet hosea tells us , that wicked men will howl upon their beds , for corn and wine , for the want or loss of temporal goods , hos . 7.14 . they can lament for these things , but cannot lament for their sins , or lament after god ; the loss of god and of christ , is not such a matter of mourning to them . neither is it available , to mourn meerly for the judgements of god inflicted upon us : oh how did cain mourn , when the wrath of god was upon him . so did pharoah under judgements ; and ahab humbled himself greatly ; so do the damned mourn to eternity in hell : the wicked mourn , not because they have sinned , but because they are punished : god no more regardeth the howling of sinners under judgement , than we regard the howlings of dogs when they are beaten . neither is all sorrow for sin , godly sorrow , yet this is an high degree of mourning . pharoah lamented his wickedness , i have sinned ; judas also lamented his grievous sin , i have sinned in betraying innocent blood , mat. 27.3 and now he mourneth in hell for his sin : and we have some examples of men , who sin and mourn , and then sin afresh , and mourn afresh , crying out , o my pride , o my drunkenness , o my swearing , o my uncleanness ! that the beholding their bitter mourning , would make a tender heart to mourn with them ; many such there are that mourn on earth for a fit , and mourn in hell for ever . prov. 5. 11 , 12 , 13. death-bed lamentation and mourning for sin , is not alwaies repenting mourning . neither are all that mourn under dreadful apprehensions of gods anger against them , and terrours upon them arising from their sense of sin , and apprehension of gods wrath , true mourners ; yet this like the former , is an high degree of mourning , yet below holy mourning ; such a mourner was cain ; the load of terrours upon his heart , pressed forth all his tears and complaints . there are such examples still of men , who in their fears of death and judgement , and agonies of conscience , do weep , confess their sins , resolve to forsake sin , and yet when they have ease , do sin again , and they are again as prophane , as irreligious as they were before , nay , they become more hardned in sin , and opposite to god and godliness than they were before . neither do all who mourn after grace and pardon , truly mourn ; yet this is one of the neerest degrees to spiritual mourning that is found in hypocrites . an unregenerate man may feel such a load of guilt upon his conscience , as that he may mourn after grace and pardon , yet not be comforted : as there is a temporary sorrow for sin , so there is in th●m a temporary desire after ease and deliverance from it . but all such as mourn in bitterness of spirit under their spiritual wants : mr. cartwright gives this as a reason , why in the beatitudes our saviour addeth mourning next to poverty of spirit , because the want of grace and gods favour is such a lamentation , that nothing quieteth them so long as they are without it . and though god by the hand of his bounty , give them all outward things liberally , as health , strength , riches , friends , yet still they mourn over their spiritual wants ; these are the true mourners , that complain for the want of spiritual riches . what is this worlds goods , if i have not the grace and favour of god ? as moses said , what is the presence of an angel , if we have not the presence of god with us ? so what is any thing ? what are all things ? if i have not gods favour , i am undone for ever . again , such as mourn bitterly for sin , they truly mourn . lam. 5.16 . wo to us , for we have sinned . woe is the time that ever i sinned against god ; wo is me that ever i did curse , swear , and blaspheme the holy name of god ; wo that ever i was drunk ; wo that ever i sinned against the lord : such a mourning was that of st. peter , he went forth and wept bitterly : wo is me that ever i did deny my lord and master . such a mourner was mary magdalen , who washed the feet of christ with her tears , and wiped them with the hair of her head : so david made his bed to swim , and watered his couch with tears , psal . 6.6 . again , such as mourn for sin , not only because it doth terrifie the conscience , but because it doth pollute and defile the soul ; who mourn for sin , not only because it is a soul-damning evil , but because it is a god-dishonouring evil , these are true mourners . thus david mourned , against thee , against thee have i offended , psal . 51.4 . this was that which troubled his spirit , that he should off●nd a gracious god , a loving father , and dishonour his holy majesty , and violate the holy law of god. moreover , such as mourn for sin , and repent for sin , that bewail and forsake sin ; these men are sorry after a godly manner , 2 cor. 7.10 . for godly sorrow worketh repentance to salvation , never to be repented of . these holy tears are very acceptable unto god , when our sins are put into the morter of our hearts , and there pounded with the pestel of compunction , and so brought into dust , and moistened with the waters of our tears , then is there made thereof a sweet smelling oyntment and sacrifice unto god , as one well noteth . the angels in heaven do rejoyce over one sinner that repenteth , luk. 15. they much rejoyce to follow such a sinner , carrying the tears , of godly compunction in his eyes , and of godly sorrow in his heart : which is not unaptly figured , luk. 22. where the disciples of christ went after the man which carried the vessel of water , and in that house prepared the passeover of the lord : so in a spiritual sense ; the man carrying this vessel of water , is the penitent sinner , whose heart and eyes are full of tears of godly sorrow , whom the angels following , do enter the house of his soul , and there do prepare an holy banquet for the lord ; for which cause st. bernard saith , the tears of holy penitents , are the sweet wine of angels ; because in them is the savour of life , the taste of christ , the smack of pardon , the health of the returned , the joy of reconciliation , and the sweetness of conscience . bonaventure saith , this is one reason why god made paradise , that our first parents might hate and detest sin the more hainously and eagerly , which had cast them out of so pleasant an habitation : god would therefore that adam should feel what hee had lost by his sin , that he might seek to regain another paradise by repentance , that he who had lost paradise on earth , should more earnestly seek after that heavenly jerusalem : so my brethren , you that have been lately driven out of your houses , by that lamentable conflagration ; god thereby sheweth you , that he would have you to hate and detest sin the more vehemently , which hath cast you out of your pleasant habitations ; god would have you to feel what you have lost by your sins , that ye may seek to regain better mansions by repentance ; that you who have lost your houses on earth , may more earnestly seek after a building of god , an house not made with hands , eternal in the heavens . chap. ix . sect . i. look to the ends that god aims at , in taking away this or that from you : his ends in it are diverse . 1. one end is to teach you , that there is nothing in any man , nor of any man that you can safely trust unto : man hath nothing in him that he may rely upon ; his best abilities will fail him in time of his greatest need . 1. for bodily strength , take the example of sampson , judg. 16.20 , 21. when he had dealt treacherously with god , in discovering to an harlot the strength he had received as a nazarite , he awaked out of sleep , and said , i will go out as at other times , but the text saith , he wist not that god was departed from him : then the philistines took him , and bound him , and put out his eyes , and made him to grinde in a mill : his strength now failed him , when he had need to make use of it , now he found he had no strength of his own to trust to , and was left wholly to the will of his enemies : if the lord leave a man to himself , his strength will soon fail him , whatsoever his strength and abilities bee . — so it is in multitudes of men , and combinations of men : who more vigorous than david and his men of war ; yet when he would have the people numbred , to see the number and multitudes of his people , the lord in three daies space cut off seventy thousand men by the pestilence , to shew him the vanity of trusting in numbers of men . there is no king saved by the multitude of an host ; a mighty man is not delivered by much strength ; an horse is a vain thing for safety , neither shall he deliver any by his great strength , psal . 33 , 16 , 17. 2. the abilities of the soul , whether natural or moral abilities , are not to be trusted to , eccles . 9.11 . thus saith solomon , i returned , and saw under the sun , that the race is not to the swift , nor the battle to the strong , nor bread to the wise , nor yet riches to men of understanding , nor yet favour to men of skill , but time and chance hapeneth to them all . 1. time : notwithstanding all their skill and cunning , unless god go along with them , they cannot bring their enterprizes to pass , be they never so wise and skilful ; unless god go along with rhem , they cannot take the fittest time to accomplish their ends and desires . and on the other side , time happeneth to them , that is , such a time happeneth to them , that casteth them into such straits and exigences , that all their wit and skill , and understanding cannot help them . some think they have so much wit , and so much forecast , so much understanding , skill , and foresight , as that they can shift and provide for themselves in the worst of times , as it is said of cato , hee was suae fortunae faber , let him live in any time or common-wealth , he would make shift for one : but solomon here tells us , that favour shall not be to men of skill , notwithstanding all their wit and understanding , they shal not be able to get the favour of those they do desire : and notwithstanding all their understanding , though they think they shall lay up wealth and riches to sustain them in a time of trouble , yet riches shall not be to men of understanding , neither shall they have bread to eat in a time of famine , thus time happeneth to them all . 2. chance also hapneth to them : no chance hapeneth to god , for he ordereth all things by his providence ; no contingency hapneth to him ; but many chances and occurrences happen to men beside their expectation ; many things happen to them above and below their expectation , contrary to their own wills , to their own waies and means , to their own ends , to their own thoughts ▪ projects and designs . achitophel relied much upon his wit , and gave evil counsel to absalom , 2 sam. 17.1 , 2. for thus he said unto him ; let me chuse out twelve thousand men , and i will arise and pursue after david this night , and i will come upon him while he is weary and weak-handed , and will make him afraid , and all the people that are with him shall flee , and i will smite the king only , and i will bring back all the people to thee ; and the man whom thou seekest , is as if all returned , so all the people shall be in peace ; and the saying pleased absalom well , and all the elders of israel . this plot was fairly laid , but chance hapned to him ; now hushai forsook david , and fled to absalom on purpose to defeat the counsel of achitophel ; and a strange chance it was that absalom should admit him to be of his privy council ; and yet more strange ! that he should ask his advice after achitophel's , whose counsel in those daies , was as if a man had enquired at the oracle of god , and that he , and all the men of war should prefer hushai's advice better than achitophel's ; thus chance hapned to this grand polititian ; that he immediately withdrew himself from the court. when he saw that his counsel was not followed , he sadled his asse , and arose & got home to his house , unto his city , put his houshold in order , and hanged himself . but none of these came as a chance to god , no contingency in this was to him ; for v. 14. the lord had appointed ( or commanded , as in the margin ) to defeat , and bring to naught the good counsel of achitophel , that he might bring evil upon absalom . 2. for courage and valour that neither is to be trusted to : bee a man never so stout hearted , let him have the heart of a lion , yet courage may fail the most valiant , when they have occasion to make most use thereof . who more valiant than joshuah and his army ; yet the little town of the men of ai smote the israelites , and the hearts of the men of war melted away like water , josh . 7.5 . their natural valour , proved then but a meer vapour ; for the lord withdrew himself from them , because of the accursed thing that was in the camp of israel , 1 sam. 14. chap. we read a strange story of jonathan the son of saul , that hee with one man , his armour-bearer , assaulteth a whole garrison of the philistines , killeth many of them , scattereth and pursueth them , and raiseth a great fear upon them ; and there was trembling in the host , in the field , and among all the people ; the garrison , the spoilers they also trembled , and the earth quaked , so it was a very great trembling , and the watch-men of saul in gibeah of benjamin looked , and behold the multitude melted away , and they went on beating down one another . vers . 15 , 16. yet this valour of jonathan was not to bee trusted to : for wee read , 1 sam. 28. chap. that saul gathered a great army together , to fight against the philistines , and chap. 31. when the philistines fought against israel , the men of israel fled from before the philistines , and the philistines followed hard upon saul and upon his sons , and jonathan with the rest of the army , fled away from the face of the philistines , and the philistines slew jonathan , abinadab , and malchishua , sauls sons , in mount gilboa . the reason why none of these things are to be trusted to , is because god is the only fountain of all those excellencies and good things , whether of body or minde , that are upon any men upon earth ; and therefore as the greatest , streams that run with the fullest current and carry the biggest vessels , if they be not continually relieved with a constant spring , they would soon fail , & leave their channel dry : so men of the greatest natural or moral endowments , unless they are relieved by a constant influence from heaven , from the fountain of life , they will soon wither and decay . ii. then much less is there any trusting to sin , or any sinful course . trust not in oppression . psal . 62.10 . do not study how by defrauding and circumventing others , you may enrich your selves , and work out your own ends , by base and wicked oppression : if a man would undertake some dangerous enterprize to the hazarding of his life , upon promise of some reward from another man , it sheweth he did relie much upon that man ; else hee would never make so dangerous an adventure upon such a mans woid : many men relie upon sins ; they promise fair , pleasure , profit , and hereupon they hazard their souls upon uncertainties : if thou trustest in any sin , thou wilt be exceeding vain , because sin is the greatest deceiver in the world : sin is deceitful all over , root and branch ; the inward lusts are deceitful , and all the issues , succours , roots and branches , that proceed from it , are deceitful . iii. god would have us also to understand , that there is no trusting to riches : riches are called deceitful riches , mat. 13.22 . they promise , or seem to promise much more than they perform ; they are therefore compared to thorns , by our saviour : many are taken with the green leaves , but are never sensible of the thorns that grow under them ; they bring many troubles to those that have them , and lay many loads upon their backs , and prove snares to their souls , leaving them under great discontent , and hindering the souls of many men , in the pursuit of eternal happiness . and many times they are deceived in the very thing it self , as to the ends themselves most aim at : prov. 12.26 . the way of the wicked seduceth them . v. 27. the slothful man rosteth not what he took in hunting . as hunters many times lose their prey ; sometimes the dogs eat it ; sometimes others catch it out of their hands . achan hunted after the wedge of gold , but lost his life by it ; and saul got fat cattle , but lost his kingdome by it . many a wicked man gets much wealth and riches , but never reap that comfort by them as they expect : neither do they get the blessing of god to sweeten those outward comforts to them , though they have them : and in the mean time perhaps their conscience woundeth them , and although they feed upon the sweet of gods creatures , yet they become as gravel in their bowels , like the book which st. john did eat , which was in his mouth as honey for sweetness , but bitter in his belly , rev. 9.10 . the remembrance how many men came by their wealth and riches , proveth very woful and bitter to them . finally , there is no creature to bee trusted to ; not friends : nor relations , nor great mens favours . surely men of low degree are vanity , and men of high degree are a lie , psal . 62.9 . the furest friend thou hast in the world , is not sure of himself , therefore thou canst not promise thy self , he will be sure to thee . sect . ii. a second and god aims at , is to learn you , that when men take too much delight in their outward comforts and enjoyments , it is his usual course to deprive them of what they esteemed most dear and precious . i have read of justus lipsius , a most learned man , who had a most choice library , and such a one as contained the primest authours ; for out of all parts of the world , what rare book soever could be purchased , either by price , or by entreaty , he had it in this his treasury ; so that his library was esteemed the most famous for books of all sorts ; nor had lipsius so great a delight in any thing in the world , as in being in this his rich study ; so that i may say , lipsius had even buried his soul here ; but behold a lamentable change ; what he had been , in so many years , with so great care gathering together , all , even all , was by one furious fire suddenly consumed ; what grief must this be to lipsius , at once thus to lose all these his precious delights and jewels ? the like hapned to john comenius , that master of learning , in this present age ; the story whereof he gives us in this manner ; in the year 1655. ( saith he ) the king of sweden brought in armies into poland , the event whereof was very unhappy to the gospel-professours ; especially to lesua , the chief city of refuge of the bohemian and silesian exiles , which although the very nobility of the kingdome , delivered up with other royal cities in the greater poland , ( as posnonia , calissia , wschowia ) into the hands of the swedes ; yet the polonians being afterwards stirred up , and again prevailing , there seemed a good occasion and colour for the utter overthrowing of lesna , the late odious nest of the hereticks , as they termed it ; which was done at the latter end of april by the permission of god , in the year 1656. where , as others suffered the loss of all their goods , so did i also in like manner . indeed i would have timely conveyed away my self , either for fear of some such tragical issue , or of a war of a longer continuance , and therewith of the hinderance of my studies amongst the noises of arms. and both the admonitions sent privily by drabicius , as also the exhortations of friends to hasten away from that strange country out of those flames , with invitations to come unto them , did spur me up . but i could not get a discharge from my people , nor would i leave my flock with scandal , it being verily an evil example , as they said ; until being oppressed on a suddain , and carrying away my life only for a prey , we were deprived of all ; for a foregoing rumour ( only for two hours ) of the enemies approaching to destroy us with an universal slaughter , raising a pannick fear , put the whole city ( the armed with the unarmed ) to flight ; and the enemy being not able to pour out his fury upon the citizens , he poured it out upon the city ; all the streets of the city ( after a light plundering of the principal houses ) being set on fire , and so burning for three daies together , that of a thousand six hundred house , four churches &c. nothing , truely nothing was left but ashes and rubbish . in which terrible fire , my little house also , with all my houshold stuff , was destroyed ; my library also , with my manuscripts , philosophical , and philological ( chiefly those which appertained to the garnishing of our own country language ; ) and my theological manuscripts , of more than forty years study , were consumed . even thus doth god many times deal with his chiefest favourites , hee either depriveth them of what they esteem most dear and precious to them ; or else denieth what they most eagerly pursue . i will also give an instance of another kinde ; the lord giveth to parents perhaps a beautiful , docil , ingenious , and towardly childe , which for his pregnant wit , carrieth away the bell from all his school-fellows ; but upon a suddain death croppeth off this rose-bud , and the hopeful youth dieth in the prime and flower of expectation ; oh now how excessively do his parents weep and lament ? and it may be conceived , they inwardly think , what they blush to speak ; as , why did god give us such a son as this , since he was determined to snatch him away so soon from us ? had we not affliction enough before , but must this heap of misery bee added to all the rest ? but god takes away such comforts as these , and he will have us to subscribe , it ought to be so , and for that cause god takes away our dearest relations and best comforts sometimes from us , that we may see our errour , in placing too much of our love upon these things , and give god the very yolk of our hearts , sect . iii. a third end god aims at , is to reduce wanderers , and to spur them home again unto himself , that move slowly towards him . wee may learn wisdome from the very brute beasts ; these if they be put into a coach , chariot , or cart , and be lashed with whips , or pricked with goads , they are sensible it is for their exorbitancy , or because they move too slowly ; wherefore they come presently into the way again , and make more haste and speed in their journey . certainly when god brings great losses and crosses upon us , he would have us thereby to begin to ruminate and think with our selves , verily , i have wandered and gone out of the way of the lord , behold this fire that hath consumed my goods , calleth me to return again ; oh whether should i have run , if the lord had let me alone ? but suppose that i did go the right way , yet sure i did but creep as a snail in it ? these losses do read lectures to me of a neglected duty ; therefore i now resolve to put on a little faster . absalom had by his servants often desired joab , the captain of the host , to come unto him , but hee came not , 2 sam. 14.29 . but what absalom ? therefore he said to his servants , see joabs field is near mine , and he hath barley there ; go and set it on fire ; and absaloms servants set the field on fire ; then joab arose , and came to absalom , unto his house : in like manner the lord dealeth sometimes with us ; the lord sends out his messengers from time to time , declaring that it is gods will and pleasure that we should come unto him , but in the time of our ease , of our health , of our prosperity , we refuse to come unto him , but when god fireth us out of our nests , burneth up our corn , consumeth our goods , our substance , then we begin to be more gentle and tractable , and presently think of returning to him , from whom we have gone astray . certainly hawks will not come to the lure until they be empty ; eusebius emissenus said of the prodigal , luk. 15. that hunger brought him home , whom saturity and fulness , had driven away from his fathers house . it is reported of wenceslaus king of bohemia , when as his army was routed , and all his forces dispersed , and himself was taken prisoner , being asked how he did , and what courage he had now ; he answered , never better : for while he was so invironed with his strong army , he very seldome thought on god , but now being stript of all these fading helps , he placed all his trust and hope in god , who would heartily embrace those that came unto him , and never forsake those that trusted in him . sect . iv. a fourth end god aims at , in taking away these things from us , is to have us to be instructed in this , that mans life consisteth not in the abundance of the things which he possesseth , luk. 12. 15. by life two things are understood , 1. that a mans happiness doth not consist in the abundance of the things he doth enjoy ; only christ , and a right to , & assurance of heaven , that is a mans happiness in this life , and the fruition of christ and heaven hereafter , is the eternal happiness of a man : lazarus was an happy man , though he had nothing , and dives a miserable man , though he had abundance . earthly-minded persons seek for satisfaction from earthly things ; therefore there be many that say , who will shew us any good ? ( 1. ) such a satisfying good , as may make our souls happy ; they look downward , and think to find this happiness in outward things . but david opposeth his resolved choice to their vain wandring desire ; lord , lift thou up the light of thy countenance upon me ; as if he had said , i know where to have enough , lord let me enjoy thee , and have the light of thy countenance shineing upon me , and i am satisfied : then he speaks of his former experience , that formerly he had found satisfaction from god. thou hast put gladness in my heart , more than in the time that their corn and their wine encreased , psal 4.6 , 7. as if he had said , the fullest barns and wine-cellars cannot yeeld that content to an earthly heart , that my soul hath formerly found in thee ; when they are as full as they can hold , yet their immortal soul is not satisfied ; but i by enjoying thee am fully satisfied : then david compareth the satisfaction he had found in god , not only with the abundance of these things , but with the encrease of them ; for it is the encrease of outward things that is apt to win the heart : a lesser estate encreasing doth more win the hearts of natural men , than a greater estate not encreasing : but david found more content in god , than worldlings did , not only in the abundance , but also in the encrease of corn and wine . lastly , saith he , thou hast put gladness into my heart . ] thou hast infused it into my soul : it is god that sheddeth sweet consolation into the spirit of a man ; he doth not only give matter of joy , and ground of comfort to a believer , but giveth , as it were , the very affection of it to the soul . as for earthly things , they put not comfort into our hearts , if a man will have any good from them , he must extract and draw it out ; and when the heart and the world do close most , yet it then falls short of satisfaction ; but god doth put gladness into the heart , and he can satisfie it . 2. by life is meant likewise , that although a man had never so many possessions , had an house full of gold and silver , yet all his wealth cannot prolong his daies , nor adde a minute to his life ; as if our saviour should reason thus ; i wonder to see men take such great pains for the things of this life , to toil and labour in a restless manner : if every pound they got and had , would adde a day or year more to their lives , there were some reason why men should thus toil for riches : but can a rich man redeem his life from death with thousands of gold and silver for a day ? would not a rich man that feareth death and hell , give a world ( if he had it ) that he might not die and be damned , and yet ten thousands of worlds cannot redeem a mans soul from death and hell ; therefore why are men so greedy after these things that cannot make their lives any longer ? let us take a view of the parable which our saviour spake upon this very occasion of a rich farmer , wherein several things are to be observed . 1. his trade was very gainful , intimated by his ground , which brought forth plentifully , the world was coming on upon him apace . 2. he had heaped together abundance of riches , he had so much , he could not tell where to lay them . 3. see what he resolved upon , viz. to follow his pleasures and contentments without all controul ; as the proverb is , what is a gentleman more than his pleasure ? he would take his pleasure as well as the best man in his country ; he would play the glutton , and hunt , and hawk , and whore , and drink , and swear , and swagger , and let him see what man would dare controll him , he would make the town and country too hot for him . thus saith he to himself ; soul , thou hast riches enough . ] and that not for a day , or a moneth , or a year , but for many years : go take thy pleasure , eat , drink , and be merry ; thy abundance of riches will maintain thee in it ; here you see the prosperity of a rich covetous fool . mark now the end and conclusion of him ; behold the lamentable tragedy of an earth-worm ; behold what god saith unto him , thou fool . ] he was but a fool for his labour ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 insipiens , an unwise man , so the word signifies ; one that lived by sense like a bruit , not forecasting for the future . this night they shall take away thy soul . ] mark the words , this night . ] thou hast to day promised thy self long life , mirth and pleasure ; thou art deceived , thy riches shall not lengthen thy life , for this night thou shalt die , they ( i. e. the devils ) shall come and take away my soul . ] and thou that didst dream of many years pleasure , shalt burn in hell to eternity . salvian hath a good meditation on this place : with his goods he prepareth happiness for others , misery for himself , mirth for others , tears for himself , a short pleasure for others , everlasting fire for himself . his heirs that enjoyed his riches , did game , eat , drink , and were merry , and this poor covetous wretch was howling and roaring , weeping and wailing in hell . now see our saviours use of this parable : so is he that layeth up treasure for himself , and is not rich toward god : that is , so is every covetous wretch , that laboureth more for temporal riches , than for grace and godliness , such a one is a fool , though he gets abundance of riches ; such a one will god cross in his plots and purposes , and when he thinks to enjoy his pleasures , then god will cut him off , and throw him into hell , his children after him shall spend his wealth , he shall be tormented in hell , when they are merry and jovial upon earth . sect . v. a fifth end is , that thereby we may learn to mortifie our selves : clemens alexandrinus spake to the purpose : the vine turneth wild , and degenerateth , unless it be pruned : man proveth exorbitant except he be scourged : for as the luxuriancy of the vine-tree runneth out into wilde branches , except it be cut and curbed , and bringeth forth but a few grapes , and those bitter ones ; but when it hath endured the pruning knife , it produceth soft , thick clustered , and sweet grapes : scarce is it otherwise with man , for unless he be daily purged by losses , crosses , sorrows , he runneth out into lewd courses , as the vine into leaves , and is hardly reduced to a due conformity to the will of god : but when the hooked sickle of calamity biteth him , then he bringeth forth the fruits of repentance and mortification . our corrupt appetite alwayes lusteth after forbidden fruit , and is by an unbridled itching , carried headlong into dangerous precipices ; here the most wise god represseth the hasty course of this unbridled kicker , while he meeteth him with losses , crosses , and calamitous incumbrances , and so this wilde colt is tamed . now because we are as fearful to meddle with mortification , as the dog is to drink of nilus , therefore our most gracious god doth exercise us with losses and fiery tryals , that by them we may be the more ready to mortifie our corruptions . the scripture sets it forth by a full expression , viz. the crucifying our lusts and the affections thereof , gal. 6.24 . in allusion to christs crucifying : observe the manner of his death , his hands and feet were nailed to the cross , the souldiers thrust their spears into his side , it was neer the heart of christ : thus must we do with our sins , we must run the spear into the very heart of sin , and we must nail the hands and feet of our lusts : nail the hands ( 1 ) the outward acts of sin , and nail the feet , that so we might not walk any more in the lusts of our flesh , as we have formerly done ; that look as job after his manifold losses and sore tryals , said , lord i have sinned , i will do so no more : so do thou say , lord i have a proud heart , i have walked within my house in pride and loftiness , i have boasted of my great wealth and substance , i will do so no more : lord i have bad an unclean heart , full of filthy thoughts and affections , i will be so no more ; here is a mortified man. if you would have your losses and crosses sanctified , consider with your selves whether your earthly members be mortified , or do you walk still in the vanity of your minds ? do you still keep up your former conversation ? are your lusts your centurions still ? do you obey them ? if so , then have your losses done you no good at all ; this is the end that god aims at in sending these visitors to you , to clip your wings , that you be not as birds that flee away from their masters . let these therefore excite you to do with your body of sin , as they were to do with the house that was over-spread with leprosie ; they were to rase it down to the ground , and carry all the rubbish without the city ; so do you rase down that body of corruption , and put away your lusts , that abominable rubbish of sin from among you . sect . vi. a sixt end is , that you may bee the better fitted to compassionate others in the like condition : it may be many of you , when you were full , and knew the want of nothing , and had all things about you according to your hearts desire , you were then so blinded with your own self-love , with your pleasures and inordinate lusts , and desires of your own ease and profits , that the distressed saints might starve and sigh and mourn , and yet you consider'd it not ; whether others did dance for joy , or mourn for grief of heart , it was all one to you ; so long as you could hear the melodious noise of the viol , and drink wine in bowls , you regarded not the afflictions of joseph ; so long as you had your backs clothed with rich apparrel , and your bellies filled with variety of dainties , and could dwell in your stately edifices , and warm ceiled houses , you never thought upon the hunger and cold of the poor and needy , and the miseries of those that scarce have a hole to put their heads in ; you were often acquainted with the pinching wants of your miserable brethren , yet perhaps your hearts were nothing affected with pitty and compassion toward them ; you had hearts of stone , who could hear the cries of the oppressed , and look upon the pale-wrinckled faces of famished persons , and hear them sighing and bemoaning their extremities and yet your bowels yearned not over such ; how many nabals are there that could see david in hunger , and yet their hearts dead within them ? cursed edomites , who could behold the ruine of zion , and mourn not over it ? how many were there among you , that had abundance of this worlds goods , and yet were niggardly in releiving and refreshing the bellies of the poor : as for themselves , they felt no hunger , but had their full tables every day , yet suffered they poor lazarus to go away without crumbs ; they had changes of apparel , and some of them lay by till they were moth-eaten , yet suffered they christ in his members to go naked : cursed chams , that would not cover their brothers nakedness . how many among you , had abundance of all things , and yet gave poor pittances , god knoweth , and that with murmuring and repining hearts ? parting with their alms , as narrow-mouth'd pots do with liquor , with much bubling , who like grapes , yield no liquor unless they be pressed . oh how dwelleth the love of god in such , saith the apostle ? what a sun in the heavens , and not light ? what a fixed star , and not shine ? what fire , and not give heat ? these are strange things in nature . so i may say , what love to christ , and no compassion to his members , no relief , no bounty ? it is as strange as to see the sun full of darkness ; certainly the love of god dwelleth not in such flinty hearts . therefore doth the lord take away our houses , our goods , our dearest outward comforts sometimes , for this end , that we may have a fellow-feeling of others miseries . they are usually the most pittiful to others , who have suffered great losses and miseries themselves . he that hath been pinched with poverty , will easily be brought to pitty those that are poor and needy : he that hath been sick and weak , will be ready to commiserate those that are visited ; he that hath lost all his goods , been tossed from post to pillar , and stripped out of all his estate , will presently relent at others grieved in the same kinde . being diversly afflicted and distressed , we learn with that tyrian queen to say , non ignara mali , miseris succurrere disco the sense of evils makes me to bemone , and succour them who under suffrings groan . you may plainly see there was such bowels of compassions in the saints in scripture . what is the whole book of lamentations , but a large commentary , or description of jeremiah's compassion toward jerusalem ? though god had provided well for the particular comfort of him , yet jerusalems miseries did embitter his comforts , and turned all his wine into water . how tenderly affected was job , with every particular mans distress ? when the ear heard me , then it blessed me ; and when the eye saw me , then it gave witness to me ; because i delivered the poor that cried , and the fatherless , and him that had none to help him . the blessing of him that was ready to perish came upon me , and i caused the widdows heart to sing for joy . i was eyes to the blind , and feet was i to the lame , i was a father to the poor , &c. job 29.11 , 12 , 13 , 15 , 16. this the apostle calls a refreshing of the bowels of the saints ; which is a metaphor taken from such , as being almost faint with a great heat , do finde some shady place to cool them ; such is relief to our needy brethren . till we have been in misery and necessity our selves , we shall scarce afford our distressed brethren , any more than lip-compassion : alas poor man ! he is in great wants , he is in a miserable condition , it grieveth me to see him , this is all ; this is that which the apostle james taxeth , jam. 2.15.16 . if a brother or sister be naked , and destitute of daily food : and one of you say unto them , depart in peace , be you warmed and filled , notwithstanding you give them not those things which are needful to the body , what doth it profit him ? your lip-love , and your lip-compassion , is no comfort at all to him ; christ will throw such compassionate hypocrites into hell : where there is no relief from the hand , there is no pitty nor compassion in the heart ; a niggardly hand is the index of an iron heart : this compassion is no other than painted fire to a cold hand ; it is true what a very reverend man said ; miseratio divitum sine benignitate , est illusio miserorum . rich mens pitty without bounty , is a mocking of the poor in their distresses . sect . vii . another end that god aims at , in taking these outward things from you , is that himself may bee your portion ; he is the portion of his people . thou art my portion o lord , psal . 119.57 . the prophet calleth god , the portion of jacob , jerem. 10.16 . the vine is the drunkards portion ; mammon is the covetous mans portion ; pleasure is the voluptuous mans portion ; gods wrath is the wicked mans portion , upon the wicked he shall rain snares , fire and brimstone , and an horrible tempest , this shall bee the portion of their cup , psal . 11.6 . outward sorrows , inward graces , and god himself , are the godly mans portion , and the kingdome of heaven is his inheritance . true it is ! some of gods people have these outward things also , but they have them not as their portion ; and many times he takes them from those that have them , that they may make god their only portion , therefore david saith , the lord is the portion of mine inheritance , and of my cup , psal . 16.5 . the meaning is , the lord is to me instead of house and land , of meat and drink , and all necessaries for this present life . as the apostle saith , heb. 6.13 . because god could swear by no greater , therefore he sware by himself : so it may be said in this case , because god could give no greater portion to people , therefore he gives himself unto them . and when they are stript of other things , yet even then they have god to live upon . wherefore did god keep israel forty years in the wilderness , and made them to hunger and thirst , and fed them with mannah , which neither they nor their fathers did know ? was it not to this end , that he might make them know , that man did not live by bread only , but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of the lord , doth man live , deut. 8 3. what doth a great rich heir live upon , but this portion ? hee may have many other conveniencies , but hee chiefly makes account of his portion for his livelyhood . god is an all-sufficient portion ; whosoever hath him for his portion , hath enough ; there is enough in him to supply all our wants : the creatures at best , can but supply this or that particular want ; but my god , saith the apostle , shall supply all your wants . all other portions are defective , but this sufficeth all : some things give health , but not comfort ; some things give comfort , but not honour ; some things give honour , but not satiety . still the shooe wrings in one place or other , there is something or other wanting to us : but god is an all-sufficient portion to the soul ; he is health to the sick , wealth to the poor , honour to the despised , an habitation to the distressed ; he is all that we need or can desire , yea , he gives abundantly more than we are able to ask or think . god is of all other , the most transcendent portion , for communicating , for security , for certainty : wee may bee robbed of our other portions , or they may be lessened , diminished , burnt , spent , consumed ; but here is an abiding portion ; god is my portion for ever , saith asaph , psal . 73.26 . hee is an everlasting portion . this god is our god for ever and ever , he will be our guide even unto death , psal . 48.14 . god is a most sure and certain portion , and many times when gods children have least of the things of this world , he giveth most of himself to them , in whom is every good and perfect gift , and all things richly to enjoy . aaron had no lot among his brethren , but god saith to him , i am thy part , and thine inheritance among the children of israel , num. 18.20 . so it is with all gods children when they are stript of all , then god is their portion , and their inheritance : hence a beleever may conclude , the lord is my portion , therefore i shall not want ; surely mercy and goodness shall follow me all the daies of my life : hee that hath the sun , can never want light ; he that hath a fountain , can never want water ; and he that hath the most high god , the possessour of all things , can never want any thing that is good for him : it is an infinite advantage to bee heir of all that god hath to give , both in heaven and in earth : well may hee say , when i have nothing , yet i want nothing , because i have god who is all things to me : the lines are fallen to me in pleasant places , yea , i have a goodly heritage , psal . 16.6 . chap. x. if god doth & may take away from us what he pleaseth , then under your great losses learn to acknowledge god the author of all the evil and afflictions that have come upon you ; perhaps you are ready to cry out on this or that instrument , this or that thing . when peter drew his sword in the defence of christ at the mount of olives , and struck off the ear of malchus , the lord presently said unto him ; put up thy sword into thy sheath : shall i not drink of the cup which my father hath given me ? joh. 18.11 . might not one say , lord why sayest thou , thy father put this cup into thine hand ? this cup , did not judas iscariot thy disciple , did not annas and caiaphas , did not herod and pilate mingle it ? did not those five apothecaries compound and make up this very wormwood , this meer aloes , this bitter gall ? why then sayest thou , the cup which my father hath given me ? this cup was the cup of his sufferings , which god put into his hand , ut pater , non ut judex ; as a father , not as a judge , saith rupertus ; amore non irâ , voluntate , non necessitate , gratiâ non vindictâ ; it was of love , not of wrath , it was voluntary , not of necessity , it was of grace , not of vengeance , that this cup was given to him : this cup , saith christ , cometh to me from a most loving hand , is it not fit that i should drink it ? the father drinketh to me ; and though there be many things which commend this cup , as the restoring and redemption of the world , the enlargement and augmentation of the kingdome of heaven , yet above all these my fathers hand doth most of all commend this cup unto me : it is indeed a most bitter cup , but my drinking it will be profitable to many people ; therefore because my father gives me this cup to drink , i will drink it . as my father gave me commandment , so i do , joh. 14.31 . and saith he , luk. 24.46 . ought not christ to have suffered these things ? we are apt under our losses to cry out , such a one hath done me a mischief , the devil set such a one on to fire my house , to consume my goods , satan himself hath thrown down his thunderbolt upon me : oh such complaints are foolish ; as it pleased the lord , so things have been , are , and shall be done ; nay , so they are best done ; not so much as one hair of thy head falleth to the ground , but god foreseeth and willeth the same : what hurt is it if fire consume thy house , if god himself be thy habitation ? what evil is it though an enemy tear thy body to pieces , when as thy god numbreth thy hairs ? whosoever was the apothecary to mingle the cup , yet drink it off if thy father put it into thy hand . the prophet micah saith , that evil came from the lord to the gate of jerusalem , mic. 1.12 . behold against this family do i devise an evil , from which ye shall not remove your necks , mic. 2.3 . shall there be evil in a city , and the lord hath not done it ? all losses , crosses , all evils of punishment do come from god , and from his divine will. god is not the author of any sin , but he is the author of all punishment for sin , nor are we hurt by him , but only corrected for our amendment , saith origen . remember this word , saith s. august . the lord hath given , the lord hath taken away , as it pleased the lord , so come things to pass . they were unjust who sate by job on the dunghill , yet he was scourged and received ; they were spared to future punishment ; god reserveth all to his own judgement : good men labour , and are punished as sons ; the wicked rejoyce , and are punished with condemnation : that which afflicteth us , shall exercise us , not hurt us . chap. xi . if god hath taken all away from you , then content your selves with gods promises ; if thou hast an interest in the promises , thou hast enough : answer all wicked worldlings as esau did jacob , i have enough , i have enough my brother ; so say thou , i have a heavenly mansion in the promise , which is more worth than my earthly house which is consumed ; i have heaven in the promise , which is more worth than a thousand worlds in present possession : eternal glory is better than fading honour , eternal delights are better than momentany pleasures , eternal habitations are better than our clay-tabernacles ; what if i have lost my goods , in heaven there is a more enduring substance , worth more than all present enjoyments ? what if the world be a wilderness , so long as i have canaan in the promise ? and thither i am going . oh how good is it for christians to store up promises afore-hand , and to let the word of god dwell richly in our hearts , especially the promises , which are the quintessence of the word : we use to say of a rich man , he is worth god knows what ; this may we say truly of him who is rich in promises , we are subject to variety of estates and conditions here ; no mans mountain is so strong , but it may be removed . now as the astronomers say , there is no herb growing on the earth , but hath its star in heaven from which it receiveth sweet influences ; so there is no estate or condition , wherein a christian possibly may be in this life , but there is a promise to it in the holy word of god , from which he may receive sweet influences by faith . and considering that all promises are yea and amen in christ ; under all your losses and afflictions labour wisely to apply them , depend on christ in them ; he will faithfully perform all and every promise in due time to thee , for faithful is the promiser : urge him with his promises , produce to him his hand and seal , lord thou hast promised this or that good thing , oh make it good , be it to thy servant according to thy word : that soul may walk on thorns , on tempestuous seas , whose feet are shod with the promises ; he may walk in the very valley of the shadow of death , who hath the staff of a promise in his hand : he may fear no ill , but expect all grace , glory , and every good thing , who hath a promise from christ . chap. xii . study to behave your selves christian-like under all your losses : endure them patiently , thankfully , chearfully , with submission to the will of god. sect . i. learn to bear them patiently , what the apostle saith of the distressed hebrews after the spoiling of their goods , ye have need of patience , heb. 10. so may i say to you that have sustained the loss of your houses , goods and possessions , ye have great need of patience . as souldiers have need of good boots or shooes to save their feet and legs from being hurt with gravel stones , thorn-bushes , sticks , or other impediments that may either lie or be hurled in their way : so a christian-souldier being armed , and having his feet shod with patience , may by help thereof pass the pikes , and go thorow all losses , crosses , and calamities , that may betide or befall him in the warfare of this world . in patience possess ye your souls , saith our saviour , luk. 21.19 . as faith gives us possession of christ , so patience gives us the possession of our selves . an impatient man is so far from possessing himself , that he loseth himself , and tearing himself in his passion , throws all reason out of door , whereupon follows a great loss ; the dominion of the mind is not attained but by patience , the soul is not possessed by your deep counsels , nor by your prudence , nor by your wealth , but by your patience . impatience exposeth a man to the greatest hazards and dangers : if the waggoner hath not reason enough to guide the waggon , saith augustine , but suffereth the horses to have their heads , they will draw both him and it into destruction : the impatient man is void of reason , and so exposeth himself to ruine , he createth a constant trouble to himself , his life is a burden to him , and he enjoyes the possession of nothing with comfort , that hath not the possession of his own soul : when people are impatient under every petty loss or small cross , the lord in just judgement lets greater crosses to befall them to disquiet those that have impatient spirits ; and let them expect it , they must look for trouble and vexation all their daies , that give way to this evil of impatience . god in his providence hath thrown you out of possession of your houses ; what a sad thing were it for you to be thrown out of the possession of your selves by impatience ? impatience , saith one , is the daughter of satan , and the parent of folly and madness . an impatient man for the loss of a peny will throw away his purse , and if he hath lost but an handful of corn , he is ready to fire the whole field . i have read of a noble man that was lord chamberlain to the emperour rodolphus the second , that bringing some water for the emperour to wash his face in a vessel of chrystal covered , by his default and negligence the cover fell off and was broken ; whereupon the emperour in a great rage took and threw the vessel likewise to the ground , uttering these words ; let the devil take the horse , since he hath got the saddle : so by one impatient act he cast away four hundred crowns , for at so much the chrystal was valued . thus a light and lesser evil is oftentimes doubled with a greater , and small losses through impatience do become great and extraordinary damages . patience sweetens every loss , and takes away the weight and burden of afflictions : patience to the soul is as the lid to the eye ; for as the lid being shut , saves it from many things that would annoy it ; so patience coming between the soul and that which it suffereth , is a great safe-guard thereunto : patience is a sovereign remedy against all losses and crosses , it cureth all ; it keeps the heart from envy , the tongue from murmuring , the hand from revenge , it overcometh our enemies without weapons , it makes a man a living martyr without fire or sword ; suppose a man be brought very low in his outward estate , yet if he be patient , he feels the want of nothing ; it is all one not to have the world , and not to need it ; he that doth not want , hath enough , patience gives contentment in the midst of want , and then a man may be said to abound ; it is all one to be without losses and crosses , and patiently to bear them : no affliction , no loss can be heavy to the patient soul , for patience wheresoever it is , it beareth all . sect . ii. study to bear your losses thankfully ; in everything give thanks , saith the apostle , for this is the will of god in christ jesus concerning you , 1 thes . 5.18 . hear how excellently chrysostome speaks to this purpose ; this , saith he , is the very will of god , to give thanks alwayes ; this argueth a soul rightly instructed . hast thou suffered any evil , if thou wilt , it is no evil , give thanks to god , and then thou hast turned the evil into good ; say thou also as job , when hee had lost all , the lord hath given , the lord hath taken away , blessed be the name of the lord ; and what evil hast thou suffered ? what is it , a disease ? this is no strange thing to us , seeing our bodies are mortal and naturally born to suffer . what! dost thou want money ? this may bee gotten here , and lost here . art thou slandered and disgraced with calumnies by enemies ? thou dost not so much suffer injury herein , as they who are the authors ; for he who beareth the evil , is not the transgressor , but he that doth it ; whatsoever evils or losses therefore do oppress thee , give thou thanks , and thou hast changed the nature of them : let us not therefore ( as that father adviseth us ) fret , and vex , and fume . job then did more deeply wound the devil , when being stript out of all , hee gave thanks to god , than if hee had distributed all to the poor and needy ; for it is much more to be stript of all , and yet to bear it patiently , generously , and thankfully , than for a rich man to give alms ; as it here happened to righteous job . but hath fire suddenly taken hold upon thy house , destroyed thy house , and consumed thy whole substance ? remember the sufferings of job ; give thanks to god , who could , though hee did not , have hindered that mischance , and thou shalt bee sure to receive as equal a reward , as if thou hadst put all into the bosome of the indigent . this he repeateth over again , and saith , thy reward being thankful , is equal to his , who gave all he had to the poor . chrysostome speaks further to this purpose , to them that are apt to be dejected at their poor and low estate in the world . it is fit , saith hee , that not only rich men , but even such as are cast down with poverty , should give thanks to god ; not only the healthy , but as well the sick also ; not only such as are in prosperity , but also such as live in adversity , it becometh the saints to bee thankful ; it is no such wonder , if men who live in the affluence and abundance of wealth , be thankful ; but when our poor ship is weather-beaten with storms , and driven with tempests , then is the time for the trial of our patience , long-suffering , and thanks-giving : hereby job got the crown , and stopped the mouth of the raging adversary , plainly shewing that hee gave thanks to god , not only for the vastness of his wealth , but likewise for the great love which he bare to god , even for his affliction . to give thanks in adverse and cross affairs , argues a minde truly grateful and wise : when thou givest thanks for blessings which thou hast received , thou payest thy debt to god ; but when thou givest thanks to him for evils , then thou makest god thy debtor : in the first thou art the debtor , but in the latter thou makest thy creditour to become thy debtor . as therefore we respect and love our physician , not only when he giveth us restoratives , but likewise when he sendeth us corrosives ; not only when hee feedeth , but when hee pincheth us ; not only when hee giveth us liberty to walk abroad , but also when hee maketh us close prisoners within ; not only for annointing , but also for launcing us ; for though the things which be done are contrary , yet the end of both is for our good , viz. for restoring us to health ; so must wee for all things praise and magnifie god , and that the more , because the physician is a man , and may miss of his end and aym ; but god cannot , because of his infinite wisdome and knowledge : therefore also we must give thanks to god , not only when he giveth us our hearts desire , but also when our petitions seem not to bee regarded ; for when god denieth any thing to his children , he is no less a father to them , than when hee granteth their requests ; for wee know not what is conducing to our good , so then whether we be masters of our desires and wishes , or whether wee miss of them , yet must wee give thanks . thus chrysostome . to this purpose , thomas de kempis speaks excellently , in his book of the imitation of christ . i give thee hearty thanks o lord my god , that thou hast not spared my faults , but hast visited me with thy stripes for them ; inflicting griefs and sending sorrows within & without ; thy correction shall instruct me , and thy rod shall tutor me unto salvation . gregory speaks sweetly to this very purpose . who can be unthankful even for blows , when as he went not out of the world without stripes , who came into , and lived in it without faults ? therefore he is of a right judgement , who not only praiseth god in prosperity , but also who blesseth his name even for calamities : if thou shalt by thanksgiving in adversity gain gods peace with thee , things which were lost , shall be restored with multiplication , and moreover eternal joys for the time of thy sorrow shall be surely added . thanks must bee given to a father for his scourges and severest discipline ; for the blows of a father , are better than the kisses of an enemy . sect . iii. labour to bear your losses chearfully : st. august . speaking of the great joy and courage which the christian martyrs had in the midst of their losses and sufferings , hath this expression ; doing and suffering such things , they rejoyced and shewed themselves glad : it was a pleasure to them to obey all his commands , who had suffered more for them ; their inexplicable reward set their hearts on fire . the hebrews took with joy the spoyling of their goods , knowing in themselves that they had in heaven a better and enduring substance , heb. 10.34 . the lords corrections to his children are very comfortable ; god's rod , like aaron's , is a blooming rod , st. james implies no less , even in the first exhortation , which he giveth to the churches of christ ; for even immediately after the inscription of his epistle , he saith , count it all joy , my brethren , when , you fall into divers temptations , or tribulations , jam. 1.2 . joy is to bee found in the sharpest trials wherewith god doth exercise his children . true it is ! no grievous loss or affliction in it self ( if a man turn his thoughts upon it , and upon the smart of it ) is comfortable ; for it is an evil , and depriveth us of some good ; but the right consideration of the author of it , of his great love toward us ; of the minde with which , and the end for which he laies it on us , may make it very comfortable to us . as when a man hath a very dangerous wound in any part of his body , and a searching , drawing plaister , if applied unto it , to get out the corrupt blood , that may be made for the cure of the wound ; there can be no comfort in the plaister , as it smarteth , yet comfort in it , as it giveth hope of a perfect cure : so in this respect , there being many sores in our souls , and much corruption in them , these afflictions are like searching and drawing plaisters , and are not joyous in respect of the smart , but in respect of the hope they give us that we shall be healed by them ; yea , in regard of the beginning of healing , which we feel by them when they are upon us , for even then shall a christian begin to feel a vent given to the putrifying sores of his heart , and the lusts and corruptions of the same , beginning to languish , which yeeldeth some degree of present comfort ; but moreover , the lords rod is joyous in regard of the future issue ; and howsoever it may smart as to present sense , nevertheless afterward it yeeldeth the peaceable fruit of righteousness to them who are exercised thereby , heb. 12.11 . so david , after his afflictions were over , found it was good for him that he was afflicted : was it not good for david , that his shepherds crook was changed for a scepter , that his mean hood was turned to an imperial crown , that he was advanced from the sheepfold to a majestick throne , that from wearing shepherds weeds , he was brought to be cloathed in purple ? these things were good , and david was no way unmindful of those large benefits . he took it for a singular great favour that god took him from the sheepfold , from following the ewes great with young , and brought him to feed jacob his people , and israel his inheritance ; but yet he esteemed it a far greater favour that god had humbled him in the state of royalty , as he was when he fled from absalom his son : therefore david reckoneth this among the choicest blessings , and saith ; it is good for me that i have been afflicted ; this i esteem more precious than if thou hadst given me thousands of gold and silver . why was this so good for david ? that i might learn thy statutes . hitherto i have been altogether unacquainted with the language of that heavenly court , i was a stranger to thy divine law , but i am become a great proficient in that school , where none are good scholars but such as are humbled by the rod of correction . great losses and crosses do put into our hands the torch of wisdome , and great tribulations do make us truly wise , and though they seem to be very unpleasant , and are many times very unwelcome , yet they are lectures of holy discipline , and therefore we ought to bear them cheerfully . sect . iv. labour to bear your losses with submission to the will of god : many heathens from a stoical apathy , from vain-glory , and a vain affectation of praise , from pride and stoutness of stomack , have endured the severest torments , and suffered the loss of all things with great undauntedness of spirit , and meerly upon certain carnal grounds , and for sinister ends . as 1. that impatience is no part of manhood , but meer childishness of spirit . 2. that impatience may much aggravate , but cannot ease us of our troubles , or remove them . 3. because others suffer with them , it is the common lot of mankind to suffer . 4. because there is an inevitable necessity that they must be born ; feras non culpes , quod vitari non potest ; that must be borne that cannot be avoided , saith seneca . 5. because they cannot last alwayes , therefore they will endure them . but as august saith well , there is no true virtue where there is no true religion ; they are not right , unless they be fruits of the spirit . true religion teacheth us to bear losses , and endure afflictions out of love to god , and in obedience to gods command , and with submission to his will. there are some who are possessed with a spirit of obstinacy , that they disdain to bow under the yoke , and ( though the rod smart never so much ) to testifie any submission or remorse . pharaoh was such a one ; how terribly did god lash him with a ten-stringed whip , yet still he hardens his heart against him , and relenteth no more than if he had struck upon the side of a rock : and ahaz was such a one , he is branded and stigmatized for it , 2 chron. 28.22 . god for his wickedness had delivered him up into the hands of his enemies , and they held him in captivity and thraldome ▪ yet in the time of his distress he did more trespass against the lord ; this is that king ahaz . now the ground of true patience is the will and pleasure of god. the orator in his definition of patience , made it to be a voluntary and constant suffering , honestatis & utilitatis causâ , for credit or for profit sake : but it is not credit or profit that we must aim at in the bearing afflictions , but we must have an eye to god in it , and it must be for his sake altogether , whatever we do , or whatever we suffer . now consider , it is his will to lay these tryals upon you , it is his pleasure you should be exercised with them , this must teach you to bear them quietly , and not to murmure against him , but to hold your peace and be silent . i was dumb , saith david , and opened not my mouth , because thou didst it . let others make a virtue of necessity ▪ quia necessitas sio cogit , because necessity so constrains them , they must do thus , and they cannot do otherwise ; let them yeeld because of this : consider thou what the pleasure and will of god is , quia deus sic jubet , because god seeth it good for you , and so appointeth it ; submit thou therefore to his will without murmuring . i have read of sir thomas more , being returned from his embassie beyond the seas , and being far from his own house , with king henry the viii . that in the moneth of august , part of his dwelling house , and all his barns ( being then full of corn ) were burnt up and consumed by a sudden fire ; his lady certifying him of this sad mishap ; he answereth her letter in this manner . madam , all health wished to you ; i do understand that all our barns and corn , with some of our neighbours likewise , are wasted by a fire : an heavy and lamentable loss ( but only that it was gods will ) of such abundance of wealth : but because it so seemed good to god , we must not only patiently , but also willingly bear and submit to the hand of god so stretched out upon us ; god gave whatsoever we lost , and seeing it hath so pleased him to take away what he gave , his divine will be done : never let us repine at this , but let us take it in good part ; we are bound to be thankful as well in adversity as in prosperity , and if we cast up our accounts well , this which we esteem so great a loss , is rather a great gain ; for what is necessary and conducing to our salvation , is better known to god than to us . i entreat you therefore to take a good heart , and to give thanks to god for all these things which he hath pleased to take away , as well as for all his blessings which he hath bestowed on us , and to praise him for that which is left : it is an easie matter with god , if he please , to augment what is left : but if he shall see good to take away more , even as it shall please him , so let it be : i pray thee be joyful in the lord with my children , and all our family ; all these things , and all we , are in the hands of the lord ; let us therefore wholly depend upon his good will , and so no losses shall ever hurt us . oh how good is it under all losses to conform our wills to the will of god! how willingly did david submit to the will of god , when he fled from his rebellious son absalom , and commanded the priests and the ark to return into the city , and told them , that if he should find favour in the eyes of the lord , he would bring him back again , and shew him both it and his habitation ; but if he say , i have no delight in thee , behold here i am , let him do to me , as seemeth good in his eyes , 2 sam. 15.25 , 26. behold here david in a most sudden and hasty flight , in extreme straits , in deep distress , the whole kingdome being even lost in appearance , then did david submit himself wholly to his dispose ; he submits to the authority , soveraignty , and dominion that god hath over him . there is not any sacrifice more grateful to god , than under any losses or crosses to yeeld consent to the good will and pleasure of god. s. augustine speaks excellently to this purpose ; doth the gold shine in the furnace of the goldsmith ? it will shine and shew its lustre in a ring , in a chain or bracelet ; let it yet suffer the crucible , that it may come out purged from its dross to the publick view . there is the furnace wherein is dross and gold , and fire , at which the goldsmith bloweth ; in this furnace the dross is consumed , the gold refined ; the one is turned to ashes , the other is cleared from all filth : the world is the furnace , the wicked are the dross , the righteous are the gold , tribulation is the fire , and god is the goldsmith ; i do therefore what the goldsmith will have me ; where he putteth me i endure , i am commanded to bear , he knoweth best how to purge : though the dross burn to heat me and consume me , yet it wasteth it self , and i am purged from silth , because my soul waiteth upon god. it is meet therefore we should beg this at the hands of god , as once that devout man did . behold , o my loving father , i am in thy hands , i bow to the rod of thy correction , i kiss it ; strike my back and my stiff neck , that i may bend my crookedness to thy right and strait will ; give me above all things to enquire after the good pleasure of thy good will. chap. xiii . set before you the low and mean estate into which christ was brought , that was much better than your selves . you complain your houses are burnt , your habitations are consumed : are you in a worse condition than christ was ? did not he say while he was upon earth , the birds of the ayr have nests , and the foxes have holes , but the son of man hath not where to lay his head ? mat. 8.20 . so then you are in no worse condition than jesus christ himself was ; he that was heir of both worlds had not an house of his own to put his head in ; your head , your lord , your master did drink of the same cup that you drink of : are you poor , hungry , naked , harbourless , so was christ ? mark what our saviour speaks , mat. 10.24 , 25. the disciple is not above his master , nor the servant above his lord : it is enough for the disciple that he be as his master , and the servant as his lord. if you be christs disciples or servants , you must not look to be above him ; it were unreasonable that the servant should be in a better condition than his lord is , it is enough if he be equal with his lord , it is honor enough that the servant fareth no worse than his master . christ thereby sheweth what measure they must expect in case they will be his disciples : are you rich , expect to be poor for my sake ? have you houses and lands , expect to forsake all these , if i require it ? this is the motto of christs disciples ; domine reliquimus omnia , & te sequuti sumus . lord , we have left all and followed thee . christ deals plainly with his people , and tells them , in the world ye shall be poor ye shall have tribulation , ye shall endure the loss of all things . our saviour requireth of all that will be his disciples , that they do not set their affections on earthly things , that they should set their affections on heaven , christ and he alone must dwell in us : moreover , he requireth of his people , that quoad praeparationem animi & affectum , in respect of the preparation of the heart and the affection , they be alwaies ready cordially to part with houses , lands , and livings ; to forsake all persons and things which are near and dear to them , for his sake , and for the gospel-sake . yea , christ doth sometimes put some of his people upon the actual abdication of all their worldly goods , and to become as poor as job , as lazarus , for his sake , yea , to rejoyce they have houses , riches , goods , lands to lose for christ : such undoings are their makings ; such losings are savings ; this poverty is riches ; he loseth nothing who gaineth christ by losing all the world . christ's discipleas did actually forsake all things and persons , to follow him . did you often think of the poverty and low estate of christ , while he was in the world , your hearts would bee quiet under your losses . bee not too much dejected at your removal from your habitations ; the whole earth is your fathers ground , the lords lower house ; while you are lodged here , you have no assurance to lye ever in one chamber , but must bee content to remove from place of the lords nether house , to another , resting in hope , that when you come to the lords upper city , jerusalem , that is above , you shall remove no more , because then you shall be at home : and for the present remove to what house or place you will , if the most high god , the possessor of heaven and earth be with you , you are still at home , and your lodging is ever taken up before night , so long as he , who is the keeper of israel , is your home and habitation : in this dwelling house are many spacious rooms , and pleasant lights ; oh lay down your heads , by faith , in the bosome of christ , till this bee done , you shall never sleep soundly , nor rest in a quiet and settled habitation , finis . no abiding city in a perishing world ; but heaven only the continuing city , which we must diligently seek . set for in a discourse on hebrews 13.14 . for here we have no continuing city , but we seek one to come . or , meditations occasioned by the late , sad , and lamentable fire , in the city of london . published by william gearing minister of the word . isaiah 24.15 . glorifie ye the lord in the fires , &c. quicquid in mundo , aut praesens & hoc instabile ; aut praeteritum , & hoc jam nihil ; aut futurum , & hoc incertum . august . london , printed , by r. i. for thomas parkhurst , at the golden bible on london-bridge . 1667. no abiding city in a perishing vvorld . heb. 13.14 . for here we have no continuing city , but we seek one to come . chap. i. the particle [ for ] invites me to look back upon the verses foregoing . the apostle tells us , ver . 12. that jesus , that he might sanctifie the people with his own blood , suffered without the gate : then he exhorteth . ver . 13. let us go forth therefore unto him without the camp , bearing his reproach . christ was figured by the sacrifices under the law ; as the beasts were burnt without the camp , so christ suffered without the gate , being cast out of the world as an accursed thing : if christ suffered without the gate , how should the saints be content to go out of the world , and bear the reproach the world casteth upon them , knowing that they shall be graciously received , not only into the camp of christ , but into his royal court ; the world shall not cast so much scorn upon them , as christ will shew them love and favour : it is better to be out of the camp with christ , than without christ , at the worlds head quarters . moses chose to forsake all rather than not to follow christ : so let us willingly bear the reproach of christ , and know that he will willingly receive all those that for his sake are content to bear the reproach that the world casteth upon them . this exhortation of the apostle is directed 1. to the jews ; to bid an eternal farewel to all the levitical ceremonies and ordinances , and to go to christ who suffered without the gate : his suffering there was to put an end to temple-worship in jerusalem . calvin thus paraphraseth it ; think not that god will now be pleased with this typical worship ; but now he expecteth that you should go to christ , and suffer injuries , banishment , and all manner of persecutions for his sake . 2. to christians : to bid an adieu to the customes , to the fashions , to the courses , to the lusts of this world , and to resolve to go forth to christ , and follow him , notwithstanding the vile reproaches , cruel mockings , that ever did , and ever shall fall upon all , both hebrews and christians , who sincerely follow and cleave to christ : for the ceremonious jews did reproach such as did shake off the yoke of mosaical rites , and observe the evangelical ordinances of christ : and the wicked among christians do to this very day load such with reproaches , who cast off the yoke of worldly lusts and practises , and walk as becometh the gospel of christ : now he that will go forth to christ , must resolve to bear his reproaches ; which are better than all the magnificent titles of honour , the vast treasures of wealth the world can give ; and though they render us ignominious before the world , yet they render us as honorable before god. my text is a reason of the apostles exhortation , or a strong motive to encourage us to go forth to christ bearing his reproach ; for , or because , we have here no continuing city , but we seek one to come : wherefore slight the reproaches of the world ( as travellers do the barking of dogs ) in your journey to the city of glory . it is a probable conjecture made by some , as estius observeth , that s. paul speaks prophetically of the destruction of the city of jerusalem , which was then at hand , and that in a short time neither that city nor the country about it , would be an abiding place for them , but driven from thence they should be , and be forced to wander up and down , and therefore they were to look for no other abiding place but heaven . chap. ii. in the words of my text you have a position , and an opposition , or a position , and a conclusion . 1. the position is ; here we have no continuing city . 2. the opposition or conclusion is , but [ or therefore ] we seek one to come : for the present we have no abiding city , but there is an abiding city to come which we seek . this earthly jerusalem is no abiding city for you hebrews : this world is no abiding city for you christians . but jerusalem that is above , the heavenly city , the city of the king of kings , that is an abiding city , that let us diligently seek after . this world is to believers , as the wilderness was to the israelites , they were pilgrims in it : so are believers in the world , strangers and pilgrims ; they abode not long in the wilderness , but passed through it to canaan , there they made their abode : so this world is not a place for believers to abide in , but must pass thorow it to an heavenly canaan , that is an abiding country , an abiding city , and there all believers shall abide to eternity . the general point of instruction to be drawn from hence is ; that the consideration that there is no abiding place in this world , should forcibly move us to seek out for heaven . this was that which moved abraham , isaac and jacob , those renowned candidates of eternity , to be as pilgrims in the world , wandring from place to place , now sojourning here , then sojourning there , but abode no where ; and wheresoever they went , they dwelt not in palaces or fortresses strongly built , but in tabernacles , which they could pitch down , and take up , and carry them whether they pleased : and so they used to do , to mind them that there was no abiding for them here , but they must look after a city , wherein they should abide for ever . heb. 11.9 , 10 , 14 , 16. by faith abraham sojourned in the land of promise , as in a strange country , dwelling in tabernacles with isaac and jacob , the heirs with him of the same promise : for he looked for a city which hath foundations , whose builder and maker is god. they confessed they were strangers and pilgrims on the earth ; for they that say such things , declare plainly that they seek a country . but now they desire a better country ( than that from whence they came out ) that is , an heavenly . here ye have a full proof of the point ; the holy ghost calling believers sojourners , pilgrims , strangers , what is it but to convince them , that there is no abiding for them in this world ? this world is not their country , their city , their home , their habitation ; here they are not to place their hopes , to set their affections , to seek a lasting happiness ; but heaven is their city , their country , their home , their habitation : there all our hopes should be placed , thither should all our desires aspire , there we are to seek everlasting happiness , there we shall be sure to find it , and to abide in the possession of it to eternity . chap. iii. for the better prosecution of this point , i shall draw from it two propositions , and make use of them . prop. 1. that here is no abiding city . i need not seek proof for this , for there is none of us , but his experience evidenceth it . 1. take city here , for our houses we dwell in ; they are no abiding places for us : death turneth every man out of his own doors , and carrieth him from his house to the grave ; it turneth princes out of their stately palaces , and great men out of their strong-built houses and castles , and poor men out of their cottages . the poor mans cottage , the rich mans house , and the princes palace , are of no continuance ; how many stately houses , edifices , and castles have we seen in our daies to be made ruinous heaps , and consumed to ashes ? your continual repairing them sheweth them to be of no long continuance . 2. take city , for the towns and cities wherein we inhabit with others , they are no continuing places for us to abide in for ever : see we not , how one generation passeth , and another cometh ? and the generation that is coming is going : and though the stages stand a while when the actors are gone off , yet at length the stages are taken down . what is now become of jerusalem , of athens , of corinth , and of those famous cities of asia ? how many famous towns and cities are become ruinous heaps ? jam seges est ubi troja fuit . behold there now is good corn-land , where once the city troy did stand . the like may be said of many towns and cities in the world . cato the censor boasted that he had taken more towns and cities in spain , than he had been daies in it ; plutarch saith he took four hundred . sempronius gracchus , destroyed in spain three hundred more , as polybius relateth . pliny saith , that coneys destroyed a great city in spain , and that moles destroyed another in macedonia : many have been destroyed by fire , many by inundations of water , and others have been swallowed up by earthquakes : here we have no abiding city . we read , gen. 19.24 . that the lord rained upon sodom and gomorrah brimstone and fire from the lord out of heaven , and he overthrew those cities , and all the plain , and all the inhabitants of those cities , and that which grew upon the ground . josephus saith , that five cities perished : and we read of five cities of that region named , gen. 14.2 . viz. sodom , gomorrha , admah , sebojim , and bela , which is zoar. moses , besides the two principal cities , mentioneth the place of their scituation , but admah and sebojim were destroyed by fire as well as sodom and gomorrah , deut. 29.23 . these the lord overthrew in his anger and fury : as for zoar , theodoret , lyra , and others , think it was preserved upon the request of lot , but that after lot went out of it , it was utterly over hrown . but this cannot be made evident from scripture , that this fifth city was either overthrown together with the rest ; or a little afterward ; but the contrary rather appeareth from the speech of the lord to lot , gen. 19.21 . he said unto him , see , i have accepted thee concerning this thing , that i will not overthrow this city , for the which thou hast spoken . and mention is made of it , isa . 15.5 . where it is said , that the moabites being overcome by the assyrian , should flye unto zoar , babylon , and nineveh ; those great cities , are long since utterly laid waste . 3. take city , for the countries wherein we live ; they shall not abide , neither shall any man continue in them for ever : fruitful canaan is now become a barren wilderness : how hath the country cast out all her inhabitants ? kingdomes , countries , nations , common-wealths , have their deaths and burials , as well as the inhabitants of them . 4. take city , for the world it self , and this is no continuing place . though it hath continued a most six thousand years , yet 2 pet. 3.10 . the day of the lord will come as a thief in the night , in the which the heavens shall pass away with a great noise , and the elements shall melt with fervent heat , and the works that are therin shall be burnt up . here you have a full description of the worlds destruction : it is above all humane determination , whether this fire shall be a fire of utter abolition of the world , or a fire of purgation to refine it : when these things come to pass , then heaven and hell will divide the whole world between them . chap. iv. sect . i. quest . how is it that nothing here is of continuance ? resp . 1. the very law of their creation subjecteth the world , and all creatures therein , to dissolution and corruption : every creature , qua creature , is corruptible ; look but upon their composition , the materials , the principles are corruptible ; and there is a contrariety and opposition between them : how can creatures stand and continue which are divided within themselves ? look upon the things we are most apt to dote upon ; our cities , houses , are they not made of dissoluble materials ? though some continue for many generations , yet either water , fire , or war , or if none of these , their age consumeth them . we see how among men , some dye of old age ; so age ruineth cities , towns , and all other things : the heavens , which of all creatures are the most durable , yet saith the psalmist , they shall wax old like a garment , psa . 102.26 . which text is enough to confute the philosophical opinion , that maintaineth the heavens to be made of incorruptible matter . 2. mans rebellion against his lord and creator , hath put the whole creation in subjection to great vanity and corruptibility , rom. 8.20 , 21. the creature was made subject to vanity , not willingly , but by reason of him who hath subjected the same in hope . by the creature there , is meant , the heavens and the earth , with all the creatures in them , angels excepted , who are only spectators of this vanity , not vassals to it , as all other creatures are . by vanity ] we are to understand a state of imperfection , opposite to their created condition and perfection ; they have lost much of their primitive excellency and perfection . and they are made subject to vanity , which denoteth , that they are unavoidably in a state of vanity ; they cannot help themselves . but yet not willingly . ] here the apostle continueth his prosopopeia , attributing will to inanimate and sensitive creatures , which have no will at all : it sheweth , that this vanity that is upon the creature , is against the natural inclination of the creature . creatures by natural instinct do abhor corruption : all creatures are strongly carried with a desire of self-preservation , to preserve their own perfections . moreover , it noteth , that all the vanity in the creature is not from it self , but it is meerly adventitious ; mans rebellion , and gods curse , is the cause of all their vanity : as death passed on all men , because all had sinned , so vanity and corruption hath passed upon the whole creation , because man hath sinned . — but by reason of him who hath subjected the same . ] these words clearly shew , how and by whom this yoke of vanity came to be laid on the creatures ; not by themselves , but by him who hath subjected the same , viz. god ; who being provoked by the sin of adam , layes this bondage of vanity on the creature , as part of the penalty of mans disobedience . cameron passionately contendeth , that it must be meant of man , not of god ; because the apostle doth not mention the name of god ; but the following words sufficiently confute him , and evince , it is god who subjecteth the creature to vanity ; because though he hath powred forth vanity on them , yet he hath left in them a hope of restitution . and to reconcile cameron with other interpreters , this distinction may be used : man is the procuring and deserving cause of the creatures subjection unto vanity ; and god is the efficient or imposing cause of this subjection unto vanity . all creatures in their own being were by nature corruptible , but our sin makes them two-fold more the children of vanity and corruptibility : mans sin and gods curse on the creature for sin , hasteneth the creatures to their dissolution . as the house of the leper was in it self not unclean , but the walls thereof being once infected with leprosie , it was the sooner pulled down . sect . ii. i know it is a dispute among divines , whether there be a decay of nature in all creatures : some strongly affirm , that yet there is no decay , but they are as vigorous now as they were in their first creation . others ( and i think more truly ) affirm , a decay in nature , both in the heavens and the earth ; the sun and the heavens have not those vigorous influences as formerly . what meaneth the curse upon the earth ; ( thorns and bryars shall it bring forth ) but a decay of its nature ? what is meant by vanity and corruption under which it groaneth , but their natural decay ? why are not the lives of men of that duration ▪ as formerly ? one reason given is , because the fruits of the earth are not so nourishable and healthful as before the flood ? a general deluge brought saltness and barrenness upon the earth : so that now there is a gradual privation of the creatures of their original beauty , goodness , pleasantness , sweetness , which they received from god in their creation , by which privation they are rendered unable to perfect the particular uses for which they were created . the sun , moon and stars , though still they remain excellent creatures , yet it is supposed by sundry divines , they have lost much of their primitive splendour , and that they shine not so bright as at their first creation : the moon hath her spots ; it is disputable , whether she had them from the beginning : some stars ( though great bodies ) yet are scarce perceptible by the eye : the ayr , the waters , have lost much of their sweetness , pleasantness and clarity ; the earth hath lost much of her beauty ; the herbs , plants , fruits , trees , have lost much of their virtue ; all the living creatures have lost much of their created goodness . all men see with what art , toyl and labour , the husbandman provokes the earth to its present fruitfulness , seeing the whole earth was naturally propense to bring forth fruits of all kinds in great abundance ▪ but for our sakes it is subject to much barrenness ; all the heaths and wilder wasts in the world , are marks of this curse of vanity on the earth : had not the soul of man become a wilderness in respect of grace and holiness , there had been no wilderness in the earth in respect of barrenness . all mans labour and sweat to make the earth bring forth , is a part of mans punishment also : had not man sinned ( though adam in innocence should have laboured ) yet it should have been without sorrow , sweat , and wearisomness : men may thank their own sin for every drop of sweat that trickleth down their face , and for every miscarrying of the earth . sect . iii. moreover , it consisteth in a positive malignity , which through sin and the curse of god is now cast upon the whole creation ; the sun it self worketh deliquia , eclipses , it suffereth , it worketh a contrary evil to the good for which it was created : the heat thereof scorcheth the earth , and maketh it to become iron under our feet , whose light and heat was created to comfort and cherish the earth , it now scorcheth the creatures , yea man himself : the ethiopians are so scorched with it , that for anger they shoot arrows against the sun. — the moon , besides her eclipses and changes , doth also emit sad influences on the creatures below , witness the lunatick , the paralitick ; the moon causeth many humors in the body to stir : you read in the book of job of the sweet influences of pleiades , but these also do sometimes send out their maligne influences : the ayr is oftentimes very contagious and pestilential , as we have seen by sad experience of late ; and yet is manifest in many towns and cities , and other lesser places of this kingdome at this day : now the ayr scorcheth , then it cooleth ; now it is calm , then boisterous : the earth bringeth forth bryars and thorns , and unwholesome weeds , instead of wholesome fruit . in all living creatures , you shall see how sin hath put into them an hatred , and antipathy , and opposition , the one seeking to destroy each other ▪ the curse of vanity hath put the whole creation out of order : hence are all those mutations , alterations , corruptions , and destructions among the creatures , and of the creatures . quest . here it may be demanded , why doth god inflict this punishment of vanity and corruption on the creature for mans sin , without any fault in the creature ? resp . 1. it is no injury to the creature at all . chrysostome saith well , ratio aequi & iniqui non ad creaturas inanimatas transferenda est . the consideration of right and wrong , justice and injustice , is not to be transferred to the creatures void of life , but only to the rational , who were subjects capable of both . 2. because the creatures were made for man ; therefore if man rebelled against his soveraign lord , they shall suffer for man also . chrysostome saith , si propter me factae sint , nihil admittitur injustitiae , si propter me patiantur : if they were made for my use and service , there is no injustice if they suffer for me to my shame and vexation ; and the reason is , because seeing they were made for the use and service of man , therefore the change to the worse , which is now come upon them , is not their punishment , but a part of the punishment of man. chap. v. r. 3. a third reason why we have no abiding city here , nor any thing of long continuance , is taken partly from the love of god to his people , and partly from his wrath to the wicked . the wicked shall not have a continuance here , and nothing durable , because god will put an end to sin and sinners , and clear the world of sin and sinners , wherefore he will dissolve all these things . as long as wicked men live they will continue in sin ; should a wicked man live a thousand years , so long would he live in sin ; a drunkard would continue in his drunkenness , a swearer in his swearing , so long as there is any continuance of his city . oh to what an height of wickedness would men arrive , if they and their cities were of long continuance on the earth ; they forget god already , and should god lengthen out their time to continue for ever , or for some thousands of years , they would be ready to think themselves were gods , and not dying men : therefore the lord doth not suffer sinners nor their cities to be of long continuance ; and many times he cuts off notorious sinners in the midst of their daies : bloody and deceitful men shall not live out half their daies ; god ruineth their cities and habitations , they moulder away , and are not of long continuance . it is likewise in love to the godly , that neither they nor their cities shall be of long continuance here , because god will quickly put an end to their sufferings , their reproaches , their persecutions , their calamities , and deliver them from the body of death which makes them miserable , and will ere long take them up to their desired and expected happiness , laid up in heaven for them . in a word ; god will have no long lasting worldly city , or other worldly thing , that the miseries of his children may be short , and their happiness may be of eternal duration ; and that the joy and prosperity of the wicked may be short , and their sorrow and torment may be eternal . chap. vi. sect . i. if here we have no continuing city ; vse 1 then be exhorted in the first place , not to fix the eyes of your souls upon these transitory things . wilt thou set thine eyes upon that which is not ? prov. 23.5 . for riches make themselves wings , and flee away toward heaven . all flesh is grass , and all the glory of man is but as the flower of the field ; the grass withereth , the flower fadeth . 1 pet. 1.24 . all flesh is as grass ; it is but as the earths summers garment , put off before winter cometh ; and all the glory of man ( or whatsoever man is apt most to glory in ) is but as the flower of the field , a fading ornament , that within a day or two withereth and cometh to nothing : we look not at the things which are seen , but at the things which are not seen , for the things which are seen are temporal , but the things which are not seen are eternal , saith s. paul , 2 cor ▪ 4.18 . we are not restrained from the seeing of these things ; for the senses were made for use , and their use is to be applied to their several objects ; the words there used by the apostle are [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] we look not at the things that are seen as at a mark : the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a mark , and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to look at things as at a mark . now when a man aimeth at a mark , he seeth many things between his eye and the mark , but he slightly looks upon them , but he looketh fully upon the mark ; his eye staieth at , and is fixed upon the mark : now the mark that the apostle professed hee looked at , was jesus christ , phil 3.14 . i forget that which is behinde , i press toward the mark for the price of the high calling of god in christ jesus . i conceive he alludeth to those games and acts of hostility used among the greeks , where there was first , a mark , secondly , a price ; a mark which they look'd at , a price which they aimed at , in their exercises of shooting , wrestling , running on foot , or on horse-back , &c. so the apostle , he had his mark that he aimed at , that was the lord jesus christ , that hee might know him , and be found in him , and be made conformable to him : and the price that he ran for , was the high calling of god in christ jesus , the crown of eternal life and glory , that high price to which christians are called of god in christ jesus . now on the contrary , the apostle sheweth , that these visible and temporal things were not the mark that he aimed at , that was but a poor low thing , in comparison of eternal glory . do not therefore make these transitory things , your mark and scope , make them not the scope of your intentions ; you cannot level at them ; they are transient , and will soon have an end . i know no such beauty in the face of this fading world , so as to draw the eyes of our souls to fix upon it ; the house of this world is a smoaky house , and it bloweth upon our eyes ; oh then let us pluck up the stakes of our tent , and take our tent upon our back , and repair to our best home , for here we have no continuing city . sect . ii. take heed you do not entertain too high thoughts of these perishing things , let us learn to esteem them as wise solomon did , vanity of vanities , eccles . 1.2 . as he found them by experience , which cost him dear . i conceive that the lord by his wise counsel , left him to plunge himself into sensual delights , having such a large understanding , to contrive what was in the creature to the uttermost , that he might teach the church the nature of them , to the end of the world from his own experience . now , saith he , eccles . 2.12 . what can a man do that cometh after the king ? is it not a madness for any man to think to finde more satisfaction in them than king solomon did ? if any man hath higher thoughts of these things , it is not because he seeth more into them than solomon did , but because he dotes so much upon them , so as to be besotted with them . judge not according to appearance , saith our saviour , joh. 7.24 . he that will judge of these fading things by their outsides , may well expect to be deceived ; but the immortal soul of man being of an intellectual nature , and having an understanding faculty , being far above sense , should look more inwardly into them , and see what they are all in comparison to the true happiness of the soul of man ; they bring not the soul one step the neerer to true happiness : now it is as impossible for the outward man to be happy , while the inner man is miserable , as for the outer part of the body to be in health , while the heart is sick unto death . let us therefore value these transitory things at a low rate , esteeming them as vain things that cannot profit , 1 sam. 12.21 . as nothing , less than nothing , and vanity it self , isai . 40.17 . oh let us compare our inch of time with vast eternity , and the esteem that we have of this now flourishing and green world , with the esteem we shall have of it , when worms and corruption shall make their houses in our eye-holes , and our flesh and body shall be consumed ( then our light of this worlds vanity shall be more clear than now it is ) then shall we see , that though the world makes men believe , that whatsoever things it offereth them it is of good substance , and may well suffice to satisfie our hungry appetites yet when tryal is made , there is nothing to be found but winde and vanity , and that they that feed upon these husks , feed upon nothing but the winde , as the prophet speaks of ephraim , hos . 13.1 . wouldest thou not take him for a fool , that when he is hungry , would open his mouth , and gape , and take in the ayr to satisfie his hunger withall ? thy folly , o man is nothing less , if thou thinkest to satisfie the appetite of thy soul with the wind of things visible and temporal , neglecting things eternal . such a fool was that rich man , luk. 12.16 , 17. ( for so the holy ghost calls him ) wherein did he play the fool , but in suffering his thoughts wholly to run after outward perishing things ? therefore he thus complaineth ; i want room to lay up my fruits ; but never thinketh what room there is for him in heaven ; be cries out : what shall become of my goods ? but never thinketh , oh what shall become of my poor soul ? then he cometh to this resolution ; i will build my barns to lay up my fruits in . ] but no such thought as this , i will lay up for my self treasure in heaven , and labour to have a mansion in heaven for my immortal soul : thou hast goods laid up for many years in store . ] but no such thought as this ; thou knowest not whether thou shalt enjoy them one day more ; for thy soul may be taken away before one night be at an end : soul , take thine ease , eat , drink , and be merry ; but no such thought as this : soul , what ease shall i find in eternal torments ? what if my present mirth and jollity should deprive me of that fulness of joy that is in the presence of god , and those pleasures that are for evermore , and end in howling , and weeping , and gnashing of teeth ? sect . iii. set not your hearts upon these unstable things : o yee sons of men , how long will ye love vanity ? psal . 4.2 . all the goods of mortals are mortal ; whatsoever it is that you entitle your selves lords of , it is with you but for a time , it is not yours to continue with you ; there is nothing firm , eternal , and incorruptible , that weak and corruptible men do possess ; it will as necessarily perish , as we must necessarily lose it ; and this if we well understand , is a great solace , to lose that indifferently , which must perish necessarily ; the only help therefore that wee shall finde against these losses , is not to love them too dearly , because in a short time they must bee lost : lift up your soul above humane felicities , cast it not away for those things that are below , and without it self . the soul of man cometh of a more noble and divine stock , than to be enamoured with fading and perishing things : o what vanity is it so much to dote upon these shadows ? how fondly do we love them while we have them ? and how passionately do we lament their loss ? we part with many things in grief ; because we loved them in chief . o the unhappiness of mankind , saith s. augustine ; the world is bitter , and yet we love it : if it were sweet indeed , how should we then dote upon it ? it is very troublesome , yet we love it ; how should we affect it , if it were altogether quiet and peaceable ? how eagerly then should we gather the flowers of it , since we so greedily catch up the thorns ? now if , as chrysostome speaks , notwithstanding all the evils which compass us about in this world , we desire to live long in it , when , oh when ( were it free from all disturbances ) should we seek for any thing else ? we are so bewitched with these vanities , that we prefer our pilgrimage before our country ; and hence it is , that god either imbitters our cups , and mingleth our pleasures with vexations , lest we should mistake wormwood and vinegar for true nectar ; or else he takes away these outward comforts from us , that we may see our folly in placing so much of our affections upon things that were of no continuance : ah! how much do we smell of the smoak of this lower house of the earth , because our heart and thoughts are here ? and how unwilling are we to go out of it , albeit we are in danger of being suffocated with the smoak of it ? it is a great folly so eagerly to love fading and unstable things : gregory speaks well to this purpose ; we never forego any thing willingly , but what we possess inaffectionately ; and speaking of job , he saith , he parted with all with a willing mind , which he possessed without inordinate delight . you now see the best of this world to be but a moth-eaten thred-bare coat ; resolve now to lay it aside , being old and full of holes , and look after that house above , not made with hands , eternal in the heavens : set not your heart upon the world , since god hath not made it your portion , and your inheritance . what misery of miseries is it for the immortal soul of man to be enslaved to the world , which is but an heap of fuel kept in store , reserved unto fire against the day of judgement , and perdition of ungodly men , especially now in this age of the world when it is ready for the fire ? but in that day , when the perdition of the ungodly shall be , then shall the world be destroyed , the world and all its fond lovers shall perish together in one day : how shall this make for the glory of gods justice , who shall bring destruction upon them that love the world above himself , on that day wherein the world it self shall be destroyed ? let us therefore endeavour daily to curb and restrain this exorbitancy of affection ; as king tarquinius walking in his garden , whipped off the tops and heads of the tallest flowers with his staff ; so must we cut off these rising affections , as soon as they begin to peep forth , and put up head in our hearts ; this world which god will not have to be yours , o christians , is but the dross and scum of gods creation , the portion of the lords poor hired servants , the moveables , not the heritage of the sons of zion : it is but an offal or hard bone , cast to the dogs that are thrust out from the new jerusalem , upon which they rather break their teeth , than satisfie their appetite : keep your love and your hope in heaven ; it is not good your love and your lord should be in two sundry countryes , as one excellently speaketh ; he is semper idem , alwayes the same , yesterday , to day , and for ever : keep at a distance from the walls of this pest-house , even the pollutions of this defiling and fading world . sect . iv. do not muse too much upon these transitory things ; do not let your thoughts dwell too much upon them ; do not mind the things that are beneath ; do not think often , nor think seriously of them , so as to say , it is good for us to be here , let us here build tabernacles ; as they are transitory in their own nature , so they must be lookt upon in transitu : as a traveller in a journey , may see many fine towns , and stately edifices with his eye , but he mindeth his way , he will not stay his horse to take a view of them : so he that hath heaven in his thoughts , and will seek after a city that is to come , must not suffer these fading things to stay him in his course heaven-ward : it is the vanity of our spirits that enclineth us to muse upon these transitory things ; and on the other side , the more we dwell upon them in our thoughts , the more light and vain our spirits are ; the more you muse upon them , the more you will be ensnared by them . what is a soul the poorer to want the lusts and perishing vanities of this present evil world ? certainly we have no cause to weep at the want of such toyes as these ; we have nothing to do in this prison except to take meat , drink and house-room in it for a time only : this world is not yours ; let not your heaven be made of such poor mettal as mire and clay . oh where are those heavenly-minded souls , that have nothing but their bodies of earth walking up & down upon the superficies of it , whose souls , and the powers of them , are up in heaven ? oh mens souls have no wings , and therefore they keep their nest , and fly not to that upper region . could we be deaf and dead to this worlds charms , we might deride at the folly of those who are wooing this world for their match , and scorn to court such a withered princess , or buy this worlds kindness with a bow of our knees : alas ! it is little the world can take from us , and it is not much that it can give us ; but the worst of christ is better than the worlds best things ; his chaff is better than the worlds corn. oh let your thoughts dwell much upon that blessedness that abideth you in the other world , and upon that continuing city that is to come . sect . v. labour not much for these transitory things : labour not for the meat that perisheth , joh. 6.27 . our saviour therein teacheth us , to look upon all things here below whatsoever , but as meat that goes into the belly , and is cast out of the draught to the dunghill , and exhorts us to labour after that meat that shall endure to eternal life : do not then toil and moil for such uncertainties ; all earthly things are very mutable , they are like a land-flood which faileth in a time of drought , when we have most need of water : s. peter tells us , the end of all things is at hand . it is true in a two-fold sense . 1. in a relative sense , in relation to every particular , person , and his interest in them ; in relation to thee and me , and every one of us ; when our end cometh , then the end of all things is come unto us : when thy life endeth , then the world , and all the things of the world do end to thee ; it is as much to thee as if all the world were at an end . 2. it is true in an absolute sense , 2 pet. 3.10 . the day of the lord cometh as a thief in the night , in the which the heavens shall pass away with a great noise , and the elements shall melt with fervent heat , the earth also , and the works that are therein , shall be burnt up : so that all these visible things are temporal , and shall have an end . now these visible things are of two sorts ; either first , the substances , or subjects : or secondly , the accidents ; though in a proper sense , the accidents are visible , and the substances cannot be discerned but by their accidents . you see not the substance of the world , but the colour , the form and figure of it , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and even this also is temporal , and the fashion of it passeth away , 1 cor. 7.31 . all visible things , though never so pleasing to us , as health , wealth , honours , pleasures , riches , beauty , strength , all the outward and natural perfections that are in any creatures , are not abiding , they are temporal only , though never so pleasant to us . on the other side , all miseries , deformities , pains , sicknesses , shall all be abolished ; the substance ( that is , the foundation ) being taken away , the accidents that cleaves to them ( whether ornaments or blemishes ) must needs vanish with them . when a goodly palace is on fire , the beauty of it , the painting , the engraving , the carved work , and also the decayes and ruines of it , will be abolished with it : so the substance of these things being destroyed , all the materials ( whether beautiful or uncomely ) shall be destroyed together . as the iron naturally hath its rust to consume it , and each tree its worm and rottenness , so all living creatures , all cities , kingdomes , have their internal causes of decay : consider things above or below , all trades or liberal sciences , they all ever had , and ever shall have their perishings ; and as the rivers by a continual course do empty themselves into the ocean , so all worldly things do slide into the channel of destruction , as to their mark they aim at : therefore labour not after these perishing things . sect . vi. do not expect much from these unstable things ; do not build your hopes upon them ; such hopes are but cobweb hopes , as bildad speaks , job 8.13 , 14 , 15. such a man may lean upon his house , but both he and his house will fall together ; he may hold it fast , but his hope will deceive him : every thing under the cope of heaven is but ill ground , and an ill foundation , every thing except god wanteth a bottom ; and cannot stand alone of it self , and therefore can give no support to any one that shall rest or lean upon it . oh how many are there in the world whose hearts would die within them , were these temporal things taken from them ? take away these temporal things from those that have made them their confidence , and they have nothing else to rest upon . all these visible things have miscarrying wombs and dry breasts , that will deceive those that look for much from them : the world still makes many fair promises of much good to us , and of long continuance with us , but in performances proveth contrary ; it promiseth joy , but cometh accompanied with sorrow , and when we have most need of its help , it will be farthest from us : grapes never grew out of these thorns , nor figs out of these thistles : it is not good to trust to lying vanities , which ever deceive those that trust unto them ; and god often strips us of these uncertain things , these fading helps , and weak-hearted runawayes , that we might place all our hope and trust in him , who never leaveth nor forsaketh them that trust in him . chap. vii . i come now to handle the second proposition , which is this . prop. 2. that heaven is a continuing city . in the prosecution of this point , i will shew you first how it is a city , then how it is a continuing city : that it is a city , will appear by these demonstrations . 1. in a city there be divers streets , divers houses in those streets , wherein some are bigger , some are lesser ; a city is large and spacious ; so our saviour saith , in my fathers house ( the city of the great king ) are many mansions , joh. 14.2 . it is a most magnificent city , no greatness in the world can be compared with the greatness of it ; it is the royal palace of the great god , who inhabiteth eternity , whom the heaven and the heaven of heavens are not able to contain , there he vouchsafeth to dwell , and in a most glorious manner to communicate himself to his angels , and his saints . 2. heaven is populous as a city : if you desire to know the number of the inhabitants of this city , s. john will tell you , revel . 7.9 . that he saw in spirit such a great company of blessed saints ( that no man was able to reckon them ) gathered together of all kinds of nations , people and tongues , which stood before the throne of almighty god , and of the lamb , apparrelled in white garments , and with triumphant palms in their hands , singing praise unto almighty god. hereunto doth that of the prophet daniel agree , dan. 7.10 . thousand thousands ministred unto him , and ten thousand-times ten thousand , stood before him . 3. it is full of glorious riches as a city : it is said of tyre , that the merchants thereof were princes ; so all the inhabitants of this city are noble personages , there is no one among them of base lineage or extraction , forasmuch as they be all the sons and daughters of the lord god almighty , and instated into a rich and glorious inheritance . 4. it is a city compact , and at unity within it self : we must not think that the greatness of the number of these citizens causeth any disorder among them ; for there the multitude is no cause of confusion , but of greater order ; there must needs be good agreement , there being none but god and good company there ; there is no matter of discontent or discord among the citizens ; for these commonly arise about partition and division either of honors or offices ; here is ambition : or else of goods or possessions ; here is covetousness : now neither of these shall ever come there ; for heavens happy excess shall not be diminished , nor any whit impaired by reason of the multitude of sharers in it ; for as s. august . tells us , the glory of heaven shall be , tanta singulis , quanta omnibus , such to every one in particular , as it shall be to all in common ; and although there shall be dispar gloria singulorum , yet there shall be communis laetitia omnium ; they all live so lovingly together , that they are all as it were one heart , and one soul . all the citizens of heaven live so harmoniously and peaceably together , that the very city it self is called jerusalem , the vision of peace . although all the saints shall be like christ in glory , yet one saint will exceed another in glory . god will cloathe all his children alike , yet their garments shall be made proportionable to their stature ; all the saints shall be vessels of mercy , yet one saint shall be a larger and a more capacious vessel than another . christ in his answer to that curious request of zebedees wife , mat. 20.23 . granting that some shall sit at his right hand , and others at his left in his kingdome , implieth , that there shall be degrees of glory , to some more , to others less ; they all shall have the same glory and happiness , ratione objecti faelicitat is & gloria non ratione participationis : in regard of the object of happiness ( god in christ is the object of happiness ) they shall all enjoy god ; but in regard of the participation of the object , one may and shall see him more clearly than another . in my fathers house are many mansions , saith our saviour . patris domus , the fathers house is put for one and the same object of glory : pluralitas mansionum ; there be many mansions , that sheweth there are divers degrees of glory , saith aquinas . this is his comparison ; there is but one center unto which all things tend , but some bodies are neerer than other bodies ; so god in christ is the center of all our happiness ( seneca calleth god , animae centrum , the center of the soul. ) but one saint tendeth more neer to god than another ; one shall partake more of glory than another , yet notwithstanding they shall be all full of glory and happiness , as christ is ; christ will give to every saint his measure of glory . danaeus saith well ; the saints in heaven shall want envy ; one saint shall not envy another saints greater measure of glory , because they shall be all full of glory ; and there shall be no want of whatsoever pertaineth to make a creature happy : every saint shall have and enjoy such fulness of happiness , that nec plus quaeret quam habebit , nec minus habere se dolebit , quam habet : he that hath the least measure of glory shall seek for no more , nor grieve that he hath so little . 5. the end of building cities was , that people might be free from the fear of their enemies abroad , and live quietly among themselves at home : now this heavenly city is too high for any adversary to approach to , and therefore free from being assaulted with any forreign enemy : there is no enemy can shoot an arrow into this city , nor scale the walls , nor incamp against it , nor make any battery in it , nor set it on fire , nor so much as draw a line about it ; great is their peace , and nothing shall offend them . 6. it is a city in respect of its government : a city is a corporation of men enjoying the same priviledges , living under the same government . heaven is a city , saith st. august . whereof the holy angels and saints are the citizens , the eternal father the temple , the son the brightness , the holy ghost the love : how can it be ill in that city where god himself is the governour , his will and pleasure the law , and none but the good angels and saints the inhabitants thereof ? in this city god manifesteth himself gloriously , and ruleth immediately , not by outward compulsion , but by taking full possession of the soul and body of every saint and citizen ; they esteeming it to be their glory and happiness to be subject to him fully , he ruling in love , and they obeying in love ; he governing them as a father , and they yeelding filial subjection to him . chap. viii . now this city hath a high priviledge above all other cities , it is a continuing city . the apostle gives the reason why it is a continuing city , because it is a city which hath foundations , whose builder and maker is god , heb. 11.10 . 1. it hath foundations in the plural number ; it hath many foundations , firm and immoveable , foundations that cannot be shaken . 1. it is built upon the foundation of gods eternal good will and pleasure to his people . 2. it is builded upon the foundation of gods election to eternal glory . 3. it is built upon the foundation of christs eternal merits and purchase . 4. it is built upon the foundation of gods everlasting covenant of grace . 5. it is built upon the foundation of gods great and faithful promises : oh what a continuing city is heaven , that is founded upon such strong immoveable rocks and mountains of love . ii. it is said , whose builder and maker is god. ] all other cities are builded by mortal , corruptible , dying men : but this city is made and builded by the eternal and immortal god , who will uphold it by the word of his power for ever and ever ; it is the place where he will dwell , where he will govern for ever . the psalmist tells us , god by his excellent wisdome made the heavens , psa . 136.5 . there is no tongue able to express the workmanship of that curious building : for if that work that appeareth outwardly to our mortal eyes be so goodly and glorious , what is there to be supposed of all the rest , that is there reserved for the sight of immortal eyes ? and if certain works of mortal men are made here so beautiful and sightly , that they do even amaze the spectators ; what a work then must that be , that hath been wrought by the immediate hand of god himself , in that magnificent house , that royal palace , that city of joy and comfort , which he hath built for the glory of his chosen ones ? this city therefore shall continue for ever , and they that are once in possession thereof , shall never be cast out of those mansions , which god hath appointed them in this heavenly city . chap. ix . use 1. vse 1 these things being so , let us not think our selves cosmopolitae , citizens of the world , as the heathen phylosophers did , but our anopolitae , burgesses of heaven , as all the faithful have done , and carry our selves as s. paul professeth of himself , and all his fellow-believers , saying , our conversation is in heaven . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our city-like conversation . phil. 3.20 . we carry our selves as the free denizons and inhabitants of heaven ; so beza renders it . in a word ; as english merchants or citizens of london , travelling in france , spain , italy , venice , have their hearts and minds at home with their wives and children , where their friends and freedomes be ; so should we from these and the like examples , learn to have heavenly minds in our earthly mansions , and to fix our hearts and hopes upon our heavenly city , even while we be finishing our earthly pilgrimage : the hopes of this happiness sweetens our present discontents ; and there is not any holy pilgrim on earth , who takes not courage , when he thinketh that after his tedious pilgrimage , he shall enjoy an endless felicity in that heavenly city . what was a station in the wilderness among sands , and fiery serpents , to a settled abode in canaan ? what is an inne upon earth , to a mans own home in the city of the great king ? how should every one of us hasten to this city , travelling thither with all his might , and longing to be there ? labour with a spiritual eye to take an exact view of this heavenly city , and of the beautiful order that is therein ; walk about this celestial sion daily in thy contemplations , go round about her , tell the towers thereof , walk thorow all the streets and wayes therein , consider well the beauty and glory of this city , the nobleness and worthiness of the inhabitants thereof ; salute this sweet and pleasant country , the land of immortality , the glory of all lands , the haven of security , the house of eternity , the garden of never-fading flowers , the store-house of all treasures , the crown of the blessed . ah dear city ! for thee have i sighed , after thee have i thirsted for a long time , for thee have i often wept and mourned , in thee have i a treasure more worth than the whole world , which all the world is not able to deprive me of . i have long fate weeping by the waters of babylon , my harp hangs upon the willows , and is now silent ; my mind now is all upon that heavenly city ; lord i am greatly desirous to be with thee : thy court and house , o lord , is safe enough , and large enough , out of which all griefs and sorrows , all pains and dolours are banished , where there is no place for fears and terrours , for diseases or death , but all is full of joy and pleasure . happy are they who have passed their hard and wearisome time of apprenticeship , and are now freemen and citizens in that joyful high and continuing city , the new jerusalem ! chap. x. use 2. the second use that i shall make of use 2 this point , is that of the apostle in my text ; seeing heaven is a continuing city , let us therefore seek this city that is to come . you see by experience , that we are not to abide for ever in this world ; neither are men , nor any creature of long continuance ; your health , your strength , your life , your estate , your houses , your lands , your city , your country , are of no duration ; your pains , your aches , your weaknesses , your sicknesses , your funerals frequently before your eyes , do preach that we are not to continue here . oh then make it your work , your care , your business , your one thing necessary to seek after the heavenly city : will ye have everlasting life ? then seek after this city : will ye have happiness that shall continue for ever ? then seek heaven : will ye have pleasures , riches , honours , mansions , that shall continue for ever , then seek this continuing city that is to come . sect . i. now seek after this heavenly city . 1. it supposeth a sense and apprehension that we have lost heaven : we were driven out of heaven , when we were driven out of paradise ; losing communion with god we lost heaven : sin hath made a wide gulf between every son of adam and heaven : now till men are under conviction of this loss , they will never seek after heaven . when the woman in the parable was convinced of the loss of her groat , she made earnest and diligent search after it . the psalmist tells us plainly , that men seek not god , because they understand not , they do not understand they have lost him , psal . 14.2 . many a poor creature never cometh to the knowledge of their loss of heaven , till they have lost both heaven and their souls for ever ; and their first entrance into hell , is the first tidings of their loss of heaven . 2. it implieth a trouble of mind for the loss of heaven : it is the fear of hell that puts men upon the diligent seeking after heaven ; if men were not troubled for the loss of any thing , they would never seek after it : let it go , say they , we care not for it : if a man be not troubled for the loss of a friends favour , he will never seek to regain it : this is one reason why so few seek heaven , because few are troubled at the loss of it . oh where is the man that signeth and crieth out , woe is me , i am undone , for i have lost heaven , and am in danger of hell ▪ i can lay no claim to heaven , but hell layes claim to me ▪ where is the man that is troubled in spirit , that he is without god , without christ , without hope ? therefore it is that this heavenly city is so little sought after : it is only the troubled spirit that is an heaven-seeking soul . 3. it supposeth a knowledge of the worth and necessity of the thing we seek for : no man will seek for a thing of no value ; let it go , will men say , such a thing is not worth a seeking after , we can do well enough without it ; but when men are once convinced of the worth and necessity of a thing , which they cannot be without , they will earnestly seek after it : now if there be any thing worth seeking for , it is this heavenly city : who can be without heaven ? is there any thing more precious than god ? is there any possibility for our souls to be happy without enjoying god ? is not eternal life of unspeakable worth ? what more precious in this world than life ? is not life eternal in heaven most precious ? o who can suffer the pains of eternal death ? that man will never be perswaded to seek heaven , who never thinks it worth the having and enjoying . 4. it implies vehement desires of heaven : what a man desireth not , that he seeks not : earnest longings will put us upon seeking for every thing : in other things desires are not seekings ; but in spiritual things , earnest desires of god and heaven , are seekings of god and heaven : for , what are heavenly desires , but the reachings of the soul after heaven , pursuings after god ? o god , thou art my god , early will i seek thee : my soul thirsteth for thee ; my flesh longeth for thee ; my soul followeth hard after thee , psa . 63.1.8 . sect . ii. in the second place i will shew you , wherein this seeking doth consist . 1. it consisteth in an earnest enquiry after the way to heaven . isai . 55.6 . seek ye the lord while he may be found ; the word in the original signifies , quaerere interrogatione & verbis , to seek by words and interrogation ; as a wandring traveller will be enquiring of all he meeteth the way to such a city : so they who seek after this city that is to come , they will be very enquisitive about the way to heaven , very desirous to be directed in the right way . how did divers persons come to christ , good master , what shall i do to inherit eternal life ? what shall i do to be saved ? o that my feet were directed into the wayes of thy testimonies , saith david : the greatest fear of holy men , is , lest they should be out of the way ; therefore none more scrupulous and less confident than they ; none fuller of holy doubts than they , and more frequently putting forth holy questions . usually men are very confident that they are in the right way to heaven , therefore they never seek out after it : it vexeth them very much , when they are put to the question ; are ye sure that ye are in the right way to heaven ? i know not any thing in all the world , wherein the generality of men are more contentedly cheated , than about their state of grace , and their title to heaven , few there be who have a care to buy gold tryed in the fire . 2. it consisteth in a diligent and industrious application of our selves to the use of all appointed means leading and directing us to this heavenly city : he that diligently prayeth , diligently seeketh heaven : he that diligently heareth the word , diligently seeketh heaven ▪ hence in the new testament the gospel is often called the kingdome of heaven , and seeking god is frequently put for the worshipping of god : gods ordinances are a jacobs ladder , the top whereof reacheth to heaven , though the foot thereof be on earth ; for by it we scale heaven : the ministery of the word are a light and a lanthorn to our steps , to guide our feet in the way to heaven : god hath set up the ministery as way-marks to direct travellers in the right way ; those that neglect gods faithful ministers , do neglect the seeking heaven . take this rule or caution ; when you come to gods ordinances , make heaven and salvation , and seeking god the end of your coming to them , psa . 42.1 , 2. my soul thirsteth for god , for the living god , when shall i come before god. i. e. to enjoy god in his ordinances ; seek not so much the enjoyment of ordinances , as of god in them . 3. it implies an application of our selves to an holy and heavenly conversation : an holy life is the strait way which leadeth to heaven ; heaven is the reward of an holy and heavenly conversation ; it is not every foul dog with his soul feet that shall tread upon the pure pavement of the new jerusalem : he that doth not seek holiness , doth not seek heaven ; heaven is to be sought for in an heavenly manner ; heaven is a city hard to be won , the righteous wil scarcely be saved ; hell is prepared for unholy persons , forus canes , without ate dogs . 4. it consisteth in a constant use of all means , all holy duties , without fainting or desisting , until you have found a title , and obtained a claim to heaven . the woman in the parable did not desist from seeking , till she had found her groat ; and the spouse in the canticles never gave over seeking christ , till she had found him whom her soul loved : he that is slothful in seeking , may never find heaven . 5. it consisteth in an early and timely seeking ; begin to day while it is called to day : the greatest part of the world do but play with religion , they think it an easie thing to be a christian , and that to seek god and heaven is at the next door , and that they will be found at any time : no , no ; the foolish virgins lost heaven by seeking it too late : many do eternally lose heaven by delay of seeking . i make no doubt , but all do desire heaven , nor do i make any question but all or most of us do purpose to set some time apart to seek heaven : why then not presently ? who knoweth what a day may bring forth ? who knows how soon death may arrest him ? heaven is not easily found , it is not gotten with a few words or faint wishes . sect . iii. consider , i beseech you , your continuance here is but short : by what elegant comparisons doth the scripture set forth the shortness of mans life : it is but a vapour , saith s. james ; it is but a dream , it is but the shadow of a dream , said an heathen : it is as grass , or as a flower ; it is as a tale , as a thought , as a bubble , it is but a race , but as a weavers shuttle ▪ but for a little moment , all which things are of a very short continuance . have we not need then to day , while it is called to day , without delay to seek heaven , and life which continueth for evermore ? but the misery of man is great upon him , because we flatter our selves with a kind of immortality : none so sick and weakly , but hopeth for a recovery , none so aged , but thinketh he shall live a while longer . 2. how long you shall continue here is uncertain ; who knoweth when and how soon he shall depart hence ? it may be to morrow , it may be this night , or this hour , who can tell ? we do not 〈◊〉 ●ither the day nor the hour when death will come , therefore seek heaven . we have need to make haste ; the time present is yours only , the time to come is uncertain , the time past is irrecoverably gone : who can tell what to morrow will bring forth ? peradventure death and damnation . — the present time is thine only , this hour , this sermon , this opportunity , this call from heaven , this very exhortation to seek heaven presently . 3. or suppose our continuance upon earth to be long , even as long as methusaleh continued ; suppose thou hadst the reign of time in thy hands , and couldst slack the pace of time at thy pleasure , yet there were no continuance for thee alwayes here , but die you must , and die you shall : but certainly you have not time at your command ; you cannot command the sun of time to stand still one moment , nor to go back fifteen degrees ; time is irrecoverable if it be lost : lost money may be recovered , but occasions neglected are irrecoverable , and will never return again . 4. consider that properly we have no continuance here , because our lives do not stand at a stay , but like 〈◊〉 we are continually going to our graves , as fast as the wings of time can carry us : no motion more swift than that of the sun ; our lives do run away as swift as the sun it self . the sun ( that is the measurer of time ) once stood still in joshua's daies , and returned ten degrees in hezekiah's sickness , yet time it self ever past forward , and did never stand with the suns standing , nor return with his returning . 5. consider what is the reward of our neglect of seeking heaven ; even an eternal abode in hell ? for as heaven is a continuing city , so hell is a continuing fiery dungeon ; these flames are of eternal continuance ; these chains of darkness are everlasting chains ; there is the worm that never dies , the fire that never goes out ; there is everlasting destruction . isai . 30.33 . tophet is ordained of old . ] hell is as old as sin ; god made hell , as soon as the creature became sinful : he hath made it deep and large ] here is the vastness of this prison : it is large enough to hold all wicked men and angels : it is deep , there is the impossibility of escaping , of getting out of it ; it is so deep , that it hath no bottom , therefore it is called the bottomless pit : the pile thereof is fire and much wood ; there is the super-abundance of punishment , and the extremity of torment ; and the breath of the lord , like a river of brimstone doth kindle it . here is the eternity of torment , while god breathes , the fire of hell shall burn . now if you will escape hell , seek heaven while you may find it : we are all hastening to a continuing city , or to a continuing prison , to an everlasting heaven , or an everlasting hell : this glorious city , and that burning prison , will shortly divide the whole world of men and women between them : beware of too earnest seeking riches , they have wings , and will flee away from you ; seek not houses and lands , for they will not abide for ever ; let not your inward thought be , that your houses shall continue for ever , and your dwelling places to all generations : go to christ , walk in heavens way , get an entrance into that everlasting kingdome , for that and that only is the continuing city . now my brethren , up and be doing ; seek ye first the kingdome of god , seek heaven first of all ; it is worth finding , worth enjoying , it will make amends for all your toil and labour ; heavenly seeking is a comfortable kind of life , there is no comfort like that which is to be found in seeking heaven : what comfort will it yeeld to a christian in the hour of death , who can say , i have sought , and i have found heaven ? and what horrour will it be to a dying sinner that hath neglected to seek after heaven , when he shall cry out , o i have lost heaven , because i neglected to seek after it , i might have found it , had i sought it : oh what a fool was i , so willingly to deprive my self of this endless glory for a few stinking lusts , and perishing vanities ! oh what a mad man was i to bereave my self of a room in this city of pearl , for a few carnal and momentany delights ! oh what bedlams are they , and beasts in humane shape , who for a little transitory trash , do shut themselves out of these everlasting habitations ! what intollerable sots and sensless wretches are all such who wilfully bar themselves out of this palace of everlasting pleasure , for the short fruition of worldly trifles ? therefore as the rabbin said to his scholars , so say i to you ; tempus breve , opus multum , operarii pigri , pater familias urget . we have a great work in hand , viz. our salvation , we have a short time to do that great work in , viz. this present life ; we are slow workers in the work , and god earnestly calls upon us to give all diligence to work out our salvation : all that is here is condemned to die , and to pass away like a snow-ball before a summer-sun ; labour to wean your hearts from the breasts of this fading world , and do not make it your patrimony , carry your selves like the heirs of heaven , let the moveables go , and fasten your hold upon that immortal , incorruptible heritage that fadeth not away : consider well that our great master , eternity , and judgement , and the last reckoning will be upon us after a few moments , and there will shortly be a proclamation by one standing in the clouds , that time shall be no more ; this worlds span-length of time is now drawn to less than half an inch , and even to the point of the evening of the day of this old and grey-haired world , then a sight of him that is invisible will obscure and darken all the glory of this world : oh mend your pace , and go on more swiftly towards your heavenly city ; you have need to make haste , because the inch of your life that remaineth will quickly slip away . finis . books to be sold by thomas parkhurst , at the golden bible on london-bridg . these six treatises next following , were written by mr. george swinnock . 1 the christian mans calling ; or , a treatise of making religion ones business , in religious duties , natural actions , his particular vocation , his family directions , and his own recreation ; to be read in families for their instruction and edification . the first part. 2 likewise a second part ; wherein christians are directed to perform their duties , as husbands and wives , parents and children , masters and servants , in the conditions of prosperity and adversity . 3 the third and last part of the christian mans calling ; wherein the christian is directed how to make religion his business , in his dealings with all men , in the choice of his companions , in his carriage in good company , in bad company , in solitariness , or when he is alone , on a week-day , from morning to night , in visiting the sick , on a dying-bed ; as also the means how a christian may do this , and some motives to it . 4 the door of salvation opened , by the key of regeneration , 5 heaven and hell epitomized ; and the true christian characterized . 6 the fading of the flesh , and the flourishing of faith : or , one cast for eternity , with the only way to throw it well ; all these by george swinnock , m. a. a wedding ring fit for the finger ; together with the non such professor ; by w. secker . joh. am. comenii schola , ludus seu encuclopaedia viva , i. e. januae linguarum praxis comica . the godly mans ark , in five sermons ; with mrs. moors evidences for heaven ; by ed. calamy . a practical discourse of prayer , wherein is handled the nature and duty of prayer ; by t. cobbet . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a42547-e190 bodin . de rep●●● lib. 4 evangr . lib. 2. ca. 13. notes for div a42547-e1900 justin martyr . hierom. lyra. targ in job 9. pareus in gen. 6. joseph . de bello judaico . drexel . school of patience . plura sunt quae terrent , quam quae premunt . conscientia peccati est mater formidinis . chrysost . suetonius . aul. gell. noct. attic. ainsworth in psa . 32. wright de passionib . seneca . ecclus . 11.14 . tremel . in psa . 49. by gold , silver , brass and iron , are meant the assyrian , the persian , the grecian , and the roman empires , who should rule the world till christ , here called the stone , doth come himself to destroy the last of these monarchies . esther 3.12 . mark 10.14 . plorabant nascentes , prophetae suae calamitatis : lachrymae enim testes sunt miseriae ; nondum loquebantur , & jam prophetabant . quid prophetabant ? in labore se venturos , vel timore , &c. aug. de verb. apost . serm. 24. mat. 18.10 . valer. maxim. lib. 5. cap. 10. joseph de bello judaico . dan. 7.2 , 3 2 reg. 17.6 . plutarchus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi septicollem vocat . septem una sibi muro circundedit arces . servius in vi aen. haliemus instrumenta servilia etiam reges . tacit . du moulin respons . ad cardin. du perron . noverat cogitare ut forté concupiscere aliquid , quod caecus non possit implere , sed in corde judicari á cordis perscrutatore . aug. tract . in joan. 44. calvin super joh. 9.3 . mat. 20.15 . byrdals profit of godliness . unusquisque consideret , non quod alius passus sit , sed quid patiet ipse mereatur , cyprian . de lapsis sect. 21. calvin harmon . sup . hunc locum . august . certè si beneficiorum dei essemus capaces , liberaliùs nobiscum ageret deus . calvin . job 1.21 . opposita juxta se posita clariùs elucescunt . scultet . in jes . 1.5 . chrysost . in mat. 5.28 . lam. 3.15 16 cartwr . harmon . evangel . savanarol . meditat . in psal . 51. lachrymae sanctorum , vinū angelorū . bern. bonavent . meditat. 2 cor. 5.1 comenius in vit . drabic . c. 28. euseb . emissen . serm . 2. de prodigo . bonis suis aliis praeparat beatitudinem , sibi miseriam , aliis gaudia , sibi lachrymas , aliis voluptatem brevem , sibi ignem perpetuum . salvian . clem. alexandr . padag . virgil. aeneid . 5. rupertus . amos 3.6 origen . homil. 23. in numer . august . in psa . 72. chrysost . tom 5. homil . 68. idem in c. 1. ad rom. homil . 2. idem in psal . 148. idem in gen. 11. homil. 30 thom. de kempis de imitat . christi , l. 3. c. 5. gregor . pastor . part 3. admonir . 13. aug. serm. 12. de sanctis . ferre decet patienter onus , quod ferre necesse est . qui jacet invitus , durius ille jacet . seneca . psa . 39. august . in psal . 60. tho. de kempis . de imitat christi , lib. 3. ca. 5. psal . 90.1 notes for div a42547-e16050 calvin ad loc . estius exposit . in loc . observ . plutarch . polyb. histor . joseph . de bello judaico , lib. 5. walther . harmon . biblic . in gen. 19 cameron praelect . chrysost . august . tom. 10. serm. de temp. chrysost . ad pop. antioch . homil. 6. gregor . moral . lib. 1. ca. 3. 2 per. 3.7 . 1 pet. 4.7 . lips . lib. 1. de constant . ca. 15. aquinas . seneca . carent omni invidia , & ●arent omni rerum ad beatitudinem necessariarum indigentia . danae ●8 . coeli conditor est deus , quoad formam naturae , & artifex ejus quoad formam gloria . gorran in heb. vid. perrer . in gene●in . & polan . syntagm . p. 274. nos ut municipes coelorum gerimus . beza in phil. 3.20 . qui quarit , vult scire , aut obtinere . lamb. in plaut . mot. 1. psa . 49.11 ▪ 1602. 1603. a true report of all the burials and christnings within the citie of london and the liberties thereof, from the 23. of december, 1602 to the 22. of december, 1603 vvhereunto is added the number of euery seuerall parish, from the 14. of iuly, to the 22. of december, aswell within the citie of london, and the liberties thereof, as in other parishes in the skirts of the citie and out of the freedome, adioyning to the citie: according to the report made to the kings most excellent maiestie, by the company of parish clearkes of the same citie. bills of mortality. 1602-12-23 to 1603-12-22 worshipful company of parish clerks. 1625 approx. 18 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a72798) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 151052) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1997:24) 1602. 1603. a true report of all the burials and christnings within the citie of london and the liberties thereof, from the 23. of december, 1602 to the 22. of december, 1603 vvhereunto is added the number of euery seuerall parish, from the 14. of iuly, to the 22. of december, aswell within the citie of london, and the liberties thereof, as in other parishes in the skirts of the citie and out of the freedome, adioyning to the citie: according to the report made to the kings most excellent maiestie, by the company of parish clearkes of the same citie. bills of mortality. 1602-12-23 to 1603-12-22 worshipful company of parish clerks. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by william stansby, london : [1625] date of publication from stc. another edition of part i of stc 16740--stc. this edition has both the royal arms and the arms of 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royal blazon or coat of arms 1602. 1603. a true report of all the burials and christnings within the citie of london and the liberties thereof , from the 23. of december , 1602. to the 22. of december , 1603. whereunto is added the number of euery seuerall parish , from the 14. of iuly , to the 22. of december , aswell within the citie of london and the liberties thereof , as in other parishes in the skirts of the citie and out of the freedome , adioyning to the citie : according to the report made to the kings most excellent maiestie , by the company of parish clearkes of the same citie . coat of arms of the city of london   buried in all of the plague . christnings . december 23 83 3 69 ianuary 6 78 0 97 ianuary 13 83 1 134 ianuary 2 80 0 105 ianuary 27 82 4 128 february 3 104 1 102 february 10 76 0 108 february 17 96 3 109 february 24 85 0 108 march 3 82 3 110 march 10 101 2 110 march 17 108 3 106 march 24 60 2 106 march 31 78 6 59 aprill 7 66 4 143 aprill 14 79 4 86 aprill 21 98 8 84 aprill 28 109 10 85 may 5 90 11 78 may 13 112 18 103 may 19 122 22 81 may 26 122 32 98 iune 2 114 30 82 iune 9 131 43 110 iune 16 144 59 90 iune 23 182 72 95 iune 30 267 158 82 iuly 7 445 263 89 iuly 14 612 424 88 this weeke was the out-parishes brought in to bee ioyned with the citie and liberties .   buried in all of the plague christnings . iuly 21 1186 917 50 iuly 28 1728 1396 138 august 4 2256 1922 115 august 11 2077 1745 110 august 18 3054 2713 9● august 25 2853 2539 127 september 1 3385 3035 97 september 8 3078 2724 105 september 15 3129 2818 89 september 22 2456 2195 90 september 29 1961 1732 81 october 6 1831 1641 71 october 13 1312 1146 73 october 20 766 642 67 october 27 625 508 75 nouember 3 737 594 70 nouember 10 585 442 65 nouember 17 384 251 64 nouember 24 198 105 58 december 1 223 102 64 december 8 163 55 72 december 15 200 96 71 december 22 168 74 70 the totall of all that hath beene buried this yeere 38244 whereof of the plague 30578 christnings 4789 london within the wals●   buried in all of the plague . albones in woodstreet 183 164 alhallowes lumbardstreet 109 98 alhallowes the great 286 250 alhallowes the lesse 227 182 alhallowes breadstreet 33 27 alhallowes staynings 123 103 alhallowes the wall 216 174 alhallowes hony-lane 12 5 alhallowes barking 390 339 alphage cripplegate 175 152 andrewes by the wardrobe 290 256 andrewes eastcheape 114 108 andrewes vndershaft 165 142 annes at aldersgate 146 125 annes black fryers 235 226 antholines parish 32 27 austines parish 92 78 barthol . at the exchange 93 63 bennets at pauls wharfe 199 136 bennets grace-church 40 30 bennets finck 95 78 bennets sherhog 26 24 botolphs billinsgate 91 73 christ church parish 334 271 christophers parish 41 35 clements by eastcheape 48 40 dionis backchurch 112 88 dunstanes in the east 227 197 edmunds in lumbardstreet 78 67 ethelborow within bishopsg . 163 124 saint faiths 115 96 saint fosters in fosterlane 91 81 gabriel fanchurch 67 56 george botolphlane 36 30 gregories by paules 272 217 hellens within bishopsgate 98 83 iames by garlickhithe 141 110 iohn euangelist 9 5 iohn zacharies 131 118 iohns in the walbrooke 136 122 katherines cree-church 400 337 katherine colemans 190 167 lawrence in the iewry 88 71 lawrence pountney 161 134 leonards fosterlane 230 210 leonards eastcheape 54 39 magnus parish by the bridge 109 76 margrets new-fishstreet 83 61 margarets pattons 54 44 margarets moses 70 60 margarets lothbery ●06 88 martins in the vintry 258 190 martins orgars 90 77 martins iremonger lane 27 19 martins at ludgate 199 161 martins outwich 39 32 mary le booe 26 24 mary bothaw 35 31 mary at the hill 142 120 mary abchurch 124 110 mary woolchurch 52 37 mary colchurch 10 8 mary woolnoth 99 91 mary aldermary 80 68 mary aldermanbery 81 70 mary staynings 49 37 mary mounthaw 51 45 mary sommersets 197 177 matthew fridaystreet 16 13 maudlins in milkestreet 33 30 maudlins by oldfishstreet 126 104 michael bashishaw 141 109 michael corn-hill 130 91 michael in woodstreet 156 137 michael in the riall 100 79 michael in the querne 61 46 michael queenhithe 138 105 michael crooked lane 110 97 mildreds poulty 84 62 mildreds breadstreet 43 33 nicholas acons 41 32 nicholas cole abbay 147 103 nicholas olaues 83 69 olaues in the iury 41 33 olaues in siluerstreet 113 92 pancras by soperlane 20 16 peters in cornhill 141 80 peters in cheape 58 37 peters the poore in broadstr . 44 39 peters at pauls wharfe 97 88 steuens in colmanstreet 363 315 steuens in the walbrooke 24 20 swithins at londonstone 120 95 thomas apostles 86 64 trinitie parish 116 108 london without the wals , and within the liberties . andrewes in holborne 1191 1125 bartho . the lesse smithfield 86 74 bart. the great smithfield 195 165 brides parish 933 805 botolph algate 1413 1280 bridewell precinct 108 105 botolphs bishopsgate 1228 1094 botolphs without aldersg . 576 508 dunstones in the west 510 412 georges in southwarke 915 804 giles without creeplegate 2408 1745 olaues in southwarke 2541 2383 sauiours in southwarke 1914 1773 sepulchres parish 2223 1861 thomas in southwarke 249 221 trinitie in the minories 40 33 out parishes adioyning to the citie . clements templebarre 662 502 giles in the fields 456 402 iames at clarkenwell 725 619 katherines by the tower 653 585 leonards in shorditch 871 740 martins in the fields 505 405 mary white-chappel 1539 1352 magdalens in bermondsey — street 597 562 at the pest-house 135 135 buried in all within these 23. weekes 33681 whereof , of the plague 29083. london , printed by william stansby . a warning, or, a word of advice to the city of london, and to the whole kingdome of england, concerning the armies intentions and actions; / by him who is a lover of righteousnesse and peace; and at present a member of the army, very vsefull and considerable. him who is a lover of righteousnesse and peace. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a97191 of text r205357 in the english short title catalog (thomason e474_6). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a97191 wing w925 thomason e474_6 estc r205357 99864759 99864759 162458 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a97191) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162458) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 76:e474[6]) a warning, or, a word of advice to the city of london, and to the whole kingdome of england, concerning the armies intentions and actions; / by him who is a lover of righteousnesse and peace; and at present a member of the army, very vsefull and considerable. him who is a lover of righteousnesse and peace. [2], 6 p. for giles calvert near ludgate, printed at london : 1648. annotation on thomason copy: "nou: 30th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a97191 r205357 (thomason e474_6). civilwar no a warning, or, a word of advice to the city of london,: and to the whole kingdome of england, concerning the armies intentions and actions; him who is a lover of righteousnesse and peace. 1648 2417 3 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 sarah allison sampled and proofread 2009-01 sarah allison text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a warning , or , a word of advice to the city of london , and to the whole kingdome of england , concerning the armies intentions and actions ; by him who is a lover of righteousnesse and peace ; and at present a member of the army , very vsefull and considerable . printed at london for giles calvert near ludgate , 1648. a word of advice to the city of london , and to the whole kingdome of england , concerning the armies intentions and actions by him who is a lover of righteousnesse and peace , and at present a member of the army ; very usefull and considerable . oh the citie of london , and the kingdome of england ! what mercies hast thou enjoyed , or rather , what mercy have you not both abused : how may thy freinds and true lovers stand weeping over thee , and saying , oh the great metropolitaine citie , the kingdome of england , hadst thou known the things which belong to thy peace ; but now they are hid from thine eies , i say , hadst thou known , thou hadst not necessitated an armie , ( which generally hath used to be furthest from righteousnesse , justice and equitie ) to doe that for thee which thou thy self shouldest have looked after : oh thou great citie , thy sinnes are many , thy provocations great , thy temptations increasing within thee , to oppose thine own good , thine own peace . and now i shall tell thee , that the armies intentions , art and their actions will be for thine and the kingdomes good , peace , welfare , be you but passive , seeing that through your neglect , if not contrary activenesse , you have compelled them to be active ; they intend not your trouble , impoverishing , or ruine : but first , that justice may be impartially administred without respect of persons , without which they judge there can be no establishment either of righteousnesse or true and lasting peace , that which your selves long after , and be yee assured , it s not the plunder of your city , nor the decay or decrease of your trade that is intended : but rather that you might be settled in a more free way of liberty in your tradings , secondly , that this way be effected , viz. the execution of justice , they intend onely to question those both in parliament and city , which have been the obstructours of it , that so they may be expunged from any farther power , in betraying their trust , as of late , in wheeling round so fast into an unitie with those whom formerly they opposed , as the great occasioners of our trouble and miseries . thirdly , that by this means the justice of god may be taken off the kingdome , which is not like to be , untill justice be executed ; for god is a just god and will make inquisition for blood ; and blood cryeth for blood , and it s far better justice take hold of a few , if god so please , then of many thousands as must be expected , if justice be not executed ; for believe it , the way of the treatie is the high way of ruine even to those who cry it up , work it and manage it , and you will finde the army to be in the hands of god , your saviours in delivering you from it . this is that others see , although you see it not : and that which you cry up as the onely way of peace and libertie , others see it to be the high way of bondage and ruine ; give them therefore libertie to save you with feare pulling you out of the fire , &c. fourthly , that they might once see this poore bleeding and dying kingdome delivered from its oppressions and burdens , and established in its just rights and freedomes ; and this is that which god will effect , whatever shall say him nay , although at present to many , the remedie seems worse then the disease , yet the end shall be glorious . object . but perhaps you will say , this is that which belongs to the parliament and we are to look to them ; and to acquies in what they doe , they being chosen for that end . answ. it s true , it properly belongs to them indeed , but they betraying their trust in making peace with men of blood , contrary to law and religion , contrary to the law of nature or of god ; they are to be questioned by those for whom they are imployed : for if we will allow of arbitrary will and power in the parliament , as good in the king ; as good an unlimitted power were in the hands of one , as of many ; for this is a truth confest by all , that the parliament are servants of state unto the people , and i hope the servant may be questioned by his master if he betray his trust and that wilfully too , as a great part of this parliament hath done , in voting and carrying on a treaty of peace with the enemies of peace , and that not onely ignorantly but wilfully , contrary to the mindes of those who trusted them , as appears in their rejecting of all petitions from all counties who petitioned them the contrary : and secondly , in their not freeing the kingdome from burdens , but rather increasing of them . object . but those petitions came not from the major party in the city and counties to the parliament . answ. true , for the major party are such as have betrayed their interest in the parliament , in fighting against them , and are not to have any vote in the choice of them ; and so are not to be looked upon as within the liberty of propounding grievances , or judging the actions of those whose ruine they have so long d●sired : they are capable to receive government from them , but not govern or vote in governing ; therefore the parliament is proper to the honest wel affected party that have stood by them and with them in all difficulties , and they it is , who are ca●led to have an eye to their parliaments proceedings , and they it is who have petitioned their parliament time after time , but could not be heard ; and now their eyes are greatly upon the army , waiting what god will doe by the army for them , the army being the kingdomes servants as well as the parliament , the army being in the hands of god , the only visible power in and of the kingdome , by whom the enemy is subdued , upon whom the eyes of all those who expect righteousnesse and justice are for the accomplishment of it ; and therefore i must tell you that if the army should altogether be silent , they should likewise be perfideous and traytors to that trust reposed in them , betraying both the lives and liberties of themselves and friends into the hands of implacable and murtherous men . secondly , i answer , that the army is very tender of a parliamentary power and intend not to act things themselves , but to see those who have betrayed their trust purged forth , that so there may be a free course of justice in a lawfull parliamentary way . object . but it s reported that the army are levellers , and intend to make all things common . answ. it s very false and untrue raised by those who are enemies to truth and peace , its true they desire to levell all powers which are contrary to and against god : and this is that assure your selves the great god will beare them out in , for its god indeed who is the great leveller both within and without his people ; and who art thou o great mountaine that will stand up before him , thou shalt be made plaine . object . but there is not unity in the army in their proceedings , they are much divided amongst themselves . answ. that is likewise an untruth , for god hath powred down a mighty spirit of unity and courage amongst them that as one man they are united for the common good , and this i must tell you likewise that god hath not only given them that spirit of unity but a spirit of prayer and faith likewise , beleeving a deliverance before they ingage they are in good earnest , a praying , a beleeving people , therefore i shall now proceed to a word of advice unto you and that first be advised how you entertaine thoughts of opposition & so of the beginning of another warr in england , and that for these reasons first before if you oppose you will have the great god against you : second , then be sure you shal fal before him for he is able , and will dash you to peices like a potters vessell , it is neither multitudes nor tumults can save before him . 2 according to principles of reason , you of all people in the kingdome declare your folly and weaknesse : if you should begin a tumult , for be sure if ever you strike stroke you are undone ; if not by the army , yet have you not so much wisdome as to fore ; see that there are those amongst your selves who waite for a pray to be inriched in your fall ; o london , london , dost thou not yet know what belongs to thy peace ; shall it be hid from thine eyes or wilt thou not doe good , nor suffer good to be done , mine eye and my heart pittieth thee , if thou wilt worke out thine own ruine , 3 and be you therefore advised as you tender the safety of your persons , estates , trading , the peace of the kingdome , the honour of the great jehovah that you oppose not his worke in hand , lest you perish in your way , for who is he that shall stand before him ; i must tell you that god hath a dispensation of righteousnesse to bring forth in the worke and he will effect it though all the world say-him nay ; and he will make his people his batle and weapon of warr , by whom he will breake all that shall oppose him ; have you not seene god breaking to pieces great and mighty powers by them , o when will you see that its god fights our batles for us and delivers enemies into our hands ; take heed how you are found fighters against god . 4 consider you have for the most part all the godly people in this kingdome , as one in this act , and as one against you , if you oppose and they are the great interest of the kingdome ; for first , they are a praying people , secondly , they are a beleeving people : thirdly they are made a couragious fighting people , and then with them you will have their god and father to be against you , in a word you will have all the powers of heaven against you , and nothing but the powers of darknesse and confusion to be for you . 5. and finally be you sure to perish in any designe you undertake against them for there is neither pollisie nor power against them , god undermines it all and brings it to nothing faith is given in already in this particular , and that which i have said to the city , i say to the whole kingdome of england : be not perverse seek not to raise new troubles be at the least passive , suffer good when it commeth for all that oppose must be led forth with the workers of iniquity into confusion and misery : god will punish them with astonishment and madnesse , and will recompence unto them the fruite of their own waies : thus have i very briefly and that with much bowels and tendernesse , given you this word of warning , that if god so please thy ruine may be prevented , but if you will not heare my soule shall weep in secre● for thy pride ; yet know that thou hast had a word of warning from him who foresees both thy sin and misery ; and if notwithstanding this thou will be rebellious and oppose the work of the great jehovah , and so perish in thy opposition , thy destruction is of thy selfe and thy judgement will be the more just : hearken not to flatterers neither flatter thy self , it will be to late to repent when the judgement is past : consider that thou thy selfe by thy clamourous petitions to the parliament , hast been the cause of this approaching storme , add not therefore sin to sin , but repent and amend looke not at dishonour in thy submitting , beter be dishonourable in receiving good then honourable in opposing it : better be dishonourable in being passive in receaving them : to lose al in opposing , and your greatest honor now at least will be to conquer lust and pride ; before you are conquered for your pride , you know what sad doomes have been past upon you by many , i cannot yet say that is past upon you by god ; i desire the lord to deliver you from that fiery destruction threatened , therefore have i written that you might be prevented from working out your one ruine that so you might have peace finis . the triumphs of london performed on thursday, octob. 29, 1691, for the entertainment of the right honourable sir thomas stamp, kt., lord mayor of the city of london : containing a true description of the several pageants, with the speeches spoken on each pageant : all set forth at the proper costs and charges of the worshipful company of drapers / by e.s. settle, elkanah, 1648-1724. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a59353 of text r37376 in the english short title catalog (wing s2725). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish.this text has not been fully proofread approx. 22 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a59353 wing s2725 estc r37376 16412522 ocm 16412522 105381

this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59353) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105381) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1158:20) the triumphs of london performed on thursday, octob. 29, 1691, for the entertainment of the right honourable sir thomas stamp, kt., lord mayor of the city of london : containing a true description of the several pageants, with the speeches spoken on each pageant : all set forth at the proper costs and charges of the worshipful company of drapers / by e.s. settle, elkanah, 1648-1724. [2], 16 [i.e. 14], [2] p. printed by alex. milbourn for abel roper ..., london : 1691. error in paging: p. 7-8 lacking in numbering only. reproduction of original in the huntington library.
eng stamp, thomas, -sir, 1628-1711. london (england) -history -17th century. shcnothe triumphs of londonsettle, elkanah169135423000008.47b the rate of 8.47 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-09 assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 sampled and proofread 2006-04 text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 batch review (qc) and xml conversion

the triumphs of london , performed on thursday , octob. 29. 1691. for the entertainment of the right honourable sir thomas stamp kt ; lord mayor of the city of london .

containing a true description of the several pageants , with the speeches spoken on each pageant .

all set forth at the proper costs and charges of the worshipful company of drapers .

by e. settle

london , printed by alex. milbourn , for abel roper at the mitre near temple-bar , 1691.

to the right honovrable sir thomas stamp knight ; lord mayor of the city of london . my lord ,

honour ever looks lovelyest , and shines brightest , when 't is the recompence and meed of virtue ; so great is the difference between a present and a reward ? your lordship ascends the praetorial chair under the last qualification . your merits have planted you so fair a mark for that dignity you have received , that it is payd , not given you. and the unanimous acknowledgements of all good men are so sensible of a desert so conspicuous , that their concurring best wishes make you one united congratulation . and that your lordship has so deserved , your constant zeal for the honour of your country , is not the business of yesterday . your lordship set out an early devote in so worthy a cause . for instance , several years together in those memorable days , when intrigue & designe sat high at the helm , your unshaken honour and honesty were thought so dangerous to the then state-hammerers at the anvil , that no less then court-power was pleased to rise up & wage against you , witness the several potent , oppositions made against you and your long exclusion from your rightful entrance into trust . but thanks to providence , under the present more benign , & more auspicious administration , a reign where integrity qualifies for magistracy , & the courtier & the patriot are not names incompatible , your lordships glory of being the fear of that age , intitles you to the darling of this . and our proud metropolis receives her saluted praeior so pleased at your inauguration , and with such promising confidence of so upright and unbiast a ministry of equity & justice from your lordship that she never entrusted her scales and her sword in a worthier hand . in which high post of honour , i joyn but in the universal quire , when all prosperity and hoppiness to your lordship are most heartily wisht by , my lord ,

your most humble and obedient servant , e. settle .
to the worshipful company of drapers . gentlemen ,

under this fair occasion of expressing my gratitude , perhaps i take a fairer of gratifying my pride , when i publish your generous goodness in accepting of my poor talent for the service of this honourable city . my best acknowledgments to your introducing favour lye no little duty upon me ; and though i dare not arrogate any merit to so much honour , yet at least i have this advantage that i succeed not over-formidable predecessours ; those brothers of the quill whose pegasus has not soard so high , that there 's much danger of my flagging behind ' em .

but when i address to you my kind and worthy patrons , i dare not pretend in so narrow a paper to recount the antiquity and splendor of the worshipful company of drapers . it is enough to say that the honour of your corporation extends as far as trade can reach , or canvas wings can carry it ; and from this little island visits only those nations of the world that there is sea to travel to . and for your first original , drapery is unquestionably so ancient as to have the honour of being the immediate successor of the fig-leaves . and though we are not certain that our great first-father began it within his fair eden , yet we are assured that eves spinstry and adams spade set to work together . and as for any poetical harangue to the drapers encomium , let it suffice that whilst there are verdant plains and bleating flocks , those innocent panegyrists will do you more justice , and speak much better than any weak flourish from the pen of

your most obliged humble servant e. settle .
the movements of the morning . between seven and eight in the morning the whole company design'd for the duty of the day , meet at drapers-hall .

1. the master , wardens , and assistants , in gowns faced with foins , and their hoods .

2. the livery in their gowns faced with budg , and their hoods .

3. forty foins batchelors in gowns and scarlet hoods .

4. forty budg-batchelors in gowns & scarlet hoods .

5. forty gentlemen ushers in velvet coats , each of them a chain of gold about his shoulder , and a white-staff in his hand .

6. several drums and fifes with scarfs , and the colours of the company in their hats , blew and yellow .

7. the serjeant trumpet , and twenty four trumpets more , whereof sixteen are their majesties , the serjeant-trumpet wearing two scarfs , a blew & a yellow .

8. the drum-major to the king , wearing a shoulder-scarf of the companies colours , with others of their majesties drums and fifes .

9. the two city-marshals , each of them mounted on horse-back , with rich furniture , hoosings , and crupper all embroider'd : six servitors likewise mounted to attend , with scarfs , and colours of the companies .

10. the foot-marshal with a scarf , and six attendants in colours .

11. the master of defence with the same scarf and colours , eight persons of the same science to attend him .

12. twenty pensioners with coats and caps , employ'd in carrying of standards and banners .

13. eighty pensioners in blew-gowns , yellow sleeves and blew caps , each of them carrying a javeling in one hand , and a target in the other , wherein is painted the coat-armour of their founders , and benefactors of the company .

thus order'd , and accommodated , they are commited to the management of the foot marshal , who distributes them in seven divisions , rank'd all two by two , beginning with the inferior part of the standard bearers . in the head of them are placed two drums , one fife , and one gentleman , bearing the companies arms.

in the rear of them , two gentlemen bearing banners , containing the arms of the deceased benefactors .

after them march the aged pensioners in gowns , and in the centre of them fall two drums .

in the rear of them three drums , one fife , and two gentlemen in plush-coats , bearing two banners , one of their majesties , the other of the companies . after them six gentlemen ushers , follow'd by the budg-batchelors .

the next , two gentlemen bearing two other banners . after them six gentlemen ushers , succeeded by the foyns batchelors .

in the rear fall in two drums , and a fife . then two gentlemen , one bearing my lord mayors , the other the city banners . then twelve gentlemen ushers , and after them the court of assistance , which makes the last division .

the right honourable the lord mayor , with the principal aldermen and sheriffs , mounts his horse , with the aldermen two by two , the sheriffs in the rear .

in this equipage of two and two , the whole body move toward guild-hall , where the lord mayor elect joynes with the old lord mayor and his retinue ; whence all of them in this order march through king-street down to three crane-wharf , there entring into their several barges which are gloriously adorned with flags and pendants , his lordship & this gallant company all landing at westminster , is conducted to the exchequer-bar ; there having performed several ceremonial and customary duties , and taken the oaths to their majesties , he returns again by water to black-fryers stairs , with drums beating , trumpets sounding , musick playing , &c.

there his lordship , and the several companys landing from their respective barges , the rest of the attendants that went not to westminster , waiting for his reception , the whole body moves in order before him to cheap-side , where his lordship is saluted with the first pageant .

the first pageant a chariot , &c.

on a large stage are placed two large lyons finely gilded and pollished , being the supporters to the drapers company . on their backs are seated two negroes in their native habit , bearing in their hands two large banners , the one of the citys , the other the drapers arms ; their bridles , trappings , and other ornaments all of the companys colour .

in the reer of the lyons , and adjoyning to them , is erected a golden chariot set with all the richest embelishments that can be performed by art.

supremely elevated and gradually ascending , under a canopy of silver tyed up , in a majestick glory sits a young and beautiful virgin , representing arachne the mistress and patroness of arts , industry , spinstry , &c. a peruque of curld bright flaxen hair flowing from her shoulders , a crown of stars around her head , beset with precious stones , enrobed in a bass or tunick of purple and carnation , bearing in her right hand the kings banner , and in her left a cornucopia to signify that increase is owing to industry and art.

on her right hand ( on a descent beneath ) sits diligence , on her left hand industry .

diligence array'd in a robe of lemon colour'd silk , with a mantle of green sarsnet , in short curl'd hair with a wreathe of lawrel , a pair of silver sheers in one hand and a banner of the citys in the other .

industry , in a robe of crimson silk fringed with silver , a mantle party-colour'd , brown hair , a garland of flowers , bearing in one hand a shield vert , a bee-hive , and a swarm , in the other the lord mayors arms.

in the front of this chariot are placed three other figures , richly adorn'd in their proper habits , success , vnion and tranquility , success beating the kettle drum , and vnion and tranquility sounding of trumpets .

arachne addressing to my lord. hold , hold my sooty sun burnt charioteers , behold the awfull lord of pow'r appears : bid my triumphant driving chariot stay , till to bright honour i my homage pay . that pow'rful hand must stop my rolling wheels , whilst to such worth even my proud lyon kneels . my lyons ! yes ; at that commanding word , they know their duty and must own their lord. if such their homage , sir , what must be mine , i who but only from your favour shine ? though proud arachne does her self profess , of arts the mistress , and the patroness . fair industry and arts your hand-maids stand ; th' improving age and the enriching land , all spin their thred from your encouraging hand . my wheel then and my loom are all your own , and ' t is your smiles that mount me to my throne . then from that throne , my lord , i bend thus low ; and to acknowledge the vast debt i owe , my founders fame in my own loom enroll'd , for that rich web i 'll spin a thread of gold.
the second pageant the pyramide of honour .

on a large stage is artfully and eminently erected a lofty pyramide , whereon is placed ( and richly gilded ) all manner of trophies , as standarts , ensigns , shields , helmets , trumpets , and other military habiliments , &c. on the pinnacle of the pyramide three imperial crowns . beneath this stately pyramide , on each side the basis , are seated four persons , representing albion , germania , hispania and batavia , intimating the present confederacy , array'd in this following manner .

albion in a suit of silver armour with a crimson scarf , on his head a large peruke tyed back in a bag , his brow encircled with a gold lawrel , in his right hand a golden truncheon , in his left a banner of england , his buskins crimson , inlayed with gold.

holland in an orange colour'd robe , a silver head-piece , a red plume of feathers , and a silver mantle .

germany in a purple robe of wachet colour silk , a silver head-piece and scarf .

spain in a purple robe , a gold mantle , and gold head-piece .

at the 4 corners of this stage are placed these four rivers in proper habits , with their urnes , rushes flags and reeds , &c. viz. the boyne , shannon , rhine and danube , signifying the present seats or scenes of war , and the whole pageant the royal confederacy of europe , &c.

albion's speech . whilst nassaus trump shall t' endless ages blow , far as the boyne , or shannons waters flow : third edward and fifth henry's deathless name , all centring in one consummating fame ; bear up , fair albion , thy exalted pride , rise high my monumental pyramide . but whilst my elevated thoughts i raise , all tuned to the great williams hallow'd praise ; whilst my transported veneration mounts to that vast theme , and the summ'd mass recounts : 't is just , my lord , i pay your equal due ; you share his cause , and must his honour too . does the arm'd caesar drive your foes before you ; yes , you , kind patriot , plume his wings for glory : divide between you then your shared renown , william that wears , you that support a crown .
the third pageant , the theatre of victory .

on a spacious stage is eleborately contrived & erected a stately amphitheatre of the richest egyptian marble , curiously wrought and adorned ; design'd and built after the corinthian order , with columnes and pilasters in a quadrangular form , wherein are seated in four arches , bearing each the prospect of an amphitheatre , neptune and thetis , mars and bellona sumptuously drest after the manner of those heathen gods and goddesses .

neptune in a robe of sea-green , fringed with gold , a silver mantle , on his head a coronet of shells and coral , his hair and beard green , in his right hand a silver trident , in the other a banner of my lords , &c.

thetis in an aurora colour'd mantua ; and watchet colour'd bases , a coronet of shells and coral , a golden mantle , bearing the citys bannar .

mars in a roman body of gold , a silver head-piece , a plume of red feathers and bases , a silver scarf , bearing the kings banner .

bellona in a carnation robe fringed with gold , a silver head-piece , a plume of red and blew feathers , a silver scarf .

on the cupulo a stately figure of fame gilt : among the ornaments of the several columes , are intersprinkled these proper mottos .

victrix fortuna .

triumphans causa .

over neptune

imperium , oceano , sed famam terminet astris .

over mars .

vltricibus armis

the speech of neptune . neptune and mars ( the spear and trident joyn'd ) the two great equal terrours of mankind , from all our desolating vengeance , hurl'd around the solid and the floating world , we come to fill the triumph of this day , and both our tributary duties pay. t' augusta's great commanding praetor , you d�ead caesars image , caesars vassals bow , and 't is but just that all those aiding pow'rs that wait his triumph , should attend on yours . whilst the great nassau treads the worlds fair stage , fills fames loud trump , the heroe of the age ; though his illustrious hand leads to the field , the arming world that fights beneath his shield ; battles and arms his soveraign right , 't is true , but wealth and riches , those , my lord , your due , the sinews of proud war belong to you : and whilst he marches europes leading lord , 't is he but weilds , 't is you that edge the sword.
the fourth pageant the vvilderness : or , the arcadian plain ,

in the front of which is placed the crest of the worshipful company of drapers , being a ram artfully carved and properly painted , as big as the life , planted for magnificene on a green mount , or hill. on whose back is mounted a beautiful boy with flaxen hair , crown'd with a garland of roses , in a robe of white sarsnet , and a carnation mantle fringed with gold , with white shepherds shoes and stockings , playing on delightful musick , bearing the banner of the arms of the corporation of drapers .

in the reer is placed a stately bower composed after the tuscan order , well carved and richly gilded and painted , and adorned with all manner of flowers .

under this bower on a green bank sit sylvanus and fauna , the rural deitys of the groves and flocks &c. to whom the shepherds and shepherdesses pay devotion , &c.

sylvanus in a robe of straw colour , embroider�d with gold , a sky colour'd mantle fringed with silver , a garland of flowerson his head , white hair and beard , carnation silk hose , gold buskins , a shepherds crook , a linnen scrip , and leather bottle , bearing the citys banner .

fauna attyred in a purple robe , embroider�d with silver , a scarlet mantle fringed with gold , light flaxen hair , on her head a straw hat adorned with flowers , a sheepcrook , a silver scrip and leather bottle , bearing the banner of the lord mayors arms.

in the square of this plain , planted round with trees and bushes , adorned with satyrs & other rural figures , are shepherds , shepherdesses and wood-nimphs , all gayly attired , with bags , bottles , sheephooks and streamers flying , &c. with other persons concern'd in the woollen trade at work , as an old woman spinning of yarn , some carding and picking of wool , and all at intervals , frolicking , pipeing , dancing and singing , representing the pastoral and rural innocent mirth , as a compliment to the new lord mayor , and a testimony of their service to the drapers company .

at the approach of the lord mayor this carol is sung. come shepherds and nimphs a jolly fair train , let 's frolick and dance it around the plain , round the plain , round the plain , let 's frolick and dance it around the plain . we 'll drink my lord's health , then laugh & lye down , and all to the glory of london town , london town , london town , and all to the glory of london town .
the ceremony ending with this speech of sylvanus . vvhat tho' the whole alarum'd globe all round , their softer ayrs in wars loud thunder drown'd , the frighted swain throws his tuned reed away : no sullen cloud shades britains halcyon day . here peace does with her tuneful measures raign , and to your triumph brings this rural train . 't is true , my lord , when we approach before ye , we neither boast of pomp , nor state , nor glory . yet our course bowls as hearty mirth can hold , as theirs that drink your lordships health in gold.

here the pageantry concluding , the painters , george holmes and richard hayes , bid you good night ; the lord mayor and the whole train moving off to dinner , which finishes the solemnity of the day .

finis .
amusements serious and comical, calculated for the meridian of london by mr. brown. brown, thomas, 1663-1704. 1700 approx. 176 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 83 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29768 wing b5051 estc r19929 12676391 ocm 12676391 65557 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29768) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65557) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 681:1) amusements serious and comical, calculated for the meridian of london by mr. brown. brown, thomas, 1663-1704. [2], 160 p. printed for john nutt, london : 1700. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -description and travel -early works to 1800. london (england) -social life and customs. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion amusements serious and comical , calculated for the meridian of london . by mr. brown . london , printed for iohn nutt , near stationers-hall , 1700. amusements serious and comical . the preface . amusement i. the title i have confer'd upon my book , gives me authority to make as long a preface as i please ; for a long preface is a true amusement . however i have ventured to put one here , under the apprehension that it will be very necessary toward the understanding of the book ; tho' the generality of readers are of opinion , that a preface , instead of setting off the work , does but expose the vanity of the author . a good general of an army , is less embarrass'd at the head of his troops , than an ill writer in the front of his productions . he knows not in what figure to dress his countenance . if he puts on a fierce and haughty look , his readers think themselves obliged to lower his topsail , and bring him under their sterns : if he affects an humble sneaking posture , they slight and despise him : if he boasts the excellency of his subject , they believe not a syllable of what he says : if he tells them there is little or nothing in 't , they take him at his word ; and to say nothing at all of his work , is an unsufferable imposition upon an author . i know not what success these papers will find in the world ; but if any amuse themselves in criticizing upon them , or in reading them , my design is answer'd . i have given the following thoughts the name of amusements ; you will find them serious , or comical , according to the humour i was in when i wrote them ; and they will either divert you , instruct you , or tire you , after the humour you are in when you read them . t'other day one of the imaginary serious wits , who thought it a weakness in any man to laugh : seeing a copy of this book ; at the opening of it , fell into a passion , and wrinkling up his nostrils like a heated stallion that had a mare in the wind , said , the book was unworthy of the title ; for grave subjects , should be treated with decorum , and 't was to profane serious matters , to blend them with comical entertainments . what a mixture is here says he ! this variety of colours , said i to my censurer , appears very natural to me ; for if one strictly examines all mens actions and discourses , we shall find that seriousness and merriment are near neighbours , and always live together like friends , if sullen moody sots do not set them at variance . every day shews us , that serious maxims , and sober counsels , often proceed out of the mouths of the pleasantest companions , and such as affect to be always grave and musing , are then more comical than they think themselves . my spark push'd his remonstrance further : are not you ashamed , continued he , to print amusements ? don't you know , that man was made for business , and not to sit amusing himself like an owl in an ivy-bush ? to which i answer'd after this manner . the whole life of man is but one entire amusement : vertue only deserves the name of business , and none but they that practise it can be truly said to be employed , for all the world beside are idle . one amuses himself by ambition , another by interest , and another by that foolish passion love. little folks amuse themselves in pleasures , great men in the acquisition of glory , and i am amused to think that all this is nothing but amusement . once more , the whole transactions of our lives , are but meer amusements , and life it self is but an amusement in a continued expectation of death . thus much for serious matters : let us now make haste to pleasantry . i have a great mind to be in print ; but above all , i would fain be an original , and that is a true comical thought : when all the learned men in the world are but translators , is it not a pleasant jest , that you should strive to be an original ! you should have observed your time , and have come into the world with the ancient greeks for that purpose ; for the latines themselves are but copies . this discourse has mightily discouraged me . is it true then that there is such an embargo laid upon invention , that no man can produce any thing that is perfectly new , and intirely his own ? many authors , i confess , have told me so : i will enquire further about it , and if sir roger , mr. dryden , and mr. durfey confirm it , then i will believe it . what need all this toyl and clutter about original authors and translators ? he who imagines briskly , thinks justly , and writes correctly , is an original in the same things that another had thought before him . the natural air , and curious turn he gives his translations , and the application wherewith he graces them , is enough to perswade any sensible man , that he was able to think and perform the same things , if they had not been thought and done before him , which is an advantage owing to their birth , rather than to the excellency of their parts beyond their successors . some of our modern writers , that have built upon the foundation of the ancients , have far excell'd in disguising their notions , and improving the first essays , that they have acquir'd more glory , and reputation , than ever was given to the original authors : nay , have utterly effaced their memories . those who rob the modern writers , study to hide their thefts ; those who filch from the ancients , account it their glory . but why the last should be more reproach'd than the former , i cannot imagine , since there is more wit in disguising a thought of mr. lock 's , than in a lucky translation of a passage from horace . after all , it must be granted , that the genius of some men can never be brought to write correctly in this age , till they have form'd their wits upon the ancients , and their gusts upon the moderns ; and i know no reason , why it should be their disparagement , to capaciate themselves by these helps to serve the publick . nothing will please some men , but books stuff'd with antiquity , groaning under the weight of learned quotations drawn from the fountains : and what is all this but pilfering . but i will neither rob the ancient , nor modern books , but pillage all i give you from the book of the world. the book of the world is very ancient , and yet always new. in all times , men , and their passions , have been the subjects . these passions were always the same , tho' they have been delivered to posterity in different manners , according to the different constitution of ages ; and in all ages they are read by every one , according to the characters of their wit , and the extent of their judgment . those who are qualified to read and understand the book of the world , may be beneficial to the publick , in communicating the fruit of their studies ; but those that have no other knowledge of the world , but what they collect from books , are not fit to give instructions to others . if the world then is a book that ought to be read in the original : one may as well compare it to a country that one cannot know , nor make known to others , without traveling through it himself . i began this journey very young : i always loved to make reflections upon every thing that presented it self to my view : i was amused in making these reflections : i have amused my self in writing them : and i wish my reader may amuse himself in reading them . some will think it another amusement to find a book without a dedication , begging the protection of a mighty patron , and by some fulsome kind of flattery , expose the great man , the author intended to praise ; but that i have avoided , by sending the brat naked into the world to shift for it self . it was not design'd to give any man offence . innocent mirth , compounded with wholsome advice , is the whole burthen it travails with ; and therefore the author flatters himself with the hopes of pleasing all men : which is a pitch if his book arrives to , will be the greatest amusement in the world. amusement ii. the voyage of the world. there is no amusement so entertaining and advantageous , as improving some of our leisure time in traveling . if any man for that reason has an inclination to divert himself , and sail with me round the globe , to supervise almost all the conditions of humane life , without being infected with the vanities , and vices that attend such a whimsical perambulation ; let him follow me , who am going to relate it in a stile , and language , proper to the variety of the subject : for as the caprichio came naturally into my pericranium , i am resolv'd to pursue it through thick and thin , to enlarge my capacity for a man of business . where then shall we begin ? in the name of mischief what country will first present it self to my imagination ? he bien ! i have hit upon 't already : let 's steer for the court , for that 's the region which will furnish us with the finest lessons for our knowledge of the world. the covrt . the court is a country abounding with amusements . the air they breath there , is very fine and subtile ; only for about three parts and a half of four in the year , 't is liable to be infected with gross vapours full of flattery and lying . all the avenues leading to it are gay , smiling , agreeable to the sight , and all end in one and the same point , honour , and self-interest . here fortune keeps her residence , and seems to expect that we make our addresses to her , at the bottom of a long walk , which lies open to all comers and goers . one would be apt to think at first sight , that he might reach the end on 't , before he could count twenty ; but there are so many by-walks and allies to cross , so many turnings and windings to find out , that he is soon convinced of his mistake . 't is contrived into such an intricate maze and obscure manner , that the straitest way is not always the nearest . it looks gloriously in the country , but when you approach it , its beauty diminishes . after all the enquiry i have made about it , i am not able to satisfie your curiosity , whether the ground it stands upon be firm and solid . i have seen some new comers tread as confidently upon it , as if they had been born there ; but quickly found they were in a new world , where the tottering earth made them giddy and stumble : for tho' they knew good and evil were equally useful to their advancement , yet were so confounded , to know which of the two they ought to employ to make their fortunes , that for want of understanding only that pretty knack , they made a journey to court only to go back again , and report at home they had the honour of seeing it . on the other side , i have seen some old stagers walk upon court ground , as gingerly as upon ice , or a quagmire : and with all the precaution and fear imaginable , lest they should fall from a great fortune by the same defects that rais'd them : and not without cause , for the ground is hard in some places , and sinks in others ; but all people covet to get upon the highest spot , to which there is no coming but by one passage , and that is so narrow , that no ambitious pretender can keep the way , without justling other people down with his elbows : and the further mischief on 't is , that those that keep their feet , will not help up those that are fallen : for 't is the genius of a true courtier not to lend a hand , or part with a farthing to one that wants every thing ; but will give any thing to him that wants nothing : or rather will lay up for a rainy day , because what he sees befal another to day , may be his own turn to morrow . he a stout heart should have , and steady head , that in a dangerous slipery path does tread ; and 't is the court that slipery place i call , where all men slip , and very few but fall . the difficulties we meet with in this country , are very surprizing ; for he takes the longest way about , that keeps the old track of honesty and true merit ; for where the address of some , does not help to make the fortune of others , immediately to eclipse his desert , calumny raises the thickest clouds , envy the blackest vapours , and the candidate is lost in the fog of competitors , and must hide himself behind a favourites recommendation , if ever he hopes to obtain what he seeks for : so that vertue is no longer vertue , nor vice vice , but every thing is confounded and eaten up by particular interests . a new comer , with his pockets well lined , is always welcome to any court in christendom , and every thing is provided for him without his own trouble . he neither acts nor speaks , and yet they admire him as a very wise man : first , because he is so foolish to hear them talk impertinently , and next because there is no little wisdom in his modesty and silence ; for had he acted or spoke never so little , they wou'd soon have found out the coxcomb . he that holds a courtier by the hand , has a wet eel by the tail. he no sooner thinks he is sure of him , but he has lost him . tho' you presented him in the morning , he will forget you at night , and utterly renounce you the day following . a profest courtier , tho he never aims at the peace of god , is past any man's understanding . he is incomparably skill'd in modish postures , and modeling his looks to every occasion : profound and impenetrable , can dissemble when he does ill offices , smile an enemy to death , frown a friend into banishment , put a constraint upon his natural temper , act against his own inclination , disguise his passions , rail against his own principles , contradict his own opinion , and by a brillant humour , convert a friendly openness and sincerity , into a sly chicanry and falshood . is it not a great amusement , that a man which can subsist upon his own , should throw himself into the two great plagues of mankind , expectation and dependance , and spend his life in an anti-chamber , a court-yard , or a stair-case , where he finds no advantage or content ; but is also hindred from finding it elsewhere . is it not strange , i say , to see a great man that lives and is respected in his own country like a prince , haunt the court to make himself little by comparison , and bow to those little animals at the palace , whose creeping , cringing , and long services , are all the merits they can pretend to . let the courtiers value themselves upon their refined pleasures , their power and interest : their being able to do good by chance , and evil by inclination ; yet he that is under no necessity of living precariously , or mending his present circumstances , 't is an amusement to see him dance attendance for a single office at court , that has so many at his own disposal in the country . and now let 's take our leave of all the courts in europe , and hoist sail for london ; the chiefest city in all christendom ▪ where we shall find matter enough to amuse our selves , tho' we should live as long as mathusela . amusement iii. london . london is a world by it self . we daily discover in it more new countries , and surprizing singularities , than in all the universe besides . there are among the londoners so many nations differing in manners , customs , and religions , that the inhabitants themselves don 't know a quarter of them . imagine then what an indian wou'd think of such a motly herd of people , and what a diverting amusement it would be to him , to examine with a traveller's eye , all the remarkable things of this mighty city . a whimsy now takes me in the head , to carry this stranger all over the town with me : no doubt but his odd and fantastical ideas , will furnish me with variety , and perhaps with diversion . thus i am resolv'd to take upon me the genius of an indian , who has had the curiosity to travel hither among us , and who had never seen any thing like what he sees in london . we shall see how he will be amazed at certain things , which the prejudice of custome makes to seem reasonable and natural to us . to diversifie the stile of my narration , i will sometimes make my traveller speak , and sometimes i will take up the discourse my self . i will represent to my self the abstracted ideas of an indian , and i will likewise represent ours to him . in short , taking it for granted , that we two understand one another by half a word , i will set both his and my imagination on the ramble . those that won't take the pains to follow us , may stay where they are , and spare themselves the trouble of reading further in the book ; but they that are minded to amuse themselves , ought to attend the caprice of the author for a few moments . i will therefore suppose this indian of mine , dropt perpendicularly from the clouds , and finds himself all on the sudden in the midst of this prodigious and noisy city , where repose and silence dare scarce shew their heads in the darkest night . at first dash the confused . clamours near temple-bar , stun him , fright him , and make him giddy . he sees an infinite number of differenr machines , all in violent motion . some riding on the top , some within , others behind , and iehu in the coach-box before , whirling some dignify'd villain towards the devil , who has got an estate by cheating the publick . he lolls at full stretch within , and half a dozen brawny bulk-begotten footmen behind . some carry , others are carry'd : make way there , says a gouty-leg'd chair-man , that is carrying a punk of quality to a mornings exercise : or a bartholomen . baby beau , newly launch'd out of a chocolate-house , with his pockets as empty as his brains . make room there , says another fellow driving a wheel-barrow of nuts , that spoil the lungs of the city prentices , and make them wheeze over their mistresses , as bad as the phlegmatick cuckolds their masters do , when call'd to family duty . one draws , another drives . stand ap there , you blind dog , says a carman , will you have the cart squeeze your guts out ? one tinker knocks , another bawls , have you brass pot , iron pot , kettle , skillet , or a frying-pan to mend : whilst another son of a whore yells louder than homer's stentor , two a groat , and four for six pence mackarel . one draws his mouth up to his ears , and howls out , buy my flawnders , and is followed by an old burly drab , that screams out the sale of her maids and her sole at the same instant . here a sooty chimney-sweeper takes the wall of a grave alderman ; and a broom-man justles the parson of the parish . there a fat greasie porter , runs a trunk full butt upon you , while another salutes your antlers with a flasket of eggs and butter . turn out there you country put , says a bully with a sword two yards long jarring at his heels , and throws him into the channel . by and by comes a christning , with the reader and the midwife strutting in the front , and young original sin as fine as fippence , followed with the vocal musick of kitchen-stuff ha' you maids ; and a damn'd trumpeter calling in the rabble to see a calf with six legs and a top-knot . there goes a funeral , with the men of rosemary after it , licking their lips after their three hits of white , sack , and claret at the house of mourning , and the sexton walking before , as big and bluff as a beef-eater at a coronation . here 's a poet scampers for 't as fast as his legs will carry him , and at his heels a brace of bandog bayliffs , with open mouths ready to devour him , and all the nine muses . well , say i to the indian ; and how do you like this crowd , noise , and perpetual hurry ? i admire and tremble , says the poor wretch to me . i admire that in so narrow a place , so many machines , and so many animals , whose motions are so directly opposite or different , can move so dexterously , and not fall foul upon one another . to avoid all this danger , shews the ingenuity of you europeans ; but their rashness makes me tremble , when i see brute heavy beasts hurry through so many streets , and run upon slippery uneven stones , where the least faise step brings them within an ace of death . while i behold this town of london , continues our contemplative traveller , i fancy i behold a prodigious animal . the streets are as so many veins , wherein the people circulate . with what hurry and swiftness is the circulation of london perform'd ? you behold , say i to him , the circulation that is made in the heart of london , but it moves more briskly in the blood of the citizens , they are always in motion and activity . their actions succeed one another with so much rapidity , that they begin a thousand things before they have finish'd one , and finish a thousand others before they have begun them . they are equally uncapable both of attention and patience , and tho' nothing is more quick , than the effects of hearing and seeing ; yet they don't allow themselves time either to hear or see ; but like moles , work in the dark , and undermine one another . all their study and labour is either about profit , or pleasure ; and they have schools for the education of their stalking-horses , which they call apprentices in the mystery of trade . a term unintelligible to foreigners , and that none truly understand the meaning of , but those that practice it . some call it over-witting those they deal with , but that 's generally denied as a heterodox definition ; for wit was never counted a london commodity , unless among their wives , and other city sinners ; and if you search all the warehouses and shops , from white-chappel bars , to st. clement's , if it were to save a man's life , or a womans honesty , you cannot find one farthing worth of wit among them . some derive this heathenish word trade from an hebrew original , and call it over-reaching , but the iews deny it , and say the name and thing is wholly christian ; and for this interpretation quote the authority of a london alderman , who sold a iew five fat 's of right-handed gloves , without any fellows to them , and afterwards made him purchase the left-handed ones to match them , at double the value . some call trade , honest gain , and to make it more palatable , have lacker'd it with the name of godliness ; and hence it comes to pass , that the generality of londoners are accounted such eminent professors ; but of all guessers , he comes nearest the mark , that said trade was playing a game at losing loadum , or dropping fools pence into knaves pockets , till the sellers were rich , and the buyers were bankrupts . about the middle of london , is to be seen a magnificent building , for the accommodation of the lady trade and her heirs and successors for ever , so full of amusements about twelve a clock every day , that one would think all the world was converted into news-mongers and intellingencers , for that 's the first salutation among all mankind that frequent that place . what news from scandaroon and aleppo ? says the turkey merchant . what price bears currants at zant ? apes at tunis ? religion at rome ? cutting a throat at naples ? whores at venice ? and the cure of a clap at padua ? what news of such a ship ? says the insurer . is there any hope of her being cast away , says the adventurer , for i have insured more by a thousand pounds , than i have in her ? so have i through mercy , says a second , and therefore let 's leave a letter of advice for the master , at the new light-house at plimouth , that he does not fail to touch at the good-win-sands , and give us advice of it from deal , or canterbury , and he shall have another ship for his faithful service as soon as he comes to london . i have a bill upon you , brother , says one alderman to another . go home , brother , says the other , and if money and my man be absent , let my wife pay you out of her privy-purse , as your good wife lately paid a bill at sight for me , i thank her ladyship . hark you , mr. broker , i have a parcel of excellent log-wood , block-tin , spiders brains , philosophers guts , don qnixot's windmills , hens-teeth , ell-broad pack-thread , and the quintescence of the blue of plumbs . go you puppy , you are fit to be a broker , and don 't know that the greshamites buy up all these rarities by wholesale all the year , and retail them out to the society every first of april . hah , old acquaintance ! touch flesh : i have have been seeking thee all the change over . i have a pressing occasion for some seeds of sedition , iacobite rue , and whig herb of grace , can'st furnish me ? indeed lau , no ; saith the merchant . i have just parted with them to the several coffee-houses about the town , where the respective merchants meet that trade in those commodities ; but if you want but a small parcel , you may be supplied by mrs. bald — n , or da — y and his son-in-law bell and clapper , and most booksellers in london and westminster . da , da , i 'll about it immediately . stay a little mr , — , i have a word in private to you . if you know any of our whig friends that have occasion for any stanch votes for the choice of mayors or sheriffs , that were calculated for the meridian of london , but will serve indifferently for any city , or corporation in europe , our friend mr. pars — l has abundance that lie upon his hands , and will be glad to dispose of them a good pennyworth . enough said , they are no winters traffick , for tho' mayors and woodcocks come in about michaelmas , they don't lay springes for sheriffs till about midsummer , and then we 'll talk with him about those weighty matters . there stalks a sergeant and his mace , smelling at the merchants backsides , like a hungry dog for a dinner . there walks a publick notary tied to an lnkhorn , like an ape to a clog , to put off his heathen-greek commodities , bills of store , and charter parties . that wheezing sickly shew with his breeches full of the prices of male and female commodities , projects , complaints , and all mismanagements from dan to beersheba , is the devil's broker , and may be spoken withal every sunday from eleven in the morning , till four in the afternoon , at the next quakers meeting , to his lodging , and not after ; for the rest of his time on that day he employs in adjusting his accompts , and playing at back-gammon with his principal . there goes a rat-catcher in state , brandishing his banner like a blackamore in a pageant on the execution-day of rost beef , greasie geese , and custards . and there sneaks a hunger-starv'd usurer in quest of a crasie citizen for use and continuance-money , which the other shuns as carefully as a sergeant , or the devil . now say i to my indian , is not all this hodge-podge a pleasant confusion , and a perfect amusement ? the astonish'd traveller reply'd , without doubt the indigested chaos was but an imperfect representation of this congregated huddle . but that which most amuses my understanding , is to hear 'em speak all languages , and talk of nothing but trucking , and bartering , buying and selling , borrowing and lending , paying and receiving , and yet i see nothing they have to dispose of unless those that have them , fell their gold chains , the braziers their leathern aprons , the young merchants their swords , or the old ones their canes and oaken-plants , that support their feeble carcases . that doubt , quoth i to my inquisitive indian , is easily solved , for tho their grosser wares are at home in their store-houses , they have many things of value to truck for , that they always carry about them : as justice for fat capons to be delivered before dinner , a reprieve from the whipping-post , for a dozen bottles of claret to drink after it . licences to sell ale for a hogshead of stout to his worship ; and leave to keep a coffee-house , for a cask of cold tea to his lady . name but what you want , and i 'll direct you to the walks where you shall find the merchants that will furnish you . would you buy the common hunt , the common cryers , the bridge-master's , or the keeper of newgate's places ? stay till they fall , and a gold-chain , and a great horse will direct you to the proprietors . would you buy any naked truth , or light in a dark-lanthorn ? look in the wet-quakers walk . have you occasion for comb-brushes , tweezers , cringes , or complements , a la mode ? the french walk will supply you . want you old cloaks , plain shooes , or formal gravity ? you may fit your self to a cows-thumb among the spaniards . have you any use in your country for upright honesty , or downright dealing ? you may buy plenty of them both among the stock-iobbers , for they are dead commodities , and that society are willing to quit their hands of them . would you lay out your indian gold for a new plantation ? enquire for the scotch walk , and you buy a good pennyworth in darien : three of your own kings , for as many new hats , and all their nineteen subjects into the purchase , to be delivered at the scotch east-india office , by parson pattison , or their secretary wisdom webster . if you want any tallow , rapparee's hides , or popish massacres , enquire in the irish walk , and you cannot lose your labour : but i am interrupted . look ! yonder 's a iew treading upon an italian's foot , to carry on a sodomitical intrigue , and bartering their souls here , for fire and brimstone in another world. see , there 's a beau that has play'd away his estate at a chocolate-house , going to sell himself to barbadoes , to keep himself out of newgate , and from scandalizing his relations at tyburn . there 's a poet reading his verses . and squeezing his brains into an amorous cits pockets , in hopes of a tester to buy himself a dinner . behind that pillar is a welch herald deriving a merchant's pedigree from adam's great grandfather , to entitle him to a coat of arms , when he comes to be alderman . but now the change began to empty so fast , i thought 't was time to troop off to an eating-house ; but my indian pull'd me by the sleeve to satisfie his curisioty , why they stain'd such stately pillars with so many dirty papers . i told him , they were advertisements . why , says he , don't they put them into the post-boy ? can't the folks in this country read it ? pray let me know the contents of some of these serawls . why first here is a ship to be sold , with all her tackle and lading , there are vertuous maidens that are willing to be transported with william penn into merriland , for the propogation of quakerism . in another is a tutor to be hired , to instruct any gentleman's , or merchant's children in their own families : and under that an advertisement of a milc-ass , to be sold at the night-mans in white-chappel . in another colume in a gilded-frame was a chamber-maid that wanted a service ; and over her an old batchelor that wanted a house-keeper . on the sides of these were two lesser papers , one containing an advertisement of a red-headed monkey lost from a seed-shop in the strand , with two guineas reward to him or her that shall bring him home again with his tail and collar on . on the other side was a large folio fill'd with wet and dry nurses ; and houses to be lett ; and parrots , canary-birds , and setting-dogs to be sold. they way to my lodging lay through cheapside , but dreading the canibal man-catchers at the counter-gate , that suck the blood , and pick the bones of all the paupers that fall into their clutches ; nay , are worse than dogs , for they 'll devour one another ; i tack'd about , and made a trip over moor-fields , and visited our friends in bedlam . a pleasant piece it is , and abounds with amusements ; the first of which is the building so stately a fabrick for persons wholly unsensible of the beauty and use of it : the outside is a perfect mockery to the inside , and admits of two amusing queries : whether the persons that ordered the building it , or those that inhabit it , were the maddest ? and whether the name and thing be not as disagreeable as harp and harrow ? but what need i wonder at that , since the whole is but one intire amusement : some were preaching , and others in full cry a hunting . some were praying , other cursing and swearing . some were dancing , others groaning . some singing , others crying , and all in perfect confusion . a sad representation of the greater chimerical world , only in this there 's no whoring , cheating , nor sleeping , unless after the platonick mode in thought , for want of action . here were persons confined that having no money nor friends , and but a small stock of confidence , run mad for want of preferment . a poet that for want of wit and sense , run mad for want of victuals , and a hard-favour'd citizens wife , that lost her wits because her husband kept a handsome mistress . in this apartment was a common lawyer pleading ; in another a civilian sighing ; a third enclosed a iacobite ranting against the revolution ; and a fourth a morose melancholy whig , bemoaning his want of an office , and complaining against abuses at court , and mismanagements . missing many others , whom i thought deserved a lodging among their brethren , i made enquiry after them , and was told by the keeper , they had many other houses of the same foundation in the city , where they were disposed of till they grew tamer , and were qualified to be admitted members of this soberer society . the projectors , who are generally broken citizens , were coop'd up in the counters and ludgate . the beaus , and rakes , and common mad gilts , that labour under a furor uterini in bridewell , and justice long 's powdering-tub ; and the vertuosi were confined to gresham-college . those , continued he , in whose constitutions folly has the ascendant over frenzy , are permitted to reside , and be smoaked in coffee-houses ; and those that by the governors of this hospital , are thought utterly incurable , are shut up with a pair of foils , a fiddle , and a pipe , in the inns of court and chancery ; and when their fire and spirits are exhausted , and they begin to dote , they are removed by habeas corpus into a certain hospital built for that purpose near amen-corner . walking from hence , i had leisure to ask my indian his opinion of these amusements , who after the best manner his genius would suffer him , harangued upon deficiency of sence , as the only beneficial quality , since the bare pretence to wit was attended by such tragical misfortunes , as confinement to straw , small drink , and flogging . hearing a noise as we approached near cripplegate church , my curiosity lead me into the inside of it , where mr. sm — ys was holding-forth against all the vices of the age , but whoring and midwifery ; for such a stretch of extravagancy had lost both his own and his wifes fees at christenings , and stuffing their wembs at churchings : and you know none but poets and players decry their own way of living . he was very heavenly upon conjugal duties and chastity , for a reason you may imagine : press'd filial obedience and honesty , with as much vigour , as if his own sons had been his auditors : but above all , laid out himself as powerfully in exciting his hearers to be charitable to the poor , as if himself had been the iudas and the bag-bearer . now i that am always more scared at the sight of a sergeant , or bayliff , than at the devil and all his works , was mortally frighted in my passage through barbican and long-lane , by the impudent ragsellers , in those scandalous climates , who laid hold of my arm to ask me , what i lack'd ? at first it made me tremble worse than a quaker in a fit of enthusiasm , imagining it had been an arrest ; but their rudeness continuing at every door , relieved me from those pannick fears ; uterini in bridewell , and justice long 's powdering-tub ; and the vertuosi were confined to gresham-college . those , continued he , in whose constitutions folly has the ascendant over frenzy , are permitted to reside , and be smoaked in coffee-houses ; and those that by the governors of this hospital , are thought utterly incurable , are shut up with a pair of foils , a fiddle , and a pipe , in the inns of court and chancery ; and when their fire and spirits are exhausted , and they begin to dote , they are removed by habeas corpus into a certain hospital built for that purpose near amen-corner . walking from hence , i had leisure to ask my indian his opinion of these amusements , who after the best manner his genius would suffer him , harangued upon deficiency of sence , as the only beneficial quality , since the bare pretence to wit was attended by such tragical misfortunes , as confinement to straw , small drink , and flogging . hearing a noise as we approached near cripplegate church , my curiosity lead me into the inside of it , where mr. sm — ys was holding-forth against all the vices of the age , but whoring and midwifery ; for such a stretch of extravagancy had lost both his own and his wifes fees at christenings , and stuffing their wembs at churchings : and you know none but poets and players decry their own way of living . he was very heavenly upon conjugal duties and chastity , for a reason you may imagine : press'd filial obedience and honesty , with as much vigour , as if his own sons had been his auditors : but above all , laid out himself as powerfully in exciting his hearers to be charitable to the poor , as if himself had been the iudas and the bag-bearer . now i that am always more scared at the sight of a sergeant , or bayliff , than at the devil and all his works , was mortally frighted in my passage through barbican and long-lane , by the impudent ragsellers , in those scandalous climates , who laid hold of my arm to ask me , what i lack'd ? at first it made me tremble worse than a quaker in a fit of enthusiasm , imagining it had been an arrest ; but their rudeness continuing at every door , relieved me from those pannick fears ; and the next that attack'd my arm with what ye buy , sir , what ye lack ? i threw him from my sleeve into the kennel , saying , tho' i want nothing out of your shops , methinks you all want good manners and civility , that are ready to tear a new sute from my back , under pretence of selling me an old one : avant vermin , your cloaths smell as rankly of newgate and tyburn , as the bedding to be sold at the ditch-side near fleet-bridge , smells of a bawdy-house and brandy . smithfield would next have afforded us variety of subjects to descant upon ; but it being neither bartholomew-fair time , nor market-day , i shall adjourn that view to another opportunity ; and now proceed to , amusement iv. westminster-hall . a magnificent building , which is open to all the world , and yet in a manner is shut up , by the prodigious concourse of people , who crowd and sweat to get in or out , and happy are they that don't leave their lives , estates , nor consciences behind them . here we entered into a great hall , where my indian was surprized to see , in the same place , men on the one side with bawbles and toys , and on the other taken up with the fear of judgment , on which depends their inevitable destiny . in this shop are to be sold ribbons and gloves , towers and commodes , by word of mouth : in another shop lands and tenements are disposed of by decree . on your left hand you hear a nimble tongu'd painted sempstress , with her charming treble , invite you to buy some of her knick-knacks : and on your right , a deep-mouth'd cryar commanding impossibilities , viz. silence to be kept among women and lawyers . what a fantastical jargon does this heap of contrarieties amount to ? while our traveller is making his observations upon this motly scene , he 's frighted at the terrible approaches of a multitude of men in black gowns , and round caps , that make between them a most hideous and dreadful monster , call'd pettyfogging , of which there is such store in england , that the people think themselves obliged to pray for the egyptian locusts , and catterpillars , in exchange for this kind of vermin . and this monster bellows out so pernicious a language , that one word alone is sufficient to ruine whole families . at certain hours appointed , there appears grave and dauntless men , whose very sight is enough to give one a quartan-ague , and who says this monster on his back . scarce a day passes over their heads , but they rescue out of his greedy jaws some thousand of acres half devoured . this cursed petty-fogging is much more to be feared than injustice it self . the latter openly undoes us , and affords us at least this comfort , that we have a right to bewail our selves ; but the former by its dilatory formalities , rob us of all we have , and tells us for our eternal despair , that we suffer by law. justice , if i may so express my self , is a beautiful young virgin disguis'd , brought on the stage by the pleader , pursued by the artorney , cajol'd by the counsellor , and defended by the iudge . some pert critick will tell me now that i have lost my way in digressions . under favour , this critick is in the wrong box , for digressions properly belong to my subject , since they are all nothing but amusements ; and this is a truth so uncontested , that i am resolved to continue them . by way of digression , i must here inform you , that in all those places of my voyage , where the indian perplexes me with his questions , i will drop him , as i have already done , to pursue my own reflexions : upon this condition however , that i may be allowed to take him up again , when i am weary of travelling alone . i will likewise make bold to quit the metaphor of my voyage , whenever the fancy takes me ; for i am so far from confining my self like a slave to one particular figure , that i will keep the power still in my hands , to change if i think fit at every period , my figure , subject , and stile , that i may be less tiresom to the modern reader ; for i know well enough , that variety is the predominant taste of the present age. altho' nothing is durable in this transitory world , yet 't is observ'd , that this saying proves false in westminster-hall , where there are things of eternal continuance , as thousands have found true by woful experience , i mean chancery suits . certain sons of parchment , call'd sollicitors and barristers , make it their whole business to keep the shuttle-cock in motion , and when one hand is weary of it , they play it into another . 't is the chiefest part of their religion to keep up and animate the differences among their clyents , as it was with the vestal virgins in the days of yore , to maintain the sacred fire . 't is a most surprizing thing that notwithstanding all the clamour , squaling , and bawling there is in the courts , yet you shall have a judge now and then take as comfortable a nap upon the bench , as if he was at church ; and every honest christian has reason to pray , that as often as a cause comes to be heard , the judges of ancient times were awake , and the modern fast asleep . however this must be said for them , that they are righteous enough in their hearts ; but the devil on 't is , that they can't tell which way to take to instruct themselves in the merits of the cause . the contending parties are suspected by them , the solicitor embroils them , the counsellor deafens them , the attorney importunes them , and ( is it not a sad thing ? ) the shee-sollicitor distracts them . well! let what will happen on 't , give me for my money the female sollicitor . a certain judge in the days of yore , made his boasts one day , that the most charming woman in the world , was not able to make him forget that he was a judge . very likely , sir , said a gentleman to him ; but i 'll lay twenty to one on nature's side . the magistrate was a man before he was a iudge . the first motion he finds is for the shee solicitor , and the second is for iustice. a very beautiful countess went to a morose surly judge's chamber , to prepossess him in favour of a very unrighteous cause , and to sollicite for a colonel , against a tradesman that sued him . this tradesman happened that very moment to be in his lordship's closet , who found his cause to be so just , and clear , that he could not forbear to promise him to take care he should carry the day . the words were no sooner out of his mouth , but our charming countess appear'd in the anti-chamber . the iudge immediately run as fast as his gouty legs would give him leave to meet her ladyship . her eyes , her air , her graceful deportment , the sound of her voice , so many charms in short , pleaded so powerfully in her favour , that at the first moment he found the man too powerful for the iudge , and he promised our countess , that the collonel should gain his cause . thus you see the poor judge engaged on both sides . when he came back to his closet , he found the tradesman reduc'd to the last despair . i saw her , cries the fellow as it were out of his wits . i saw the lady that solicits against me , and lord what a charming creature she is ? i am undone my lord , my cause is lost and ruin'd ! why , says the judge , not yet recovered from his confusion , imagine your self in my place , and tell me if 't is possible for frail man to refuse any thing that so beautiful a lady asks ? as he spoke these words , he pull'd a hundred pistols out of his pocket , which amounted to the sum the tradesman sued for , and gave them to him . by some means or other the countess came to the knowledge of it ; and as she was vertuous even to a scruple , she was afraid of being too much obliged by so generous a judge , and immediately sent him a hundred pistoles . the colonel full as gallant as the countess was scrupulous , paid her the sum aforesaid ; and thus every one did as he ought to do . the judge was afraid of being unjust , the countess feared to be too much obliged , the collonel paid , and the tradesman was satisfied : or according to our old english adage , all was well , iack had ioan , and the man had his mare again . shall i give you my opinion of this judge's behaviour . the first motion he found in himself , was for the charming sollicitrix , which i cannot excuse him for ; and the second was for iustice , for which i admire him . while i thus amus'd my self , my traveller is lost in a fog of black-gowns ; let us go and find him . oh yonder he is at the farther end of the hall , i call to him , he strives to come to me , but his breath fails him , the crowd over-presses him , he 's carried down the stream , he swims upon his elbows to get to shoar . at last half spent , and dripping from every pore in his body , he comes up to me , and all the relation i could get from him of what he had seen , was ; oh this counfounded country ! let us get out of it as soon as possibly we can , and never see it more . come , come , says i to him , let 's go and refresh our selves after this fatigue ; and to put the idea of the hall out of our heads , let 's go this evening into the delicious country of opera . amusement v. the play-house . the play-house is an inchanted island , where nothing appears in reality what it is , nor what it should be . 't is frequented by persons of all degrees and qualities whatsoever , that have a great deal of idle time lying upon their hands , and can't tell how to employ it worser . here lords come to laugh , and to be laugh'd at for being there , and seeing their qualities ridicul'd by every triobolary poet. knights come hither to learn the amorous smirk , the ala mode grin , the antick bow , the newest-fashion'd cringe , and how to adjust his phiz , to make himself as ridiculous by art , as he is by nature . hither come the country gentlemen to shew their shapes , and trouble the pit with their impertinence about hawking , hunting , and their handsome wives , and their house-wifery . there sits a beau like a fool in a frame , that dares not stir his head , nor move his body , for fear of incommoding his wig , ruffling his cravat , or putting his eyes , or mouth out of the order his maitre de dance had set it in , whilst a bully beau comes drunk into the pit , screaming out , dam me , jack , 't is a confounded play , let 's to a whore and spend our time better . here the ladies come to shew their cloaths , which are often the only things to be admir'd in or about ' em . some of them having scab'd , or pimpled faces , wear a thousand patches to hide them , and those that have none , scandalize their faces by a foolish imitation . here they shew their courage by being unconcerned at a husband being poison'd , a hero being kill'd , or a passionate lover being jilted : and discover their modesties by standing buff at a baudy song , or a naked obscene figure . by the signs that both sexes hang out , you may know their qualities or occupations , and not mistake in making your addresses . men of figure and consideration , are known by seldom being there , and men of wisdom and business , by being always absent . a beau is known by the decent management of his sword-knot , and snust-box . a poet by his empty pockets : a citizen by his horns and gold hatband : a whore by a vizor-mask : and a fool by talking to her . a play-house wit is distinguish'd by wanting understanding ; and a iudge of wit by nodding and sleeping , till the falling of the curtain , and crowding to get out awake him . i have told you already , that the play-house was the land of enchantment , the country of metamorphosis , and performed it with the greatest speed imaginable . here in the twinkling of an eye , you shall see men transform'd into demi-gods : and goddesses made as true flesh and blood , as our common women . here fools by slight of hand , are converted into wits . honest women into errant whores , and which is most miraculous , cowards into valiant hero's , and rank coquets and iilts into as chaste and vertuous mistresses , as a man would desire to put his knife into . let us now speak a word or so , of the natives of this country , and the stock of wit and manners by which they maintain themselves , and ridicule the whole world besides . the people are all somewhat whimsical , and giddy-brain'd : when they speak , they sing , when they walk , they dance , and very often do both when they have no mind to it . the stage has now so great a share of atheism , impudence , and prophaneness , that it looks like an assembly of demons , directing the way hellward ; and the more blasphemous the poets are , the more are they admired , even from huffing dryden , to sing-song durfey , who always stutters at sence , and speaks plain when he swears g — dam me . what are all their new plays but damn'd insipid dull farces , confounded toothless satyr , or plaguy rhiming plays , with scurvy heroes , worse than the knight of the sun , or amadis de gaul . they are the errantest plagiaries in nature , and like our common news-writers , steal from one another . when any humour takes in london , they ride it to death before they leave it . the primitive christians were not persecuted with half that variety , as the poor unthinking beaux are tormented with upon the theatre . character they supply with a smutty song , humour with a dance , and argument with lightning and thunder , which has often reprieved many a scurvy play from damning . a huge great muff , and a gaudy ribbon hanging at a bully's backside , is an excellent jest ; and new invented curses , as stap my vitals , damn my diaphragma , slit my wind-pipe ; rig up a new beau , tho' in the main 't is but the same everlasting coxcomb ; and there 's as much difference between their rhimes , and solid verse , as between the royal psalmist , and hopkins and sternhold , with their collars of ay 's and eeke's about them . 't is a hard matter to find such things as reason , sense , or modesty , among them ; for the mens heads are so full of musick , that you can have nothing from them but empty sounds ; and the women are so light , they may easily be blown up or down like a feather . amusement vi. the walks . we have divers sorts of walks about london , in some you go to see and be seen , in others neither to see nor to be seen , but like a noun substantive to be felt , heard , and understood . the ladies that have an inclination to be private , take delight in the close walks of spring-gardens , where both sexes meet , and mutually serve one another as guides to lose their way , and the windings and turnings in the little wildernesses , are so intricate , that the most experienc'd mothers , have often lost themselves in looking for their daughters . from spring-garden we set our faces towards hide-park , where horses have their diversion as well as men , and neigh and court their mistresses almost in as intelligible a dialect . here people coach it to take the air , amidst a cloud of dust , able to choak a foot soldier , and hinder'd us from seeing those that come thither on purpose to shew themselves : however we made hard shift to get now and then a glance at some of them . here we saw much to do about nothing ; a world of brave men , gilt-coaches , and rich liveries . within some of them were upstart courtiers , blown up as big as pride and vanity could swell them to ; sitting as upright in their chariots , as if a stake had been driven through them . it would hurt their eyes to exchange a glance upon any thing that 's vulgar , and that 's the reason they are so sparing of their looks , that they will neither bow nor move their hats to any thing under a duke or a dutchess ; and yet if you examine some of their originals ; a covetous , soul-less miser , or a great oppressor , laid the foundation of their families , and in their retinue there are more creditors than servants . see , says my indian , what a bevy of gallant ladies are in yonder coaches ; some are singing , others laughing , others tickling one another , and all of them toying and devouring cheefe-cakes , march-pane , and china oranges . see that lady says he , was ever any thing so black as her eye , and so clear as her forehead ? one would swear her face had taken its tincture from all the beauties in nature ; and yet perhaps , answered i to my fellow traveller , all this is but imposture ; she might , for ought we know , go to bed last night as ugly as a hagg , tho' she now appears like an angel : and if you did but see this puppet taken to pieces , her whole is but paint and plaster . from hence we went to take a turn in the mall . when we came into these pleasant walks , my fellow traveller was ravish'd at the most agreeable sight in nature . there were none but women there that day as it happened , and the walks were covered with them . i never , said he to me laughing , beheld in my life so great a flight of birds . bless me , how fine and pretty they are . friend , reply'd i to him in the same metaphor , these are birds to amuse one , that change their feathers two or three times a day . they are fickle and light by inclination , weak by constitution , but never weary of billing and chirping . they never see the day till the sun is just going to set , they hop always upright with one foot upon the ground , and touch the clouds with their proud toppings . in a word , the generality of women are peacocks when they walk ; water-wagtails when they are within doors , and turtles when they meet face to face . this is a bold description of them , says my indian . pray tell me , sir , says he , is this portrait of them after nature ? yes , without question , answer'd i , but i know some women that are superior to the rest of their sex , and perhaps to men also . in relation to those , i need not say much to distinguish them from the rest , for they 'll soon distinguish themselves by their vertuous discourse and deportment . nothing is so hard to be defined as women , and of all women in the world none are so undefinable as those of london . the spanish women are altogether spanish , the italians altogether italians , the germans altogether germans , the french women always like themselves ; but among the london women we find spaniards , italians , germans , and french , blended together into one individual monopoly of all humours and fashions . nay , how many different nations are there of our english ladies . in the first place there is the politick nation of your ladies of the town . next the savage nation of country dames . then the free nation of the coquets . the invisible nation of the faithful wives , ( the worst peopled of all . ) the good-natur'd nation of wives that cuckold their husbands , ( they are almost forced to walk upon one anothers heads , their numbers are so prodigious . ) the warlike nation of intriguing ladies . the fearful nation of — , but there are scarce any of them left . the barbarous nation of mothers-in-law . the haughty nation of citizens wives , that are dignified with a title . the strowling nation of your regular visitants , and the lord knows how many more : not to reckon the superstitious nation that run after conjurers and fortune-tellers . 't is pitty this latter sort are not lock'd up in a quarter by themselves , and that the nation of cunning women are not rooted out that abuse them , and set them upon doing some things , which otherwise they would not . i have suffer'd my self to be carried too far by my subject . 't is a strange thing that we cannot talk of women with a just moderation : we either talk too much , or too little of them : we don't speak enough of vertuous women , and we speak too much of those that are not so . men would do justice to 'em all , if they could talk of them without passion ; but they scarce speak at all of those that are indifferent : they are prepossessed for them they love , and against them by whom they cannot make themselves to be beloved . they rank the latter in the class of irregular women , because they are wise , and indeed wiser than they would have them be . the railing of the men ought to be the justification of the women ; but it unluckily falls out , that one half of the world take delight to raise scandalous stories , and t'other half in believing them . slander has been the product of all times , and all countries ; it is very near of as ancient standing in the world , as vertue . defamation ought to be more severely punish'd than theft . it does more injury to civil societies , and 't is a harder matter to secure one's reputation from a slanderer , than one's money from a robber . all the world are agreed , that both one and the other are scoundrels , yet for all that we esteem 'em when they excel in this art. a nice and a witty railer is the most agreeable person in conversation ; and he that dexterously picks another man's pocket , as your quacks and attornies , draws the veneration even of those who live by cutting of purses . when one observes in what reputation both of them live , one would be apt to say , that'tis neither defamation , nor robbery , that we blame in others ; but only their awkardness and want of skill . they are punish'd for not being able to arrive at the perfection of their art. come , come , says my indian , you ramble from your subject ; you speak of back-biting in general , whereas at present we are only talking of that branch of it which belongs to women . i would bring you back to that point , which puts me in mind of certain laws , which was heretofore proposed by a legislator of my country . one of these laws gave permission for one woman to slander another ; in the first place , because it is impossible to prevent it ; and besides , because in matters of gallantry , she that accuses her neighbour , might her self be accused of it in her turn , pursuant to the ancient and righteous law of returning a rowland for an oliver . but how would you have a woman quit scores with a man , who has publish'd disadvantageous stories of her ? must she serve him in the same kind ? by all means : for if men think it a piece of merit to conquer women , and women place theirs in well defending themselves , she that gets a lover sings a triumph ; and she that loves , confesses her felf to be conquered . if it were true , that the ladies were more weak than we are , their fall would be more excusable ; but i think we are weaker than our wives , since we expect they should pardon us in every thing , and we will pardon nothing in them . one would think that when a man had got a woman into a matrimonial noose , 't was enough for her to be wholly his : and by the same reason should not the man be wholly hers ? what a tyranny is this in the men , to monopolize infidelity to themselves ? but if men will be slandering women , let them vent their fury against those only that are ugly , for that is neither slandering nor calumniating , tho'it be a crime the ladies will never forgive ; for the generality of them are more jealous of the reputation of their beaties , than of their honours , and she that wants a whole morning at least to bring her face to perfection , would be more concern'd to be surpriz'd at her toilet , than to be taken in the arms of a gallant . i am not at all surprized at this notion , for the chief vertue in the ladies catechism is to please ; and beauty pleases men more effectually than wisdom . one man loves sweetness and modesty in a woman ; another loves a jolly damsel with life and vigour ; but agreeableness and beauty relishes with all humane pallats . a young woman who has no other portion than her hopes of pleasing , is at a loss what measures to take that she may make her fortune . is she simple , we despise her : is she vertuous we don't like her company . is she a coquet , we avoid her : therefore to succeed well in the world , 't is necessary that she be vertuous , simple , and a coquet all at once . simplicity invites us , coquetry amuses , and vertue retains us . 't is a hard matter for a woman to escape the censures of the men. 't is much more so to guard themselves from the womens tongues . a lady that sets up for vertue , makes her self envied ; she that pretends to gallantry , makes her self despised ; but she that pretends to nothing , escapes contempt and envy , and saves her self between two reputations . this management surpasses the capacity of a young woman : those that are young and handsome , are exposed to two temptations : to preserve themselves from them they want the assistance of reason ; and 't is their misfortune that reason comes not in to their relief , till their youth and beauty , and the danger is gone together . tell us why should not reason come as soon as beauty , since one was made to defend the other ? it does not depend upon a woman to be handsome ; the only beauty that all of them might have , and some of them , to speak modestly , think fit to part with , is chastity ; but of all beauties whatsoever , 't is the easiest to lose . she that never was yet in love , is so asham'd of her first weakness , that she would by all means conceal it from her self : as for the second , she desires to conceal it from others ; but she does not think it worth the while to conceal the third from any body . when chastity is once gone , 't is no more to be retriev'd than youth . those that have lost their chastities , assumes an affected one , which is much sooner provoked than that which is real : of which we had an experiment in the close walk at the head of rosamond's pond , where for one poor equivocal world , a brisk she was ready to tear a gentleman's cravat off ; who after a further parley , discover'd her self to be sensible of some things which she ought to have been ignorant of , to have maintained her affected modesty . a lady of this character was sitting on the side of this pond upon the grass with her younger sister newly come out of the country , to whom a spark sitting by , entertain'd her with a relation of an amorous adventure between my lord — , and my lady love it ; but expressing himself in such obscene ambiguous terms , that a woman that did not know what was what , could as soon fly with a hundred weight of lead at her heels , as tell what to make of it : the more obscurely the gentleman told his story , the more attentively did our young creature listen to it , and discover'd her curiosity by some simple harmless questions . the elder of the two sisters desirous to let the gentleman , and others that sate by them , understand that she had more modesty than her younger sister , cryed out , oh fie , sister , fie ; can you hear such a wicked story as this without blushing ? alas , sister , says the young innocency , i don't yet know what it is to blush , or what it is you mean by it ! the gentleman soon took the hint , and whispering the elder sister in the ear , she immediately sends home the young ignorant creature by her footman , and trig'd away hand in hand with the gentleman . her cunning management , shew'd her an experienc'd coquet , who observ'd a sort of decorum , to usher in a greater liberty . every thing is managed in good order , by a woman that knows her company , and understands her business . he that loses his money out of complaisance , yields place to him who lends the lady his coach to take the air in . the young heir begins where the ruin'd cully ended . he that pays for the collation , is succeeded by another that eats it ; and when my lord comes in at the gate , poor sir iohn must scamper out at the window . the green walk afforded us variety of discourses from persons of both sexes . here walk'd a beau bare-headed by a company of the common profession in dishabilie , and night-dresses ; either for want of day cloths , or to shew they were ready for business . here walk'd a french fop with both his hands in his pockets , carrying all his pleated coat before , to shew his silk breeches . there were a cluster of senators talking of state affairs , and the price of corn , and cattle , and were disturb'd with the noisy milk folks , crying , a can of milk , ladies ; a can of red cows milk , sir. here were a beavy of bucksom lasses complaining of the decay of trade , and monopilies ; and there vertuous women , railing against whores , their husbands , and coquettry . and now being weary of walking so long , we reposed our selves upon one of the benches , and digesting several dialogues between the modest ladies and coquets , made this observation . that tho' the coquets were despised by the generality of ladies , yet they immitate them to a hairs breadth in their whole conduct . they learn of them the winning air , the bewitching glance , the amorous smirk , and the sullen pout . they talk , and dress , and patch like them : they must needs go down with the stream . it is the coquets that invent the new modes and expressions ; every thing is done for them , and by them ; tho' with all these advantages , there is a vast difference between the one and the other . the reputation of vertuous women is more solid ; that of coquets is more extended . but i am sensible i have made too long a stay in this part of my voyage . a man always amuses himself longer with the women , than he is willing . well , since we are here , let 's shew our indian the horse-guards , the country of gallantry . in our way thither , was nothing worth our observation , unless 't was the bird-cage , inhabited by wild-fowl ; the ducks begging charity , the black-guard boys robbing their own bellies to relieve them , and an english dog-kennel translated into a french eating-house . gallantry . let's enter into this brave country , and see — : but what is there to be seen here ? gallantry and bravery which was formerly so well cultivated , so flourishing and frequented by many persons of honour , is at present desolate , unmanur'd , and abandoned ! what a desert 't is become ! alass , i can see nothing in it but a disbanned soldier mounted upon a pedestal , standing centinel over the ducks and wild-geese , and to prevent an invasion by o — 's spanish pilgrims , or webster's darcinus . why , says my indian , is that a soldier ? he has ne'er a sword , and is naked . i suppose , reply'd i to the indian , since the peace he has pawn'd his sword to buy him food ; and for his being naked , who regards it ? what signifies a soldier in time of peace ? pish , a soldier naked , is that such a wonder ? what are they good for else but hanging , or starving , when we have no occasion for them ; as has been learnedly determined by the author of that original amusement , arguments against a standing army . our god , and soldier , we alike adore , iust at the brink of danger , not before ; after deliverance , they are alike requited , our god 's forgotten , and our soldier 's slighted . come , this is a melancholy country , let 's leave amusing our selves about gallantry and bravery , and all at once , like men that have nothing to do , nor nothing to have , take a trip into the land of marriage , and see who and who are together : but first , what are those soldiers doing ? they look like brave fellows . they are , ( says i ) drawn up to prayers ; and would be brave men indeed , if they were half as good at praying , and fighting , as they are at cursing and swearing . amusement vii . marriage . t is a difficult task to speak so of marriage , as to please all people . those who are not noos'd in the snare , will thank me for giving a comical description of it . the grand pox eat this buffoon , says the serious wary husband ; if he was in my place , he wou'd have no more temptation to laugh , than to break his neck . if i moralize gravely upon the inconveniences of matrimony , those that have a longing to enter into that honourable state , will complain that i disswade them from so charming a condition . how then shall i order my discourse ? for i am in a great perplexity about it . a certain painter made a picture of hymen for a young lover . i wou'd have him drawn , says this passionate gentleman , with all the graces your utmost skill can bestow upon him : above all , remember that hymen ought to be more beautiful than adonis : you must put into his hands a flambeau more brillant than that of love. in short , give him all the charms that your imagination and colours can bestow . i will pay you for your picture , according as i find you use my friend hymen . the painter who was well acquainted with his generous temper , was not wanting , you may be sure , to answer his expectations , and brought him home the piece the evening before he was married . our young lover was not at all satisfied with it . this figure , says he , wants a certain gay air , it has none of those charms and agreements . as you have painted him , he makes but a very indifferent appearance , and therefore you shall but be indifferently paid . the painter who had as much presence of mind , as skill in his profession , took a resolution what to do that very moment . you are in the right on 't , sir , said he , to find fault with my picture , it is not yet dry : this face is soak'd , and to deal freely with you , the colours i use in painting , don't appear worth a farthing at first . i will bring you this table some months hence , and then you shall pay me , as you find it pleases you : i am confident it will appear quite another thing then . sir , your humble servant , i have no occasion for money . the painter carried his piece home ; our young lover was married the next day , and some months went over his head before the painter appear'd . at last he brings the picture with him , and our young husband was surpriz'd when he saw it . you promis'd , says he , that time wou'd mend your picture , and you are as good as your word . lord , what a difference there is ? i swear i scarce know it now i see it again . i admire to see what a strange effect a few months have had upon your colours ; but i admire your ingenuity much more . however , sir , i must take the freedom to tell you , that in my opinion his looks are somewhat of the gayest , these eyes are too brisk and lively : then to deal plainly with you , the fires of hymen ought not to be altogether so bright as those of love ; for his is a solid but heavy fire . besides , the disposition of your figure , is somewhat to free , and chearful , and you have given him a certain air of wantonness , which let me tell you , sir , does not at all sit well upon .. … in short , this is none of hymen . very well , sir , said the painter ; what i foresaw is now come to pass . hymen at present is not so beautiful in your idea , as in my picture . the case is mightily alter'd from what it was three months ago . 't is not my picture , but your imagination that is changed : you were a lover then , but now a husband . i understand you very well , says the husband interrupting him , let us drop that matter . your picture now pleases , and here is more money for it than you could reasonably have expected . by no means says the painter , you must excuse me there ; but i will give you another picture , wherein by certain optick rules and perspectives , it shall be so contrived , as it shall please both the lovers and the husbands , and perform'd it accordingly , placing it at the end of a long-gallery , upon a kind of an alcove ; and to come to this alcove , one must first pass over a very slippery step. on this side of it was the critical place where the piece look'd so lovely and delicious ; but as soon as you were gone beyond it , it made a most lamentable figure . if you understand how difficult a thing it is to paint matrimony to the gust of all people , pray suspend your censure here , i am going to present my picture , chuse what light you please to view it in . to come back to my travelling stile , i must tell you at first dash that marriage is a country that peoples all others : the commonalty are more fruitful there than the nobility , the reason of which perhaps is , that the nobility take more delight to ramble abroad , than stay at home . marriage has this peculiar property annext to it , that it can alter the humours of those that are setled in it . it frequently transforms a jolly fellow into a meer sot , it often melts down a beau into an errant sloven ; and on the other hand it so happens sometimes , that a witty vertuous woman will improve a dull heavy country booby , into a man of sence and gallantry . people marry for different motives : some are lead by portion , and others by reason ; the former without knowing what they are going to do , and the latter knowing no more , but that the thing must be done . there are men in the world so weary of quiet and indolence , that they marry only to divert themselves . in the first place the choice of a woman employs them for some time : then visits and interviews , feasts and ceremonies ; but after the last ceremony is over , they are more tired and weary than ever . how many hundred married couples do we see , who from the second year of their coming together , have nothing more in common than their names , their quality , their ill humour and their misery . i don't wonder there are so many unhappy matches , since folks masry rather wholly of their own heads , or wholly by those of others . a man that marries of his own head , not seeing that in his spouse , which all the world sees in her , is in danger of seeing much more in her , than others ever did . another that has not courage enough to trust his own judgment , fairly applies himself to the next match-maker in the neighbourhood , who knows to a tittle the exact rates of the market , and the current price of young women that are fit to marry . these marriage hucksters , or wife-brokers , have an admirable talent to sort conditions , families , trades , and estates : in short , every thing together , except humours and inclinations , about which they never trouble themselves . by the procurement of these experienc'd matrons , a marriage is struck up like a smithfield bargain : there is much higling and wrangling for t' other ten pound . one side endeavours to raise , and the other to beat down the market price . at last , after a world of words spent to fine purpose , they come to a conclusion . others that have not time to truck and bargain so , go immediately to a scrivener's to find out a rich widow , as they go to the office of intelligence to hearken out a service . it is not altogether the match-makers fault , if you are deceived in your woman . she gives you an account of her portion to a farthing ▪ you examine nothing but the articles relating to the family and the fortune ; the woman is left in the margin of the inventory , and you find her too much at long run . after all that i have said , i am not afraid to advance this proposition ; that 't is possible for those that marry to be happy . but you must call it trucking or bartering , and not marrying , to take a woman meerly for her fortune , and reckon her perfections by the number of pounds she is like to bring with her . not is it to marry but to please one's self , to choose a wife as we do a tulip , meerly for her beauty . it is not to marry , but to doat at a certain age , to take a young woman only for the sake of her company . what is it then to be marry'd ? why , 't is to choose with circumspection , and deliberation , by inclination , and not by interest , such a woman as will chuse you after the same manner . besides other things in common with all the world , the country of marriage has this particular to it self ; that strangers have a desire to settle there , and the natural inhabitants wou'd be banish'd out of it with all their hearts . a man may be banish'd out of this country by certain things call'd separation ; but the true way of getting out of it is by widdow-hood , and is much to be preferred before separation ; for the separated are savage animals , uncapable of the prettiest ties of society . the usual causes of separation is assign'd as the fault of the wife , but often the husband is the occasion that the wife is in the fault ; and he himself is a fool to proclaim to the world that his wife has made a false step. it will be expected now , that i speak a few words of widdowhood . 't is a copious and fertile subject that 's certain ; but a man may burn his fingers by medling with it . for if i describe them but as little concern'd for the death of their husbands , i shall offend the rules of decency and good manners , and if i exaggerate their afflictions , i shall offend the truth . whatever our railers pretend to the contrary , i say there 's no widdowhood without a sprinkling of sorrow in it . is it not a very sorrowful condition to be obliged to counterfeit a perpetual sorrow ? a very doleful part this , that a widdow must plhy , who would not give the world occasion to talk of her . there are some widdows in the world so mightily befriended by providence , that their sighs and tears cost them nothing i know one of a contrary temper to this , who did honestly all that in her lay to afflict her self ; but nature it seems had denied her the gift of tears . she desir'd to raise the compassion of her husband's relations , for her all depended on them . one day her brother-in-law , who lamented exceedingly , reproach'd her for not having shed one tear. alass , reply'd the widow to him , my poor heart is so over-whelm'd with this unexpected calamity , that i am , as it were become insensible by it . great sotrows are not felt at first ; but i am sure mine will kill me in the end. i know very well , said her brother-in-law to her , that griefs too great don't make themselves at first to be perceived ; and i know as well , that violent griefs don't continue long . thus , madam , you will be strangely surprized , that the grief of your widdowhood will be past before you are aware . another widow was reduced to the last pitch of despair , nor was it without a very sorrowful occasion . she had lost upon the same day the best husband , and the prettiest little lap-dog in london . this double widdowhood had brought her to so low a condition , that her friends were afraid of her life . they durst not speak to her of eating and drinking ; nay , they durst not so much as offer to comfort her . 't is a dangerous matter , you know , to combat a woman's grief . the best way is to let time and their natural inconstancy work it off . however to accustom our widdow by little and little to support the idea of her two losses , a good friend spoke to her first of her little dog. at the bare name of dony , there was such a howling and crying , such tearing of hair , and beating of breasts ; in short , such a noise , and such a pother , that one would have thought heaven and earth had been coming together ▪ at last she fainted away . well , says this prudent friend of hers , god be prais'd i was so happy as not to mention her husband to her , for then she had certainly died upon the spot . the next day the name of dony set her tears a running in so great plenty , that it was hoped the spring would stop of it self , and the above-mentioned zealous friend , thought she might now venture to administer some consolation to her . alass , says she , if the bare name of dony gives you so much affliction , what might we not fear from you , should we talk to you of your dear husband ? but god forbid i should do that . ah poor dony ! to be mow'd down thus in the flower of youth and beauty ! well , madam , you 'll never have such another pretty creature again . but 't is happy for the dog that he 's dead , for you cou'd never have lov'd him longer that 's certain ! is it possible for a woman to love any thing after she has lost her husband ? after this manner it was that this discreet gentlewoman very dexterously mingled the idea of the husband with that of dony , well knowing that as two shoulders of mutton drive down one another , so two powerful griefs destroy one another by making a diversion . she observed that at the name of dony , her tears redoubled , which stopt short at the name of husband : it was without question , a sort of a qualm . every body knows that tears are a tribute we owe , and only pay to ordinary griefs . however it was , our poor afflicted widow passed several days and nights in this sad alternative of weeping for her dog , and lamenting her husband . at last her good friend enquired all over the town for a pretty dog ; and it was her good luck to light upon one much finer and prettier than dony of happy memory , and presented it to our widdow , who burst into a fresh stream of tears as she accepted it . this beautiful new-comer , so strangely insinuated himself into her good affections , that within eight days he had got the ascendant of her heart , and dony was no more thought of , then if he had never had a being there . observe now what a consequence our widows friend drew from it . if a new dog has put a stop to her tears , perhaps a new husband will have the same operation upon her qualms . but alass , the one was not to be so easily effected as the other . the new dog so play'd his cards , that he effaced the memory of his predecessors in eight days ; but it was above three long tedious months , before our widow could be brought to take a new husband into her bed. now tho' i left my self full power to drop my indian traveller as often as i saw convenient , yet i have no intention to lose him out of my sight ; for i have occasion for him to authorize certain odd fances that come into my head , concerning philosophy and physick , which are the next countries i design to visit . amusement viii . the philosophical , or virtuosi country . in this country every thing is obscure , their habitations , their looks , their language , and their learining . 't is a long time ago since they undertook to cultivate the country of science ; but the only thing they have made clear and undeniable , is , that one and one makes two : and the reason why this is so clear , is because it was known by all men before they made a science of it . their geometricians work upon so solid a foundation , that as soon as ever they have well laid the first stone , they carry on their buildings without the least fear , so high as the atmosphere ; but their philosophers build those haughty edifices they call systems , upon a quite different bottom . they lay their foundation in the air , and when they think they are come to solid ground , the building disappears , and the architects tumble down from the clouds . this country of experimental philosophy , is very amusing , and their collections of rarities exceeds that of iohn tradusken , for here are the galls of doves , the eye-teeth of flying toads , the eggs of ants , and the eyes of oysters . here they weigh the air , measure heat , cold , dryness , and humidity , great discoveries for the publick advantage of mankind . without giving our selves the trouble to make use of our senses , we need but only cast our eyes upon a weather-glass , to know if 't is hot or cold , if it rains , or is fair weather . tempted by these noble curiosities , i desired the favour of seeing some of the gentlemen they called improvers of nature , and immediately they shewed me an old bard cutting asp leaves into tongues , which were to be fastened in the mouths of flowers , fruits , herbs , and seeds , with design to make the whole creation vocal . another was dissecting atomes , and mites in cheese , for the improvement of the anatomical science , and a third was transfusing the blood of an ass into an astrological quack ; of a sheep into a bully ; and of a fish into an exchange-woman , which had all the desired effects ; the quack prov'd a sot , the bully a coward , and the tongue-pad was silent . all prodigies in nature , and none miscarried in the operation . in another apartment were a curious collection of contemplative gentlemen , that had their employments severally assign'd them . one was chewing the cud upon dr. burnet's new system of the world , and making notes upon it in consutation of moses and all the antidiluvian historians . another was reconciling the differences among learned men , as between aristotle and des cartes , cardan and copernicus , william penn and christianity , mr. edwards and arabick : determining the controversy between the acidists and alkalists , and putting a period to the abstruse debates between the engineers and mouse-trap makers . if any one ask me , which of these disputants has reason of his side , i will say that some of them have the reason of antiquity , the other the reason of novelty ; and in matters of opinion , these two reasons have a greater influence upon the learned , than reason it self . those that set up for finding the north-west passage into the land of philosophy , would with all their hearts , if it were possible , follow these two guides all at once , but they are afraid to travel in a road where they talk of nothing but accidents and privation , hecceities and entelechias . then they find themselves all on the sudden seized with hot and cold , dry and moist , penetrated by a subtile matter , encompassed with vortexes , and so daunted by the fear of a vacuum , that it drives them back , instead of encouraging them to go forward . a man need not lay it much to heart that he never travel'd through this country ; for those that have not so much as beheld it at a distance , know as much of it almost , as these that have spent a great deal of money and time there ; but one of their arts i admire above all the rest , and that is , when they have consumed their estates in trifling experiments , to perswade themselves they are now as rich , and eat and drink as luxuriously as ever ; they view a single shilling in a multiplying glass , which makes it appear a thousand , and view their commons in a magnifying glass , which makes a lark look as big as a turkey-cock , and a three-penny chop as large as a chine of mutton . before i let my traveller pass from this place to physick , 't will not be amiss to make him remark , that in the country of science and the court , we lose our selves ; that we don't search for our selves in marriage ; that in the walks and among women we find our selves again ; but seldom or never come back from the kingdom of physick . amusement ix . physick . the first thing remarkable in the country of physick , is , that it is situate upon the narrow passage from this world to the other . 't is a clymaterick country , where they make us breath a refreshing air , but such a one as is a great enemy to the natural heat , and those that travel far in this climate , throw away a world of money in drugs , and at last die of hunger . the language that is spoken here , is very learned ; but the people that speak it are very ignorant . in other countries we learn languages to be able to express what we know in clear and intelligible terms ; but it looks as if physicians learnt their gibberish for no other purpose , than to embroil what they do not understand . how i pitty a patient of good sence that falls into their hands ? he is obliged at once to combat the arguments of the doctor , the disease it self , the remedies , and emptiness . one of my friends , whom all this together had thrown into a dilyrium , had a vision in his fever which sav'd him his life . he fancied he saw a feaver under the shape of a burning monster , that press'd hard upon a sick man , and every minute got ground of him , till a man who look'd like a guide , came and took him by the wrist to help him over a river of blood. the poor patient had not strength enough to cross the stream and so was drown'd . the guide used means to get himself paid for his pains , and immediately run after another sick man , who was carried down a stream of carduus posset-drink , barly-broth , and water-gruel . my friend advised by this vision , discarded his doctor , and 't was this that did his business ; for when he was by himself , there was no body to hinder him from recovering . the absence of physicians , is a soveraign remedy to him that has not recourse to a quack . these gentlemen of the faculty , are pensioners to death , and travel day and night to enlarge that monarch's empire ; for you must know , notwithstanding distemper'd humours make a man sick , 't is the physician that has the honour of killing him , and expects to be well paid for the job , by his relations that lay in wait for his life to share his fortune : so that when a man is ask'd how such a one died , he is not presently to answer according to corrupt custome , that he died of a feaver or pleurisy ; but that he died of the doctor . see a consult of them marching in state to a patient , attended by a diminitive apothecary , that 's just arse high , and fit to give a clyster . how majesterially they look , and talk of the patient's recovery , when they themselves are but death in a disguise , and bring the patient's hour along with them . while the patient breaths and money comes , they are still prescribing ; but when they have sent the patient hence , like a rat with a straw in 's arse ; they 'll say his body was as rotten as a pear , and 't was impossible to save him . cruel people , that are not contented to take away a man's life , and like the hangman , be paid when they have done ; but must persecute him in the grave too ; and blast his honour , to excuse their ignorance . it were to be wish'd that every physician might be obliged to marry ; for its highly reasonable , that those men should beget children to the state , who every day rob the king of so many of his subjects . in this land of physick they have erected themselves a college , for the improvement of the mystery of man-slaughter ; which may be call'd their armory ; for here are their weapons and utensils forged , and a company of men attending to kill poor folks out of meer charity . in one part of their convent , is a chymical elabaratory , where some were calcining calves-brains , to supply those of the society that wanted . some fixing volatile wits , and others rarifying dull ones . some were playing tricks with mercury , promising themselves vast advantages from the process ; but after they had resolv'd the viscous matter , and brought the materia prima into the coppel , all went away in a fume , and the operator had his labour for his travel . in another place were apothecaries preparing medicines . the outsides of their pots were gilded , with the titles of preservatives , cordials , and panpharmacons ; but in the inside were poysons , or more nauseous preparations . however of all our late pretended aschimists , commend me to the apothecaries , as the noblest operators and chimists ; for out of toads , vipers , and a sir reverence it self , they will fetch ye gold ready minted , which is more than ever paracelsus himself pretended to . here were also chirurgeons in great numbers , talking hard words to their patients , as solution of continuity , dislocations , fractures , amputation , phlebotomy , and spoke greek words , without understanding the english of them . one of the gravest among them , propounded this question to the rest . suppose a man falls from the main-yard , and lies all bruised upon the deck ; pray what is the first intention in that case ? a brisk fellow answers : you must give him irish slate quantum sufficit , and embrocate the parts affected secundum artem . at which i seeming to smile , another reprimands me , saying , what do you laugh at , sir , the man 's i' th right on 't . to whom i reply'd , with reverence to your age and understanding , sir , i think he 's in the wrong ; for if a man falls from the main-yard , the first intention is , to take him up again . among all these people every thing is made a mystery , to detain their patients in ignorance , and keep up the market of physick ; but were not the very terms of art , and names of their medicines sufficient to fright away any distempers , 't is to be feared their remedies would prove worse than the disease . that nothing might be wanting in this famous college , there were others that like porters and plaisterers stood ready to be hired , as corn-cutters , and tooth-drawers . the one of which will make you halt before the best friend you have ; and if you do but yawn , the other knaves will be examining your grinders ; depopulate your mouths , and make you old before your time , and take as much for drawing out an old tooth , as would buy a sett of new ones . an ill accident happened while we were viewing the curiosities of this college . a boy had swallowed a knife , and the members of the college being sitting , he was brought among them , if it were possible to be cured . the chirurgeons claim'd the patient as belonging to their fraternity , and one of them would have been poking a cranes bill down his throat to pluck it up again , but the doctors would not suffer him . after a long consultation , one of the two remedies was agreed on , viz. that the patient should swallow as much aqua fortis , as would dissolve the knife into minute particles , and bring it away by seige ; but the other remedy was more philosophical , and therefore better approv'd , and that was to apply a loadstone to his arse , and so draw it out by a magnetick attraction ; but which of the two was put in practice i know not , for i did not stay to see the noble experiment , tho' my particular friend dr. w — d was the first that proposed that remedy , and he is no quack i assure you . not but that there are some quacks as honest fellows as you would desire to piss upon . this foreigner here for instance , is a man of conscience , that will take you but half a crown a bottle for as good lambs-conduit water as ever was in the world. he pretends it has an occult quality that cures all distempers . he swears it , and swears like t. o. on the right side of the hedge , since this very individual water has cured him of poverty , which comprehends all diseases . 't is with physicians in london , as with almanacks , the newest are the most consulted ; but then their reign like that of an almanack , concludes with the year . when a sick man leaves all for nature to do , he hazards much . when he leaves all for the doctor to do , he hazards more : and since there is a hazard both ways , i would much sooner chuse to rely upon nature ; for this , at least , we may be sure of , that she acts as honestly as she can , and that she does not find her account in prolonging the disease . i pardon those that are brought to the extremity of their lives , to resign themselves to the doctors , as i pardon those that are at the extremity of their fortune to abandon themselves to poetry , or gaming , amusement x. gaming-houses . gaming is an estate to which all the world has a pretence , tho' few espouse it that are willing to keep either their estates , or reputations . i knew two middlesex sharpers not long ago , which inherited a west-country gentlemen's estate ; who , i believe , wou'd have never made them his heirs in his last will and testament . lantrillou is a kind of a republick very ill ordered , where all the world are hail fellow well met ; no distinction of ranks , no subordination observed . the greatest scoundrel of the town with money in his pockets , shall take his turn before the best duke or peer in the land , if the cards are on his side . from these priviledg'd-places , not only all respect and inferiority is banish'd ; but every thing that looks like good manners , compassion , or humanity : their hearts are so hard and obdurate , that what occasions the grief of one man , gives joy and satisfaction to his next neighbour . the gracians met together in former times , to see their gladiators shew their valour ; that is , to slash and kill one another ; and this they called sport ? what a cursed barbarity was this ? but are we a jot inferiour to them in this respect , who christen all the disorders of lansquenet by the name of gaming , or to use the gamesters own expression , where a parcel of sharks meet , to bite one anothers heads off . it happened one day , that my traveller dropt into a chocolate-house in covent-garden , where they were at this noble recreation . he was wonderfully surprized at the odness of the sight . set your self now in the room of a superstitious indian , who knows nothing of our customs at play , and you will agree that his notions , as abstracted and visionary as they may seem , have some foundations in truth . i present you here with his own expressions as i found them set down in a letter which he sent into his own country . the fragments of an indian letter . the english pretend that they they worship but one god , but for my part , i don't believe what they say : for besides several living divinities , to which we may see them daily offer their vows , they have several other inanimate ones to whom they pay sacrifices , as i have observed at one of their publick meetings , where i happened once to be . in this place there is a great altar to be seen , built round and covered with a green whachum , lighted in the midst , and encompassed by several persons in a sitting posture , as we do at our domestick sacrifices . at the very moment i came into the room , one of those , who i supposed was the priest , spread upon the altar certain leaves which he took out of a little book that he held in his hand . upon these leaves were represented certain figures very awkardly painted ; however they must needs be the images of some divinities ; for in proportion as they were distributed round , each one of the assistants made an offering to it , greater or less , according to his devotion . i observed that these offering were more considerable than those they make in their other temples . after the aforesaid ceremony is over , the priest lays his hand in a trembling manner , as it were , upon the rest of the book , and continues some time in this posture seized with fear , and without any action at all : all the rest of the company , attentive to what he does , are in suspence all the while , and unmovable , like himself . at last every leaf which he returns to them , these unmovable assistants are all of them in their turn possest by different agitations , according to the spirit which happens to seize them : one joyns his hands together , and blesses heaven , another very earnestly looking upon his image , grinds his teeth ; a third bites his fingers and stamps upon the ground with his feet . every one of them , in short , make such extraordinary postures and contortions , that they seem to be no longer rational creatures . but scarce has the priest returned a certain leaf , but he is likewise seised by the same fury with the rest . he tears the book , and devours it in his rage , throws down the altar , and curses the sacrifice . nothing now is to be heard but complaints and groans , cries and imprecations . seeing them so transported , and so furious , i judge that the god they worship is a jealous deity , who to punish them for what they sacrifice to others , sends to each of them an evil demon to possess him . i have thus shewed you what judgment an indian would be apt to pass upon the transports he finds in our gamesters . what wou'd he not have thought then , if he had seen any of our gaming ladies there . 't is certain that love it self as extravagant as it is , never occasion'd so many disorders among the women , as the unaccountable madness of gaming . how come they to abandon themselves thus to a passion that discomposes their minds , their healths , their beauty , that ruines — what was i going to say ? but this picture does not shew them to advantage , let us draw a curtain over it . in some places they call gaming-houses academies ; but i know not why they should inherit that honourable name , since there 's nothing to be learn'd there , unless it be slight of hand , which is sometimes at the expence of all our money , to get that of other mens by fraud and cunning . the persons that meet are generally men of an infamous character , and are in various shapes , habits , and employments . sometimes they are squires of the pad and now and then borrow a little money upon the king's high-way , to recruit their losses at the gaming-house , and when a hue and cry is out , to apprehend them , they are as safe in one of these houses , as a thief in a mill , and practise the old trade of cross-biting cullies , assisting the frail square dye with high and low fullums , and other napping tricks , in comparison of whom the common bulkers , and pick-pockets , are a very honest society . how unaccountable is this way to beggary , that when a man has but a little money , and knows not where in the world to compass any more , unless by hazarding his neck for 't , will try an experiment to leave himself none at all : or , he that has money of his own , should play the fool , and try whether it shall not be another man's . was ever any thing so nonsensically pleasant ? one idle day i ventur'd into one of these gaming-houses , where i found an oglio of rakes of several humours , and conditions met together . some that had lost were swearing , and damning themselves , and the devil's bones , that had left them never a penny to bless their heads with . one that had play'd away even his shirt and cravat , and all his clothes but his breeches , stood shivering in a corner of the room , and another comforting him , and saying , damme jack , who ever thought to see thee in a state of innocency : cheer up , nakedness is the best receipt in the world against a fevor , and then fell a ranting , as if hell had broke loose that very moment . what the devil have we here to do , says my indian , do's it rain oaths and curses in this country ? i see gamesters are shipwrackt before they come to understand their danger , and loose their clothes before they have paid their taylors . they should go to school in my country to learn sobriety and vertue . i told him , instead of academies , these places should be call'd cheating-houses : whereupon a bully of the blade came strutting up to my very nose , in such a fury , that i would willingly have given half the teeth in my head for a composition , crying out , split my wind-pipe , sir , you are a fool , and don 't understand trap , the whole world 's a cheat. the play-house cheats you of your time , and the tradesmen of your money , without giving you either sense or reason for 't . the attorney picks your pocket , and gives you law for 't ; the whore picks your purse , and gives you the pox for 't it ; and the poet picks your pocket , and gives you nothing for it . lovers couzen you with their eyes , orators with their tongues , the valiant with their arms , fidlers with their fingers , surgeons with wooden legs , and courtiers and songsters , empty your pockets , and give you breath and air for it : and why should not we recruit by the same methods that have ruin'd us . our friends , continued he , gives us good advice , and would fain draw us off from the course we are in , but all to no purpose : we ask them what they would have us do ? money we have none , and without it there is no living : should we stay till it were brought , or come alone ? how would you have a poor individuum vagum live ? that has neither estate , office , master , nor friend to maintain him : and is quite out of his element , unless he be either in a tavern , a bawdy-house , or a gaming ordinary . no , we are the men , says he , that providence has appointed to live by our wits , and will not want while there is money above ground . happy man catch a mackeril . let the worst come to 'th worst , a wry mouth on the tripple tree , puts an end to all discourse about us . from the gaming-house we took our walk through the streets , and the first amusements we encountred , were the variety and contradictory language of the signes , enough to perswade a man there were no rules of concord among the citizens . here we saw ioseph's dream , the bull and mouth , the hen and razor , the ax and bottle , the whale and crow , the shovel and boot , the leg and star , the bible and swan , the frying-pan and drum , the lute and tun , the hog in armour , and a thousand others that the wise men that put them there can give no reason for . here walk'd a fellow with a long white rod on his shoulder , that 's asham'd to cry his trade , though he gets his living by it ; another bawling out todd's four volumes in print , which a man in reading of , wou'd wonder that so much venom should not tear him to pieces , but that some of the ancient moralists have observed , that the rankest poyson may be kept in an asses hoof , or a fool 's bosom . some say , the first word he spoke was rascal , and that if he lives to have chldren , they will all speak the same dialect , and have a natural antipathy to eggs , because their father was palted with hundreds of them , when he was dignified on the pillory . other amusements presented themselves as thick as hops , as moses pictur'd with horns on his head , to keep cheapside in countenance . bishop overal's convocation book carved over the dean of st. p — l's stall in that cathedral . here sate a fellow selling little balls to take the stains out of the citizens wives petticoats , that should have been as big as foot-balls , if applied to that purpose . under that bulk was a prejector clicking off his swimming girdles , to keep up merchants credits from sinking . a pretty engine to preserve bankers and ensurers from breaking , and prevent publishing it in the gazette , when they are broke ; that they will pay all their debts as far as it may stand with their convenience . in that shop was an indebted lord talking of his honour , and a tradesman of his honesty , things that every man has , and every thing is , in some disguise or other , but duly consider'd , there are scarce any such things in the world , unless among pawn-brokers , stock-jobbers , and horse-coursers ; so that the lord and tradesman were discoursing about nothing ; and signified no more , than the parson 's preaching against covetousness to the maim'd , blind , and superannuated soldiers in chelsey-college , nor dr. salmon's prescribing cow heels to a married couple , as a conglutinating aliment . but there the weaver had the afcendant of the doctor . as we pass'd along , i could not forbear looking into some of the shops , to see how the owners imployed themselves in the absence of customers , and in a barber's shop i saw a beau so overladen with wig ▪ that there was no difference between his head , and the wooden one that stood in the window . the fop it seems , was newly come to his estate , though not to the years of discretion , and was singing the song . happy is the child whose father is gone to the devil , and the barber all the while keeping time on his cittern ; for you know a cittern and a barber is as natural as milk to a calf , or the beares to be attended by a bag-piper . in the scrivener's shop i saw a company of sparks that were selling their wives and their portions , and purchasing annuities ; and old ten-in-the-hundred-fathers , damning themselves to raise their posterities . in the tobacconist's shops men were sneezing and spawling , as if they were all clapt , and under a salivation for the cure on 't . they that smoak'd it , were persecuting others to follow their example , and they that snuff'd it up in powder , were drawing upon themselves the incommodies of all age , in the perpetual annoyance of rheum and drivel . pursuing my voyage through the city , and casting a leere into the shops of the rich drapers , mercers , and lacemen , i saw them haunted by many people in want , especially young heirs newly at age , and spendthrifts , that came to borrow money of them . alas , said the traders , times are dead , and little money stirring . all we can do , is to furnish you with what the shop affords ; and if a hundred pound or two in commodities will do you any good , they are at your service . these the gallants take up at an excessive rate , to sell immediately for what they can get ▪ and the trader has his friend to take them off underhand at a third part of the value , by way of helping men in distress . these are they that inveagle unthinking animals , into all sorts of extravagant expences , and ruin them insensibly under colour of kindness and credit : for they set every thing at double the value ; and if you keep not touch at your day , your persons are imprisoned , your goods seized , and your estates extended . and they that help'd to make you princes before , are now the forwardest to put you into the condition of beggars . among other amusements , let us speak a word or two of lombard-street , where luxury seems to carry us to peru , where you behold their magazines , ingots of gold and silver as big as pigs of lead ; and your ladies after they have travell'd thither with some liberal interloper , carry home with them more than their husbands are worth , and drag at their long tails the whole substance of a herd of creditors . here are jewels and pearls , rubies and diamonds , broad pieces , guineas , lewis d'or's , crown pieces , and dollars without number : nay , in some of their shops is nothing to be seen , or sold , but great heaps of money ; that would tempt a man to think , the whole indies were emptied into one single shop 't is so full of gold and silver ; and yet it often happens , that he that is possest of all this vast treasure , is not worth a brass farthing . to day his counters bend under the weight of cash , and to morrow the shop is shut up , and you hear no more of our goldsmith , till you find him in a gazette , torn to pieces by a statute of bankrupt : and he and his creditors made a prey by a parcel of devouring vermin , call'd commissioners . the neighbouring country is stocks-market , where you see a large garden , paved with pibble stones in all the beds and allies ; indifferently open to all comers and goers , and yet bears as good herbs , fruits , and flowers , as any in the world. here is winter dress'd in the livery of summer . every day a crop is gather'd , and every night are stockt up in baskets , till the next days sun does open them . about this garden great numbers of nymphs reside , who each of them live in their respective tubs : they have not only that in common with diogenes , but like that philosopher also , they speak out freely to the first comer whatever comes uppermost . a further description i would give you of their parts , and persons , but that i cannot endure the smell of the serjeants at the counter-gate , who stink worse than old ling , or assa faetida , and would poyson the country , if this pleasant garden was not an antidote against their infection . and therefore i 'll go back again into the country of coffee-houses . where being arriv'd i am in a wood , there are so many of them i know not which to enter . stay , let me see ! where the sign is painted with a woman's hand in 't , 't is a bawdy-house . where a man 's , it has another qualification ; but where it has a star in the sign , 't is calculated for every leud purpose . every coffee-house is illuminated both without and within doors ; without by a fine glass-lanthorn , and within by a woman so light and splendid , you may see through her without the help of a perspective . at the bar the good man always places a charming phillis or two , who invite you by their amorous glances into their smoaky territories , to the loss of your sight . this is the place where several knights errant come to seat themselves at the same table , without knowing one another , and yet talk as familiarly together , as if they had been of many years acquaintance . they have scarce look'd about them , when a certain liquor as black as soot , is handed to them , which being foppishly fumed into their noses , eyes , and ears , has the vertue to make them talk and prattle together of every thing but what they should do . now they tell their several adventures by sea , and land. how they conquer'd the geand , were overcome by the lady , and bought a pair of wax'd boots at northampton , to go a wooing in . one was commending his wife , another his horse , and the third said he had the best smoak'd beef in christendom . some were discoursing of all sorts of government , monarchical , aristocratical , and democratical . some about the choice of mayors , sheriffs , and aldermen , and others of the transcendent vertues of vinegar , pepper , and mustard . in short , i thought the whole room was a perfect resemblance of dover-court , where all speak , but no body heard nor answer'd . to the charms of coffee , the wiser sort joyn'd spirit of clary , usquebaugh , and brandy , which compleatly enchants the knights : by the force of these soporiferous enchantments , you shall find one snoaring heartily on a bench , another makes love to beautiful phillis at the bar ; and the third as valiant as orlando furioso , goes to signalize his valour in scouring the streets . i should never have done , if i should attempt to run through all the several countries within the walls of london ; as the long robe , the sword , the treasury . every state , in brief , is like a separate country by its self , and has its particular manners and gibberish . here you may view the fruitful country of trade , that has turn'd leather breeches into gold chains , blue aprons into fur gowns , a kitchinstuff tub into a gilded chariot , a dray-man into a knight , and noblemen's palaces into shops and ware-houses . here is also the barren country of the philosopher's-stone , inhabited by none but cheats in the operation , beggars in the conclusion , and now is become almost desolate , till another age of fools and knaves do people it . to this may be added the cold country of the news-mongors , that report more than they hear , affirm more than they know , and swear more than they believe , that rob one another , and lye in sheets for want of a coverlid . the hot country of the disputers , that quarrel and raise a dust about nothing . the level country of bad poets , and presbyterian parsens : one of which is maintain'd by a good stock of confidence , and by the other flattery and canting . the desert uninhabited country of vertuous women . the conquer'd country of coquets , and an infinite number of others ; not to reckon the lost country inhabited by strowlers , who aim at nothing but to lead others out of their way . they are of easie access , but 't is dangerous to traffick with them . some of them have the art to please without management , and to love without loving . but how have i forgot my own dear country , that is consecrated to bacchus ; that abounds with nectar , the wonder working liquor of the world ; that makes a poet a prince in 's own conceit ; a coward valiant , and a beggar as rich as an alderman . here i live at ease , and in plenty , swagger and carouze , quarrel with the master , fight the drawer , and never trouble my self about paying the reckoning , for one fool or other pays it for me . a poet that has wit in his head , never carries money in his breeches , for fear of creating a new amusement . in leicester-fields , i saw a mounte-bank on the stage , with a congregation of fools about him , who like a master in the faculty of lying , gave them a history of his cures , beyond all the plays and farces in the world. he told them of fifteen persons that were run clear through the body , and glad for a matter of three days together , to carry their puddings in their hands ; but in four and twenty hours he made 'em as whole as fishes , and not so much as a scar for a remembrance of the orifice . if a man had been so bold as to ask him when , and where ? his answer would have been ready without studying ; that it was some twelve hundred leagues off in terra incognito , by the token , that at the same time he was physician in ordinary to a great prince , that dy'd about five and twenty years ago , and yet the quack was not forty . all these subjects , though very amusing , were not equally edifying , and therefore in my voyage towards the city , i call'd in at a quaker's meeting , where a fellow was talking nonsence as confidently , as if he had had a patent for it , and confirm'd the popish maxim , that ignorance is the mother of devotion . the women were the oddest creatures in the world , neither flesh nor fish ; but like frogs , only their lower parts were man's meat . from thence i sailed into a presbyterian meeting near covent-garden , where the vociferous holder-forth was as bold and saucy , as if the deity and all mankind had owed him money . he was shewing the way to be rich when taxes rise , and trading falls , and descanting upon all humours and manners . he ( says the tubster ) that would be rich according to the practice of this wicked age , must play the thief or the cheat ; he that would rise in the world , must turn parasite , or projector . he that marries , ventures for the horn , either before , or afterwards . there is no valour without swearing , quarrelling , or hectoring . if you are poor , no body owns you . if rich , you 'll know no body . if you dye young , what pity 't was they 'l say , that he should be cut off in his prime . if old , he was e'en past his best ; there 's no great miss of him . if you are religious , and frequent meetings , the world will say you are a hypocrite : and if you go to church , and don 't make a liberal contribution to us , we say you are a papist . to which i make bold to add , if you are gay and pleasant , you pass for a buffoon ; and if pensive and reserv'd , you are taken to be sour and censorious . courtesy is call'd colloguing and currying of favour : downright honesty and plain-dealing , is interpreted to be pride and ill manners : and so i took my leave of dr. — and peep'd into a fine church in my way to fleet-street , where a huge double belly'd doctor , was so full of his doubtlesses , that he left no room for one grain of scepticism , and made me so perfect a dogmatist , that i made these innocent reflections . the doctor is very fat , doubtless he is rich. he looks very grum and surly , doubtless he is not the best humour'd man in the world ; but i soon gave over these remarks ; for being a stranger to his worship , doubtless i might have been sometimes in the right , and doubtless i should sometimes have been in the wrong ; and therefore i removed my corps to another church in my road to london . here a very genteel reader , to shew himself frenchify'd , instead of reading porage , after our old honest english custom , gave it an a la mode turn , and pronounc'd it pottaugsh ; whereas to have been more modish in his tongue , as well as his othr parts , he might have called it a dish of soop . before sermon began , the clark in a slit stick ( contrived for that purpose at a serious consult by the famous architects and engineers , sir c. w , and col. pickpeper ) handed up to the pulpit a number of prayer-bills , containg the humble petitions of divers devoto's , for a supply of what they wanted , and the removal of their afflictions . one was a bill from a courtier , that having a good post , desired he might keep it for his life , without being call'd to an account for neglect , or mismanagement ; and that he might continue without controul , god's servant in ordinary , and the king 's special favourite . a young virgin , apprehensive of her wants , and weaknesses , being about to enter into the holy state of matrimony , prayed for proportionable gifts and graces , to enable her for such an under-taking . some pray'd for good matches for their daughters , and good offices for their sons ; others beg'd children for themselves : and sure the husband that allows his wife to ask children abroad , will be so civil as to take them home when they are given him . now came abundance of bills from such as were going voyages to sea , and others that were taking long journeys by land ; both praying for the gift of chastity for their wives , and fidelity for their prentices , till they should return again . then the bills of complaint coming in thick and threefold , humbly shewing that many citizens wives , had hard hearts , undutiful husbands , and disobedient children , which they heartily pray'd to be quit of ; i discharg'd my ears from their attendance on so melancholy a subject , and employed my eyes on the variety of diverting faces in the gallery . where you might see in one pew , a covey of handsome , bucksome , bona roba's , with high-heads , and all the mundus muliebris of ornament and dress about them , as merry as hawks in a mew , as airy as their fans , and as light as a beaux head , or his feather . in another pew was a nest of such hard-favour'd she 's , that you would have blest your self . some with their faces so pounced and speckled , as if they had been scarified , and newly pass'd the cupping-glass ; with a world of little plasters , large , round , square , and briefly cut out into such variety , that it would have posed a good mathematician to have found out another figure . they employ'd themselves while the bills were reading , about — hush , hush . the wou'd be bishop is beginning , and 't is a sign of a clown , as well as an atheist , ludere cum sanct is ; for tho' i expose the foppery of persons , i have a great veneration for holy offices . our doctor , i grant it , has some of the qualifications of an all-souls candidate , bene vestiti & mediocriter docti ; and in good earnest fills a pulpit very well ; but that he so often hauls in his common-place book by neck and shoulders , that he cloys his auditors with that unpalatable ragoust , called in latin cramben biscoctum , and in plain english , twice-boil'd cabbage ; for having in every harangue , let the subject be what it will , marshal'd his discourse by the help of the warlike josephus , and by the assistance of the learned grotius , and pious dr. hammond our own countryman , puzzled aquinas , confuted bellarmin , and baffled origen , pass we on ( says he ) to the next thing as considerable . the clark is such an affected c. c. c — , that he sings out of tune , says out of order , and does nothing as he should do : for instead of saying , amen , he screams out a main , which had like to put me into a confounded fit of laughter ; for a spark who had been over-night at 7 or 11 , falling asleep in the church , and being waked by the noise of a main , he starts up , and cries out aloud , i 'll set you half a crown crowding to get out to breath my spleen at this adventure , i put the bilk upon a pick-pocket ; who measuring my estate by the length and bulkiness of my new wig , which ( god knows ) is not paid for , he made a dive into my pocket , but encountring a disappointment , rub'd off , cursing the vacuum ; and i as heartily laughing at his folly , that could think a poet ever went to church , when he had money to go to a tavern . poets are better principled than to hoard up trash ; and could they as well secure themselves from the flesh and the devil , as they do from the world , there would not be a hairs breadth 'twixt them and heaven . now i cross'd the way to a booksellers , in hopes to get a dinner and a bottle ; but the stingy curr pop't me off with a dish of coffee , and the old talk that trading was dead , that they suffer'd for other mens works as well as their own ; and in short , finding not a penny to be screw'd out of the prig , i pursued my voyage to the city ; but it happening to rain , to shelter my self from it , i run my face into a heralds office. here was a confounded noise of descents , pedigrees , genealogies , coat armour , bearings , additions , abatements , and a deal of that insignificant jargon . while i was listening to this gibberish , in comes a fellow with a role of parchment in his hand , to be made a gentleman , and to have a coat of arms finely painted to hang up in his dining-room till his wife died , and then to be transported on the outside and front of the house , to invite a rich widdow to marty him . my father , says he , has bore arms for his majesty , in many honourable occasions of watching and warding ; and has made many a tall fellow speak to the constable at all hours of the night . my uncle was the first man that ever was of the honourable order of the black-guard : and we have had five brave commanders of our family , by my father's side , that have served the state in the quality of marshal's men , and thief takers , and gave his majesty a fair account of all the prisoners that were taken by them : and by my mothers side , it will not be denied , but that i am honourably descended ; for my grandmother was never without a dozen chamber-maids and nurses in family . her husband wore a sword by his place , for he was deputy-marshal ; and to prove my self a man of honour , i have here a testimonial in my hand , in black and white ; and in my pocket brave yellow-boys , to pay for a coat of arms : which being produced and finger'd by the herald , he immediately assign'd him a coat , viz. a gibbet erect , with a wing volant . a ladder ascendant . a rope pendant , and a marshal's man swinging at the end on 't . i am sandalized , says my indian , at your custome in london , in making every saucy iack , a gentleman . and why are you not as well offended , reply'd i to my indian , to hear almost every gentleman call one another iack , and tom , and harry they first dropt the distinction , proper to men of quality , and scoundrels took it up and bestowed it upon themselves ; and hence it is , that a gentleman is sunk into plain iack , and iack is rais'd into gentleman . in days of yore , a man of honour was more distinguishable by his generosity and affability , than by his lac'd liveries ; but too many of them having degenerated into the vices of the vulgar fry , honour is grown contemptible , the respect that is due to their births , is lost in a savage management , and is now assumed by every scoundrel . the cobler is affronted , if you don't call him mr. translator . the groom names himself gentleman of the horse , and the fellow that carries guts to the bears , writes himself one of his majesty's officers . the page calls himself a child of honour , and the foot-boy stiles himself my ladies page . every little nasty whore takes upon her the title of lady , and every impudent broken-mouth'd manteau-maker , must be call'd madam theodosia br — . every dunce of a quack , is call'd a physician . every gown-man , a counseller . every silly huff , a captain . every gay thing , a chevalier . every parish reader , a doctor : and every writing clerk in the office , mr. secretary : which is all but hypocrisie and knavery in disguise ; for nothing is now called by its right name . the heralds i see have but little to do , honour and arms which used to employ all men of birth and parts , is now almost dwindled into an airy nothing : let us then go and see how the world wags in the city circle . amusement xi . the city visiting-day . i have given my traveller walking enough from country to country , let us save him the trouble now of beating the hoof , and shew him the rest of the world as he sits in his chair . to be acquainted with all the different characters of it , it will be sufficient for him to frequent certain numerous assemblies , a sort of city circle , they are set up in imitation of the circle at court. the circle in foreign courts is a grave assembly , but ill seated upon low stools set in a round . here all women talk , and none of them listen . here they make a pother about nothing . here they decide all things , and their most diversified conversations ons are a sort of roundeaus that end either in artificial slanders , or gross flattery , but this being in no wise applicable to the english court , i shall wave a further description of it , and come to the city circle . which is a familiar assembly , or a general council of the fair and charming-sex , where all the important affairs of their neighbors are largely discuss'd , but judged in an arbitrary manner , without hearing the parties speak for themselves . nothing comes amiss to these tribunals . matters of high , and no consequence , as religion , and cuckoldom , commodes and sermons , polliticks and gallantry , receipts of cookery and scandal , coquettry and preserving , jilting and laundry ; in short every thing is subject to the jurisdiction of this court , and no appeal lies from it . a venerable old gentlewoman , call'd madam whimsey , whose relations are dispersed into all corners of the earth , is president of this board . she is lineally descended from the maggots of the south , an illustrious and ancient family , that were a branch of the wag-tails of the east , who boast themselves descended in a right line from madam eve. here are to be found as many different opinions as there are heads in the room . the same judge is sometimes severe , and sometimes indulgent , sometimes grave and sometimes trifling , and they talk exactly there , as i do in my amusements . they pass in a moment from the most serious , to the most comical strain ; from the greatest things to the smallest ; from a duke , to a chimney-sweeper ; from a council of war to a christning , and sometimes a sudden reflexion upon a womans head-dress , hinders the decision of a case of conscience under examination . in this country twenty several sentences are pronounced all at once . the men vote when they can , the women as often as they please . they have two votes for one . the great liberty that is allowed in the city circle , invites all sorts of persons to come thither to see and to be seen . every one talks according to his designs , his inclination , and his genius . the young folks talk of what they are now a doing ; the old fellows talk of what they have done in the days of queen dick ; and your sots and coxcombs of what they have a design to do , tho' they never go about it . the ambitious rail at the sluggards as a company of idle fellows that take up a room in the world , and do nothing ? the sluggards return back the compliment to the ambitious , that they trouble all the world with their plots to advance themselves and ruine others . the tradesman curses war from the bottom of his heart , as that which spoils commerce , depopulates countries , and destroys mankind ; and the soldier wishes those that had a hand in making the peace , were at the devil . the vertuoso despises the rich for making such a bustle about so foolish and pale-faced a mettal as gold. the rich laugh at learning , and learned men , and cry , a fig for aristotle and des cartes . your men of gravity and wisdom forsooth , rail at love as the most foolish and impertinent trifling thing in the world ; and the lover fattens himself with his own fancies , and laughs at wisdom as a sower and severe thing that is not worth the pursuit . those that are unmarried fall foul upon the jealous-pated husbands , as men that create their own troubles . and those that are married justify their own prudent conduct in endeavouring to prevent their own dishonour . a young forward puppy full of vigour and health , seem'd to intimate by his discourse , that he thought himself immortal . well , says he , i have drank my gallon of claret every night this seven years , and yet the devil of a feaver or any other disease dares attack me , tho' i always keep two or three sins going at once . before george i think our family 's made of iron . there 's that old prig my father ( a plague on him ) turn'd of seventy , and yet he 's as sound as a roach still . he 'll ride you forty mile out-right at a fox-chase . small-beer be my portion here and hereafter , if i believe he 'll ever have the good manners to troop off . a grave old gentleman offended at this rude and frothy discourse gave his whiskers a twirl , and thus repremanded our saucy whipper-snapper . know boy , cries he to him in an angry tone : know , sirrah , that every age stands upon the same level as to the duration of life . a man of fourscore is young enough to live , and an infant but of four days birth , is old enough to die. i apprehend your meaning , old gentleman , says our young prig to him , well enough . you are young enough to live to day , and old enough to die to morrow . those whom you have hitherto heard , talk'd only to let the company see what they were : the rest both in their conversation and manners , appear'd directly contrary to what they were . you admire the gay noisy impertinence of that country wit yonder , that tells of many pleasant stories , and sets all the company a laughing . don't be mistaken in him , he 's the dullest rogue alive , if you strip him of what he has plunder'd from others . all his jests and repartees he purloin'd from his fathers chaplain ; they are the effect of his memory , and not of his invention . that other spark there sets up for a wit , and has some sence to 't . pray mind that worshipful lump of clay , that inanimate figure that lolls in the elbow-chair ; he takes no manner of notice of what is said in the company . by his plodding starch'd solemn looks , you would conclude that business of importance , and affairs of state , took up all his thoughts , and that his head was brim full of dispatches , negotiations , decrees , orders of council , and the lord knows what . i 'll tell you what ; he 's the emptiest , dullest , shallowest monster , within the bills of mortality . he 's equally incapable of business and pleasure : he 'll take you a nap over a game at cards , and yawn and stretch at the most diverting comedy : nay , under the pulpit when the parson has preach'd all the dogs out o' th' church . he dreams as he walks , and the sot when he 's a sleep , differs from the sot when waking , as a nine-pin when it is up , differs from a nine-pin when it s down . he has a considerable post in the government , and a pretty wife , and minds them both alike ? 't is pity he has not a deputy to officiate for him . that young creature there by the window , at the bare mention of the word love , starts , and trembles , as if a demi-culvirin were shot off at her ear. her vertuous mother has told her such terrible stories about it , that the poor fool believes she hates it . and do you think , sir , she 'll hate it to the end of the chapter ? that 's not so certain , i dare not engage for it . a woman that hates love before she knows what it is , is not in danger to hate it very long . perhaps i explain things after a freer manner than i ought , and unmask too many faces in my circle ; but if i were never so much inclined to spare them , and they themselves had address enough to conceal their own defects : i see a lady of great penetration coming into the room , who will decipher them more unmercifully than i can . now she has seated her self . observe what a modest air she has ? how critically she draws off her gloves ? how artfully she manages her fan ? and if she lift up her eyes , 't is only to see whether other women are as handsome and as modest as her self . she has so much vertue the world says , that she can't endure any that have a less share on 't than her self . what is harder still , those that have more vertue than she , do equally displease her . 't is for this reason she spares no body . i ask'd a lady of the same character t'other day , how it came to pass that her exhortations were half godliness , and half slander ? bless me , crys she , slander ! what mean you by the word ? 't is enough to give one the spleen , or an augue fit. the truth on 't is , i am sometimes obliged to accommodate my self to the taste of the world , to season my remonstrances with a little satyr , for the world expects we should make every thing agreeable , even connection it self . we must sometimes give a little slip from morality , to bring in a few strokes of satyr . speak more honestly , madam , says i to her , and confess that you bring in one stroke of morality , to countenance the making of a thousand scandalous reflexions . very well , replies the indian to me , i find the londoners are as comical in their garbs , as affected in their discourses . they would think themselves dishonour'd to appear in a suit they wore last year . according to the rule of fashions , this furious beau the next year must make but a scurvy figure ; but i pardon them for following the custom of their country . i put so ill a construction upon their curiosity , i will not hereafter judge of the hearts of women by the steps i see them make . as for that beau yonder , i have a great curiosity to know whither his inside answers his outside . not a word has drop'd from him as yet ; but surely the oracle will open anon. the ladies that encompass him , said i to my curious traveller , are as impatient to hear him talk , as you can be . therefore let us listen . they all compliment , and address their discourses to him . what answers does he make them ? sometimes yes , and sometimes no , and sometimes nothing at all . he speaks to one with his eyes , to another with his head , and laughs at a third with so mysterious an air , that 't is believed there is something extraordinary meant by it . all the company are of opinion that he has wit in abundance . his physiognomy talks , his air perswades , but all his eloquence lies in the fine outside he makes ; and as soon as the spark has shew'd himself , he has concluded his speech . 't is a thousand pitties that nature had not time enough to finish her workmanship ▪ had she bestowed never so little wit upon an outside so prepossessing us in his favour , the idlest tales from his mouth wou'd have pass'd for the most ingenious story in the world. but our ladies now begin to be weary of holding a longer discourse with their idol , all of 'em resolv'd , if they must speak , to speak with some body that would answer them again , and not with a statue . our beau retires into the next chamber , intent upon nothing but how to display his charms to the best advantage . he is at first view enamour'd with a pretty lady whom he saw in the room . he besieges her with his eyes , he ogles at her , he prims and plumes himself , and at last he boards her . this lady is very reserved , and tho' our gentleman appear very charming to her , yet she is not surprized at the first sight of him . 't is nothing but her curiosity which makes her hazard meeting him in the field . with this intention she listens to what our adventurer has to say to her . in short , this was the success of his affair with her . he found himself mightily at a loss how to cope with this lady . she had an inexhaustible source of wit , and would not be paid with gracious nods and smiles , but as we see there are a hundred witty women in the world , that are not displeas'd with a fair outside ; our confident spark flatter'd himself , that if he cou'd but once perswade the lady that he was in love with her , the garrison wou'd immediately surrender . to effect this he employ'd the finest turns of eloquence , and the most touching expressions of the mute language ; but this fair lady made as if she did not understand him . what should he now do to explain himself more clearly to her . he had a diamond-ring of a considerable value upon his finger , and found himself put to 't to contrive a piece of gallantry a la mode , to present it to her . thus playing with his hand , and holding it so that he might shew his diamond more advantageously to the eyes of the fair indifferent , he plays with it : she turns her head , first on one side , then on the other side . this unconcernedness mortified him extreamly ; yet still he kept on his shew , which is always the last refuge of a coxcomb . he is astonish'd to find a woman insensible to such a beau as himself , and to such a diamond as his was ; but this made no impression on the lady , who still continued inexorable and cruel . at the very moment he despair'd of his enterprize , this cruel , this insensible seiz'd him hastily by the hand , to look nearer at the diamond , from which she first turn'd her eyes : what a blessed turn of the scene was this to a dejected lover ! he reassumes his courage , and to make a declaration of his passion for once and all , he takes the ring from his finger , and after a thousand cringes and grimaces , presents her with it . the lady takes it in her hand , and holds it close to her eyes , to view it more carefully : he redoubles his hope and assurance , and thought he had a right to kiss that hand , that had received his diamond . the lady was so taken up in looking at it , that she was not at leisure to think of being angry at this freedom ; but on the contrary smiled , and without any more ceremony put the ring upon her finger . now it is that our lover thinks himself secure of victory , and transported with joy , proposes the hour and place of meeting . sir , says this lady coldly to him , i am charm'd with this diamond ; and the reason why i have accepted it without scruple , is because it belongs to me . yes , sir , this diamond is mine ; my husband took it from off my toilet some three months ago , and made me afterwards believe he had lost it . that cannot be , replys our fop , it was a marchioness that exchang'd it with me for something that shall be nameless . right , right , continues the woman , my husband was acquainted with this marchioness , he truck'd with her for my diamond , the marchioness truck'd with you for it , and i take it for nothing ; tho if i were of a revengeful nature , my husband very well deserves , that i should give the same price for it , as he received from the marchioness . at this unexpected blow , our fine thing stood confounded and astonish'd ; but i can now forgive his being mute upon so odd an occasion . a man of wit and sence could hardly avoid it . that great lord yonder , was bred and born a lord : his soul is full as noble as his blood , his thoughts as high as his extraction . i esteem , but don't admire his lordship ; but the man , who by his merits and vertues raises himself above his birth and education , i both esteem and admire . why then should you , whose virtues equal your fortune , conceal the meanness of your original , which raises the lustre of your merit ? and as for you that have no other merit to boast of , but that of advancing your fortune ; never be ashamed to own the meanness of your former life : we shall better esteem the merit of your elevation . look , yonder goes a man , says one , that takes upon him so much of the lord , that one would think he had never been any thing else . it often happens , that by our over-acting of matters , the world discovers we were not always the men we appear . while i made my reflections , my indian was likewise busie in making his . he did not so much wonder at the man in the embroidered coat , who did not know himself , as at the assembly , who likewise seem'd not to know him . he was treated with the respect due to a prince ; these are not civilities , but downright adorations . what cannot you be content , says our indian , cannot you be content to idolize riches that are useful to you ? must you likewise idolize the rich , who will never do you a farthings-worth of kindness ? i confess , continued he , that i cannot recover out of this astonishment . i see another man of a very good look come into the circle , and no body takes the least notice of him . he has seated himself and talks , and very much to the purpose too , and yet no one will vouchsafe him a hearing . i observe , the company files off from him by degrees , to another part of the room , and now he is lest alone by himself . wherefore say i to my self , do they shun him thus ? is his breath contagious , or has he a plague-sore running upon him ? at the same time i took notice , that these deserters had flock'd about the gay coxcomb in the laced suite , whom they worshipp'd like a little god. by this i came to understand , that the contagious distemper the other man was troubled with was his poverty . oh heavens ! says the indian , falling all on the sudden into an enthusiastick fit , like that wherein you saw him in his letter ; oh heavens ! remove me quickly out of a country , where they shut their ears to the wholsom advice , and sage instructions of a poor man , to lissen to the nonsensical chat of a sot in gawdy cloathes . they seem to refuse this philosopher a place among men , because his apparel is but indifferent , while they rank that wealthy coxcomb in the number of the gods. when i behold this abominable sight , i cou'd almost pardon those that grow haughty and insolent upon prosperity . this latter spark a little while ago was less than a man among you , at present you make a sort of a deity of him . if the head of their new idol should grow giddy , he may e'en thank those who incense him at this abominable rate . there are among us in my country , continues he , a sort of people who adore a certain bird , for the beauty and richness of its feathers . to justifie the folly wherein their eyes have engaged them , they are perswaded that this proud animal has a divine spirit that animates him . their error is infinitely more excusable than yours ; for in short , this creature is mute , but if he could talk , like your brute there in the rich embroidery , they would soon find him out to be a beast , and perhaps would forbear to adore him . this sudden transport , carry'd our well-meaning traveller a little too far . to oblige him to drop his discourse , i desir'd him to cast his eyes upon a certain gentleman in the circle , who deserved to have his veil taken off with which he covered himself , to procure the confidence of fools . examine well this serious extravagant . the fool 's bawble he makes such a pother with , is his probity , an amiable thing indeed , if his heart were affected by it ; but 't is only the notion of it that has fly-blown his head. because , forsooth , it has not yet appear'd in his story , that he is a notorious cheat and falsifier , upon the merit of this reputation , the insect thinks himself the most virtuous man in the world. he demands an implicite faith to all he says . you must not question any thing he is pleas'd to affirm , but must pay the same deference to his words , as to the sacred oracles of truth it self . if he thinks fit to assert that romulus and remus were grand children to iohn of gaunt , 't is a breach of good manners to enquire into their pedigrees . if any difference happens , he pretends his word is a decree , from which you cannot appeal without injustice . he takes it for a high affront , if you do but ask him to give you the common security . all the universe must understand that his verbal promise is worth a thousand pounds . he would fain have perswaded his wifes relations to have given him her in marriage upon his bare word , without making a settlement . he affects to be exactly nice to a tittle in all his expressions , and if you think it impossible to find a model of this impracticable exactness , he tells you that you may find it in him , all his words you ought to believe to a hairs breadth : nothing less , and nothing beyond it . if ever he gives you liberty to stretch a little , it must be in his commendation . let the conversation turn upon what subject it pleases , be it of war , or of religion , morality , or politicks , he will perpetually thrust his nose into it , though he is sure to be laughed at for his pains , and all to make a fine parade of his own good qualities and vertues . a certain lady for instance , after she had effectually proved that all gallantry , and sincerity , was extinct among the young fellows of this age , corrected her self pleasantly in this manner . i am in the wrong gentlemen , says she , i am in the wrong , i own it . there is such a thing as sincerity still among the men : they speak all that they think of us women . upon the bare mention of the word sincerity , our gentleman thought he had a fair opportunity to enlarge upon his own . every man , says he , has his particular faults my fault is to be too sincere . soon after this , the discourse fell upon other matters , as want of compassion and charity in the rich. what an excess of barbarity crys our man of honour , is this ? for my part , i always fall into the opposite extream . i melt at every thing , i am too good in my temper , but 't is a fault i shall never correct in my self . to make short , another who towards the conclusion of his story , happen'd accidentally to let the word avarice drop from him , found himself interrupted by our modest gentleman , who made no difficulty to own that liberality was his vice. ah sir , replied the man coldly , who was interrupted , you have three great vices , sincerity , goodness , and liberality . this excess of modesty in you , which makes you own these vices , give me to understand sir , that you are masters of all the contrary vertues . in my opinion now , this was plucking off the vizor of our sir formal . this was discharging a pistol at his breast : one would have thought it wou'd have went to the very heart of him . in the mean time he did not so much as feel the blow ; the callus of his vanity had made him invulnerable , he takes every thing you say to him in good part . call him in an ironical manner , the great heroe of probity , he takes you in the litteral sense . tell him in the plain language of t. o. that he 's a confounded rascal , oh sir , says he , your humble servant , you are disposed to be merry i find : thus he takes it for raillery . these raillers have a fine time on 't you see , to iest upon a man of so oily a temper . what a vexation is it to your gentlemen that speak sharp and witty things , to level them at so supple a slave . all the pleasure wou'd be to touch him to the quick , to confound his vanity . wit does but hazard it self by attacking him in the face , there 's nothing to be got by it : vanity is a wall of brass . but i find nothing will be lost . there sits a gentleman in the corner of a quite different temper , who takes every thing upon himself , that was meant to another . he blushes , he grows pale , he 's out of countenance ; at last quits the room , and as he goes out , threatens all the company with his eyes . what does the world think of this holding up the buckler , they put but a bad construction upon it , and say that his conscience is ulcerated , that you cannot touch any string , but it will answer to some painful place . touch a gall'd horse and he 'll wince . in a word , he 's wounded all over , because he 's all over sensible of pain . these are two characters that seem to be directly opposite ; however , it were easie to prove that these two are the same at bottom . what 's this bottom ? divine it if you can : one word wou'd not be sufficient to explain it clearly to you , and i am not at leisure to give you any more . i perceive a man coming into the room whom i am acquainted with , he will interrupt me without remorse . i had better be beforehand with him , and hold my tongue . silence gentlemen , silence , and see you shew due respect . you will immediately see one of those noble lords who believe that all is due to them , and that they owe nothing to any body . when my lord enter'd , every one put on a demure look , and he himself came in with a smiling look , like a true polititian . immediately he makes a thousand protestations of friendship to every one ; but at the same time that he promises you his service , he looks as pale as a scotchman , when he offers you his purse . he is scarce sate down in his chair , but he embroiles the conversation . he talks to four several persons about four several affairs at once : he puts a question to one man , without waiting for an answer of another : he proposes a doubt , treats it , and resolves it all by himself . he 's not weary of talking , though all the company be of hearing him . they steal off by degrees , and so the circle ended . the publick is a great spectacle always new , which presents it self to the eyes of private men , and amuses them . these private men are so many diversified spectacles , that offer themselves to the publick view , and divert it . i have already as it were in minature , shew'd some few of these small inconsiderable private spectacles . my fellow traveller not content with this , still demands of me , that i should speak a few words more of the publick . amusement xii . the pvblick . the publick is a prince of which all those hold , that aim at honour , reputation and profit . those sordid mean-spirited souls , that don't take any pains to merit its approbation , are at least afraid of its hatred , and contempt . the right we assume to our selves to judge of every thing , has produc'd abundance of vertues , and stifled abundance of crimes . the publick has a just , a solid , and penetrating discernment : in the mean time , as 't is wholly composed of men ; so there 's a great deal of the man very often in its judgments . it suffers it self to be prepossessed as well as a private person , and afterwards prepossesseth us by the ascendant it hath had over us for many ages . the publick is a true misanthrope , it is neither guilty of complaisance , nor flattery ; nor does it seek to be flatter'd . it runs in crowds to assembles , where it hears truths of it self , and each of the particulars that compose the whole body , love rather to see themselves ieer'd , than to deprive themselves of the pleasure of seeing others ieer'd . the publick is the nicest and most severe critick in the world ; yet a dull execrable ballad , is enough to amuse it for a whole year . it is both constant and inconstant . one may truly affirm , that since the creation , the publick genius has never changed . this shews its constancy ; but it is fond of novelties , it daily changes all its fashions of acting , its language and its modes . a weather-cock is not more inconstant . it is so grave it strikes a terror upon those that talk to it , and yet so trifling that a band , or a cravat put the wrong way , sets the whole auditory a laughing . the publick is served by the greatest noblemen : what grandeur is there ? and yet it depends upon those that serve it : how little it is ? the publick is , if i may allow my self the expression , always at man's estate , for the solidity of its judgment , and yet an infant , whom the errantest scoundrel of a iack-pudding , or a merry-andrew , shall lead from one end of the town to the other . 't is an old man , who shews his dotage by murmuring without knowing what he would have , and whose mouth we cannot stop , when he has once began to talk. i should never have done , were i minded to set down all the contrarieties that are to be found in the publick , since it possesses all the vertues , and all the vices , all the forces , and all the infirmities of mankind . let us reassume our gravity to consider the real grandeur of the publick . 't is out of it we see every thing proceeds , which is of any consideration in the world : governors to rule provinces , iudges to regulate them , warriers to fight , and heroes to conquer . after these governors , these judges , these warriers , and these heroes , have gloriously signaliz'd themselves in all parts , they all come to meet again at court ; where interpidity it self trembles , fierceness is softned ; gravity rectified , and power disappears . there those that are distinguish'd in other places , like so many sovereigns ; among the crowd of courtiers , become courtiers themselves ; and after they have drawn the eyes of so many thousands after them , think it their glory to be look'd upon by one from whom those illustrious stars derive their splendour , and are never so near their meridian , as when the monarch , that spring of glory , shines upon them , and communicates some beams of his magnificence to them . as his very looks raise the merit of the greatest actions , every one is jealous of him who endeavours to attract them to himself ; but for all that , they are so complaisant , that they don't neglect to caress the man of whom they are jealous . however , there are some elevated souls that have infinitely rais'd themselves about those court infirmities . real heroes and brave men indeed ! who are no more grieved at the glory of others , than to share the light of the sun in common with them . i own indeed , says my indian , in taking his leave of me , that england produces some of these perfect englishmen , whose reputations have reached our parts of the world ; but it was to see something greater than this , that i undertook this voyage ; and consider how i reason'd with my self as i pass'd the ocean . england abounds with illustrious men , and tho' there may be animosities among them ; yet they all unanimously now agree to reverence and respect the king alone : and must not he be an extraordinary man ? finis . reports of special cases touching several customes and liberties of the city of london collected by sir h. calthrop ... ; whereunto is annexed divers ancient customes and usages of the said city of london. calthrop, henry, sir, 1586-1637. 1670 approx. 302 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 132 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32296 wing c311 estc r4851 12247759 ocm 12247759 57005 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32296) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57005) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 623:2) reports of special cases touching several customes and liberties of the city of london collected by sir h. calthrop ... ; whereunto is annexed divers ancient customes and usages of the said city of london. calthrop, henry, sir, 1586-1637. [8], 32, [48], 33-206 p. printed for abel roper ..., london : 1670. includes bibliographical references. added t.p. on p. [77]: whereunto is annexed divers ancient customs, and usages of the said city of london. newly re-printed. london : printed for abel roper ..., 1670. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng customary law -england -london. law reports, digests, etc. -england -london. london (england) -charters, grants, privileges. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reports of special cases touching several customes and liberties of the city of london . collected by sir h. calthrop knight , sometimes recorder of london . whereunto is annexed divers ancient customes and usages of the said city of london . london : printed for abel roper , at the sun st. dunstans church in fleetstreet , 1670. to the right worshipful sir thomas loe , k. alderman of the city of london . worthy sir , being put in mind of that saying of seneca , ingratum sidixeris omnia dixeris . and having a desire to avoid that rock whereupon so many have suffered shipwrack , have had often conflicts within my self , wherein i might express my thankfulness unto you , of whom i a stranger have received so many undeserved favours , and at last bethought my self , that ( you being one of the noble governours of this famous city of london , and being likewise a president over several companies of merchants in it ) a treatise concerning the customs of the city of london , or otherwise concerning the priviledges and immunities granted unto the merchants of london , would not altogether be an unfitting subject to be presented unto your view ; whereupon i have selected som few cases collected by my self , of the resolution of the iudges , concerning some customes of your city , and some charters granted unto the citizens of it , and offered them unto your consideration , the which i desire you to accept as a pledge and token of a thankful mind , howsoever they in themselves are unworthy your pains to be taken in the reading of them : and so with my truest wishes of the continuance of all happiness unto your self , your thrice noble lady , and the branches of your flourishing family , i take my leave , ever resting , from my chamber in the middle temple , 2 januarii anno dom. 1661. the affectionate and hearty well-wisher of all good unto you and yours henry calthrop . the contents of several cases . the case of the city of london , concerning neusances in stopping up the lights of their neighbours houses by new buildings page 1 touching the custome of citizens learning that trade , whereunto they have been apprentices seven years , and betaking themselves to other trades . 9 the custome of london touching forreign attachment . 27 the case concerning the prisage of citizens wines .   the case concerning repairing of wharfes and docks .   the cuctome of london , to fine one chosen by the commons to be sheriff , and refusing , to hold . 33 the case of merchant-adventurers . 36 certifying indictments upon certioraries . 42 concerning orphans portions . 46 the custome in not removing body and cause upon habeas corpus . 50 the case concerning payment of tythes in london . 54 divers ancient cuctomes and usages of the of city london . 79 hust of pleas of land. 80 hustings of common pleas. page 85 assizes of mort d' ancest in london . 94 assizes of novel dissezen , called freshforce in london . 97 de curia majoris london & custumis civitatis ejusdem & diversis cesibus terminalibus in eadem curis . 100 the commission and article of the wardmote inquest , by the mayor . 129 an act for the reformation of divers abuses used in the ward-mote inquests . 146 the articles of the charge of the ward-mote inquest . 151 an act parliament for the preservation of the river of thames . 169 an act of common councel concernidg the conservation and cleansing of the river of thames . 174 the oath of the constables within the city of london . 180 the oath of the scavengers . 182 the oath of every freeman of this city of london . 183 an act of common council concerning making freemen of the city , againct colouring of forreign goods . 185 the statutes of the streets of this city against annoyances . 187 old laws and customes of this city . 196 by act of parliament in 14. car. 2. 198 reports of special cases , touching several customes and liberties of the city of london , &c. the case of the city of london concerning neusans in stopping up the lights of their neighbours houses by new-buildings . reginold hughs an attorney of the kings bench being seized in his demesne as of fee , of an ancient house in the parish of saint olaves in the ward of queen hithe london in the south-part of which house have been three ancient lights ( time our of mind . ) anthony keeme having taken a lease for 31. years from the rector and guardians of the parish church of saint michael at queen hithe by indenture of a rumous house , and yard next adjoyning unto the said house , with a covenant to bestow a 100 marks at the least upon the repairing or new building of the said house ; doth within two years pull down the said house , and doth build a new house in the place where the old house stood , and likewise upon the yard whereby the three ancient lights on the south-side of ●●●● house are stopt up , whereupon reynold lewes doth bring his action upon the case against anthony keem , for the stopping up the lights ; unto which the said anthony doth plead a special plea in bar , shewing the ruinousness of the house , and likewise the lease made by the rector and guardians , and the covenant comprised within the lease , and doth also shew that there is a custom in london , that if one have an ancient house , wherein there are ancient lights , and one other hath a house adjoyning upon that house ; he that hath the adjoyning house may well enough enhance his house , or build a new house upon his ground , and to stop those ancient lights of the house next adjoyning , unless there be some writing to the contrary . and he doth aver in facto , that there was no writing to the contrary , and that he according to the custome did take down the old house and build a new one upon the same foundation and upon the yard opposite unto the said lights , whereby they were stopped up ; and upon this plea in bar ; the plaintiff demurreth in law. the questions of this case are . first , whether it be lawful for a man to build a house upon his own ground , whereby the lights of an ancient house are stopped , there being no custome to enable him ? secondly , whether the custome of london will enable a man to build a new house from the ground ; where no house formerly was , whereby he may stop the ancient lights of his neighbours house ? thirdly , whether upon an ancient foundation a house may lawfully be enhansed , so as it shall stop up the light of the neighbours house adjoyning ? as to the first , it is clear by the opinion of sir thomas flemming , chief justice of the kings bench , sir cristopher yelverton , sir david williams , and sir iohn crook , justices of the kings bench , that there being no custome , it is not lawful to erect a new house upon a void piece of ground , whereby the old lights of an ancient house may be stopped up ; for the rule of equity , and law saith , utere tuo , ut alienum non laedas ; and the light which cometh in by the windowes , being an essential part of the house , by which he hath three great commodities , that is to say , air for his health , light for his profit , prospect for his pleasure , may not be taken away no more , then a part of his house may be pulled down , whereby to erect the next house adjoyning . and with this resolution agreeth the case of eldred reported by sir edw. cook , in his ninth report , fol. 58. where he sheweth the ancient form of the action upon the case to be quod messuagium horrida tenebritate obscuratum fuit ; but if there be hinderance only of the prospect by the new erected house , and not of the air , not of the light , then an action of the case will not lye , insomuch that the prospect is only a matter of delight , and not of necessity . as to the second , it was resolved by the opinion of the aforesaid judges , that the custome of london will not enable a man to erect a new house upon a void space of ground , whereby the ancients lights of an old house are stopt up ; for first the owner of the old house having possession of a lawful easment and profit which hath been belonging unto the house by prescription , time out of mind of man , may not be prescribed out of it by another thwarting custome which hath been used time out of mind of man , but the latter custome shall rather be adjudged to be void , and prescription against a prescription will never be allowed by the law. 2. it may well be that before time of memory the owner of the said void piece of ground granted unto the owner of the house , to have his windows that way without any stopping of them , the which being done , and continued accordingly , hath begotten a prescription , the which may not be defeated by the allegation of a general custome ; and with this resolution doth agree a case adjudged , trin. 29. eliz. rot. 253. in the kings bench ; whereupon an action upon the case brought by thomas bloond against thomas mosley , for erecting of a house in the county of the city of york , whereby the ancient lights of his house were stopped up : the desendant did plead a custome for the city of york , as there is here for the city of london , and adjudged that the custome was naught , whereupon the plaintiff had his judgement : but if the houses had been new erected houses , or otherwise windowes had been newly made windows in that ancient house , the erection of that new house upon that void space of ground would have been lawful notwithstanding that the windows and lights be stopped up ; for it shall not lie in the power of the owner of the ancient house by setting out his new windows to prevent him , that hath the void peice of ground from making the best benefit of it . as to the third point , it was conceived that if the new house be only erected upon the ancient foundation , without any inlargement either in longitude or latitude , howsoever it be made so high that it ●oppeth up the lights of the old house yet he is not subject unto any action , because the law authorizeth a man to build as high as he may upon an ancient foundation , and it is no reason to foreclose a man from making his house convenient unto his estate and degree by building up higher , when there is no other impediment , but only some windowes which are built out over his house ; and agreeing to this , seemeth the old book of 4. e. 3. 150. to be where an assize of nusans was brought for erecting his house so high , that the light of the plaintiff in the next adjoyning house was disturbed by it , and the plaintiff upon the opinion of herl , chief justice , did not proceed in the assize , but let it fall to the ground ; but if the new builded house exceeded the ancient foundation , whereby that excess is the cause of stopping up of lights , then is he subject unto the action of him whose light is stopped up , as it may appear by 22. h. 6. 25. and in the case at the bar , judgement was given for the plaintiff , because he had brought his action for building of a new house upon a void piece of ground , by which his windows were stopt up . and keeme the defendant only justifieth by the custome , the erection of the house upon an old foundation , and upon the void piece of ground , the which is not any answer at all unto that which the plaintiff layeth unto the charge of the defendant . touching the custome of citizens leaving that trade whereunto they have been apprentices seven years , and betaking themselves to other trades . iohn tolley having been an apprentice in london by the space of seven years unto a wool-packer , after the seven years expired , is made a freeman of london ; afterwards he leaveth the trade of a wool-packer , and betaketh himself to the trade of an vpholster , and doth exercise that trade by many years , whereupon one thomas allen an informer , doth exhibit an information in the court of the mayor of london , as well for the king as for himself , upon the branch of the statute made in the fifth year of the late queen elizabeth cap. 4. whereby it is enacted , that after the first day of may next ensuing it shall not be lawful unto any person or persons , other than such as now do lawfully use , or exercise any art , mystery , or manual occupation , to set up , &c. any such occupation now used or occupied within the realm of england , or wales , except he shall have been brought up seven years at the least as an apprentice in manner and form aforesaid , nor to set any person on work in such mystery , art , or occupation , being not a workman at this day , except he shall have been an apprentice as aforesaid , or else having served as an apprentice as is aforesaid , shall or will become a iourney-man or hired by the year upon pain that every person willingly offending or doing the contrary , shall forfeit and lose for every default fourty shillings for every moneth . and he sheweth , that iohn tolly the now defendant hath exercised the trade of an upholster by the space of fourty moneths , whereas he was never an apprentice to that trade by the space of seven years ; contrary unto the aforesaid statute , whereby the said thomas allen doth demand the forfeiture of eighty pound unto the king and himself , whereof he the said allen doth require the one moyety , according to the form of the said statute . and this information being removed out of the court of the mayor of london by certiorari into the kings bench , the said iohn tolley doth plead a special plea in bar , shewing , that there is a custome of london which hath been used time out of mind of man , that every citizen and freeman of london , which hath been an appretice in london unto any trade by the space of seven years , may lawfully and well relinquish that trade , and exercise any other trade at his will and pleasure . and sheweth further , that all the customes of london were confirmed by k. r. 2. in the parliament holden in the seventh year of his raign . and averteth , that he had served one in the trade of a wool-packer , as an apprentice , by the space of seven years , and that he was a citizen and a freeman of london , and that he did relinquish the trade of a wool-packer , and betook himself to the trade of an upholster , as lawful it was for him to do ; and so he demandeth the judgment of the court if this information against him will lie ; and upon this plea in bar , the said thomas allen doth demur in law. the questions in the case were these . 1. whether the custome of relinquishing one trade , after that he hath been an apprentice by the space of seven-years , and betaking himself to another trade , wherein he hath not been an apprentice , be good or no ? 2. whether it may be taken as a custome or no , or whether it shall be said to be the common law of the realm , and so the allegation of it , as a custome , nought ? 3. whether the statute of the confirmation of the customes of london , made in the seventh of r. 2. as it is pleaded , shall be taken to be an act of parliament , or only a confirmation made by the letters pattents of the king in parliament ? 4. whether the branch of the statute of 5. eliz. cap. 4. being in the negative , inhibit all men to exercise the trade when they have not been apprentice seven years thereunto , is a controlment of the custome of london , which can receive no support by the statute of confirmations ? and whether that custom shall stand good in opposition of that branch ? 5. whether the trade of an vpholstor be a trade restrained by the statute of 5. eliz. so as iohn tolley may exercise it , notwithstanding that he hath not been an apprentice to it by the space of seven years , according to the course of the common law ? 6. whether the court of the mayor of london be such a court of record , as that an information may be exhibited there ? 7. whether a moyety may be demanded of this forfeiture by the informer , when as a proviso in the stat. of 5. eliz. 4. doth appoint the levying , gathering , and receiving of such forfeiture as falls in a city or town corporate to the mayor , or other head officers , to the use and maintenance of the same city or town corporate ? as to the first question , which is the lawfulness of the custome , it was agreed to be good ; for it might have a reasonable construction , beginning , and just cause , for the putting of it in execution , insomuch that london being a famous city for traffique and commerce , cannot but sometimes have merchants and tradesmen in it , who by misadventure of pyrates or shipwrack in the seas , or by conffiscation of their goods in forraign countries abroad , o● by casu●lties of fire , &c. at home , have their estates sunk , whereby they are not able for want of stock and meane● to continue that course of merchandizing and trade wherein they have been brought up there being great stocks and sums of money requisite for the continning of it , whereupon they are forc'd to leave that course , and betake themselves to some other trade proportionable to that means which they have left . and it were lamentable , that wher● inevitable casualties have disabled a man to proceed in that course wherin he was brought up , he now should not be permitted to acquire his living by any other trade . also it may be , that the trade whereunto he was an apprentice , requireth great labour and strength of body , as the trade of a smith , carpenter , and such like , and that through sickness or other disasters befaln him , he is become infirm in body , and weak in strength , whereby he is not able to use that trade . now to deba● him of all other trades , which are more be fitting his crazy body , were somwhat unreasonable . wherefore to meet with these inconveniencies , and to give incouragement unto the citizens and freemen of london this custome of relinquishing the trade whereunto they have been apprentices by the space of seven years , and betaking themselves unto another trade , hath had a perpetual allowance , and being grounded upon so good reason still hath its continuance , and may not any wayes be called in question for the unreasonableness of it . as to the second question scil . whether the allegation of it as custome in london that every citizen and freeman of london may relinquish his trade wherein he hath been an apprentice by the space of seven years , and exercise another trade or no , be warrantable by the rules of law or no , insomuch that before the stat. of 5. eliz. 4. which restraineth it , it was lawful for every man to use what trade he would , although he had not been an apprentice by the space of seven years : and then it being the common law of the realm that a man might use any trade , although he had not been an apprentice for seven years , it may not be alledged by way of custome in london , but it ought to have been shewed , as the custome of the realm , for that which is the common law of the realm , is the custome of the realm ? it was answered and agreed , that as this custom was alledged in this information , the allegation of it was warrantable in the law , and it may well be said to be a custome before the stat. of 5. eliz. for first . the custome is restrained to a citizen and freeman of london , so as he that is not a citizen and freeman may not enjoy the benefit of this custome , and it being restrictive of the common law which giveth power unto all , as well freemen as citizens , to exercise what trade they will , standeth well in custome , and may well be alledged by way of custome . this is alledged to be the custome of london , and so is tyed to a particular place ; and howsoever it may be the common law of the realm in other places , yet in london , which is for the most part governed by their particular customes , it may well be said a custom , and so the plea in bar good enough , as to this exception . as to the fourth question , soil . whether the branch of the statute of 5. eliz. 4. be a repeal and controul of the custome of london concerning the exercise of a trade where he hath not been an apprentice by the space of seven years ? it was resolved that the custome of london was of force , and was not any wayes controuled by that branch . first , in regard that this being a particular custome used in london , the general words of the branch of that stat● shall not be taken to extend to the repeal of it : for so much regard is to be given unto that city , being camera regis , and as dear to him as the apple of his eye , that the customes of that place shall not be overthrown by the extent of general words , where there is no particular provision for it , might tend to a great derogation of the city , and likewise might be very prejudicial to the commonwealth , when as the ill-affectedness of this city being the chief member of this politique body , cannot but make all the other members to be partakers of thei ll disposition of it . and upon this reason it is , that before such time as the stat. of r. 2. was thought of , it was holden that the stat. de religiosis , otherwise called the statute of mortmain , made in the seventh of the reign of e. 1. which did make a general restraint from disposing of lands in mortmain , did never extend unto the repeal of the custome of london , which did enable those that were citizens and freemen of london to devise their lands in mortmain , as before . secondly , the city of london , and the custome therein used , being the example and patern which the statute of 5. eliz. in some parts of it doth require should be followed , as in that branch , wherein provision is made , that every person being an housholder , and twenty four years old at the least , dwelling or inhabiting , or which shall dwell or inhabit in a city or town corporate , and use or exercise any art , mystery , or manual occupation , shall and may yet have and retain the son of any freeman not occupying husbandry , &c. to serve . and be bound as an apprentice , after the custome and order of the city of london for seven years at the least . it seemeth that the intent of the makers of that statute , was rather to confirm ; than repeal the customes of london , for it would never make the custome of london to be the example which ought to be persued , if it had had an intention to repeal it . and by the same reason , that the custome of london shall not be comprehended within the general words of one branch of the statute , the general words of another branch shall not be extended unto them . thirdly , it is to be observed , that the statute of 5. eliz. hath a proviso , that this act , nor any thing therein contained or mentioned shall not be prejudicial or hurtful unto the cities of london and norwich or to the lawful liberties , usages , customes , or priviledges of the same cities . and howsoever it speaketh , only concerning the having or taking of apprentices , yet by the whole scope of the statute , which maketh the customes of london to be their directions in many things enacted by that statute , it appeareth , that the intent was to preserve the customes of london , and not any ways to abolish them . for it should be very mischievous to the city , and would endanger the subversion and decay of it ; if all acts of parliament by their general words should stretch to repeal the customs of london , in case where they are somewhat opposite unto the statute . fourthly , upon the matter , there must be a repeal of the statute of magna charta , cap. 9. which confirmes all the customes of london , the which shall not be done by general words in a statute , because it hath been so often-times confirmed . as to the fifth question , scil . whether the trade of an upholster be a trade restrained within the statute of 5. eliz. cap. 4. so that none can exercise it , but he that hath been an apprentice by the space of seven years ? it was agreed and resolved , that an upholster is not a trade within that stat. for first it is not a trade that is mentioned in any of the branches of the statute , howsoever in all parts of the statute there is mention made of sixty one several trades and mysteries . and if the arti●ans which at that time were assistants unto the commitees for the expressing of all manner of trades , and thought that the trade of an vpholster had been such a trade that required art and skill for the exercising of it , they would not have failed to make mention of it . secondly , there having been two former acts of parliament , that is to say , the statute of 7. h. 7. cap. 17. and 5. ed. 6. cap. 23. made concerning vpholsters , it was not necessary that mention should be made of it in this statute , and so it shall be intended that there was purposely an omission made of an vpholster , because there was sufficient provision made for him formerly . thirdly , the trade of an vpholster doth not require any art or skill for the exercising of it , inasmuch as he hath all things made to his hand , and it is only to dispose them in order after such time as they are brought to him , as the ticks of his beds he borroweth from a weaver , the frames of his beds and stooles from the joyners and turners , his iron-rods and nailes from the smith , his guilding , and setting forth and adorning of his beds and stools from the guilder and painter ; and so he is like to aesops bird , which borroweth of every bird a feather , his art resting meerly in the overseeing and disposition of such things which other men work , and in the putting of feathers into a tick , and sowing them up when he hath done , the which one that hath been an apprentice unto it but seven days is able to perform . and the intent of this statute was not to extend unto any other trades , but such as required art and skill for the managing of them : and therefore it was adjudged in the exchequer upon an information against one in the 42 , year of the reign of the late queen eliz. that a coster-monger was not a trade intended by the statute of 5. eliz. because his art was in the selling of apples , the which required no skill or experience for the exercise of it . so an husbandman , tankard-bearer , brick-maker , porter , miller , and such like trades , are not within the statute of 5. eliz. cap. 4. so as none may exercise them , but such a one that hath been an apprentice by the space of seven years ; for they are arts which require rather abillity of body than skill : but a brewer and baker are within the statute , because it concerneth the health of mens bodies to have good bread baked , and beer b●ewed , and so it is fit that they should have skil for the exercise of them . fourthly , an upholster being no such trade within the stat. of 5. eliz. as may compel one to be an apprentice unto him for the space of seven years ; for it is not mentioned within that branch that concerneth the compelling of men to be apprentices . it is not any such trade as is within that branch , which compelleth men to be apprentices for the space of seven years , before such time as they can exercise it ; for none shall be within the branch that restraineth men to exercise their trades , where they have not bin apprentices by the space of seven years ; but such as are within that other branch , to compel men to be apprentices unto them by the space of 7. years . as to the sixth question , which is ; whether the court of the mayor of london be such a court of record , as an information may be exhibited in it upon this statute of the 5. of eliz. cap 4 ? it was answered and resolved , that it was . for it is expressed by precise terms , in one of the last branches of the said statute , that the said mayor , or other head-officers of the cities or towns corporate , shall have full power and authority to hear and determine all and every offence and offences , that shall be committed or done against this statute , or against any branch thereof , as well upon indictment to be taken before them in the sessions of the peace , as upon informatio●● action of debt , or bill or complaint to be sued or exhibited by any person , and shall and may by vertue thereof make process against the defendant , and award execution , as in any other case they lawfully may by any the laws and statutes of this realm , and the presidents have been alwayes accordingly . for in the 44. year of the late queen eliz. an information was exhibited by one robinson against toby , in the mayors court of london , because he exercised the trade of a cutler ▪ where he had not been an apprentice by the space of seven years , and allowed to be well exhibited . so in the case \l = o ▪ \f one banister , and information exhibited in that court , because he had exercised the trade of a weaver , where he had not been apprentice by the space of seven years , was admitted good . as to the seventh question , which is , whether the informer may demand the moyety of the forfeitures upon this statute , because in a branch in the latter end of the statute , it is enacted , that all manner of amerciaments , fines , issues , and forfeitures , which shall arise , grow , or come by reason of any offences , or defaults mentioned in this act or any branch thereof , within any city or town corporate , shall be levied , gathered , and received by any person or persons of the same city , or town corporate , as shall be appointed by the mayor , or other head officers mentioned in this act , to the use and maintenance of the same city or town , in such case and condition as any other amerciaments , fines , issues , or forfeitures , have been used to belevied , or imployed within the same city or town corporate , by reason of any grant or charter from the queens majesty that now is , or any her graces noble progenitours , made or granted to the same city , burrough , or town corporate , any thing , or clause before mentioned or expressed to the contrary notwithstanding ? it was answered and resolved , that the informer might well demand a moyety ; for there being a former branch , that enacted , that the one half of all forfeitures and penalties expested and mentioned in this act other than such as are expresly otherways appointed , shall be to our soveraign lady the queens majesty , her heirs , and successors , and the other moyety to him or them that shall sue for the same in any of the queens majesties courts of record or before any of the jus●i●es of oyer and terminer , or before any other justices or presidents and councel before remembred , by action of debt , information , bill of complaint or otherwise : the informer may demand his moyety , by vertue of this branch ; and the subsequent branch which gives the forfeitures unto the mayor , shall be taken only of the forfeitures which are given to the queen , and not of that which is given to the informer , who is the means whereby the other moyety is brought to the mayor , and other officers . the custome of london touching forreign attachment . iohn tenant a citizen of london , is indebted fourty pound by specialty unto one other citizen of london , the which said citizen is likewise indebted unto one robert haydon , another citizen of london in fourty pounds upon a simple contract . the citizen so indebted unto haydon died intestate . thomas spink taketh letters of administration of the goods and chattels of the said intestate . tenant after the day of payment of his fourty pounds promiseth spink in consideration that he will forbear him the payment of the said fourty pounds , by the space of two months to pay to spink the said fourty pounds . spink forbeareth tenant accordingly , but the fourty pounds is not paid according to promise . afterwards the debt due by tenant , is attached in his hands according to the custome of london of forreign attachments for the debt due by the intestate unto haydon , spink bringeth his action upon the case against tenant , for not paying the 40. pounds according to his word who sheweth in his plea in bar , that the debt due by him unto the intestate was attached according to the custome of forreign attachments . and upon this plea in bar , spink demurreth in law. the questions in this case are , 1. whether this debt of the intestate being only a debt due upon a simple contract , be such a debt of which a forreign attachment may be made according to the custome of london ? 2. whether the custome of forreign attachments may hold in this case , inasmuch as by the statute made in an 31. ed. cap. the name of administrators was created , and before that statute lettars of administration were never granted ? 3. whether there being a forreign attachment of the debt due unto the intestate , after the not performing of the promise , and title of action given unto spink the plaintiff , be a dispensation with the promise , so as now the action faileth upon the promise for not paying the money . as to the first question , which is , whether for the debt , being a debt due only upon a simple contract , a forreign attachment may be used or no ? it was agreed and resolved , that a forreign attachment might well be sued for it : for by the custome of london , the executor or administrator being chargeable for a debt due by the testator , or intestate upon a simple contract , as well as upon a specialty , a forreign attachment may be sued as well for that debt , as for a debt due upon specialty . and howsoever the kings bench , or any other court of westminster , be not bound to take notice of this particular custome of london in charging the executors , or administrators upon the simple contract , nor to give judgement according to the custome yet when judgment hath been given according to that custome , and that judgement appeareth judicially unto the judges by the record : now they ought to allow the custome , and give their judgement according to that custome in affirmance of the judgment given in london . but it was agreed , that if there had not been any debt due by the intestate unto haydon ; now howsoever there had been an attachment made in london of the debt due by spink unto the intestate , and a judgement given upon it , yet might the administrator have relieved himself by way of denial , and traverse that there had been any debt due by the intestate unto haydon . as to the second question , which is , whether the custome of forreign attachments in london may hold as this case is ? it was agreed and resolved , that it may and doth well enough hold . for howsoever that none was charge able at the common law by the name of an administrator , inasmuch as by the statute of 31. ed. 3. cap. no accusation lay against an administrator by that name ; and that a custome may not commence since the making of that statute ; yet inasmuch as he was chargable at the common law as an executor for his administration so that the name of the charge is only changed , and yet in substance is all one ( for every executor is an administrator and the pleading is upon an action brought against an executor , that he never was executor , nor ever administred as an executor . and an administrator hath the quality and office of an executor . ) therefore the custom of forreign attachments will hold against an administrator , as well as against an executor . as to the third question which is , whether the forreign attachment for the debt due unto the intestate after the promise broken be such a dispensation with the promise , that no action now lieth for the administrator upon the breach of the promise ? it was agreed and resolved , that the promise was dispensed with , and no action lay upon the breach of it ; for the debt due by tenant unto the intestate ; which was the ground , and cause of the promise made unto spink : the plaintiff is taken away by the judgement had in london upon the custome of forreign attachments , et sublato fundamento fallit opus . and therefore if after the promise broken there had been a recovery had of the principal debt by the plaintiff as administrator , or otherwise , there had been a release made unto the defendant . now the action upon the case upon the promise would have failed , inasmuch as the debt , which was the consideration , and ground of the promise is gone , and so the dampnification which he should have had by not performance of the promise faileth . and agreeing to this resolution was the case of one bardeston , and humfry cited to be adjudged , whereupon an accompt , he that was found in arrearges upon a consideration of forbearance by one moneth , promiseth payment of them . and those arrerages thus due being attached in the hands of the accomptant after the promise broken ; it was held that no action might afterwards be maintained upon the breach of promise . the case concerning the prisage of wine . king edward the third in the first year of his reign doth by his letters patents bearing date the same time , grant unto the mayor and commonalty of london , that no prisage shall be of any of the wines of the citizens of london . but they shall be free , and discharged from the payment of all manner of prisage . george hanger being a citizen , and freeman of london ; and resient within the city , fraughteth four several ships with merchandize to be transported beyond the seas , the which four ships being disburdened of the said merchandize are laden with wines . two of the ships came up the thames at london , and before any unbulking of them , george hanger maketh frances hanger being his wife his executrix , and dieth . afterwards the other two ships came up to london . sir thomas waller being cheif butler of the king by virtue of letters patents made unto him , demandeth the payment of prisage of the said frances hanger for the wines in the said four ships , that is to say : to have of every of the ships one tun before the mast , and one other tun behind the mast . she denieth the payment of it ; whereupon the said sir thomas waller as chief butler exhibiteth his information into the kings bench against the said frances hanger . whereunto the said frances pleadeth a special plea in barre , shewing the whole matter as abovesaid opon which sir thomas waller demurreth in law. the questions of this case are two . the first is , whether for the wines which came up the thames in the two ships before the death of george hanger , any prisage ought to be paid unto the king or not ? the second is , whether any prisage ought to be paid for the wines , which were upon the sea in the ships before the death of the said george hanger but came not up the thames until after the death of george hanger ? the case was argued at several times by sir henry mountague knight , then recorder of london , now lord chief justice of the kings bench , thomas coventry then utter barister now solicitor general unto his majesty , and francis mingay an utter barister of the inner temple on the behalf of frances hanger and by henry yelverton then an apprentice of the law of graies-inn , and now attorney general unto his majesty , and thomas crew of the same inn likewise an apprentice of the law on the part of sir thomas waller . likewise it was argued at several times by the judges of the kings bench , that is to say , first by sir thomas fleming chief justice of the kings bench , sir christopher yelverton , sir david williams , and sir iohn crook , and afterwards by sir edward cook chief justice of the kings bench , sir iohn crook , sir iohn dodridge and sir robert houghton . and sir edward crook , sir christopher yelverton , sir david williams , and sir iohn dodridge were of opinion , that judgement ought to be given for frances hanger , against sir thomas waller ; for they conceived upon the reasons following , that no prisage ought to be paid , neither for the ships that came in after the death of george hanger , nor for the ships that came in before the death of george hanger , but they all were to be discharged of the payment of prisage by vertue of the said charter made by edward the third unto the mayor and commonalty of london . first in regard thath these wines thus in each of the four ships aforesaid , remained ( notwithstanding the death of george hanger ) to be still the wines of george hanger ; for if frances hanger the executrix were to bring an action for the recovery of them , she should bring an action as for the wines of george hanger , if frances hanger should be wained or attainted of felony or treason , those wines should not be forfeited , insomuch as they are not the wines of frances hanger , but of george hanger . if a judgement in debt or other action should be had against frances hanger as executrix of george hanger , these wines should be taken in execution as the wines of george hanger , and so these wines thus brought in before , and after the death of george hanger , continuing as yet the wines of george hanger , to be recovered as his wines , to be taken in execution as his wines , and to prevent a forfeiture , because these wines shall be said to be the wines of george hanger , whereby they may be protected , and priviledged from the payment of prisage within the words , intent , meaning of the before recited charter made by king edward the third , which pointeth rather at the wines then at the person of george hanger . secondly , in regard that frances hanger being the executrix of george hanger , is the representative person of george hanger as to these wines , so that such priviledges and immunities as george hanger was to enjoy if he had been living , the same shall frances hanger have benefit of after his death . and therefore notwithstanding frances hanger had been a nun , and so a dead person in law to all intents and purposes , yet she being made an executrix and so the representative person of the said george hanger , shall be enabled to sue , and be sued , as concerning the personal estate of the testator , so far as george hanger himself might sue , or be sued . and if frances hanger , being a neif had been made executrix now she being the representative person of george hanger , may well enough sue her lord unto whom she is a neif reguardant , or any other person whatsoever , and the being of a neif shall not be any disability unto her , as to her office of executrix-ship . the same law would have been if frances hanger had been wained and afterwards had been made executrix ; for she putting on the person of george hanger , and representing him , shall be clothed with the same priviledges and abilities as he was , and so frances hanger being enabled by the common laws of this realm , to sue , and to be sued , although she had been a nun , a neif , or a wained person , because she represented the person of george hanger whose executrix she was , shall be likewise capable of this priviledge of the payment of prisage for the wines of george hanger , as george hanger was . thirdly this charter made by king edward the third , being a charter only to discharge the citizens of london of the payment of prisage , and not a charter whereby the prisage of the citizens of london is granted unto others , shall have a liberal construction , and not be streined unto a special intent as a patent of charge shall be ; for it is evident by divers cases in our books , that frances hanger being an executrix , shall be taken to be within the remedy of an act of parliament , to discharge her self of a burden imposed upon her in respect of george hanger her testator , notwithstanding there was never so much as any mention made of her as executrix , in the act of parliament . and therefore frances hanger being an executrix , shall have an attaint upon the statute of 23. h. 8. chap. 3. to discharge her self of a false verdict given against george hanger , whereby his goods are to be charged , and yet she is not named in the act of parliament . so frances hanger being an executrix , shall have a writ of errour upon the statute of 27. el. chap. 8. in the exchequer chamber , to discharge her self of an erroneous judgement given into the kings bench against george hanger , whereby his goods are subject to an execution . likewise if george hanger be out-lawed upon a writ of cap. ad satisfaciend , awarded upon a judgement given in debt , or other personal action against him , frances hanger as executrix of george hanger , shall take advantage of a general pardon made by act of parliament in the life of george hanger , and shall be suffered to plead it , and to give satisfaction of the judgement given against george hanger , whereby she may be enabled to take benefit of the pardon ; the which being so , that frances hanger is a person capable to discharge her self of a false verdict of an erroneous judgement , of an out-lawry pronounced against george hanger her husband where the statute by precise words doth not relieve her , à fortiori shall frances hanger in the case at the bar , be enabled to discharge her self of the prisage of these wines , within the charter of edward the third . fourthly , by the same reason , that the butlarage shall be paid by the executors or administrators of an alien , for the wines brought into england , in case where the alien owner of the wines do die before such time as the ships are unladen , and way shall not be given to make an evasion to the payment of butlarge , upon an averment that the owner of the wines is dead before the unbulcking of the ships , so by the same reason prisage shall not be paid for the wines of george hanger , who dyed before such time as the ships came in ; for those wines shall continue the wines of the alien , to make his executors subject unto the payment of butlarage : so these wines shall remain the wines of george hanger , to free frances hanger his executrix from the payment of prisage . fifthly , there being nothing done in the case at the bar , to prevent george hanger whereby his wines should be made uncapable of the discharge of the payment of prisage within the charter granted by king edward the third but only the death of george hanger before the disburdening , and unlading of his ships ; and this being only the act of god , which by no power of man can be resisted , nor wit prevented , shall never turn him to that prejudice that a charge now shall be imposed upon his wines , the which ought not to have been , if george hanger had over-lived the time of breaking the bulk ; for it is a maxim , held , and a principle of the common lawes of the realm , that the act of god shall never prejudice in case where there is not any latches in the party ; and upon this reason is it that if one that is impleaded hath cause of priviledge , because he is the menial servant of the lord chancellour , he shall not be prevented of priviledge by the death of the lord chancellour , but he shall enjoy it , that death notwithstanding ; likewise it would be a great discouragement to the merchants , to hazard their own lives in fighting against the pyrates , and in being upon the seas when their deaths shall subject them to the payment of prisage . sixthly , in the case at the bar , there are four times to be observed ; the first of which is the time of the fraughting of the ships , and the sending them out of england beyond the seas ; the second is the time of the arrival of the ships , and the unlading , and disburdening of them beyond the seas , the third is the time of the lading of the ships with wines , and the returning of them for england ; the fourth is the time of the arrival at the port in england , and the unlading of them here ; and three of these times were passed in the life of george hadger when he was a member of the city , and a citizen as others are , for all the four ships , and part of the fourth time also for two of the ships ; for at the time that the ships were fraughted and sent out of england to the intent to bring in these commodities , george hanger was a citizen ; so when the ships arrived in the port beyond the seas , and unladed themselves to receive ●n the wines for which they went , he continued a citizen . likewise when the ships were laden with wines , and returning to the coasts of england , the hand of heaven had not as yet disfranchised him from being a citizen , and member of the city of london . and as to two of the ships , the said george hanger had his abode here until such time as they were in the port at london safe from being swallowed by the surging waves of the sea , secure from the surprizing of the desparate pyrates ; the which being so that three of the four times as to all the four ships were past during the time that he was a member of the city , and also part of the fourth time as to two of the ships , it is reasonable to think that these ships shall participate of immunity and priviledge , it be discharged of the payment of prisage which is granted by the charter made b● king edward the third notwithstanding that the last time was not com● before his death ; and the more especially also , because the law hath such regard unto the commencement , and beginning of a thing , and will have respect unto it , notwithstanding that there belong distance of time between the in choation , and consummation of it . an● therefore where a servant having an intention to kill his master , doth depart ou● of his service and long time after his departure out of his masters service doth kill him , that is petty treason in the servant , in regard of the retrospect which the law hath to the first intention of the servant , when he was in his masters service ; and yet if you respect the time of the murder committed , without regard had unto the first time , it cannot be petty treason , because the servant was out of his service at that time . seventhly , it is to be observed , that this charter to be discharged of the payment of prisage granted by king edward the third , was granted unto the mayor and commonalty of london , which is a body that alwayes continueth , and never dieth ; and so howsoever that george hanger , unto whom ( as unto a member of that body ) the priviledge of that charter is distributed , be dead , and cut off from that body , yet in so much that the body politique of the mayor and commonalty unto whom the charter was made liveth , the priviledge and immunity of george hanger to have his wines discharged of the payment of prisage will live , and continue in that body notwithstanding that george hanger be dead . eightly this charter being a charter made for the advancement and good of merchandize and trading ( which are as it were the blood which giveth nourishment unto the politique body of the kingdome ) is to have a favourable and benigne construction , whereby trading may be the better supported and maintained ; and the life of the state longer continued ; and therefore where king edward the third in the third year of his reign , granted unto the merchants of almagne , france and spain that they should come safely , and securely with their merchandize into england , and should be free from pontage , murag● and such other tolles , this grant was allowed to be good , and received an exposition according unto the law o● merchants , which is the law of nations ; and howsoever it would not b● good by the strict rules of the common law , because the merchant-strange● were not a corporation able to take yet it was admitted sufficient by that a●gem marcatoriam , according to whic● in some cases of merchants the judg● of the common law ought to give the judgement , wherefore in the case at the bar , this charter concerning the city of london , which is the university of merchants , and this case concerning george hanger which was a scholar trained ●● this in school , and had been matriculated in this place , the judge are to fram and give their judgement so , as the unversity and scholars of it , may receive the better encouragement to proceed and may not be disheartened to dive● their courses intended , from merchandi●ing and trading , by reason of the stri● construction of charters which giv● unto them immunities , and privledges . ninthly and lastly , this very case received formerly the resolution of three barons in the exchequer , upon an information exhibited there by sir thomas waller , that frances hanger should be discharged of prisage for the wines in all the four ships ; whereupon sir thomas discontinued his information , and exhibited it denove in the kings bench , whereby he would take the opinion of this court likewise ; and there having been former opinion conceived for the discharge of them , it is more agreeable with reason to have this opinion confirmed than opposed . but sir thomas fleming ; sir iohn crook , and sir robert haughton seemed upon the reasons hereafter ensuing , that judgement ought to be given for sir thomas waller , and that prisage ought to be paid by frances hanger , both for the wines wich were in the ships that were arrived before the death of george hanger , as likewise for the wines which were in the two ships which were upon the sea at the time of the death of george hanger ; howsoever by way of advice they wished that for the wines in the ships which were come home during his life , the payment of prisage ought not to be pressed by sir thomas waller . first , in regard the charter extendeth only to discharge the wines of such a person as is a citizen of london of the payment of prisage , and george hanger being dead , and so a citizen of the heavedly ierusalem , may not be longer said to be a citizen of london , and so not within the compass of the immunity granred by the charter . secondly this priviledge to be discharged of the payment of prisage , is in respect of the person who is the owner of the wines , and not in respect of the wines themselves and then there being a remotion of the person unto whom the exemption is tyed , there is a remotion of the exemption it self ; and therefore notwithstanding a tenant in ancient demesne , be by the common lawes of this realm to be discharged of the payment of toll in all faires , and markets , yet if the tenant in ancient demesne make his executors , and die the executors for the goods of the testator are to pay a toll , in so much , that it was only a personal priviledge which dieth together with the person . thirdly , this charter bereaving the king of the payment of prisage which is a flower of his crown , ought to have a strict construction , so as none may take benefit of it , but only such as are within the precise words of the charter ; wherefore george hanger being dead , and so no more a citizen of london , howsoever the wines in the ship may be said to be the wines of george hanger to a special intent , that is to say , for the payment of his debts , and the performance of his legacies according to his true intendment expressed in his will , yet may they not be said to be the goods of george hanger to every intent , in so much that frances hanger the executrix hath the disposition of them according to her will , and pleasure , and the poet saith , da tua dum tua sunt , nam post mortem tua non sunt ; and they not being the wines of a citizen to every intent , but only to a special intent , may not be said to be capable of the discharge of payment of prisage according to the case that hath been adjudged , that where the king by his letters patents doth grant the goods , and chattels of all felons and fugitives unto a common person , now the patentee , by vertue of this grant , may not claim the goods , and chattels of one that is a felon of himself , in so much that he is a felon only to a special intent ; and this being a flower of the kings crown , shall not pass by general words , fourthly , prisage being a thing which is not due until such time as the bulk be broken ; now forasmuch as george hanger was dead , and so was disfranchised before such time as the duty accrued , the charter shall not extend to discharge the wines in the hands of the executrix of the payment of prisage . and so having given you a taste of the opinion of the judges upon the main case : i will descend to the other matters considerable in this case , upon this charter ; and for better order and methods sake , i will divide it into the parts hereafter following , that is to say . first , what prisage is , and to whom due , the nature of it , and the diversity between butlerage , and prisage . secondly , what is the cause , and ground why the king hath prisage . thirdly at what time prisage shall be said to be due . fourthly , whether a grant , or discharge may be made by the king of prisage . fifthly , whether the charter of discharge unto the mayor and commonalty of the payment of prisage be good , when the grant is made to the mayor and commonalty , and the benefit distributed unto the natural persons and the ground of the making of this charter . sixthly , what persons shall be discharged of the payment of prisage within the words of the charter which saith , quod de vinis civium nulla prisa fiat . seventhly , what wines shall be said to be discharged of the payment of prisage within the words of the charter . as to the first , prisage is a certain duty which the king and his predecessours by themselves , or their officers by a custom ( time out of mind of man ) hath used to take for the provision of his houshold of all english merchants of all wines whatsoever , which the said english merchants bring from beyond the seas into the coasts of england . in which said description it is first observed , that it is a duty due from the subject unto his majesty , and not a voluntary gift of the subject unto the king. hereupon it is that in h. 4. 3. in the patent-roll in the tower you shall find prisage termed by the name of regia , & recta prisa ; for that it apperreineth and is due unto the king of common right ; and being a flower of his crown , may not belong unto any man else but by especial grant. secondly , it appeareth that it is called a certain duty , because it is manifestly certain , what the king shall have out of every ship , both in respect of the time when he shall take it , in respect of the place where he shall have it , and in respect of the quantity which he shall have . for as to the time when he shall take it , it is upon the breaking of the bulk of the ship , and not before ; for if a ship come into the port laden with wines , and the bulk of her is not broken , now may not prisage be demanded of her . and as to the place where the king shall take this prisage , it is ascertained by a book-case , where it is said , that the king shall take one tun behind the mast , and the other before . and as to the certain quantity which the king is to take , it is manifest by divers ancient records ; for if a ship have ten tun in her , and under the number of twenty tuns , then the king is to have one tun only ; but if the ship containeth twenty tuns and more , then the king is to have two tuns , the one to be taken behind the mad , and the other before the mast , the king paying for the portage twenty●sh , and by reason of these certainties you shall find in the patent-rolls in the tower 28. e. 1. that it is called , certa prisa . thirdly , it is to be observed that is not a duty newly encroached , for it hath by custom ( time out of mind of man ) been taken ; for the ancientest records now remaining with us do make mention of the payment of it ; for in the pat. rol. aforementioned being in the 40th year of henry the third it is spoken of ; and fleta who wrote in the beginning of e. 1. his time , hath not been silent in declaring the nature of prisage ; and in the 15. e. 2. rast all estreats sect. 22. an ordinance is made amongst other things that the butler of the king for the time being , either by himself or his deputy shall enroll the wines of prisage , how many times he hath taken them , the testimony of persons of whom the price was had , where , and when , and the customers of england shall be charged according as they are assigned for the gathering of customes within i certain bounds , that they twice yearly shall certifie the treasurer and barons how many ships have arrived within their bounds , &c. and how many ships arrived of whom the king did take prisage of wine , and how many tunnes , and in what ships the king did take twosh . for the tun. and for the other price . and in the pat. rol. extant in 20. r. 2. you may see the record speak in this manner . memorandum quod rex habet ex antiqua consuetudine de qualibet navi mercatoria applicante infra aliquem portum regni angliae duo dolia vini , &c. all which shew the antiquity of it . fourthly , it is said of all english merchants to make a difference between those that are merchants , and those that buy wines beyond the seas for their own private provision . secondly to make a distinction between the english merchants and the merchant-strangers , for merchant-strangers by a charter made unto them ( called by the name of charta mercatoria ) in the one and thirtieth year of e. 1 , his reign are discharged of the payment of prisage , in recompence , and lien of which immunity granted unto them , the merchant-strangers by way of thankful restitution granted unto the king and his successours , that he should have two sh . of every tun of wine brought in by them within fourty dayes after it is brought into the port , the which two sh . is called by the name of butlerage , because the kings chief butler by reason of his office is to receive it . and those subject of the kings who do buy wines beyond the seas for their own spending , without any intention to merchandize , ought not to pay prisage for those wines . sixthly , it is expressed of all wines brought from beyond the seas ; for that if wines should be made in england . as in times past they have been ( as it appeareth by an ancient record in windsor-castle , where it is said that the parson had ten pound for the tythe of claret-wine mad there ) and they should be transported from one port to another to be sold , no prisage shall be paid for them . lastly , it is described which hath used to be taken , and not which hath used to be paid by the owners , and merchants of the wines , and the etymology of the word importeth as much . for prisae being the latine word for prisage , hath it's name of prendere , and is no more than prizel , which is taking , and is a participle of the word prendere , which may be applied to all manner of takings ; howsoever here it is only limited to the taking of wines . as to the second part , which is what is the cause , and ground of the payment of prisage , there is not any record to be seen which manifesteth the original cause of the payment of it ; but it is probably conjectured that for as much as the king of england is king of the narrow seas , and hath been alwayes at a perpetual charge in the maintaining of ships for the defence of his merchants , and protecting of them from the cruel spoile of the pyrates , and in scouring the seas to make their passage the more secure ; therefore in recompence and satisfaction of this care , and charge , the merchants have always used ( time out of mind ) to give an allowance unto the king , and his officers for the taking of this prisage of wines for the better provision of his houshold , the which allowance , and usage being continued time out of mind , hath made it to be a duty unto the king , and likewise because the king hath used to take one tun out of ten tuns , and two tuns out of twenty tuns ( for in ancient time , the ships that went for these wines being no great voyage , were not of much greater burden ) some have conceived that this was in nature of a tythe , paid unto the king , and as the particular pastor , which ministreth spiritual things for the food of the soul , hath of right the tenth part of his clear gains due unto him : so the king in that proportion being parens patriae , and the general pastor of all his subjects , protecting their lives and goods from violent oppression upon the seas hath received , and taken the tenth part of the wines brought in . but this only conjectured , and therefore i cannot warrant it to be a sure foundation to build on . as to the third , which is , at what time prisage is said to be due . i do likewise find some doubt to be made of it ; for some judges ( unto whose learning , and judgement because of their eminent parts , and singular industry , much reverence is to be ascribed ) have been of opinion that before such time as the bulk of the ship be broken up , or that it be arrived at the english port , prisage is due , and therefore if a ship after such time as it is come up into the haven , finding that wines will not bear any price , doth before the bulk of the ship be broken , depart out of the harbour , and go back beyond the seas , and there vent those wines . the king , this notwithstanding , may require his prisage at the merchants hands ; for the narrow seas being within the alleageance of the king of england , as it appeareth by divers of our year-books , so soon as the ships come upon them , there is the duty of prisage accrued unto the king , whereof it doth not lie in the power of the merchant to defeat him ; and also the very nature of prisage being to have one tun before the mast , and one other tun behind the mast , sheweth that the king hath an election to take his tuns of wine where he will , the which may not be , if the duty of prisage should arise out of the breaking of the bulk for when the bulk is broken , how doth it appear which is the tun before the mast , and which is the tun behind the mast ? so as the king may have the election to take his prisage , as the law giveth it unto him ; and they are of opinion , that if a ship come into the port laden with wines , that the king is not to expect his prisage where the merchant will unlade his wines ; for it being a certain duty accrued unto the king upon the coming into the port , he may take it at the port , and is not bound to wait upon the merchant from one port unto another , untill he will or can unlade his ship : but the residue of the justices which argued in this case , were of opinion , that prisage is not due , until the bulk of the ship be broken ; so as that if the merchant after his arrival at the port , will go unto another port , the king may not take his prisage before such time as they come unto that port where they unlade ; and their opinion was grounded upon the reasons following , that is to say ; first , because the reason and ground of the payment of prisage , being the security which the merchants enjoy by , and through the care and charge of the king upon the narrow seas , they ought to be secured of that benefit , before such time as they shall be forced to pay the duty ; and before the breaking of the bulk of the ship , they are not ascertained of their safe conduct , insomuch that howsoever they be in the port or harbour , yet they may have cause to put out into the main again , as if they were driven in there through danger of pyrates , or violence of tempests , their cocquet shewing their course to be bent unto another place , and it is no reason that the k. should take his duty before such time as the merchant be assured of his protection . secondly , incertainties are always odious in law ; for they are the mother of confusion , whereas the law expecteth and requireth order : and if the time expressed be alwayes ambiguous , or doubtful , it is careful in the determining and setting of it down certainly ; and for the most part where it is left to her construction , she giveth the longest time for the doing of it , whereby best advantage may be given unto the party which is to do it , the which may be manifest by divers instances of cases set down in our books which i do purposely omit to avoid too much prolixity ; wherefore it being the most certain , and the most equal time both for the king and merchant to have the prisage taken when the bulk of the ship is broken ; the law , to whose construction it is left , shall rather ordain the taking of it to be then , than at any other time ; for if the law should say , that it is a duty presently upon the coming upon the narrow seas , it should say , it is a duty before such time as the merchant can assure himself they are his wines to dispose , insomuch that before the coming into harbour , they may be swallowed up by the seas , or he may be dispoiled of them by enemies unto the king , or rebels unto the state. and if the law should determine the duty to the king when the ships are safely in the harbour , there might a great inconvenience ensue upon this judgement , because it may very well be , that their course was intended to another place , and they were driven in there only by misadventure , and it would be mischievous to have the ship rifled , and their wines disordered , before they had attained unto the intended haven . thirdly , this opinion is consonant unto the judgements in former times ; for it was ruled in the case of one kenniston , and boggius , in the fifth year of his majesties reign that now is , that prisage shall not be said to be due until such time as the bulk be broken , and the ship unladen . and likewise there is a record , by which it appeareth , that the king is to have prisage of every ship bringing vvine into england and unladen thereof , so as if it be not unladen then the king by that record is not to have prisage . besides , it appeareth by the record concerning the payment of butlerage by the merchant aliens , that the king is to have there two shillings of them for every tun within fourty dayes after the unlading ; so as the law pointeth at the unlading ; wheresore this prisage differing only because the vvines are paid in specie , it shall be an argument thus far to perswade , that the law will not appoint the time of taking the wines in specie before the unlading , when it giveth for the payment of the two shillings until sourty dayes after the unlading . fourthly , it was resolved that howsoever prisage of wines is a flower of the crown , yet is it not such an inseparable flower of the crown , but that it may well enough be granted over , for it is a matter of profit and benefit which is to redound unto the king , and it is not of the nature of a purachans meerly , for that it is inseperably annexed in privity unto the person of the king , that it may not be granted over . and accordingly it was resolved in the case of sir thomas vavasor , who married one of the daughters of alderman houghton , who had a grant of the prisage made unto him . and in the 15. of e. 4. in the patent-rolls it appeareth , that one fitzherbert had a grant made unto him , and by the same reason that a grant may be made of prisage , à fortiori may there be a grant made unto certain persons to discharge them of the payment of it ; for it is easier to make one capable in point of discharge , than by way of grant , and the charter made to the merchants strangers for the discharge of the payment of prisage . and the statute of 1. h 8. cap. 5. sheweth that a charter made for the discharge of prisage , is well , and allowable , fifthly , this grant made unto the mayor and commonalty , and their successors , quod de vinis civium nulla prisa fiat , is good enough , and the grant may well enough be made unto a body politique , and the benefit of the patent distributed unto a body natural ; for patents of that nature are usual in the year-book of the common laws of this our realm , and never any exception taken unto them when there hath been less warrant in reason to make them good , then there is for this our patent which we have here in hand : for the city of london being the metropolitan city of this land , the which may well be called the heart and epitome of the whole realm , and the chamber of the king , the merchants whereof do fill the coffers of the prince by their customes , and do supply the subjects of his majesty with all manner of necessaries , do encrease the honour of their nation by their commerce , and traffique abroad , and do strengthen the whole body of it by shipping , which are termed the wooden walls . it is reason that all charters made in their favour , and giving them immunities and priviledges , should receive a benigne interpretation , and the more especially also , because at this time all merchants strangers had a charter of discharge for the payment of prisage , but only that they were to pay two shillings in the tun ; and so if the merchants of london should not have had a charter of discharge , they would have been discouraged from trading for wines , because the merchants strangers would have been able to have afforded their wines at easier rates , because they were freed of some part of that charge , which the english merchants were burthened with . sixthly , as to the declaration , what persons shall be discharged of the payment of prisage within the words of this charter , it will be the better manifested by shewing the destinctions and degrees of citizens which are to be found , for there is mention made of five manner of citizens . the first of which is , he that is a citizen of london , for the bearing of offices in the city , and such special intents , because he is a freeman of the city , but he is not a citizen in residency and continuance in the city ; for he inhabiteth and dwelleth out of the city , and such a citizen as this , is not such a citizen as shall enjoy the benefit and priviledge to be discharged of the payment of prisage , according to the resolution given in the exchequer in the case of one knolls . trin. 4. h. 6. rot. 14. where it was ruled , that one that was a citizen and freeman of london but dwelt in bristol , might not partake of the benefit of this charter , insomuch , that he by reason of his dwelling out of the city , was only a citizen to a special intent . the second sort of citizens are those which are citizens in respect of their freedome , and likewise in regard of residence within the city , but are not such citizens as do keep a family and houshold within the city , but are inmates and sojourners , and they do harbour themselves under the roof of another , and a citizen of this nature , is not a citizen which is capable of the immunity granted by this charter ; for the discharge of payment of prisage , according to the resolution given in the exchequer , in the case of one snead and sacheneril . hill. 43. eliz. rot. 22. for such a citizen is not subject to scot and lot , as he that is a housholder , et qui non sentit onus , sentire non debet commodum . the third sort of citizens are those which do inhabit , reside , and keep a family in the city , but they are not freemen of the city , so as they may be chosen in any office , and undergo the charge of the city ; and as well as the common law doth exclude such citizens for devising lands in mortmaigne unto the guild of the city , according to the custome of the city of london , as appeareth by divers book-cases , as well shall the common law exclude them from enjoyning the benefit of the charter to be discharged of the payment of prisage . the fourth sort of citizens , are those which are both citizens , and freemen , and do reside , and keep family in the city of london , and they are not continuing citizens at such time as the bulk is broken , and the ship unladen ; for they were disfranchised before . these citizens likewise shall not enjoy the exemption granted for the discharge of the payment of prisage : insomuch that they were not continuing citizens at that time as the prisage ought to be taken . the fifth sort of citizens , are those which are both citizens , and freemen , and have their families and dwelling in london , and do continue citizens at such time as prisage , ought to be taken : now citizens of this kind are the real , proper , and natural citizens intended by this charter , which are to be discharged of prisage ; and therefore a woman which is a citizen of this kind , howsoever she cannot bear offices in the city as a citize● , is yet intended by the charter : and yet also in some cases , citizens of this kind shall not be intended within the words of this charter ; and therefore if the mayor and commonalty have a joynt stock of wines come into the port of london , now prisage shall be taken of these wine , not withstanding that every of them in their proper persons citizens , both residentiâ , familiâ , and continuatione ; for respect is not to be had to their natural bodies , but to their politique body , in which capacity the charter will not extend to them . so if one at the time , that he fraughteth a ship , be not a citizen in all the degrees , now howsoever afterwards before the return of the ship he be enabled in every respect , yet he shall not enjoy the benefit of the charter , insomuch that he was not so at that time that the ship was sent abroad . seventhly and lastly , what wines shall be discharged of the payment of prisage , it will better appear by the consideration had of the several kinds of properties ; and therefore he that shall have his wines discharged of prisage ought to have a property in them , quarto modo , that is , sibi solùm & semper ; and also he ought to have jus possessionis and jus proprietatis , and the one without the other will not serve the turn ; and therefore if a citizen and forreigner be joynt merchants for wines , now the wines of these joynt merchants shall not be discharged of the payment of prisage , insomuch that the citizen hath not a sole property in them , and it may not be distingnished which of the wines belong unto the citizen , and which to the forreigner , because of their joynt interest . but if two citizens be joynt merchants or tenants in common of wines , now these wines shall be within the compass of the charter to be discharged of prisage , because they are the wines of the citizens of london , according to the words and intent of the charter ; howsoever neither of them have a sole interest and property in them . and if a citizen and freeman of london hath wines pledged unto him by another citizen and freeman . now these wines upon their coming home shall not be discharged of the payment of prisage , insomuch that the citizen hath only a special property in them , and not any absolute property . so if a forreigner that hath fraughted ships beyond the seas for the bringing of wines into england , doth make a citizen of london his executor , and die , and the ship cometh into the port ; now these wines thus in the custody of the citizen shall not be discharged of the payment of prisage , for as much as the citizen hath only a property in the wines to the use , and behoof of the forreigner , and hath not any absolute property in the wines . and if one citizen of london that hath wines abroad coming into england , do make a forreigner his executor , and dieth , and this forreign executor doth imploy the stock that cometh of these wines so returned home after the death of him that set them forth , and wines are returned home , now howsoever these last wines so returned into england are assets in the hands of the executor , and in appellation are the goods of the first citizen , yet they are such wines as are capable of the discharge of prisage within the words of , the charter , because these wines came in as it were upon a new contract . and if a citizen do buy wines with an intent that a forreigner upon their coming home shall have these wines , now these wines shall not be discharged of prisage , and this deceit of buying them by a citizen , shall not any wayes avail him , no more then if a citizen buy cloth , in london for a forreigner he shall defeat the custome of forreign bought , and forreign sold , to avoid the forfeiture of them . so the wines which a forreigner buyeth of a citizen ; or that a citizen buyeth of a forreigner , shall not be discharged of prisage within the words of the charter , because they were not the wines of a citizen alwayes , from the time of the lading of them , until the time of the unlading of them , as they ought to be . the case concerning repairing of wharfes and docks . termino sancti mich. anno regni jac. regis 7. in the kings bench. cornelius fish chamberlain of london , distreined the goods of one walter keate , for a pain assessed by the common councel of london , and all the matter appeared upon the return of the sheriffs of london , which was very long ; but to this effect : they returned the usage , and power , and custome of the city of london , to make by laws by their common councel ; and that puddle-dock neer pauls-wharfe was an ancient place for lading and unlading of ships , boats , and lighters , and that it was in decay , and that for reparation of it , it was ordained , that every ship that should be loaden and unloaden there , should pay a peny for every load ; and that every carman for every load which he should carry from thence , shoul pay a penny ; and that the said walter keate had carried divers load , w●ich according to the rate of one penny for every load , did amount to the value of ten shilling ; and that the city did grant this assessment to the chamberlain , in recompence of the charges which ●e should expend about the said reparations and upon this certificate a procedendo was wayed , and it was alledged , that ●his by law being for the benefit of the city , was good by law , and ought to be obeyed , and so it came to be debated . ( yelverton henry ) prayed , that no procedendo might be granted , because the return and the matter of it , is against the common law , the weal ●ublique , and against the liberty of the city it self . by the councel sexto iacobi it was ordained , that as well citizens , as strangers , should pay , and the king could not grant●it to the city ; son it is an imposition not allowed by the law , first against citizens ; because although the ta● may be made for the genera● good of the city , yet it cannot b● imposed or taxed upon particula● persons , but upon every house o● the city , &c. but here it is particular and personal to this part of the city . also this dock was never repaired at the general charge of the city , but by the particular war● of baynards-castle . also the citizens of london shall not pay to● in any place of england ; and her the dock stands upon the passage o● the city , and every wharfe is as ● gate of the city , and therefore they may as well impose a tax upon every one which goeth out of any of the gates of the city ( which is unreasonable , and against law as out of this wharfe . and also here is no certain profit to the city , but this taxation is farmed for one and twenty years , for ten shillings a year to the city , which if it were a general charge , there ought to come some general benefit by it to the city . it is not like to the case of cloth , co. part . 5. fol. 62. because that was for the general good of the realm , and in the furtherance of the execution of divers statutes ; but this is neither in furtherance of either statute , or common law , but rather to the prejudice of both , because every citizen , in respect of his freedome , is equal to the lord mayor . and 29. eliz. in the common pleas , it was ordained by the common councel , that none should use any sand in the city , except it were taken out of the thames , and it was adjudged to be against law , and the officer of the mayor was committed to prison . and this dock did heretofore belong to the arch-bishop of canterbury , and hath ever been free , also here the assessment is unreasonable , viz. to pay for every load a penny , especially for inhabitans about , and neer the dock ; and so he prayed that there might be no procedendo . ( crook george ) was of the same side ; and he said , that by the act of common councel it is enacted , that none shall carry , &c. so that by that ordinance none shall carry a paile of water , but he shall pay a penny for it . also the assessment is to be levied , and to continue for twenty one years together , which is unreasonable ; and it hath been adjudged here , that an assessment levied for twenty one years , for reparations of a church , was not lawful . ( mosley of grays-inne ) prayed for a procedendo , and said , that it did not appear by the return , that k●ate was a citizen , and the judges are not to meddle with any thing which is not within the return , and he said it was a good by-law , founded both upon custome and prescription ; and he put taverner and cromwells case , pasch . 16. eliz. 322. 323. dyer , where the lord of a mannor made a by-law , that no tenant should put his beast into the common , before the ringing of a bell , upon pain to forfeit twelve pence , and adjudged a good ordinance , and he cited smith and shepherds cafe , 49. eliz. where there was a prescription for through toll , adjudged to be good , because it was for maintenance of high-wayes , so here it is for the weal publique , of that part of the city , and for all the city ; and it should be a great inconvenience , that this wharfe should not pay , add that all other wharfes should pay toll , and that was one wisemans case , 42. eliz. that wharfaye by prescription is good ; and 44. elizab. in hankshead and wooas case , where toll was paid for maintenance of the walls of salisbury ; for every pack of wooll which passed by , one penny , and holden to be a good imposition ; and the case of gravesend , where there was an imposition , that every one which landed at gravesend , should pay a penny toward reparation of the bridge , and good by the better opinion of 11. h. 6. of fair and market ( walter ) was of the same side , this by law is good : first , it is not against the rules of law , nor the prerogative of the king , nor the benefit of the subfect ; for by the statute of 4. h. 7. cap. 15. 16. that the city of london is conservator of the river of thames , from stanes to yealand , in the county of kent : also by the statute of 28. h. 8. cap. it is ordained , that the river shall not be stopped , ergo this by law is for the better execution of those two acts of parliament secondly , it is a benefit to the subject , because before , none could any thing there without danger ; but now by this means the rubbish is cleansed , and a stranger shall have a quicker and safer return , and the penalty upon the cloth , in the case before cited , co. part . 5. is a stronger case then this is , because dock hath continue all need to be cleansed ; and if such a tax should be for reparations of the walls of a city , it would be good : as to the objection , he answered , that as the said case of hallage cited before , co. part . 5. so this is a general in particular , and the tax upon the cloth was to be paid to a particular person , viz. the chamberlain , as here it is , who is a general officer for the city . the case of digging of sand was not good , because thereby a man was prohibited to use his his own inheritance : commoners may make a by law , that none shall put in his beasts before such a day ; but if the by law be , that one particular man shall not put in his beasts before such a day , that would not be good ; but our case is more general , and so prayed for a procedendo . ( mountague recorder . ) if this be overthrown , all the orders and ordinance of the city should be made void , and stand for nothing ; and he said that the very objection , that a tax could not be imposed upon strangers , was made in the case of hallage before ( yelverton henry . ) the case that walter hath put for the cleansing of rubbish , &c. may be good , but there is no such thing here , but tax only for landing , & adjurnatur . the custome of london , to fine one chosen by the commons to be sheriff , and refusing to hold . richard chamberlain a citizen , and freeman of london being chosen by the commons according to the custome of london to be one of the sheriffs of the city of london , is convented before the major , and commonalty to take the office upon him , or otherwise to take his oath that he is not worth ten thousand pounds ; upon his appearance he refuseth to take the oath , and likewise to execute the office : whereupon according to the custome of london he is fined four hundred marks , and committed to prison until such time as he enter into bond unto the major and commonalty for the payment of it . he becometh bound accordingly unto the major and commonalty for payment of the said sum at a certain day , and thereupon is enlarged . the four hundred marks are not paid at the day , whereupon the mayor and commonalty affirm a plaint against him in london for the said debt . the defendant obtaineth a habeas corpus to remove the body and the cause into the kings bench , upon a supposition that he was to have the priviledge by reason of a priority of suit in the kings bench , and upon returne of the habeas corpus , all this matter appeared unto the court , and it was moved by sir henry mountague , now lord chief justice of the kings bench , then one of the serjeants of the king and recorder of london , that a procedendo might be granted , whereby the major , and commonalty might proceed against him in the court at london . it being a customary suit meerly grounded upon the custome of london . but that was denied by sir edward cook chief justice , and the whole court , because by the law , chamberlain having cause of priviledge by reason of the priority of suit against him in the kings bench , might not be re-manded ; but he was to answer in that court. whereupon the major and commonalty did declare against him upon the said obligation in the kings bench. secondly , it was moved that the action upon this obligation might be laid in some indifferent county , and not in london ; forasmuch as the trial there must be had by those that were parties unto the action , it being brought by the mayor and commonalty . but sir edward cook , and the court would not upon this surmise take away the benefit which the law giveth to every plaintiff upon a transitory action , wich is to lay it in whatsoever county he will. and if there be any such cause as is surmised , then after plea pleaded , he may make an allegation , that the city of london is a county in it self , and that all the citizens there are parties to the action which is brought , whereby there may not be an indifferent trial. and upon this surmise , the court shall order the trial to be in a forreign county . the which was done accordingly : and so the matter proceeded . the case of the merchant-adventurers . king edward the third , in the year of his reign by letters patents doth incorporate certain persons by the name of the merchants-adventurers of england , and doth give power unto them to transport white clothes into divers parts beyond the seas , restrayning them from carrying over woolls . the merchants-adventurers do trade beyond the seas and continue the transposing of clothes white until the 29. of august , in the tenth year of his majesties reign that now is . at which time the king by his letters pattents doth encorporate the earl of sussex late lord treasurer of england , sir thomas vavasour , sir stephen soam , william cockayn , and others by the name of the merchants adventerers of the new trade of london with full power & authority to transport dyed , and dressed cloths into divers parts beyond the seas , with a restraint prohibiting all the old merchants-adventurers , which did not joyn themselves unto this new company to tranport any under the forfeiture of them , and also inhibiting the new merchants from transporting any clothes but such as are died and dressed . and after three years passed , they having power during that time to transport 36000 , white clothes : and there being a refusal of the old merchants adventurers to surrender up their patent ; the king bringeth a quo warranto against divers of the merchants of the old company by particular names , to know by what warrant they do without licence of the king transport clothes white , undied , and undressed beyond the seas . the merchants upon the return of the quo warranto do make their appearance ; and an information being exhibited gainst them by sir fr. bacon knight , now lord chancellour of england and then attorney general unto his majesty , cometh into the kings bench , and moveth the court that the old merchants adventurers might have a short day the next ensuing term , to answer unto the information exhibited against them . insomuch , that the new company of merchants adventurers standing at a gaze , as being uncertain of what validity the old patent would be , did slack to transplant the diers , and other tradesmen out of the low-countries into england , being necessary instruments for the puting in execution of this design , because there were not here in england those that were able to die and dress , in that manner that the low-country men did . and so there was in the interim a stop of the current of merchandizing with our cloth , the which being the principal commodity that we had here in england ; the fleece that causeth it , may well and aptly have the term of , the golden fleece ; and there being a stop made of the traffiquing and trading with these clothes , it is as dangerous unto the politique body of the commonwealth , as the stop of a vein could be to the natural body ; for as by the stop of a vein the blood is debarred of his free passage , and so of necessity there must be a consumption by the continuance of it follow unto the body natural : so traffique being the blood which runneth in the veins of the commonwealth , it cannot be but that the hinderance of it by any long continuance , must breed a consumption unto the state of the commonwealth ; wherefore , to open this vein , which was as yet somewhat stopped , and to give a more free passage unto the blood , he was a suitor unto the court , on the behalf of the company of the new merchant-adventurers , that the court would give expedition in this case ; for they conceived , that if this new design might take its full effect , as it was intended , it could not be , but of necessity there must a great benefit redound to the commonwealth . for first , whereas our state groweth sick , by reason of the many idle persons which have not means to be set on work , this dying and dressing of cloths within our kingdome , would give sufficient imployment unto them all , whereby there should be a cure to the lazy leprosie , which now overspreadeth our commonwealth . secondly , whereas now we send out clothes white , and the low-country-men receive them of us , and dye them and dress them , and afterwards transport them unto forreign parts , making a wonderful benefit to themselves , both in point of profit , and likewise in respect of maintaining their navy ; whereas , if the clothes were died and dressed by our selves , we might reap that matter of gain , and also be masters of the sea , by strengthening our selves in our shipping . thirdly , whereas there happeneth often a confiscation of all our clothes , and much disgrace and discredit lighteth upon our nation , and our clothes , by the abuse of the low-country-men , in stretching them a greater length than they will well bear , when they dye and dress them ; now it should be prevented , when they should never have the fingering of them , to put that abuse in practice : wherefore this patent made by king edw. the 3. bereaving the king and commonwealth of these great benefits and commodities , is against the law and so ought to be repealed . and day was given accordingly to put in their plea. at which time , many of the old merchants-adventurers being willing that trial should be made , whether the benefit intended unto the commonwealth might be compassed , did shew ( to their obedience unto the king , and desire of the good of their country ) surrender up their patent into the hands of his majesty ; since which time , it being found by experience that the project had not that success which they expected , and likewise cloth and wooll lay dead , because there was no vent for them abroad : the king according to his power reserved unto him in his patent , by which he erected , and created the new company of merchants adventurers of london , did make repeal and revocation of the said new patent and new company , and did redeliver unto the old merchants their patent , confirming it , and likewise by another charter did enlarge the liberties and priviledges of the old merchants , by reason of which grace of the king , the old company of merchants-adventurers of england are reestablished in that estate wherein they formerly were , and they do now trade again , as formerly they did , to the great content of the subject , and benefit of the king and country . certifying indictments upon certioraries . iohn forner , iohn evans , and divers others , being indicted before sir thomas hayes , lord mayor of london , sir henry mountague , serjeant unto the king , and recorder of london , sir thomas lowe , and divers others by vertue of a commission granted unto them ; a certiorari was directed unto them , as justices of peace out of the kings bench , for the certifying the said indictment , upon which certiorari , no return was made ; whereupon a second certiorari was awarded unto the said commissioners , commanding them to certifie the said indictment upon a pain , upon which certiorari , a return was made in this manner : that is to say , that king h. 6. in the 23. year of his reign by his letters patents , bearing the same date , did grant unto the mayor , aldermen , and sheriffs of london , that they should not be compelled upon any writ directed unto them , to certifie the indictments themselves , taken before them , but only the tenors of them , the which they have done accordingly ; and exception being taken unto this return for the insufficiency of it ; it was resolved by sir edward cook chief justice of the kings bench , sir iohn crook , sir iohn doddridg , and sir robert haughton , that the return , upon the reasons hereafter following , was insufficient . for first , the letters patents being granted unto them by the name of the mayor , aldermen , and sheriffs of the city of london , warranteth only the not certifying of indictments taken before them , as mayor , aldermen , and sheriffs of london ; and where the writ is directed unto them by that name , and they do not excuse them , in case where the writ is directed unto them as justices of peace , and where the indictments are taken before them as justices of peace , by virtue of the kings commission . and howsoever the mayor and aldermen are justices of peace by charter , yet insomuch that they are distinct powers , return made by them by the name of mayor and aldermen , where the writ is directed unto them ( as justices of peace ) will not be good . secondly , there being a resumption made by act of parliament in 28. h. 6. whereby all lands , tenements , grants , rent , and fees granted since the first day of his reign were resumed ; the letters patents made in 23. h. 6. unto the mayor and commonalty , are annihilated and made void , and so no hold may be taken of them ; and the statute made in 1. edw. 4. cap. 1. only confirmes those priviledges not heretofore revoked and repealed by act of parliament , or otherwise ; and howsoever there be a charter made by h. 7. in the first year of his reign , whereby restitution was granted of this priviledge , yet no advantage may be taken of it , because it was not spoken of upon the return , and the court may not intend it . thirdly , the letters patents of the king being the sole ground and foundation to make the return good , are not sufficiently returned unto the court , insomuch that it was said upon the return only , that the king by his letters patents did grant unto the mayor . commonalty , and sheriffs of london , that they should not be compelled to certifie the indictments themselves ; but it doth not appear , that they were sealed with the grand seal , and if they were not sealed with that seal , the letters patents may not be of any validity in law , howsoever they were sealed with the exchequer seal , or dutchy seal , in respect of which , they may well be called the letters pattents of the king. fourthly , the use hath alwayes been to remove indictments , and the record of them upon a certiorari awarded out of the kings bench , and there was never any denial made of it before this time ; and in 5. ed. 6. where a certiorari was directed unto them for the removing of an indictment of a woman which was indicted for being a common whore , the indictment was certified in obedience unto the writ , although in the end of the return , they shewed their charter , and prayed that it might be remanded , because it was an indictment only warrantable by the custome of the city , and not by the common law : and the court was of opinion in the return at the bar , to have imposed a fine , and to have awarded a third certiorari , but it was stayed , and the second return was amended . concerning orphans portions . the custome of london is , that if any freeman deviseth and , or other legacies of goods unto an orphan , that then the mayor and aldermen have used to take the profits of the land , and to have the disposition of the legacies , until such time as the legatees shall attain unto the age of twenty one years , or otherwise , being a woman , should be married ; and if the disposition of the profits of the lands , or of the personal legacies , were declared by the testator in his will , that then the mayor and aldermen have used , time out of mind of man , to convent the person trusted by the will of the testator before them , and to compel him to find sureties for the true performance of the legacies , according to the law of the realm , and the will of the testator ; and if they refuse to find sureties , then it is lawful to imprison them until they find sureties . the widow of a freeman of london dwelling in middlesex , bequeathed a legacy of a thousand pound unto her daughter after all debts and legacies paid , and upon condition that she should not marry without the assent of her executor , and maketh a freeman her executor , and dieth . the executor is convented before the court of mayor and aldermen , and required to put in sureties unto the chamberlain of london , according to the custome for the payment of a thousand pound , according unto the time limited by the will , and according to the will aforesaid . the executor denieth to find sureties ; whereupon he was committed to prison , and a habeas corpus being awarded out of the court of kings bench , to have the body of the executor , together with the cause ; all this matter appeareth upon the return . and now it was moved by richard martin late recorder of london , then an apprentice of the law , that the return was insufficient , and so the executor ought to be enlarged . first , in regard that the ground of the imprisonment was the custome of london , and the custome is against the law , and void , insomuch that it enforceth an executor to find sureties for the payment of a legacy , according unto the will , where the law requireth , that debts be paid , before such time as legacies be performed ; and the law giveth an election unto the executor , to pay which of the legacies he will , in case there be not sufficient to pay all the debts and legacies of the testator ; but this exception was disallowed by the said court , insomuch that the custome of london appeareth by the return to be , that he shall find sureties for the performance of the legacies according unto the law of the realm , and the will of the testator : so as if the executor had not sufficient to pay debts , and legacies , he hath the same power and liberty after such time as he hath found sureties , as he had before . secondly , except on was taken , because it appeared by the return , that the devisor was a woman , and also only the wife of a freeman , and not a free-woman , and she is not within the custom of london , which only speaketh of a freeman . but this exception was over-ruled ; for a woman being a free-woman within the statute of magna charta cap. 29. which enacteth , that no freeman shall be taken or imprisoned , &c. but by the lawful judgement of his peers : so that she being a barroness or countess shall be tried by her peers upon an indictment preferred against her , she shall also be reputed a freeman within this custome . secondly , the wife of a freeman having the liberty and priviledge to trade in the city , and so able to take benefit by it , she shall also be bound by the customes of it . thirdly , howsoever she was dwelling out of london at the time of the will made , she is a freeman within the compass of the custome . fourthly , it was objected , that this custome of london concerning orphans , was an antiquated custome , and had not been put in use by many years , and therefore ought not now to be put in ure to take away the liberty of a man , and especially also , because the life of a custome is the usage ; but this exception was over-ruled , for this custome is dayly put in ure . the custome in not removing body and cause upon habeas corpus . a petition being affirmed in london , by one hill , a citizen and freeman of london , against another citizen and freeman of london , upon a bond of a hundred pound , a summons is awarded against the said obliged , and the pretext being returned , that he hath nothing whereby he may be summoned within the city , upon a surmize made by hill the obligee , that one harrington , a citizen and freeman of london , is indebted in a hundred pound unto the first obligor , a summons is awarded , according to the custome of london of forreign attachments , for the warning of harrington , who is warned accordingly ; whereupon harrington procureth a habeas corpus for the removing of his body , together with the cause into the kings bench , upon which writ , a return is made in this manner ; that is to say . that london is an ancient city , and , that time out of mind of man , the mayor , aldermen , and citizens of london have had conusans of all manner of pleas , both real and personal , to be holden before the mayor , altermen , and sheriffs of london in london , and that in no action whatsoever they ought to remove the cause out of london into any other court , and do moreover shew a confirmation made by r. 2. in the seventh year of his reign of all their customes ; and so for this cause they had not the body here , nor the cause . and exception being taken to the insufficiency of this return , it was agreed and resolved by the whole court of kings bench , that this return made , was ill ; for common experience teacheth , that the usual course is , and alwayes hath been , that upon habeas corpus , the body , together with the cause , have been removed out of london , into the kings bench ; and likewise upon certioraries awarded out of the kings bench. records have been certified out of london into that court : for justice being to be done unto the citizens of london , as well in that court , as in the 〈…〉 proper court , the court of london being an inferiour court unto the court of kings bench , where the king is supposed to sit in person , ought to yeild bedience unto the writs awarded out of that court , as the supetiour court ; but if the cause should be such , that there should be a failer of justice in the kings bench upon the removing of the cause , because it is only an action grounded meerly upon the custome of london , then a return made of the special matter will be warrantable ; or otherwise if the return be made , that the custome of london is , that no cause , which is a meer customary cause , wherein no remedy can be had but only in london , according unto the custome of london , may well be allowed , so as the cause specially be returned into the court , whereby it may appear unto the court , that it is such a cause , which will not bear action at the common law ; for it is usual in the kings bench , that if the cause returned unto the court upon the habeas corpus , appear to be such a cause as will bear an action only by the custome , and not at the common law , the court will grant a procedendo , and send it back again to london , as if the cause returned , appear to be an action of debt brought upon concesit se solvere , or to be an aaction of covenant brought upon a covenant by word , without any specialty , for these be meer customary actions , which cannot be maintained , but by the custome of london ; and therefore that shall be remanded ; for if the kings bench should retain these causes after such time as they are removed , and should not remand them , there would be failing of justice , and the judges of the kings bench in the person of the king , do say , nulli negabimus , nulli vendemus , nulli differemus justitiam : and the reteining of these causes would be a denying of justice ; wherefore they do grant a procedendo , and remand it . the case concerning payment of tythes in london . richard burrel being seized in his demesne , as of fee , of a house , called green acre , a shop , and ware-house in the parish of grace-church street london , for which house , a rent of five pound yearly hath been reserved , time out of mind , in the third year of the king that now is , by indenture doth make a lease for five years unto one withers , of part of the house , and of the shop , rendring the rent of five pound by the year , at the four usual feasts , that is to say at the feast of the annuciation , &c. by even and equal portions . and in the same indenture it is further covenanted and agreed , that withers the leassee shall pay unto burrel the leassor , a hundred & fifty pound in name of a fine and income , the which said hundred and fifty pound is to be paid in manner and form following ; that is to say , thirty pound yearly , and every year during the said term at the four usual feasts , by even and equal portions , the term of five years expired , the said burrel in the tenth year of the said king , by indenture maketh a new lease for the term of seven years , of the said part of the house , and the ware-house , unto one goff , rendring the rent of five pound by the year , at the feast of s. michael the archangel , and the annunciation of the blessed virgin mary , by even and equal portions . and in the same indenture it is further covenanted and agreed , that goff shall pay unto the said burrell 175. l. in the name of a fine and income , in manner and form following ; that is to say , twenty five pound yearly , during the said te●m , at the said two usual feasts , by even and equal portions . dunn parson of grace-church , exhibiteth his petition unto the then lord mayor of london , against the said burrel and goff , wherein he supposeth , that tythes are paid unto him only , according to the rate of five pound by the year , where in truth he ought to have an allowance according unto the rate of thirty pound by the year . the lord mayor , by the advice of his councel , doth call the said burrell and goff before him , and upon full hearing of the said cause , doth order the p●yment unto dunn , according unto the rates of five pound by the year , and not according to the rate of thirty pound by the year ; whereupon the said dunn doth exhibit his bill of appeal unto the lord chancellour of england in the chancery , wherein he doth make a recital of the decree made , and established by act of parliament , in 37. h. cap. 12. and also of the case special , as it standeth , charging the said goff and burrell with a practice of fraud and covin , in the reservation of this twenty five pound by year , by way of fine and income , and defrauding him of that which belonged unto him : the said goff and burrell do make their answer , and shew that the rent of five pound by the year is the ancient rent reserved , and that they are ready , and have often tendred the payment of their tythes , according to that proportion , but it hath been denied to be accepted , and they do take a traverse unto the fraud and covin wherewith they stand charged . and upon this answer , dunn the parson demurreth in law. and this case was first argued in the chancery by sir francis moor serjeant , and thomas crew , on the behalf of dunn ; and by sir anthony benn , late recorder of london , and iohn walter on the part of the defendants . the lord chancellour having called sir henry mountague , cheif justice of the kings bench sir henry hobart , chief justice of the common pleas ; sir iohn doddridg one of the justices of the kings bench ; and sir richard hutton , one of the justices of the common pleas , to be his assistants ; and after two arguments heard on each side in the chancery : upon suit made to the king : by sir francis bacon , then lord chancellour of england ; a special commission was granted unto thomas lord archbishop of canterbury , sir francis bacon lord chancellour of england , thomas earl of suffolk late lord preasurer of england , edward earl of warwick keeper of the privy seal , william earl of pembrook lord chamberlain of the kings houshold , iohn bishop of london , bishop of eli , sir henry mountague , sir iulius caesar , master of the rolls , sir iohn doddridg , and sir richard hutton , wherein there was a special recital of the question , and cause depending between dunn on the one part , and burrell and goff on the other part ; and power given unto them for the hearing and determining of this cause , and likewise for the mediating between the citizens of london , and the parsons of the several parishes and churches in london , and making an arbitrary end betwixt them , whereby a competent provision may be made for the ministers of the churches of london , and too heavy a burthen may not beimposed upon the citizens of london , with a command further , that they shall certifie the king what was done in the premises . and this commission was sat upon at york-house where the case was argued at several times by sir randal crew , and sir henry finch serjeants of the king , on the part and behalf of the ministers of london and by sir henry yelverton attorney of the king , and sir thomas coventry solicitor of the king , on the behalf of the citizens of london ; and because the main question remained as yet undetermined and no resolution is given either in point of law , nor arbitrary end by way of mediation : i shall only open the parts of the case , and make a summary report of them without further debate of them . the case divideth it self into six parts ( that is to say . ) first , whether any thing can be demanded by the person for houses in london , according to the course of the common law ? secondly , whether custome can establish a right of payment of any thing unto the parson for houses , and of what nature the payment established shall be ? thirdly , what was anciently payable by the citizens of london for their houses unto the ministers of london and how grew the payment ? fourthly , whether this twenty five pounds reserved upon a covenant by way of fine and income , be a rent within the words of the decree made , 37. h. 8. cap. 12 ? fifthly , whether this reservation of twenty five pounds by the year , by way of fine and income , shall be adjudged to be a rent within the intent and meaning of the statute an decree , or no ? sixthly , who shal● be judge of the tithes for houses in london ? and the remedy for the parson , in case that payment be not made unto him , according to the decree . as to the first part , which is , whether by the common law , any thing can be demanded for the houses in london ? it is to be agreed , and clear that nothing can be demanded . for that which the parson ought to demand of houses , is tythes ; and it is improper , and cannot be , that tythes can be paid of houses . first , in regard that houses do not increase , and renew , but rather decrease for want of reparations , and tythes are not to be paid of any thing , but such things as do increase , and renew ; as it appeareth by the levitical law , and the common law of the land. secondly , houses are matters of inheritance , whereof a praecipe lieth at the common law. and the rent reserved upon a lease made of them , is likewise knit unto the inheritance , and parcel of it ; so that it shall go along unto him that hath the inheriritance ; and therefore shall descend un●he heir : and it is a rule in law that tythes are not to be paid of part of the inheritance , but they ought to be paid of such things as renew ; upon which reason it is that tythes by the common law of the land are not to be paid of slate , stone , and cole digged out of the pit. thirdly , houses being built only for the receiving , habitation , and dweling of men , and for conveniency of protection against the scorching heats in summer , and tempestuous storms in winter , without any profit at all redounding unto the owner . and the parson being to have a benefit otherwise , in the payment of personal tythes arising through his industry in the house , no tythes can be demanded for the houses themselves , or for the rent reserved upon them . fourthly , the decree made 38. h. 8. which exempteth the houses of noblemen from the payment of any rate-tythes , sheweth the common law to be , so that houses of themselves are to be discharged of the payment of tythes , and accordingly it hath been adjudged in divers cases hapning at the common law : that tythes by the course of the common laws may not be demanded for houses , but they are to be discharged . as to the second point , which is , whether custom can establish a right of payment of any thing unto the pason for houses ? it is clear that it may well enough : for it may well be , that before such time as any house was built upon the ground where the house stood , there had been a summe of money paid for the profits of the ground in the name of a modus decimandi , and so howsoever the house is built upon the ground , yet the modus continues , and is not taken away by it ; and so there being a continuance of payment of the modus after the building of the house , time hath made it to be a payment for the house . but this payment is to be termed a modus decimandi , and cannot be well called a tithe paid for houses , because as it is formerly said , tithes may not be paid for houses ; and all this appeareth by doctor grants case in the eleventh report . as to the third point , which is , what was anciently paid by the citizens of london , unto the ministers of london and how the payment grew ? it appeareth by the records of london , that niger bishop of london , 13. h. 3. made a constitution in confirmation of an ancient custome formerly used time out of mind , that provision should be made for the ministers of london in this manner , that is to say , that he which payeth the rent of twenty shillings for his house wherein he dwelt , should offer every sunday , and every apostles day , whereof the evening was fasted one half-penny : and he that paid but ten shillings rent yearly , should offer but one farthing ; and all this amounted unto but according to the proportion of 2. sh . 6. d. per pound : for there were fifty two sundayes , and but eight apostles dayes , the vigils of which were fasied . and if it chanced that one of the apostles dayes fell upon a sunday , then there was but one half-penny , or farthing paid ; so that sometime it fell out to be less by some little then 2. sh . 6. d. per pound : and it appeareth by our book-cases in edward the third his reign , that the provision made for the ministers of london was by offerings and obventions , howsoever the particulars are not designed there , but must be understood according to the former ordinance made by niger , and the payment of 2. sh . 6. d. in the pound , continuing until 13. k. ric. 2. thomas arundel . arch-bishop of canterbury made an explanation of the constitution made by niger , and thrust upon the citizens of london two and twenty other saints days then were meant by the constitution made by niger , whereby the offerings now amounted unto the summe of 3. sh . 5. d. per pound ; against which explanation there being some reluctation by the citizens of london , pope innocent in 5. h. 4. granted his bull , whereby the former explanation was confirmed ; which confirmation , notwithstanding the difference between the ministers and citizens of london about those two and twenty saints dayes which were added unto their number , pope nicholas by his bull in 31. h. 6. made a second confirmation of the explanation made by the said arch-bishop : against which the citizens of london did contend with so high a hand that they caused a record to be made , whereby it might appear in future ages , that the order of explanation made by the arch-bishop of canterbury was done without calling the citizens of london unto it , or any consent given by them . and it was branded by the name of an order surrepritiously , and abruptiously gotten and therefore more fit to have the name of a destructory then a declaratory order : the which contending notwithstanding , as it seemeth the pain was most usually made according unto the rate of 3. sh . 5. d. in the pound ; for linwood , who writ in the time of k. h. 6. in his provincial constitutions debating the question , whether the merchants and artificers of the city of london ought to pay any tythes ? sheweth , that the citizens of london by an ancient ordinance observed in the said city are bound every lords day , and every principal feast-day , either of the apostles , or others whose vigils are fasted to pay one farthing for every ten shillings rent , that they paid for their houses wherein they dwelt ; and in 36. h. 6. there was a composition made between the citizens of london and the ministers of london , that a payment should be made by the citizens according unto the rate of 3. sh . 5. d. in the pound , and if any house were kept in the proper hand of the owner , or were demised withoutreservation of any rent ; then the churchwardens of the parish , where the houses were , should set down a rate of the houses , and according unto that rate and payment should be made . after which composition so made , there was an act of common councel made 14. e. 4. in london , for the confirmation of the bull granted by pope nicholas . but the citizens of london finding that by the common lawes of the realm , no bull of the pope , nor arbitrary composition , nor act of common councel could bind them in such things as concerned their inheritance ; they still wresiled with the clergy , and would not condes●end unto the payment of the said elevenpence by the year , obtruded upon them by the addition of the two and twenty saints days , whereupon there was a submision unto the lord chancellour , and divers others of the privy councel , and they made an order for the payment of tythes according unto the rate of 2. sh . 9. d. in the pound : the which order was first promulgated by a proclamation made , and afterwards established by an act of parliament made 17. h. 8. cap. 21. in confirmation of which said order there was a decree made 37. h. 8. with some further additions , the which said decree was confirmed by an act of parliament made 37. h. 8. cap. 12. so as it appeareth by that which hath been formerly said , that the first payment was only according unto the rate of 2. sh . 6. d. per pound ; afterward , the payment was increased to the rate of 3. sh . 5. d. per pound : and lastly , there was an abatement and payment made only according to the rate of 2. sh . 9. in the pound . the first payment grewby custome , the second by constitutions , and bulls of the pope ; the last by decree in the chancery . as to the fourth part , which is , whether this twenty five pounds per annum , reserved by way of sine and income , be a rent within the words of the decree , or statute , or not ? it was clearly agreed , and resolved , that it was not a rent . for it may not be said either a rent-service , rent-charge , or rent-seck ; and there are only three manner of rents , et argumentum à divisione fortissimum . secondly , it hath not the properties and qualities of a rent ; for it shall not be incident to the reversion of the house to pass , or descend with it , it shall not be extinguished by the purchase of the house not suspended by an entry in the house , nor apportioned by an eviction of part of the house . thirdly , the party himself in his indenture of lease hath called it a fine , and income , and hath expressed the days of payment for it , as a fine and income ; and therefore now it may not well be said to be a rent either in the judgement of the common laws , or ecclesiastial laws , or in common accepration . as to the fifth part which is , whether this twenty five pounds by the year , thus reserved upon a covenant by way of fine and income , be a rent within the intent and meaning of the decree made 37. k , h 8. cap. 12 ? it was conceived by those that argued on the behalf of the ministers of london , upon the reasons hereafter following that the reservation of twenty five pounds by the year , by way of income , was a rent within the meaning of the decree , and that the plaintiff ought to have the rate-tythes paid unto him , according to the proportion of thirty pounds by the year , and not according unto the rate of five pounds by the year only ; first , in regard that this fine being profit which ariseth by reason of the house , and being payable at the same times , that the first five pounds ( which without question is a rent ) is payable , and upon the same conditions may well be said a rent ; both out of the etymology of the word , by common acceptation of the thing , by the judgement both of common laws , and of the laws of the church and so is a rent within the intent of the decree ; and the nameing of it a fine , or income shall not cause an evasion out of the law. secondly , this decree , and act of parliament being made for the avail of the church , and setling of the revenue thereof ; shall have as liberal construction to give life unto the true intent and meaning of it , as may be , and the slight of payment of it , as a gross sum by way of fine and income upon a covenant made by goff the leassee , shall not defeat the good provision made by the decree . thirdly , this 2. sh 9 d. in the pound being the labourers hire , and given him in satisfaction and recompence of all manner of tythes , either personal , predial , or mixt , the decree made concerning it , ought to be extended and enlarged so far , as by reasonable exposition it may , and is not any wayes to be restrained , whereby to give way to any cautelous provision made by the party . fourthly , the common law , and statutes having all with one voice , condemned fraud , covin , and deceit used in any manner of kind or way , and bandying themselves against it , whereby to extirpate and root it out of the hearts of all ; and to prevent it from being put in ure in the actions of any man ; it is great reason in this case , which concerneth god , the church , religion , and learning , to suppress all manner of acts which may any way have a taste , or touch of fraud . wherefore this fine , or income thus reserved by way of covenant , having the appearance of fraud , shall be taken to be a rent , within the intent , and meaning of the decree ; and way shall not be given to this device , whereby to defeat the church and ministers of it of their due . but those that argued on the behalf of the citizens of london , were of opinion that this fine , and income was not within the intent and meaning of the decree ; for the decree being that the citizens and inhabitants of the city of london , and liberties of the same for the time being shall yearly for ever without fraud , or covin , pay their tythes to the parsons , vicars , curates of the said city and their successors for the time being , after the rate hereafter following ; that is , to wit , of every ten shillings rent by the year , of all , and every house , and houses , shops , warehouses , cellars , and stables within the said city , and liberty of the same , sixteen pence half-penny , and of every 20. sh . rent of all and every such house , and houses , shops , wa●houses , cellars , and stables within the said city , and liberties , 2. sh . 6. d. and so above the rate of twenty shillings by the year , ascending from ten shillings to ten shillings according to the rate aforesaid . and where any lease is , or shall be made of any dwelling house or houses , shops , warehouses , cellars , or stables or any of them , by fraud , or covin , reserving less rent then hath been accustomed , or is , or that any such lease shall be made without any rent reserved upon the same by reason of any fine , or income paid before hand or by ay fraud , or covin , that then , and in every such case the tenant or farmer ; tenants or farmers thereof shall pay his or their tythes of the same , according to the quantity of such rent , or rents , as the same house , or houses , shops , warehouses , cellars , stables , or any of them were last letten , without fraud or covin , before the making of such a lease . it appeareth that the decree aimeth at a rent , and not at a fine , or income , for within the words above mentioned , it appeareth that there is a difference , and distinction made between a fine , and an income , and the intent of the maker of the decree , is best drawn and understood by the words of the decree , wherefore the party leassee having expressed himself that this twenty five pounds by the year , shall be paid in name of a fine , and income . and the decree it self shewing that by reason of a fine , or income , less rent is reserved , it may not be said that this twenty five pounds by the year , shall be a rent within the meaning of the decree , when there is a rent of five pounds also reseserved , beside this income . secondly , this decree made in 37. h. 8. being penal unto the citizens of london , because it inflicteth imprisonment upon him , upon his non-payment of his tythe according to the rent reserved , and being also in advantage of the ministers of london because , by vertue of this decree , the minister is to have according to the rate of 2. sh . 9. d. in every twenty shillings , where anciently he had but 2. s. 6. d. it is no reason to extend it by equity , and to construe that to be a rent within the intent and meaning of the decree , which of it self is a fne , or income . thirdly , there never hauing been above the rent of five pounds by the year , reserved upon any lease made , it cannot be taken to be any covin , or collusion . when the ancient rent is reserved , insomuch , that now so much as the law requireth , is done and besides where the common law or statute law shall take notice of a fraud , it ought to be in case where the thing in which the fraud , or deceit was supposed , is formerly in being ; for a fraud may not be committed to a person , or thing not in being . fourthly , it is to be reserved , so that if no rent at all had been reserved , there might not any more have been demanded , but only according to the rate of the rent , which was last reserved for the houses ; wherefore the ancient rent of 5. l. being here reserved , it cannot be , that within the intent and meaning of the decree there can be more rate-tythes demanded , then according to that rent . and besides the very words of the decree , intimates that there is no fraud within the meaning of the decree , but only where by reason of the fine , or income , there is not rent at all reserved , or a less rent then was anciently reserved ; wheresore in the case at the barre , the old rent being reserved , there may be no fraud at all . as to the sixth , and last part , which is , who shall be judge of the payment of tythes for houses in london , and the remedy for the recovery of them ? it is apparent out of the words of the decree , that the mayor of the city of london is judge , and is to give order concerning them ; and suit is not to be made in the ecclesiastical court for them ; and if it be , a prohibition is to be granted , insomuch , that the party grieved resorteth unto another judge then the statute hath appointed . but if the mayor do not give aid within two moneths after complaint made , or do not give such aid as is fitting ; then resort is to be made unto the lord chancellour of england , who hath three moneths given him for ending of the said cause . whereunto is annexed divers ancient customs , and usages of the said city of london . newly re-printed . london , printed for abel roper at the sun against st. dunstans church in fleet-street . 1670. divers ancient customs and usages of the city of london . in plato ferre in hustings london , viz. that all the lands , tenements , and hereditaments , rents , and services within the city of london , and the suburbs of the same , are pleadable in the guild-hall within the said city , in two hust . of which , one hust . is called , hust . of a plea of land ; and the other hust . is called , hust . of common pleas , and the said hustings are kept in the guild-hall , before the mayor , sheriffs , and other of the said city , every week upon munday and tuesday , that is to say , munday to enter demands , and to award non-suits , and allow essovnes , and on tuesday to award defaults , and to plead , saving at certain times , and festival dayes , and other reasonable causes , on which times no hust . may be kept by custome of the said city . nota quod hust . of pleas of land , must be kept one week apart by it self , and the hustings of common pleas one week by it self , at the said days , yet the inrolements of the said hust . make mention only of munday . hust . of pleas of land. in hust . of a plea of land , are pleaded writs of right patent , directed to the sheriffs of london , in which writs there are such process by custome of the said city , viz. the tenant , or tenants at the first , shall have three summons to the tenants , delivered at three hust . of plea of land next following , after the livery of the writ , not demanding the tenants at any the hust , aforesaid : and after the three summons ended , three essoynes , and other three hust . of plea of land , then next following ; and at the next hust . after that three essoyns ; if the tenants make default , process shall be made against them by grand cape , or petit cape after appearance , and other process , as at the common law. and if the tenants appear , the demandants shall declare against the tenants in nature of what writ they will , except certain writs which are pleadable in the hust . of common pleas , as shall hereafter be shewed , without making protestation to sue in nature of any writ , and the tenants shall have the view , and shall be essoyned after the view , at the common law : and shall also have the tenants essoyned after any appearance by the custome of the city . and although one such writ be abated after view by exception of joyntenants or other exception dilatory , and although the same writ be restored , the tenants by the custome of the said city shall have the view in the second writ , notwithstanding the first view had ; and if the parties plead to judgement the judgement shall be given by the mouth of the recorde● , and six aldermen had wont to be present at the least , at every such judgement given ; and every beadle by advise of his ald●●man , against every hust . of pleas of land shall cause to be summoned twelve men , being freeholders of the best and most sufficient of his wa●d , to come to the guild hall , to pass an enquest if need be , if there be so many men of heritage within the same ward ; and if the parties pleading come to an enquest , then shall the enquest be taken of landed men , being freeholders of the same ward where the tenements are , and of other three wards nearest adjoyning to the place where the terants are ; so that four men of the same ward where the tenants are , shall be swo●n in the same enquest , if there be to mary . and no damages by the custome of the city are recoverable in any such writ of ●ight patent : and the ●●ques● may pass the same day by such common summons of the beadle if the parties be at issue , and the juiors do come ; otherwise process shall be 〈…〉 the jury to come at the next hust . o● pleas of ●ard by precept directed from the major to the sheriffs , and the sheriffs shall be ministers by commandement of the major to serve the writs , and do the execution of the same , albeit the original be directed to the major and sheriffs in common ; and you shall understand that as well the tenants as demandants may appoint their attorneys in such pleas. and if the demandants plead against the tenants in the nature of a writ of right , and he parties come to a jury upon the meer right , then shall the jury be taken of twenty four , in the nature of a grand assize , as alwayes the custome requireth , that six of the ward be of the jury of twenty four . and the tenants in all such writs may vouch to warrant within the said city , and also in forreign county , if the vouchers be not tenants within the same city . and if the tenants in such writs vouch to warrant in forreign county ; in this case process cannot be made against the voucher by the law of the city ; then shall the record be brought before the justices of the common pleas at the suit of the demandant , and then process shall be made against the vouchee ; and when the voucher shall be ended in the same court , then all the parol shall be sent back again into the hust . to proceed further in the plea according to the custome of the city , and certain statutes . and also if the tenants in such writ plead in bar by release , bearing date in forreign county , or forreign matter be pleaded that it cannot be tryed within the city , then the defendant shall cause the process to come into the kings court , to try the matter there where it is alleadged , as the matter is there found , the proceeding shall be sent back again into the hustings to proceed further therein , as the case requireth ; and all that time the suit shall cease in the hust . as hath been heretofore : and also it hath been heretofore accustomed that a man may say in hastings of pleas of land to have execution of judgement given in hust . in nature of scirefacias without writ . and you must note that any such summons made to the tenants in a writ of right patent is made two or three days before such hust . or the sunday next before the same hust . if erroneous judgement be given in the hustings of london before the major and sheriffs , it shall be reserved by commission out of the chancery directed to certain persons to examine the record and process . if erroneous judgement be given before the sheriffs in london , the defendant may sue a writ of error before the mayor and sheriffs in the hustings . hustings of common pleas in hust . of common pleas are pleadable writs called ex gravi querala , to have execution of the tenants out of testaments , which are enrolled of record in the hust . writs of dower , unde nihil habet , writs of gavelets of customes and services instead of cessavit , writs of error of judgment given before the sheriffs , writs of waste , writs of participatione faciend . among partners , writs of quid juris clamat & per quae servitia , and other the writs which are closed & directed to the mayor and sheriffs , and also replegiaries of for goods and distresses wrongfully taken . these are pleadable before the mayor and sheriffs , in these hust . of common pleas by plaint without writ ; and not as before , that the sheriffs are ministers to do the office of ferving these writs and replegiaries by the majors preceps directed to the same sheriffs . and the process is thus . first , in the writ of ex gravi querela , warning before hand shall be given to the tenants two or three dayes before the hust . or the sunday be o●e , as in plea of land ; and so shall be done of all other summons touching the same hust . and if warning be given and testified by the sheriffs or his ministers , the tenants may not be essoyned ; and if the tenants make default at the same warning testified ; then the grand cape shall be awarded ; and if they appear , they may be essoyned at the view . and hereupon all other process are made plainly , as is said in a writ of droit patent in the hust . in a plea of land. in a writ of dower , unde nihil habet , the tenants shall have at the beginning three summons and one essoyn after the three summons , and after these shall have the view , one essoyn and the tenant in such writ of dower shall have the view , although they enter by the husband himself demanding the same , albeit he died seized ; and also the tenants may vouch to warranty , and after be essoyn●d after every appearance ; and all other process shall be made as in a writ of right in the hust . of pleas of land aforesaid : and it the demandant recover dower against the tenant by default ●o by judgement in law in such writ or dower ; and the same wife of the demand●nt alledgeth in court of record that her husband died seized ; then the major shall command ●he sheriffs by precept , that they cause a jury of the vi●inity where the tenants l●e against the next hust . of common pleas to enquire if the husband died seized , and of the value of the ●enements and of the damages ; and 〈◊〉 recover by verdict the damages shall be enqui●ed by the same j●y . in a writ of gavi●et , the ten●nts shall have three 〈◊〉 and three essoynes , and they also shall have tha● view , they may vouch to 〈…〉 and forreign . and they shall be essoyned and shall have other exceptions , and all other process shall be made as in a writ of right , &c. but if the tenant make default after default , then the defendant shall have judgement to recover and hold for a year and a day , upon this condition , that the tenant may come within the same year and a day , then next following , and make agreement for the arrearages , and find surety , as the court shall award , to pay the rent , or the services faithfully from thenceforth , and shall have again his tenements ; and within the same year and day , the tenant may come in court by scire fac . and shall have again his tenements , doing as aforesaid ; and if the tenant come not within the year and the day , as is aforesaid , then after the year and the day , the defendant shall have a scire fac . against the tenant to come and answer , whether he can say any thing why the defendant ought not to recover the tenements quite and clearly to him and his heirs for ever ; and if the tenant come not to shew what he can say , then judgement shall be given , that the defendant shall quite recover the land for ever , according to the judgement , called shartford by custome of the same city . in a writ of waste , process shall be made against the tenants by summons , attachment , and distress , according to the statute in that behalf made ; and if the tenant come and plead , then he shall have an essoyn , and so after every appearance ; and if he make default at the grand distress , then shall commandment go to the sheriff by the mayors precept , that the sheriff shall come to the place wasted , and shall enquire of the waste and damages according to the statute , and that they return the same at the next hust . of common pleas , and the plaintiff shall recover the place wasted , and the treble damages by the statute . in a writ of error of judgement , given in court before the sheriffs in actions personal , and in assizes of novel desseizen or mortdanc . taken before the sheriffs and the mayor , shall make a warrant to the sheriffs , to cause the record and process to come at the next hust . of the pleas , and that they cause the parties to be wa●ned to hear the record , and after the record and process be in the hust . although the defendant come by warning , or make default , the errors shall be assigned , and there the judgement shall be affirmed or reserved , as the law requireth : and it is to be noted , that by custome of the same city , that when a man is condemned in debt , or attaint of damages , in any action personal before the sheriffs , and bringeth such a writ of error he which b●ingeth the writ , must before he be delivered out of prison , find sufficient sureties of men resident within the city to be bo●nd before the mayor and sheriffs to pay the money or to being in the body taken in case the judgment be affirmed ; and in like sort is to be done where damages are recovered in assize before the sheriffs and coroners . in a writ of replegiari , the process is such , that if any one take a distress or other sole thing within the said city , he which oweth the goods , may come to one of the sheriffs , and shall have a minister at the commandment of the court to go to the party that took the goods , and if he may have the view to praise them by two honest men , and then shall a plaint be made in the sheriffs paper-office in this wise . t. s. queritur versus i. l. de averus suis injuste capt. in dominio suo vel in libero tenemento suo in ●arochia sancti &c. and the same party shall then find two sufficient sureties , to sue and make return of the goods , or the p●ice thereof , in case the return be awarded , and so shall have deliverance ; and the parties shall have a day prefixed at the next hust . of common pleas , and then at the next hust . of common pleas , the sheriff shall make a bill containing all the matter and the plaint , and shall carry the bill to the same hust . and there it shall be put upon the file , and the parties shall be demonded at what day the one or the other may be essoyned of the common essoyn ; and if that day the plaintiff maketh default , return shall be awarded to the avowant , and return in such case is awardable three times by the custome of the city , and the third time not reprisable ; and at that time the avowant maketh default , then it shall be awarded , that the goods remain to the plaintiff ; viz. that the goods remain without any recovering ; and if it be that the sheriff cannot have view of the distress taken , then he shall certifie it into the said hust . and there shall be awarded the wetherum , and upon that , process shall be made ; and if the parties come , and avowry be made , and pleaded to the judgement , or to the issue of the inquest , then shall judgement be given , or process , to cause the jury to come , as the case requireth , and the parties may be essoyned after appearance ; and if the party claim property in the distress , and then certifie the same in the hust . and the process shall be made by precept made to the sheriff to try the property , &c. and although the party be essoyned of the kings service in a replegiare , and at the day that he hath by essoyn , make default ; or bringeth not his warrant , he shall not be cleared of damage . in a writ of particepat faciend to make partition between parceners of the tenants in london ; the writ closed , shall be directed to the mayor and sheriffs , containing the matter according to the form of such writ , and the parties shall be warned by precept from the mayor directed to the sheriff , and the tenants may be essoyned and if they come , they may plead their matter ; and if they make default , the writ of partition shall be awarded by default ; and every beadle of the said city , by the advise of his alderman against every hust . of common pleas , shall cause to be summoned twelve men , being free-holders , of the best and most sufficient of his ward , to come to the guild-hall aforesaid , and to pass in juries , if need be , if there be so many men landed in the said ward ; and the juries shall be taken , as before is said in the hust . of plea of land. and note , that writs of exigent are taken out of the hust . as well in hust . of common pleas , as of pleas of land , but those exigents that are taken in the one hust . are not to be sued in the other hust . and at the fifth hust . the utlaries and weyneries shall be given in full hust . before the mayor and aldermen by the mouth of their recorder ; and also all judgements which are given in the hust . shall be given in the same manner and the exigent after every hust . shall be enrolled , and sent into the chamber of the guild-hall aforesaid . and you must note , that all amerciaments incident to the said hust . pertain to the sheriffs of the said city ; and that the aldermen of london shall be su●moned to come to the hust . and oug●● by custome of the city to be summon by one of the sheriffs officers , sitti●● upon a horse of a c. s. price at least . assize of mort d'ancest . in london . the assizes of mort d' ancest . a● holden and determinable before the sheriffs and coroners of london , o● the saturdayes , from fourteen days t● fourteen days at the guild hall , for which the process is this viz. he that wil● have such assizen , shall come in the hust . or into the assembly of the mayo● and aldermen in the chamber of the guild hall , any munday , as is said in the assize of fresh force , and shall make a bil● containing the form of the assize o● mort d'ancest according to the case , an● that bill shall be enrolled , and after the common clerk shall make another b●● containing all the matters of the fin● bill , making mention of the title of the hust . or of the day of the assembly of the mayor and aldermen , and this bill shall be sent unto the sheriffs , or either o● them to serve , according to the custom ; and whi●● bill shall be served by any serjeant or other minister of the sheriffs viz. the land serjeant the wednesday next after the delivery of the bill , shall make summons to the tenants demand , by witness of two free holders , men of the city , that they be at the guild hall the saturday next following to see the recogni●ance , if they will ; against which saturday , the defendant may sue the next friday before together , and summon the jury ; and so afterwards against the saturdayes , from fourteen dayes to fourteen dayes at his will , and so may the tenants sue if they will , for their celiverance ; and the gathering of the pannels of such juries shall be done by the sheriffs and their ministers , or by the mayor and aldermen , if any of the parties will require it upon any reasonable cause , in such sort as is used in assize of fresh-force , and in such assizes of mort d'ancest . the parties may be assigned as at the common law , and the tenant may vouch to warrant within the city and also in forreign county , if the vouchee have no lands within the city , and if the tenants plead release , bearing date in forreign county , or other forreign matter that cannot be tryed within the city , or that the vouch to warrant in forreign counties , he that hath nothing within the city , then at the suit of the party , shall cause the record to come into the kings county , by writ directed to the sheriff and coroner and there shall such forreign pleas , and forreign vouchers , be tryed and determined , and sent back again to the said sheriffs and coroners , to go forward and proceed , according to the custome of the city ; and continuance shall be made in such assizes upon the causes proceeding , and upon other causes reasonable ; and when the assizes shall be determined and judgement given , then the same assizes shall be ingrossed , and entred upon record , by the said sheriffs and coroners , and afterward sent to the guild-hall to remain there of record , according to the order of assize of fresh-force , hereafter following . assizes of novel disseizen , called fresh-force in london . the assizes of novel desseizen , called fresh force of london , and tenements and rents within the city of london , of disseizins made within 40. weeks , are holden and determinable before the two sheriffs , and the coroner of the said city in common , every saturday in the guild-hall ; except certain times wherein the assize cannot be holden for reasonable cause , and the process thereof is such , viz. when any man is grieved , and that he be disseized of his free-hold within the said city , or the suburbs of the same ; he shall come to any hust . holden at the guild-hall , or for default of hust . in the chamber of the guild-hall , in the assembly of the mayor and aldermen any munday , and shall make there a bill , and the bill shall be such , viz. a de b. queritur versus ss . c. de d. de libero tenemento suo in parochia de e. in suburb . london . and the same bill shall be inrolled , and upon that shall be made another bill , containing all the matter of the first bill , by the common clark of the city , making mention of the title of hust . or of the day of the assembly of the mayor and aldermen , and then the bill shall be sent to the sheriffs , or to either of them to do process and right unto the parties , and then although the bill be served the wednesday then next following , that is to say , the minister of the sheriffs to whom the bill is delivered , shall summon the tenant or tenants named in the said bill of assize , by the view of two freemen of the city , and that of the tenants from whom the rent is supposed to be issuing , and then it shall be said to the tenants , that they keep their day at the guild-hall the saturday then following at their peril , and the names of those which are summoned , shall be endorsed upon the backside of the bill , and then may the plaintiff sue to have the assize gathered , and the jury summoned against such saturday , or against other saturday after at his pleasure , and so may the tenants sue for their deliverance , if they will , and such summons shall be made the friday before the said saturday , and the array of the pannels of the juries shall be made by the sheriffs or their ministers , or by the mayor and aldermen , if any of the parties upon reasonable cause shall require it . also the same assizes shall be pleaded and recorded for the greater party , also as elsewhere at the common law ; and if release bearing date in forreign county , bastardy , or other forreign matters which cannot be tryed within the said city , be alledged in such assizes , then the plaintiff may sue , and cause to come the record in the kings court , that the matter may be tryed , as the cause requireth ; and when the matter is there determined , the process shall be sent back to the said sheriffs and coroners , or to their successors to proceed forward before them , according to the custome , &c. and you must note , that there is no discontinuance in such assizes , neither is any mention made in the record of the dayes betwen the assizes taken , and the day that the assize shall be taken , or judgement given , if it be not by necessary cause , or that such assizes be adjourned for special causes : and when the assizes are taken before the sheriffs , and coroners , as before is said and judgement be given , then shall such assizes determined be entred of record ; and afterwards shall be carried into the chamber of the guild-hall , to remain there in the treasury upon record . and note , that no man may enter into any tenements within the said city by force , nor any tenants hold by sorce and armes in disturbance of the peace . de curia majoris london & custumis civitatis ejusdem & diversis casibus terminalibus in eadem curia . curia majoris of the said city of london , is holden by the custome of the same city before the mayor and aldermen for the time being in the chamber of the guild-hall or in hust . and that from day to day , and there are treated , determined and discussed the pleas , and matters touching orphans , apprentices , and other businesses of the same city . and there are redressed and corrected the faults and contempts of those which do against the custome and ordinance of the city , as well at the suit of the parties , as by enquest of office , and in other sort by suggestion according as the causes require ; and there they use to justifie bakers , victuallers , and , trades-men , and and to treat and ordain for the government of the city , and for keeping the kings peace and other necessary points of the city , and according as the time requireth . item the officers and ministers of the said city being found faulty , are to be cleared before the mayor and aldermen , as well at the suit of the parties by process made , as otherwise , according to the discretion of the said mayor and aldermen . item , the said mayor and aldermen use there to hold , and determine pleas of debt and other actions personal whatsoever , by bill as well among merchants , and merchants for merchandize , as also between others that will plead by process made against the parties item . the mayor and aldermen , or the mayor and chamberlain of the said city take before them in the said chamber recognizances of debt of those that will , of what summes soever . and if the day of payment be missed , then he to whom the recognizance is made out of this record , shall have execution of all the debtors goods , and of the moyety of his lands within the said city , and it is taken as at the common lawes . item , pleas of debt according to the ordinance called the suit of smithfield , are determinable only before the mayor and aldermen according as is more plainly set down in the ordinance thereupon made . item , the assizes of nusance are determinable by plaint before the mayor and aldermen , and that plaint shall be served by the sheriff the wednesday against the friday ; and then the mayor and aldermen ought to proceed in plea according to that which is set down in the act of assize and nusance in the said city . item , the mayor and aldermen have alwayes used to set down penal acts upon victuals , and for other governance of the city and of the peace , according to their discretion and advice , and proclaim the same ordinance within the said city open●y to be kept in the kings name , and of the city upon that penalty set down , and shall levie all those penalties of those which do contrary to the ordinance aforesaid . item , the mayor and aldermen have alwayes used , and may by custome of the same city cause to come before them the offenders which are taken within the said city for lies and false nuses noised abroad in disturbance of the peace makers , and counterfeiters of false seales , and false evidences , and for other notorious deceits known to them , which they shall find faulty of such malefactours by confession of the parties or by enquest , and then take them and punish them by the pillory or other chastisement by imprisonment , according to their discretion . item , the mayor and aldermen have alwayes accustomed , and may by custome of the said city , change process , abbridge delayes in actions personal as well before themselves , as in the sheriffs courts , and to make new ordinances touching personal pleas which ordinances they understand to be reasonable and profitable for the people . item , you must note that all the city of london is held of our soveraign lord the king in free burgage , & without the same city , and of all the lands and tenements , rents , and services within the same city , and the suburbs of the same , are well in reversion , as in demesne , are devisable by usage of the said city , so that men and women by usage of the same city , may devise their tenements , rents , and reversions within the said city and suburbs of the same , to those whom they will , and of what estate they will ; and they may also devise new rent to be taken of the same their tenants , in such sort as best shall seem unto them by their testament , and by their last will ; and those which are freemen of the same city , may devise their tenements to mortmain , as appeareth by the kings charter to that effect made . item , he which holdeth tenements joyntly with others , may devise that which belongeth to him , without any other separation ; but infants within age can make no devise , nor woman under covert barn , cannnot devise their tenements by leave of their husbands , nor in any other sort during the coverture , 49. 7. 325. per. cur. also the husband cannot devise tenements to his wife for any higher estate , then for term of life of his wife , neither can the wife claim any further estate , upon pain of losing the whole , neither can the husband devise the tenements in the right of his wife nor the tenements which the wife and the husband have joyntly purchased ; but if the husband and wife have tenements joyntly to them and the heirs of the husband , the same husband may devise the reversion , and all the testaments by which any tenements are divised , may be inrolled in the hust . of record , at the suit of any , which may take advantage by the same testaments , and the testaments which are so to be inrolled , shall be brought , or caused to be shewn before the mayor and aldermen in full hust . and there the said will shall be proclaimed by the serjeant , and then proved by two honest men well known , which shall be sworn and examined severally of all the circumstances of the said will , and of the estate of the testator , and of his seal ; and if the proofs be found good and true , and agreeing , then shall the same will be inrolled upon record in the same hust . and the fee shall be paid for the inrolment , and no testament nuncupative , nor other testament may be inrolled of recod , unless the seal of the party be at the same will ; but wills that may be found good and true are effectual , albeit they are not inrolled of record . item , testaments within the said city ought by custome of the same city to be adjudged effectual ; and executors have respect to the wills of the testators ; albeit the words of such wills be defective , or not accordidg to the common law. item , where reversions or rents be devised by will inrolled in the hust . of record , the same reversions and rents after the death of the testator , are so executed that those to whom such rents are devised , may distrain for the rent , and make avowry , and those in reversion may sue a writ of waste at their will , without any attornment of the tenants , and may plead by the same inrolment , if need be , although they have not the same testament , and the same custome taketh place for deeds of land inrolled in the hust . of record and such inrolments have been alwayes used so , that the wills are proclaimed and proved in full hust . as is aforesaid ; and deeds indented , and other writings sealed may be accepted , and the knowledging and confession of women may be received before the mayor and one alderman , or before the recorder and one alderman , or before two aldermen for need , as well out of the court as in , so that the same charters , indentures , and other writings so acknowledged , be afterwards entred and inrolled in any hust . and the fees paid as the order is . item , where a man hath devised by his will enrolled certain rent to be taken of his tenants within the said city without a cause of distress , yet by custome of the said city he to whom the devise is made , may distrein and avow the taking for the rent behind , and in the same sort it shall be done for amerciaments , rents called quit-rents within the said city . item , the mayor and aldermen which are for the time being , by custome of the same city shall have the wards and marrying of all the orphans of the said city after the death of their ancestours ; although the same ancestors held elsewhere out of the city , of any other lordship by what service soever ; and the same mayor and aldermen ought to enquire of all the lands , tenements , goods and chattels within the same city pertaining to such orphans , and the lands , tenements , goods and chartells within the same city , pertaining to such orphans , to seize , and safely keep to the use and profit of such orphans , or otherwise to commit the same orphans , together with their lands , tenements , goods and chatels , to other their friends , upon sufficient surety of record in the chamber of the guild-hall , in convenient sort to maintain the same orphans , during their minority , and to repair their lands and tenements , and safely to keep their goods and chattels , and to give good and true accompt before the said mayor and aldermen of all the profits of the same infants wen they come to age , or be put to a trade , or married at the advice of the said mayor and aldermen ; and that in all cases , if it be not otherwise ordained and disposed for the same orphans , and their lands , tenements , goods and chattels , by express words contained in the same wills of their ancestors ; and no such orphans may be married , without consent of the said mayor and aldermen : and in like sort , where lands , tenements , goods or chattles within the same city , are devised to a child within age , of a citizen of the same city , his father living , and the same child be no orphan , yet by custome of the same city , the said lands , tenements , goods and chattels shall be in the custody of the mayor and aldermen , as well as of an orphan , to maintain and keep the said lands , tenements , &c. to the use and profit of the said infant , and shall give good and true accompt for the same , as is aforesaid . and note , that where a citizen of the same city hath a wife and children , and dieth ( all debts paid ) this goods shall be divided into three parts , whereof the one part shall come to the dead , to be distributed for his almes , the other part shall come to his wife and the third part to his children , to be equally parted amongst them , notwithstanding any device made to the contrary ; and for the same , the wife or children , or any of them , may have their recovery and suit , to demand such goods and chartels against the executors or occupiers of the same goods and chattels , before the same mayor and aldermen by plaint . item , by ancient custome of the said city it was not lawful to any stranger or forreigner to sell victuals or other merchandizes to any other stranger , or forreigner within the same city to self again , nor to any such forreigner or stranger to sell victuals or any other merchandize within the said city by retail . item , by ancient custome of the said city of london the citizens and ministers of the same city are not to obey any commandment or seals except the commandment and seal of our sovereign lord the king immediate , neither can any of the kings officers make any seisure or execution within the said city , nor within the franchises of the same by land nor by water ( except only the officers of the city aforesaid . ) item , touching the judgements given in the sheriffs court in actions personal , or in assizes taken before the sheriffs and coroners by custome of the said city the parties against whom such judgements are given , may sue a writ of errour directed to the may or , aldermen and sheriffs to reverse the said judgements in the hust . and if the judgements be found good , yea , though the same judgements be affirmed in the hust . yet the same party may sue another writ of error directed to the mayor and sheriffs to cause the record to come before the justices assigned at saint martins le grand as hath been heretofore done . but if any party by such judgemenn given before the said sheriffs , be convict in debt or damages ; and is therefore committed to prison until he hath made agreement with the party , and afterwards pursueth a writ of error to reverse the judgement in the hust . where although the judgement be affirmed , and the same party will sue a-another writ of error to reverse the same judgement before the justices assigned at saint martins as is aforesaid , yet nevertheless the same which is so in person must not be delivered out of prison , by ancient custom of the same city by means of any such writ of error , , until he have found sufficient sureties within the said city , or laid in the money into the court to pay him that recovered the same , if in case that the judgement be afterwards affirmed . and in case that such writ of errour be sued to reverse any judgement given in the hust . before the justices assigned at saint martins le grand , and it be commanded by writ to safe keep the parties , and to cause the record , and process to come before the same justices , then shall the parties be kept as the law requireth . but no record may be sent before the same justices , but that the mayor and aldermen shall have fourty dayes , respite by appointment of the same justices after first sessions then to advise them of the said record , and of the process of the same , and at the first sessions of the justices after fourty dayes , shall the said process and record be recorded before the same justices by mouth of the recorder of the said city . and of judgements given before the mayor and aldermen in the chamber of the guild-hall , according to the law merchant no writ of error is wont to be sued . item , by ancient custome of the said city all the liberties and priviledges , and other customes belonging to the said city , are usually recorded by mouth , and not to be sent or put elsewhere in writing . item , the citizens of london by custome of the city ought not by any writ to go out of the city in any sort to pass upon an enquest . item , the wife after the death of her husband by custome of the city shall have her frank bank ; viz. a woman after the death of her husband shall have of the rents within the same city , whereof her husband died seized in fee. and in that tenement wherein the husband and she did dwell together at the time of the death of the husband , the woman shall have to her self wholly the hall , the principal chamber , and the cellar wholly ; and shall have the use of the oven , the stable , privy and yard in common , with other necessaries thereunto belonging for her life ; and at that hour that she is married , she loseth her frank bank , and her dower of the same , saving her dower of other tenements as the law requireth . item , every freeman of the said city using trade , may by custome of the same city take an apprentice to serve him , and learn him his art , and mystery , and that by indenture to be made between him and his said apprentice , which indenture shall be examined and enrolled of record before the chamberlain of the guild-hall , and such apprentice may bind himself , or his friends may put him to a trade by their indenture , if he be of convenient age , at the discretion of the chamberlain , or mayor and aldermen , if need be . and no apprentice by custome of the said city may be bound for less term then seven years , and the indenture must be enrolled within a year after the making thereof upon a certain penalty set down . and after that such apprentice hath well and sufficiently served his term , he shall be made a freeman of the said city without other redemption , whereas no other may come by the freedome without redemption , except those which are born within the said city of what country soever they be under the obeysance of out sovereign lord the king , by custome of the said city are also free by their birth , having respect to the priviledges of the freedome ; as those which have been apprentices or otherwise been made free by redemption ; and women under covert bath using certain crafts within the city by themselves , without their husbands may take maides to be their apprentices to serve them , and teach them their trade , which apprentices shall be bound by their indenture of apprentiship to the husband and the wife , to learn the wives trade as is aforesaid . and such indenture shall be enrolled as well as the other . and note , that any one having such apprentice , may sell and devise his said apprentice to whom he will being of the same trade , as well as his chattel . item , the thames-water so far as the bounds of the freedom of the city doth stretch , is parcel of the city . and the same water and every appurtenances within the said franchize , hath alwayes been governed by the same city as parcel of the same city , as well the one part of the water as the other . and the sheriffs of london for the time being , have alwayes used to do arrests and executions at the suit of the parties in the said water of thames , viz. from the east-side of the bridge of london to recolv . and from the west part of london . bridge to stanes bridge . item , the sheriffs of london ought by custome of the city to have the forseiture of all fugitives and felons goods whatsoever , as well within the said city , as the water of thames , in and of their farm which they pay yearly to the king. item , by custome of the city no attaint is maintainable nor lieth within the city . item , by ancient custome of the same city , no man dwelling within the same city , can be taken nor led out of the city by colour or claim of villenage , before the matter be discussed by order of law. item , if a freeman of the said city coming or going with merchandize elsewhere , out of the same city , be constrained to pay toll or other custome , or that his goods be arrested or carried away wrongfully without reasonable cause and not delivered again by the governour of the town when complaint in made , and it be sufficiently testified by credible men , then if afterwards the goods or merchandizes of him that did the wrong , or the goods or merchandizes of any other of the same town where the wrong was done , be found within the city of london , it is the custome at the suggestion of the property to arrest such goods and merchandizes by the officers of the city , and to detain them in the name of a withermam until agreement be made with the said freeman for his damages sustained in that behalf , except always reasonable answer be alledged by one other party . item , the citizens of london in ancient time ordained a house called the tonne in corn-hill , whereunto the constables , beadles , and other officers , and men of the city did accustome to bring trespassours of the peace , married men and women found in adultery , and chaplains , and other religious men found openly , with common women , or married women in suspicious places , and after to bring them before their ordinaries . item , the city of london hath co●usance of pleas by the kings chartes , and the use is , that no freeman of the said city shall implead another freeman of the same city , elsewhere then in the same city , where he may recover within the said city , upon pain of losing his freedome . inem , he which is mayor of london for the time shall have an hanap , o' or a golden tanker at the coronation of every king , with other priviledges belonging to the said mayor and city , at such coronation of the king by ancient custome of the same city . item , the customes is that the kings chief butler shall be chief coroner of the city of london , which coroner useth by writ to substitute another in his place , who is called coroner before whom the indictments , and appeales within the said city are taken , and in whose name the records are made ; and all the indictments , and appeals within the said city are taken before the two sheriffs and coroners joyntly ; and the juries taken for the death of any man upon view of the corps , are gathered out of the four wards neerest , and summoned by the beadles of the same wards ; and all other juries to be taken , before the sheriffs and coroners in common , ought to be taken and summoned by the sheriffs and their officers . item , heretofore where any thief in new-gate did appeal another thief being in another goale , that thief in the other goal is to be sent by writ unto new-gate to answer to the same appeal , and to be at his delivery there . and in the same sort if a thief being in another goal do appeal another being in new-gate , or any other within the said city , the same apeallated must be brought by writ to the same goale of new-gate , to maintain his said appeal . and no thief being in new-gate taken with the manner , ought to be sent elsewhere with the manner for his deliverance but only to have his deliverance , before the mayor of london , and other justices assigned for the said goal of new-gate . item , because the burrough of southwork , and place of common stewes on the other side of the water of thames , are so hurtful to the city of london , and theeves , and other malefactours are often coming thither , and many times after their thefts , and fellonies done within the said city , they fly and retire out of the same city unto the stewes , and into southwark , out of the liberties and power of the city , and remain there doing mischief , watching their time to come back and do mischief , there the officers of the said city have used always to pursue , and search such theeves and ill doers in the same stewes and town of south-wark , as well within the liberty as without , and bring them to new gate , to stay there for their deliverances , before the justices as well for open suspition , as at the suit of the party . item , the prisoners which are condemned or arrested within the said city , and are committed to prison at the suit or the party ; and afterwards are sent by writ to the exchequer or any other the kings places with their causes , the same prisoners after they are delivered in the kings court , ought to be sent to the said city to answer to the parties , and stay there for their deliverance . item , those which have tenements within the said city , shall not be sufferd to strip or waste their tenements demeasne , nor to pull them down in deforming or defacing of the city , unless it be to amend them , or build them up again , and any that doth it , or beginneth to do it , shall be punished by the mayor and aldermen for the offence , according to the custome of the city . item , if walls , penthouses , or other houses whatsoever within the said city stretching to the high street , be so weak or feeble , that the people passing by mistrust the peril of some suddaih ruine , then after it is certified to the mayor and alderman by mason , and carpenter of the city sworn , or that it be found in the wardmore that the danger is such , then the same mayor and aldermen shall cause the parties to be warned to whom the same tenements belong , to amend them , and repair them so soon as conveniently he may ; and if after such warning they be not amended , nor begun to be amended within fourty dayes then next following , then shall the said tenements be repaired and amended at the cost and charges of the said city , untill the costs be fully levied of his goods and chattels or other his tenements if ●eed be . item , if any house be found within the said city , or the suburbs of the same , covered with straw , reed , or thatch , he to whom the house belongeth , shall pay to the sheriffs for the time being fourty shillings , and shall be compelled to take away the same covering . item , if any house within the said city be burning , so that the flame of the fire be seen out of the house , he which dwelleth in the said house shall pay to the sheriffs forty shillings in a red purse . item , the mayor , aldermen and sheriffs , and all other officers and ministers of the said city are to be chosen by the same city ; viz. at the time , when the mayor should be chosen the commons of the same city shall by custome be assembled in the guild hall , and the same commons shall make election of two honest men of the said city , of whom the one shall be mayor , and the names of the said two honest men shall be carried before the mayor and aldermen which are for the time within the chamber of the guild-hall ; and then the one of them shall be chosen to be mayor by the said mayor and aldermen by way of screame , and the said mayor so newly chosen the morrow after the feast of simon and iude , shall be presented before the bacons of the exchequer at westminster , or in their absence to the constable of the tower , and afterwards shall be presented to our sovereign lord the king himself , according to the content of the charter of the said city , and the said mayor shall have the government of the said city under the king for the year following , and the said mayor shall take fifty marks a year for the of co●n and fifty marks in time of peace of the merthants of anzens , corby , and neele , according to the ancient orders thereupon made ; and every mayor shall hold his general court at the guild hall the munday after the feast of the epiphany , and then shall be assembled , all the aldermen of the same city , and all the constables , scavengers , and beadles shall be sworn anew , well and faithfully to do their office , during the time they shall be officers , and the wardmotes held by the aldermen , and the default found , shall be then delivered up by the said aldermen in writing , and the default found in the wards shall be enquired and examined , and the mayor for the time being , by custome of the same city , for maintainance of the peace , and for the quiet of the city , hath authority to arrest and imprison the disturbers of the peace , and other malefactors , for rebellions , or lewd expences , and other defaults , according to their discretion , without being appeached , or afterwards impleaded for the same . item , no mayor shall be chosen within the said city , before that he hath been sheriff of the same city a year before , item , the mayors of london which have been for the time , are accustomed to have their sword born upright before them within the said city , and without the putting the same down in the presence of any , except the king , and that sword is called the kings sword. also the sheriffs of london are chosen by custome of the said city , on st. matthews day in the guild-hall , viz , the one shall be chosen by the mayor , and the other by the commons , and the said sheriffs shall afterwards be sworn within the said guild-hall , and the morrow after st. michal , presented into the exchequer by the constable of the tower , according to the form of the charter of the city , as is aforesaid ; and the same sheriffs shall have free election of all their officers , and of their farmours and bayliffs , as well within the city as the county of middlesex , and of the goalers of the prisons within the said city at their will , and the same sheriffs pay , and are accomptants yearly to the kings exchequer , for the farm of the said city and county of middlesex , according to the form of the said city and charter ; and by reason of that farm , the said sheriffs ought to have the ancient tolls and customes of merchandizes coming into the city , and going out of the same ; and forfeitures , fines , and amerciaments , and all other commodities of ancient time belonging to their office : and no merchandizes shall pass out of the city by land nor by water , by cart , horse , nor portage by men , without a warrant sealed by the said sheriffs ; and forreigners must pay for their issue , according to the ancient custome . item , the aldermen every year are elected at the feast of st. gregory , and sworn , and presented to the mayor , and the said aldermen are chosen by men of the same ward , which aldermen ought to keep their wardmotes . item , upon the death of the alderman of any ward , the inhabitants in the ward are to chuse a new alderman for their ward , whom they think good , and are to certifie the lord mayor of their choice , who is to declare the same to the court of aldermen at their next meeting , and then to give the ward notice of their liking of the choice ; but if it be an easie and quiet ward , then by order , either the lord mayor , or eldest knight on the bench , is to have the same ward , as alderman thereof ; yet the election is in the ward absolute of themselves , whom they will chuse . the commission and articles of the ward-mote inquest , by the mayor . to the alderman of the ward . 1. vve charge and command you , that upon st. thomas the apostle next coming , you do hold your ward-mote , and that you have afore us at our general court of aldermen to be holden in the guild-hall , the monday next after the feast or the epiphany next coming , all the defaults that shall be presented afore you by inquest in the said ward-more , and the said inquest shall have full power and authority by one whole year to inquire and present all such defaults as shall be sound within your said ward , as oftentimes as shall be thought to you expedient and needful , which we will shall be once every moneth at the least . 2. and if it happen any of your said inquest to die , or depart out of your said ward within the said year , that then in place of him or them so dying or departing out of your said ward , you cause to be chosen one able person to inquire and present with the other in man and form aforesaid . 3. and that at the said general court , you give afore us the names and surnames of all them of your said ward , that come not to your said ward-more , if they be duely warned , so that due redress and punishment of them may be had , as the case shall require according to the law. 4. and that yea do provide , that at all times convenient , covenable watch be kept : and that the lanthornes with light by nightertaile in old manner accustomed , be hanged forth , and that no man go by nightertaile without light , nor with visard , on the peril that belongeth thereto . 5. and also that you do cause to be chosen , men of the most sufficient , honest , and discreet men of your said ward , to be for your said ward of the common councel of this city for the year ensuing , according to the custome in that behalf yearly used . and also that you do cause the said men so to be chosen to be of the common councel , to be sworn before you and in your presence , according to the oath for them used , and of old time accustomed , the tenor of which oath hereafter ensueth . the oath . ye shall swear , that you shall be true to our soveraign lord the king that now is , and to his heirs and successours kings of england , and readily ye shall come when ye be summmed to the common councel of this city , but if ye be reasonably excused , and good and true councel , ye shall give in all things touching the commonwealth of this city , after your wit and cunning : and that for favour of any person ye shall maintain no singular profit against the common profit of this city , and after that you be come to the common councel , you shall not from thence depart until the common councel be ended without reasonable cause , or else by the lord mayors license . and also , any secret things that be spoken or said in the common councel which ought to be kept secret , in no wise you shall disclose as god you help . and that together with the said oath of their office , you administer to the said persons that shall be chosen of the common councel , the oaths of supremacy and allegiance , and the other oath hereafter following . i a b do utterly testifie and declare in my conscience that the kings highness is the onely supream governour of this realm ; and of all other his highnesses dominions and countries , as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes as temporal ; and that no forreign prince , person , prelate , state or potentate , hath or ought to have any iurisdiction , power , superiority , preheminence , or authority , ecclesiastical or spiritual within this realm : and therefore i do utterly renounce and forsake all forreign iurisdictions , powers , superiorities and authorities , and do promise that from henceforth , i shall bear faith and true allegiance to the kings highness , his heirs and lawful successours , and to my power shall assist and defend all iurisdictions , priviledges , preheminences and authorities , granted or belonging to the kings highness , his heirs and successours , or united and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm . so help me god , and the contents of this book . i ab do truely and sincerely acknowledge , profess , testifie and declare in my conscience before god and the world , that our soveraign lord king charles is lawful and rightful king in this realm , and of all other his majesties dominions and countries : and that the pope , neither of himself , nor by any authority of the church or see of rome , or by any other means with any other , hath any power , or authority to depose the king , or to dispose any of his majesties kingdomes , or dominions , or to authorizo any forreign prince to invade or annoy him or his countries , or to discharge any of his subjects of their allegiance and obedience to his majesty , or to give license or leave to any of them to bear arms , raise tumults , or to offer any violence or hurt to his majesties royal person , state or government , or to any of his majesties subjects within his majesties dominions . also i do swear from my heart , that notwithstanding any declaration or sentence of excommunication or deprivation made or granted , or to be made or granted by the pope , or his successours ; or by any authority derived , or pretended to be derived from him or his see , against the said king , his heirs or successours , or any absolution of the said subjects from their obedience ; i will bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty his heirs and successours , and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my power , against all conspiracies and attemps whatsoever , which shall be made against his and their persons , their crown and dignity , by reason or colour of any such sentence or declaration , or otherwise ; and will do my best endeavour to disclose , and make known unto his majesty , his heirs and successours , all treasons and traiterous conspiracies , which i shall know , or hear of to be against him or any of them . and i do further swear , that i do from my heart abhor , detest and abjure , as impious , and heretical , this damnable doctrine and position , that princes which be excommunicated or deprived by the pope , may be deposed or murthered by their subjects or any other whatsoever , and i do beleive , and in conscience am resolved , that neither the pope , nor any person whatsoever hath power to absolve me of this oath , or any part thereof , which i acknowledge by good and full authority to be lawfully administred unto me , and do renounce all pardons and dispensations to the contrary . and all these things i do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear , according to these express words , by me spoken , and according to the plain and common sense and understanding of the same words without any equivocation or mental evasion , or secret reservation whatsoever ; and i do make this recognition , and acknowledgement heartily , willingly and truely , upon the true faith of a christian . so help me god , &c. i. a. b. do declare and believe that it is not lawful , upon any pretense whatsoever to take arms against the king ; and that i do abhor that traiterous position , of taking arms by his authority against his person , or against those that are commissioned by him . so help me god. and farther , that you likewise administer to the same persons that shall be so elected of the common council , to be by them subscribed , the ensuing declaration . i. a. b. do declare , that i hold there is no obligation upon me or any other person from the oath commonly called the solemn league and covenant . and that the same was in it self an unlawful oath , and imposed upon the subjects of this realm against the known laws and liberties of the kingdome . for that otherwise , if the said persons , or any of them , that shall be elected as aforesaid of the common council shall not take the said oaths , and subscribe the said declaration , their election and choice is by the late act of parliament , for the governing and regulating of corporations , enacted and declared to be void . 6. and that also in the said wardmote , you cause to be chosen certain other honest persons to be constables , and scavengers , and a common beadle , and a raker to make clean the streets and lanes of all your said ward , according to the custome yearly used in that behalf , which constables have , and shall have ful power and authority to distrein for the sallery and quarterage of the said beadle and raker , as oftentimes as it shall be behind unpaid . 7. also , that you keep a roll of the names , sur-names , dweling-places , professions and trades of all persons dwelling within your ward , and within what constables precinct they dwell , wherein the place is to be specially noted by the street , lane , alley , or sign . 8. also that you cause every constable from time to time to certifie unto you , the name , sur-name , dwelling-place , profession , and trade of every person who shall newly come to dwell within his precinct , whereby you may make and keep your roll perfect : and that you cause every constable for his precinct to that purpose to make and keep a perfect roll in like manner . 9. also , that you give special charge , that every inholder , and other person within your ward , who shall receive any person to lodge or sojourn in his house above two dayes , shall before the third day after his coming thither , give knowledge to the constable of the precinct where he shall be so received , of the name , sur-name , dwelling-place , profession , and trade of life , or place of service of such person , and for what cause he shall come to reside there : and that the said constable give present notice thereof to you : and that the said inholder lodge no suspected person , or men or women of evil name . 10. also that you cause every constable within his precinct , once every month at the farthest , and oftner if need require , to make diligent search and inquiry , what persons be newly come into his precinct to dwell , sojourn , or lodge : and that you give special charge that no inholder or other person , shall resist or deny any constable , in making such search or inquiry , but shall do his best endeavour to aid and assist him therein . 11. and for that of late there is more resort to the city , of persons evil affected in religion , and otherwise than in former times have been : you shall diligently inquire if any man be received to dwell or abide within your ward by the space of one year , being above the age of twelve years , and not sworn to be faithfull and loyal to the kings majesty , in such sort as by the law and custom of the city he ought to be . 12. to all these purposes the beadle of every ward shall imploy his diligence , and give his best furtherance . 13. also that you have special regard that from time to time , there be convenient provision for hooks , ladders , and buckets , in meet places within the several parishes of your ward , for avoiding the peril of fire . 14. also that the streets and lanes of this city be from time to time kept clean before every church , house , shop , ware-house , door , dead wall , and in all other common passages and streets of the said ward . 15. and where by divers acts of common-councel , aforetime made and established for the common-weal of this city , amongst other things it is ordained and enacted , as hereafter ensueth . also it is ordained and enacted , that from henceforth no huckster of ale or beer , be within any ward of the city of london , but honest persons , and of good name and fame , and so taken and admitted by the alderman of the ward for the time being , & that the same hucksters do find sufficient surety afore the maior and alderm . for the time being , to be of good guiding and rule : and that the same hucksters shall keep no bawdry , nor suffer no lechery , dice-playing , carding , or any other unlawfull games , to be done , exercised , or used within their houses : and to shut in their doors at nine of the clock in the night from michaelmass to easter , and from easter to michaelmass at ten of the clock in the night , and after that hour sell none ale or beer . and if any huckster of beer or ale after this act published and proclaimed , sell any ale or beer within any ward of the city of london , and be not admitted by the alderman of the same vvard so to do , or find not sufficient surety as it is above rehearsed , the same huckster to have imprisonment , and make fine and ransome for his contempt , after the discretion of the mayor and aldermen : and also that the said hucksters suffer no manner of common eating and drinking within their cellers or vaults contrary to the ordinance thereof ordained and provided , as in the said act more plainly appeareth at large : we charge you that you do put the same in due execution accordingly . 16. and also that ye see all tiplers and other cellars of ale or beer , as well of privy osteries , as brewers and inholders within your ward , not selling by lawful measures sealed and marked with the city arms or dagger be presented , and their names in your said indentures be expressed , with defaults , so that the chamberlain may be lawfully answered of their amerciaments . 17. and also that you suffer no alien or son of any born an alien to be of the common councel , nor to exercise or use any other office within this city , nor receive or accept any person into your watch , privy or open , but englishmen born : and if any stranger born out of this realm , made denizen by the kings letters patents , or any other after his course and lot be appointed to any watch , that then ye command and compel him or them to find in his stead and place one englishman to supply the same . 18. and also , that you cause an abstract of the assize appointed by act of parliament , for billets and other fire-wood to be fair written in parchment , and to be fixed or hanged up in a table in some fit and convenient place in every parish within your ward , where the common people may best see the same . 19. and furthermore we charge & command you , that you cause such provision to be had in your said ward , that all the streets and lanes without the same ward , be from time to time cleansed and cleerly voided of ordure , dung , mire , rubbish and other filthy things whatsoever they be , to the annoyance of the kings majesties subjects . 20. and also that at all times as you shall think necessary , you do cause search to be made within your said ward , for all vagarant beggars , suspitious and idle people , and such as cannot shew how to live , and such as shall be sound within your said ward , that you cause to be punished and dealt with according to the laws and the statute in such case ordained and provided . 21. and also we will and charge you the said alderman , that your self certifie and present before us , at the same general court to be holden the aforesaid monday next after the feast of epiphany , all the names and surnames truely written of such persons within your said ward , as be able to pass in a grand jury by themselves : and also all the names and sur-names truly writen of such persons , being and dwelling within your said ward , as be able to pass in a petty jury , and not able to pass in a grand jury by themselves , that is to say every grand jury man to be worth in goods an hundred marks , and every petty jury man forty marks , according to an act in that case made and provided : and the same you shall indorce on the backside of your indenture . 22. item , for divers reasonable and urgent considerations , us especially moving , we straightly charge and command you on the king our soveraign lords behalf , that you diligently provide and foresee , that no manner of person or persons within your said ward , of what condition or degree soever he or they be of , keeping any tave●n or alehouse , ale cellat , or any other victualing house or place of common resort to eat and drink in , within the same ward permit , or suffer at any time hereafter any common women of their bodies , or harlots to resort and come into their said house , or other the places aforesaid , to eat or drink , or otherwise to be conversant or abide , or thither to haunt or frequent , upon pain of imprisonment , as well of the occupier and keeper of every such house or houses , and all other the places afore remembred , as of the said common women , or harlots . 23. also , that you do give in charge to the ward-more inquest of your ward , all the articles delivered to you herewith . and that you have a special care of keeping the peace and good order during your ward-mote , and if any offend herein , you fine or punish him and them according to law. not failing hereof , as you tender the common weal of this city , and advancement of good justice , and as you will answer for the contrary at your uttermost peril . an act for the reformation of divers abuses , used in the ward-mote inquests . vvhereas the ward-more inquests , within the several wards of this city , for the maintenance of honesty , vertue , and good living and for the abolishment , exciling , and suppressing of all kind of vice , evil rule and iniquity , according to the ancient , lawdable lawes and customes of the said city , are yearly severaly charged and sworn , upon the day of st. thomas the apostle , before the aldermen of the said wards chiefly and principally to the end and incent , that they with all diligence should truly and duely inquire and present all such enormities , nusances , misorder and offences , as are , or at any time within the space of one whole year , then next ensuing , shall be severally used , committed , or done within the said wards , and have day yearly to make their said presentments , until the monday next after the feast of the epiphany . the said inquests heretofore , little or nothing at all regarding ( as it is very manifest & not unknown , the more is the pitty ) their said oaths , or yet the great commodities , utility , quietness , honour , and worship , that might or should grow and insue to the said city and inhabitants of the same , through their good , industrious , and indifferent proceedings , for the advancement of vertue , and repressing of vices , have drawn it in a manner into a very ordinary course and common custome , to consume and spend a great part of their said time , that they have yearly given unto them , when they receive their said charge partly in setting up among themselves , a certain commons ; and making and keeping many costly and sumptuous dinners suppers , and banquets , inviting and calling to the same at sundry times , in a manner all the inhabitants of the said several wards , to the no little charges of the same inhabitants , and partly in passing and occupying much part of the same time in playing at dice , tables , cards , and such other unlawful games both to the great costs , charges , and expences , of the said inquests ( whereof the greater part most commonly are but poor men ) and also to the very lewd , pernitious , and evil example of all such as have any access or recourse unto the same inquests . and where also the said inquests have of late usurped to dispense with such persons as they by their search , and otherwise , have founden to offend and transgress the laws , in using and occupying of unlawful weights and measures taking of the said offendors certain fines ( as it is said ) the said inquests have commonly used to imploy toward the maintenance of their said feasting and banqueting , directly against the due order of our soveraign lord the kings laws , and the publick wealth of all his highness subjects within the said city and much to the reproach and dishonour of the same city . for remedy and reformation thereof , be inordained , enacted , and established by the lord mayor , aldermen , and commons , in this present common councel assembled , and by authority of the same , that all and every the wardmore inquests of the said city , from henceforth to be yearly charged and sworn within the several wards at the time afore rehearsed , shall at all times and places meet and convenient for the due execution of their said charge , meet and assemble themselves together , and that they and every of them after their said meetings , inquisition , and treating of their said necessary matters , shall go home to their own several houses to breakfast , dinner , and supper , duting all the said accustomed time of their charge and session abovesaid . and that none of the said inquests shall from henceforward set up any manner of commons , or keep or maintain any manner of dinners , suppers , or banquets among themselves , or use at their said assemblies and sessions , any of the games above mentioned , or any other whatsoever unlawful games or playes at any time , before the giving up of the said presentments , at the time above remembred . or shall take or receive any manner of fine or fines , for the concealment and discharging of any of the offences afore recited : but truly present the same offences , and every of them , according to their oaths , upon pain of imprisonment by the discretion of the lord mayor and aldermen of the said city for the time being . provided always and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that it shall be lawful for all and every of the said inquests , to take and receive towards the charges of their fire and candles , and other necessaries during the time of their said session , all and every such sums of money , as any honest person or persons of their free will and benevolent mind , will give and offer unto them : and when they have made their said presentments , to go and assemble themselves together , for their recreation and solace , where they shall think it good : and there not only to bestow and spend the twenty shillings , which every alderman within his ward according to a certain order lately taken , shall yearly give unto them at the time of the delivery of their said presentments , towards their said charges in this behalf , but also the residue of the said money received and gathered , as it is aforesaid , of the benevolence of their said loving friends , if any such residue shall fortune to remain . any clause or article in this present act contained to the contrary notwithstanding . not failing hereof , as ye tender the common weal of this city , and advancement of good justice , and as ye will answer for the contrary at your uttermost peril . the articles of the charge of the ward-mote inquest . 1. ye shall swear , that ye shall truly inquire if the peace of the king our soveraign lord be not kept as it ought to be , and in whose default , and by whom it is broken or disturbed . 2. also , if there dwell any man within the ward , that is outlawed or indited of treason , or fellony , or be any receiver of traitors or fellons . 3. also , ye shall inquire and truly present all the offences and defaults done by any person or persons within the river of thames , according to the intent and purport of an act made by our late soveraign lord king edward the sixth , in his high court of parliament , and also of divers other things ordained by act of common councel of this city , for the redress and amendment of the said river which as now is in great decay and ruine , and will be in short time past all remedy if high and substantial provision and great help be not had with all speed and diligence possible : as more plainly appeareth in the said act of parliament , and the said act of common councel of this city . 4. also , if any manner of person make congregation , or be receiver or garherer of evil companies . 5. also if any man be a common riotor , or a barrator walking by nightertale without light , against the rule and custome of this city . 6. also , if there be any man within this ward that will not help , aid , ne succour the constables , beadle , and other ministers of this city in keeping of the peace , and arrest the evil dooers with rearing of hue and cry. 7. also , if there be any huckster of ale and beer , that commonly useth to receive any apprentices , servants , artificers or labourers , that commonly use to play at the dice , cards , or tables , contrary to the form of the statute in that case ordained and provided . 8. also , if there be any inholder , taverner , brewer , huckster , or other victualer , that hold open their houses after the hour limited by the mayor . 9. also , if any parish clark do ring the bell called the curfue bell , after curfue rungen at the churches of bow , barking church , saint brides , and saint gile's without cripplegate . 10. also , ye shall inquire if any putour , that is to say , man-baud , or woman-baud , common hazerdours , contectour , maintainer of quarrels , champartours , or embracers of inquests , or other common misdoers be dwelling within this ward , and present their names . 11. also , if any baud , common strumpet common adulterer , witch , or common scold be dwelling within this ward . 12. also , if there be any house , wherein is kept and holden any hot-house , or sweating-house , for ease and health of men to the which be resorting or conversant any strumpers , or women of evil name , or fame , or if there be any hothouse or sweating ordained for women , to the which is any common recourse of young men , or other persons of evil fame and suspect conditions . 13. also , if there be any such persons that keep or hold any such hot-houses , either for men or women , and have found no surety to the chamberlain for their good and honest behaviour according to the laws of this city , and lodge any manner of person by night contrary to the ordinance thereof made by the which he or they shall forfeit o● twenty pounds to the chamber if they do the contrary . 14. also , if any manner of person cast or lay dung , ordure , rubbish , seacole-dust , rushes , or any other thing noiant , in the river of thames , walbrook , flett , or other ditches of this city , or in the open streets , ways or lanes , within this city . 15. also , if any person in or after a great rain falleth , or at any other time sweep any dung , ordure , rubbish , rushes , seacole-dust , or any other thing noyant , down into the channel of any street or lane , whereby the common course there is let , and the same things noyant driven down into the said water of thames . 16. also , if any manner of person nourish or keep hogges , oxen , kine , ducks or any beasts within this ward , to the greivance and disease of their neighbours . 17. also , where afore this time it is ordained and enacted as hereafter followeth . item , for to eschew the evils of misgoverned persons that dayly when they be indebted in one ward , fly into another : it is ordained by the mayor and aldermen that as soon as a man or woman suspect , first do come to dwell within any house , in any ward within the city , the constables , beadles , or oother officers of the same , shall be charged by their oaths , at the general court , to inquire and espie from whence they come . and if they find by their own confession , or by the record of any of the books of any alderman of the city , that they be indited or cast of evil & noyous life , and will not find surely for their good abeating and honest governance to the alderman for the time being , that then they shall not dwell there from thenceforth , but shall be warned to aviod within three or four dayes , or more , or less after , as it shall be seen to the alderman of the wa● for the time being , and that the land lo● that letteth the house or his attorney shall be also warned to make them ●● avoid out of his house aforesaid , with the said time limited by the alderman and if they be sou● there after the tim● that then not only the said dishone●● persons shall have imprisonment of the bodies after the discretion of the mayo● and aldermen , but also the said land lords , letters of the said houses , shal● forfeit to the guild hall , as much as they should have had for letting of the said house , or should be paid by the year , if the said persons or others had dwelled in the said house : you shall duly enquire of offences against this act , and present them . 18. also , if any freeman against his oath made , conceal , cover , or colour the goods of forraigners , by the which the king may in any wise lose , or the franchises of this city be imblemished . 19. also , if any forreigner buy and sell with any other forreigner within this city or the subburbs thereof , any goods or merchandizes , be forthwith forfeit , to the use of the commonalty of this city . 20. also , if every freeman , which receiveth or taketh the benefit , and enjoyeth the franchises of this city , be continually dwelling out of the city , and hath not , ●e will not ( after his oath made ) be at scot and lot , nor partner in the charges of this city , for the worship of the same city , when he is duly required . 21. also , if any man conceal the goods of orphans of this city , of whom the ward and marriage of right belongeth to the mayor and aldermen of this city . 22. and if any officer by colour of his office , do extortion unto any man , or be maintainer of quarrels against right , or take carriage , or arrest victual unduly . 23. also , if any boteman or feriour be dwelling in the ward , that taketh more for botemanage or feriage , then is ordained . 24. also , if any man make purprest●res , that is to say , incroach , or take of the common ground of this city , by land or by water , as in walls , pales , stoops , grieces or dores of cellars , o● in any other like within the ward , o● if any porch , penthouse or jetty be to● low , in letting of men that ride beside or carts that go thede forth . 25. also , that penthouses and je●ties be at the least the height of nine foot and that the stalles be not but of two foot and a half in breadth , and to be flexible or moveable , that is to say , to hang by icmewes or garnets , so that they may be taken up and let down . 26. also , if any common way or common course of water be foreclosed or letted , that it may not have his course as it was wont , to the noyance of the ward , and by whom it is done . 27. also , if any pavement be defective , or too high in one place , and too low in another , to the disturbance of riders and goers thereby , and carte that go thereupon . 28. also , if any regrator or forestaller of victual , or of any other merchandizes which should come to this city to be sold , be dwelling in this ward : a regrator is as much to say , as he that buy-up all the victual , or merchandizes , or the most part thereof when it is come to the city or the suburbs of the same at a low price , and then afterwards selleth it at his own pleasure , at a high and excessive price : a forestaller is he that goeth out of the city , and meeteth with the victual and merchandize by the way , coming unto the city to be sold , and there buyeth it , both these be called in the law inimici publici patriae , which is to say , open enemies to a country . 29. also , if any butcher , fishmonger , poulter , vintner , hostler , cook or sellar of victual , do sell victual at unreasonable prizes . 30. also , if any hostler sell hay oats or provender at excessive prizes , taking greater gain thereby then is reasonable and lawful . 31. also , if any victualler sell any victuals not covenable , or unwholesome for mans body , or else dearer then is proclaimed by the mayor , when any such proclamation is or shall be . 32. ye shall diligently make search and inquity , whether there be any vintner , inholder , alehouse-keeper , or any other person or persons whatsoever within your ward , that do use or keep in his or their house , or houses , any cans , stone pots , or other measures which be unsealed , and by law not allowed to sell beer or ale thereby , and whether they do sell any of their best beer or ale , above a penny the quart , or any small ale or beer above a half-penny the quart , and whether any of them do sell by any measure not sealed . if there be any such you shall seize them , and send them to the guild hall to the chamberlains office , and present their names and faults by indenture , so oft as there shall be any occasion so to do . 33. ye shall also make search in the shops and houses of all the chandlers , and of all others , which sell by weight or measure , dwelling within your ward , and see that their scales be not one heavier then another , and that their weights and measures aswel bushels as lesser measures , aswel those that they sell sea-coales by , ( which ought to be heaped ) that they be in breadth according to the new standard , sealed as all others , and that all yards and ells that they be their just lengths and sealed that the poor and other his majesties subiects be not deceived , and further , if any do buy by one weight or measure , and sell by others : and if in your search you find any false weights , measures , or scales , ye shall seize them and send them unto the guild-hall to the chamberlain : and you shall also do the like if you shall find any that do sell any thing by venice weights , contrary to the law and his majesties proclamations , present their names and faults . 34. also , if any inholder bake any bread to sell within his house : and if any baker of sower bread , bake white bread to sell , or mark not his bread , or else take more for the baking then six pence for a bushel . 35. also ye shall inquire , if any house be covered otherwise then with tile , stone , lead , for peril of fire . 36. also , if any leaper , faitour , or mighty begger be dwelling with in this ward . 37. also , if any baker or brewer , bake or brew with straw , or any other thing which is perillous for fire . 38. also , if any mango with painted visage . 39. also , if there be any man that hangeth nor out a lantern with a candle therein burning after the usage , according to the commandement thereupon given . 40. also , if any person bring or cause to be brought to this city or the liberties thereof , to be sold or sell , offer or put to saile any tallwood , billets , faggots , or other firewood , not being of the full assize which the same ought to hold . 41. also , if any freeman of this city , use to resort into the countries near to this city , and there to ingross and buy up much billet , talwood , faggot , tosard , or other firewood , and convey the same by water unto this city , and there lay it upon their wharfs and other places , and so keep it till they may sell it at high and excessive prizes , at their own wills . 42. also , if any woodmonger , or any other ; sell any billets or other fire-wood above the price set by the lord mayor . 43. also , if any citizen of this city by himself , or any other person for him , or to his use , use to resort into the country , and there buy and ingross greav quantity of cheese and butter at wellbarrelled as otherwise , and after conveigh it by water or otherwise to this city to be sold at deer and excessive prizes . 44. also , forasmuch as it is thought that divers and many persons dwelling within the liberties of this city , dayly occupy as freemen , whereas indeed they be none , nor never were admitted into the liberties of this city , ye shall therefore require every such person dwelling within this ward , whom ye shall suspect of the same , to shew you the copy of his freedome under the seal of office of the chamberlain of the said city , and such as ye shall find without their copies , or deny to shew their copies , ye shall write and present their names in your indentures . 45. also , you shall inquire and truly present all such persons as use melting of tallow , contrary to an act of common councel in that case made and provided . 46. also , you shall inquire of all armorers and other artificers using to work in mettal , which have or use any reardorses , or any other places dangerous or perillous for fire . 47. also , if any have appraised any goods of any freeman deceased , leaving behind him any orphan or orphans , and the appraisers not sworn before the lord mayor or the alderman of the ward . 48. also , if any freeman buy any wares or merchandizes unweighed , which ought to be weighed at the kings beam , of any stranger or forreign free of the liberties of this city , contrary to the act of common councel in that case made and provided . 49. also , if any buy and sell any cloth or clothes in the house , shop , ware-house , or other place of any clothworker or other person against any ordinance or custome of this city , or if any clothworker or other do receive or harbour any clothes before the same be brought to blackwell-hall , contrary to the ordinance made in that behalf . 50. also , if any carman take any money for carriage of any goods , wares , or merchandizes , above the rates ordained . 51. also , if any make or cause to be made any new building or buildings or divided or cause to be divided any house or houses , or receive any inmate or inmates , contrary to law , or any statute of this realm . 52. also , if any be dwelling within this ward , which do offer or put to sale any wares or merchandizes in the open streets or lanes of this city , or go from house to house to sell the same , commonly called hawkers contrary to an act made in that behalf . 53. also , if any have covenously , fraudulently , or unduely obtained the freedome of this city . 54. also , if any collector of fifteens or other duties for the publike service of the king or of this city , do retain in his hands any part of the money collected to his own use . 55. ye shall also enquire if there be dwelling within your ward any woman broker , such as resort unto mens houses , demanding of their maid servants if they do like of their services : if not , then they will tell them that they will help them to a better service , and so allure them to come from their masters to their houses , where they abide as boorders until they be provided for . in which time it falleth out that by lewd young men that resort to those houses they be oftentimes made harlots to their utter undoing and the great hurt of the common wealth : wherefore if any such be , you shall present them , that order may be taken for reformation . 56. also , if any have or use any common privy , having lssne into any common sewer of the city . 57. also , if any constable , beadle , or other officer , be negligent or remiss in discharging his duty , touching the execution of the statute made for punishment of rogues , vagabons , and study beggars , or otherwise , and wherein the default is , and the statute of 1. 4. and 21. iae. concerning the restraint of inordinate haunting and tipling in innes and alehouses , and repressing of drunkeness and other offences in the same statute , and wherein the default is . 58. also , if any to whom the execution of the statute made for relief of the poor doth appertain . he remiss in discharging his duty touching the execution of the same statute , and wherein default is . 59. also , if any executor or other person retain in his hands any legacy , sum of money , or other thing given to any charitable use . 60. ye shall inquire whether there be within your ward any common drunkard , whoremonger , blasphemer of gods holy name , prophaner of the sabbath , jesuite , seminary or secular priest or any receiver , releiver or maintainer of any of them , or any popish recusant , cozener , or swaggering idle companion , such as cannot give account how they live ; if there be any such you shall present them and the names of those that lodge them , or aid them . 61. ye shall also enquire , whether any person or persons do or shall say or sing mass within your ward , or be present at any mass . 62. also , if any person or persons within your ward being evil affected , do or shall extol the roman catholick religion above the religion professed and established by the kings majesties authority in england , or do or shall deprave the religion now professed in this realm by authority , as above , which may breed discord in the city , and dissention in the common wealth , ye shall carefully present the same persons and their offences . 63. also , if any person or persons that keepeth horses in their houses , do lay his or their stable dung , or such kind of stinking filth in any streets or lanes of this city , to the great annoyance of the people passing that way and do not lead his dung cart at his stable door as he ought to do . 64. you shall assemble your selves once every moneth or oftner if need require , so long as you shall continue of this inquest , and present the defaults which you shall find to be committed concerning any of the articles of your charge , to the end due remedy may be speedily supplied , and the offenders punished as occasion shall require . 65. and in making your presentments , your clerk is carefully to write the christian name , sur-name and addition , or calling of every offender , and the name of the parish wherein the offence was committed and some certain , time , how long the offence hath been continued and in presenting any persons , for dividing houses or inmates , to write the names and addition to the present landlord receiving the rent , and the names of the tenants in possession , and of the inmate in any house , and also to write in the margent on the side of every presentment the name or names , upon whose evidence you make such presentment . an act of parliament for the preservation of the river of thames , made in the 27. year of king henry the 8. vvhere before this time the river of thames , among all rivers within this realm , hath been accepted and taken , and as it is indeed most commodious and profitable unto all the kings liege people : and chiefly of all other frequented and used , and as well by the kings highness , his estates , and nobles , merchants , and other repairing to the city of london , and other places , shires and counties adjoyning to the same : which river of thames is and hath been most meet and convenient of all other , for the safegard and ordering of the kings navy , conveighance o● merchandizes , and other necessaries to , and for the kings most honourable houshold , and otherwise , to the great relief and comfort of all persons within this realm , till now of late divers evil-disposed persons , partly by miso●dering of the said river , by casting in of dung and other filth , laid nigh to the banks of the said river , digging and undermining of the banks and walls next adjoyning to the same river , carrying and converghing away of way-shides , shore-piles , boards , timber-work , ballast for ships , and other things from the said banks and walls in sundry places : by reason whereof , great shelfes and risings have of late been made and grown in the farway of the said river , and such grounds as lye within the level of the said water-mark , by occasion thereof have been surrounded and overflown by rage of the said water , and many great breaches have ensued and followed thereupon , and dayly are like to do , and the said river of thames to be utterly destroyed for ever , if convenient and speedy remedy be not sooner provided in that behalf . for reformation whereof , be it enacted , established , and ordained by the king , our soveraign lord , and by the assent of the lords spiritual and temporal , and the commons in this present parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same ; that if any person or persons hereafter , do or procure any thing to be done in the annoying of the stream of the said river of thames , making of shelves by any manner of means , by mining , digging , casting of dung , or rubbish or other thing in the same river , or take , pluck , or conveigh away any boards , stakes , piles , timberwork , or other thing from the said banks or walls , except it be to amend , and the same to repair again , or dig or undermine any banks or walls on the water side of thames aforesaid , to the hurt , impairing or damage of any the said walls & banks , then the same person or persons , and every of them , shall forfeit and pay for every time so offending , one hundred shillings : the one moyety thereof to be to the king our soveraign lord , and the other moyety thereof to the mayor and commonalty of london for the time being , the same to be recovered & obtained by the mayor & commonalty of london , by bill or plaint , writ of debt or information severally against every offender in any of the kings courts , in which actions and suits , or any of them , the party defendant , shall not be essoyned or wage his law , or any protection to be allowed in the same . and it is further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that if complaint shall happen to be made to the lord chancellour of england , lord treasurer , lord president of the kings councel , lord privy seal , or to any of them by any person or persons or body politick , that sir thomas spert knight , now having the office and ordering , of , & for ballasting of ships or any other that hereafter shall have the office and order of ballasting of ships do take any ballast for ships near the said river of thames , and do not take for parcel of the said ballasting the gravel and sand of the shelfes between greenhith and richmond within the said river of thames , or in any place or places , that is or shall be unto the damage or annoyance of the said river of thames , or in any part thereof , that then upon every such complaint the said lord chancellour , lord treasurer , lord president of the kings most honourable councel , lord privy seal , and every of them , calling both the cheif justices of either bench , or one of them , shall have power and authority from time to time , to hear and finally determine every such complaint , by their discretion , and to put such order therein , for the taking of ballast for ships upon every such complaint as by their discretions shall seem most convenient for the preservation of the said river of thames : and the parties offending such order , shall suffer imprisonment , and make no less fine then five pound to the kings use for every time offending or breaking the same . provided alwayes , and be it enacted , that it shall be lawful to every person and persons , to digge carry , and take away , sand , gravel , or other rubbish earth , or thing lying or being in , or upon any shelfe or shelfes within the said river of thames , with out let or interruption of any person or persons , or paying any thing for the same , any thing contained in this present act , to the contrary notwithstanding . an act of common councel concerning the conservation and cleansing of the river of thames , made the 28. of september , in the 30. year of king henry the 8. vvhere by the statute made in the 27. year of the raign of our soveraign lord king henry the eight among other for reformation of the misordering of the river of thames by casting in dung and other filth , many great shelves and other risings have been of late grown and made within the same river : by reason whereof , many great breaches have ensued by occasion thereof , which of like shall be the occasion of the utter destruction of the said river , unless that the same law be put in due execution according to the true intent and meaning thereof . wherefore for a further reformation of the same and to the intent that the said good and wholesome statute may be put in more execution , and better knowledge of the people : it is enacted by the authority of this common councel , that proclamation may be made within this said city : and the same to be put in writing and tables thereof made and and set up in divers places of this city , that it shall be lawfully to every person or persons , to dig , carry away , and take away sand , gravel , or any rubbish , earth , or any thing lying or being in any shelve or shelves within the said river of thames , without let or interruption of any person or persons , and without any thing paying for the same , and after that to sell the same away , or otherwise occupy or dispose the said gravel , sand , or other thing , at their freeliberty and pleasure . and that all paviers , bricklayers , tilers , masons , and all other that shall occupy sand , or gravel , shall endeavour themselves , with all their diligence , to occupy the said sand or gravel , and none other , paying for the same reasonably , as they should and ought to pay for other sand or gravel , digged out of other mens grounds , about the said city , which after is filled again with much filthy things , to the great infection of the inhabitants of the said city , and all other repairing unto the same . and that further , humble suit may be made to the kings highness , that all persons having lands or tenements along the said river side , upon certain pain by his highness , and the lords of his most honourable councel to be limited , shall well and sufficiently repair and maintain all the walls and banks adjoyning unto their said lands , that so the water may not , nor shall break in upon the same : and the same to be continued till the time that the said noble river be brought again to his old course and former estate . and that strong grates of iron along the said water-side , and also by the street-side , where any watercourse is had into the said thames be made by the inhabitants of every ward , so along the said water as of old time hath been accustomed . and that every grate be in height four and twenty inches at the least : or more , as the place shall need , and in breadth one from another , one inch : and the same to be done with all expedition and speed . and if the occupiers of the said lands and tenements make default contrary to the ordinance asoresaid : or else if any person or persons in great rains and other times , sweep their soylage or filth of their houses into the channel , and the same after is conveighed into the thames ; every person so offending , shall forfeit for every such default twenty pence , and that upon complaint to be made to any constable , next adjoyning to the said place where any such default shall be found , it shall be lawful for the said constable , or his sufficient deputy for the time being , from time to time distrain for the same offence . and to retain the same irreplegiable , and like law to be observed and kept . and like penalty to be paid for every person that burn rushes and straw in their houses , or wash in the common streets or lanes , and to be recovered as aforesaid , and the one moyety thereof to be to the mayor and commonalty , and the other moyety to be divided between the said constable that taketh pain and the party finder of the said default . and if the constable or his deputy refuse to do his duty according to the true meaning of this act , that then the constable or his deputy , which shall so refuse to his duty as aforesaid , shall forfeit and pay for every time so offending , three shillings four pence . and the same penalty of the said constable to be recovered and obtained by distress irreplegiable , to be taken by any of the officers of the chamber of london to the use of the mayor and commonalty of london . and further , that no person or persons having any wharfe or house by the said water-side , make not their laystalles nigh to the river aforesaid , except only the common laystalles , where the common rakets of this city use to repose , and lay all their soylage , to be carried away by them with their dung-boats . and that the said rakets shall lay their said dung , carried in their dung-boats , to such convenient place or places , as shall be appointed by the lord mayor of london for the time being , with the advice of his brethren the aldermen of the same , and to no other place or places , upon pain to forfeit for every such default five pound , to be recovered in any of the kings courts within the city of london , by bill , plaint , moyety of debt , or information by any person that will or shall pursue for the same : the one moyety thereof to be unto the mayor and commonalty of london , and the other moyety to him or them that will or shall pursue for the same , in which actions or suits , no wager of law nor essoygn shall be allowed . the oath of the constables within the city of london . ye shall swear , , that ye shall keep the peace of our soveraign lord the king , well and lawfully after your power . and ye shall arrest all them that make contect , riot , debate , or afray , in breaking of the said peace , and lead them to the house or the compter of one of the sheriffs . and if ye be withstood by strength of misdooers , ye shall rear on them an out-cry , and pursue them from street to street , and from ward to ward till they be . arrested : and ye shall search at all times , when ye be required by the scavengers or beadles , the common noysance of your ward . and the beadle and raker you shall help to reare and gather their sallery and quarterage if ye be thereunto by them required . and if any thing be done within your ward against the ordinance of this city , such defaults as ye shall find there done , ye shall them present to the mayor and ministers of the city : and if ye be letted by any person or persons , that ye may not duly do your office , ye shall certifie the mayor and councel of the city , of the name or names of him or them that so let you . ye shall also swear , that during the time that ye shall stand in the office , and occupy the room of a constable , ye shall once at the least every moneth , certifie and shew to one of the clarks of the mayors court , and in the same court , as well the names as sur-names of all free men ; which ye shall know to be deceased within the moneth in the parish wherein ye be inhabited , as also the names and sur-names of all the children of the said free-men so deceased , being orphans of this city . and thus you shall not leave to do , as god you help . &c. god save the king. the oath of the scavengers . ye shall swear , that ye shall diligently over-see that the pavements within your ward be well and sufficiently repaired and not made too high in noysance of your neighbours : and that the wayes , streets , & lanes be cleansed of dung & all manner of filth for the honesty of this city . and that all the chimnies , furnaces , and reredoes be of stone sufficiently and defensively made against peril of fire . and if ye find any the contrary , ye shall shew it to the alderman of the ward , so that the alderman may ordain for the amendment thereof . and thus ye shall do , as god you help . god save the king. the oath of every freeman of this city of london . ye shall swear that ye shall be good and true to our soveraign lord king charls , and to the heirs of our said soveraign lord the king. obeysant and obedient ye shall be to the mayor and ministers of this city , the franchises and customes thereof ye shall maintain , and this city keep harmless in that which in you is . ye shall be contributory to all manner of charges within this city , as summons , watches , contibutrions , taxes , tallages , lot and scot , and to all other charges bearing your part as a freeman ought to do . ye shall colour no forraign goods , under , or in your name , whereby the king or this city might or may lose their customes or advantages . ye shall know no forraigner to buy and sell any merchandize with any other forraigner within this city or franchise thereof , but ye shall warn the chamberlain thereof , or some minister of the chamber , ye shall implead or sue no freeman out of this city , whiles ye may have right and law within the same city . ye shall take none apprentice , but if he be free born ( that is to say ) no bond-mans son , nor the son of any alien , and for no less term then for seven years , without fraud or deceit : and within the first year ye shall cause him to be enrolled , or else pay such a fine as shall be reasonably imposed upon you for omitting the same : and after his terms end , within convenient times ( being required ) ye shall make him free of this city , if he have well and truly served you . ye shall keep the kings peace in your own person . ye shall know no gatherings , conventicles , or conspiracies made against the kings peace , but ye shall warn the mayor thereof , or let it to your power . all these points and articles ye shall well and truely keep , according to the laws and customes of this city to your power . so god you help . god save the king. an act of common councel 1. of june , 18. k. h. 8. concerning making freemen of the city , against colouring forreign goods . at this common councel , it is agreed , granted , ordained and enacted , that if hereafter any freeman or free-woman of this city , take any apprentice , and within the term of seven years suffer the same apprentice to go at his large liberty and pleasure : and within , or after the said term , agree with his said apprentice for a certain sum of money , or otherwise for his said service , and within or after the end of the said term , the said freeman present the said apprentice to the chamberlain of the city , and by good deliberation , and upon his oath made to the same city , the same freeman or freewoman assureth and affirmeth to the said chamberlain , that the said apprentice hath fully served his said term as apprentice . or if any freeman or freewoman of this city , take any apprentice , which at the time of the said taking hath any wife . or if any freeman or freewoman of this city , give any wages to his or her apprentice , or suffer the said apprentices to take any part of their own getting or gains . or if any freeman or freewoman of this city hereafter , colour any forreign goods , or from henceforth buy or sell for any person or persons , or with or to any person or persons , being forreign , or forreigners , cloths , silks , wine , oyles , or any other goods or merchandize whatsoever they be ; whether he take any thing or things for his or their wages or labor , or not . or if any person or persons being free of this city , by any colour or deceitful means from henceforth , do buy , sell , or receive of any apprentice within this city , any mony , goods , merchandize , or wares , without the assent or license of his master or masters : and upon examination duly proved before the chamberlain of the said city for the time being . and the same reported by the mouth of the said chamberlain at a court to be holden by the mayor and the aldermen of the same city in their councel chamber : that aswel the said master as the said apprentice , shall for evermore be dis●anchised . god save the king. the statutes of the streets of this city , against annoyances . 1. first , no man shall sweep the filth of the street into the channel of the city , in the time of any rain , or at any other time , under pain of six shillings eight pence . 2. no man shall cast , or lay in the streets , dogs , cats , or other carren , or any noysome thing contagious of air. nor no inholder shall lay out dung out of his house , but if the cart be ready to carry the same away incontinently , under pain of forty shillings . 3. no brewer shall cast willfully dregs or dross of ale or beer into the channel , under pain of two shillings . 4. no man shall encumber the streets with timber , stones , carts , or such like , under pain of forfeiture of the same thing that so encumbreth the streets , which is twenty shillings fine , if he remove it not at the warning of the serjeant of the market . 5. every builder of houses ought to come to the mayor , aldermen and chamberlain , for a special license for hourd of by him to be made in the high street , and no builder to encumber the streets with any manner of thing , taking down for the preparing of his new building under pain of forty shillings , except he make a hourd of sorty shillings . 6. no man shall set any carts in the streets by night time , under the pain of twelve pence , and recompence to such persons as shall be hurt thereby , if any such be , twelve pence . 7. no budge-man shall lead but two horses , and he shall not let them go unled , under pain of two shillings . 8. no man shall ride , or drive his car , or cart atrot in the street , but patiently , under pain of two shillings . 9. no man shall gallop his horse in the street , for wager or otherwise , under like pain of two shillings . 10. no man shall shoot in the street , for wager or otherwise , under like pain of two shillings . 11. no man shall bowl , or cast any stone in the street , for wager , or gain , or such like , under pain of two shillings . 12. no man shall dig any hole in the street , for any matter , except he stop it up again , under pain of two shillings and recompence to any person hurt thereby , two shillings . 13. no man bury any dung , or goung , within the liberties of this city , under pain of forty shillings . 14. goung-fermour shall carry any ordure till after nine of the clock in the night , under pain of thirteen shillings four pence . 15. no goung-fermour shall spill any ordure in the street , under pain of thirteen shillings four pence . 16. no man shall bait bull , bear , or horse in the open street , under pain of twenty shillings . 17. no man shall have any kine , goats , hogs , pigs , hens , cocks , capons , or ducks in the open street , under pain of forfeiture of the same . 18. no man shall maintain any biting curs , or mad dogs , in the streets , under pain of two shillings , and recompence unto every party hurt therewith , two shillings . 19. no carts that shall be shod with spig-nails that shall come upon the streets of this city , under pain of three shillings four pence . 20. no carts using dayly cartiage within this city , nor car shall have wheels shod with iron , but bare , under pain of six shillings . 21. no man shall burn any straw rusnes , or other thing , linnen or woollen , in the streets , by night or by day , under pain of three shillings four pence . 22. no man shall blow any horn in the night within this city , or whistle after the hour of nine of the clock in the night , under pain of imprisonment . 23. no man shall use to go with vizards , or disguised by night , under like pain of imprisonment . 24. that night-walkers , and eve● droppers , indure like punishment . 25. no hammer-man , as a smith , pewterer , a founder , and all artifice making great sound , shall not work a●ter the hour of nine in the night , not ●●fore the hour of four in the morning under pain of three shillings four pence . 26. no man shall cast into the ditches of this city , or the sewers of this city , without the walls , or into the walls , grates , or gullets , of this city , any manner of carren , stinking flesh , rotten fish , or any rubbish , dung , sand , gravel , weeds , stones , or any other thing to stop the course of the same , under pain of cleansing them at his own cost and charge , under pain of imprisonment . 27. no man shall make any widrawces in any of the town-ditches , or the town-gullets , under the pain of twenty shillings . 28. no man shall build nigh the walls of this city , without license of the lord mayor , aldermen , and chamberlain , under pain of throwing down the same , and no licence may be granted except that the chamberlain freely at all times have convenient and needful ingross , and entry , going out , and clear recourse . 29. no man shall go in the streets , by night or by day , with bow bent ; or arrows under his girdle , nor with sword unscabberd , under pain of imprisonment ; or with hand-gun having therewith powder and match except it be in an usual may-game , or sight . 30. no man shall after the hour of nine at the night , keep any rule whereby any such sudden out-cry be made in the still of the night , as making any affray , or beating his wife , or servant , or singing , or revelling in his house , to the disturbance of his neighbours , under pain of three shillings four pence . 31. no man shall make an affray upon any officer , which with good demeanour doth his message by commandment from my lord mayor , or any alderman , or mr. sheriffs , or mr. chamberlain , or misbehave himself in any rayling upon any judge of this city , or their officers , which by commandement are sent to bring any breaker of this law and custome to ward , or to distress , or such like , upon pain of imprisonment of forty dayes , and forfeiture of the double penalty : for the offences assessing , railing upon any alderman , or mayor in his office is judgement of the pillory : railing upon mr. chamberlain in his office , forty dayes imprisonment : beating , threatning , and railing of an officer , is imprisonment after the trespass is . 32. memorandum , that every offence found in this city , it is accustomed that the officer , a freeman , finding it , which is called primus inventor , hath half the penalty by the grace of the court. 33. also every freeman may find any offence , but he hath no power to bring the party before any judge of this city , without an officer , except the party will come to his answer by free will. 34. no man hath power to arrest , attach , or make distress of any goods sorfeitable , or offences , except the constable or serjeant of the mace. 35. no butcher or his servant shall not use to drive any oxe or oxen atrot in the streets , but peaceably : and if an oxe happen to be let go when he is prepared to slaughter , the butcher shall forfeit two shillings besides recompence if any person be hurt thereby . 36. no butcher shall scald hogs , but in the common scalding-house , upon pain of six shillings eight pence . 37. no butcher shall sell any measel hog , or unwholesome flesh under pain of ten pounds . 38. no butcher shall sell any old stale victual ; that is to say , above the slaughter of three dayes in the winter , and two in the summer , under pain of ten pounds . 39. none unreasonable victual for all manner of victuals . 40. no victualler of this city shall shall give any rude or unsetting language , or make any clamour upon any man or woman in the open market , for cheapning of victual , under pain of three shillings four pence . 41. no butcher shall cast the inwards of beasts into the streets cleaves of beasts feet , bones , horns of sheep , or other such like , under pain of two shillings . 42. the pudding-cart of the shambles shall not go afore the hour of nine in the night , or after the hour of five in the morning , under pain of six shillings eight pence . 43. no man shall cast any urine-boles , or ordure-boles , into the streets by day or night , afore the hour of nine in the night : and also he shall hot cast it out , but bring it down , and lay it in the channel , under the pain of three shillings four pence . and if he do cast it upon any persons head , the party to have a lawful recompence , if he have hurt thereby . 44. no man shall hurt , cut , or destroy any pipes , sesperals , or windvents pertaining to the conduit , under pain of imprisonment , and making satisfaction , though he doth it out of the city , if he may be taken within the city . 45. no man within this city may make any quill and break any pipe of the conduit coming through his house , or nigh his ground , under pain of the pillory or take any water privily unto his house . 46. casting any corrupt thing , appoysoning the water , lourgulary and fellony . 47. whosoever destroy or perish any cocks of the conduit , must have imprisonment and make satisfaction . old laws and customes of this city . 48. no man shall set up shop or occupy as a freeman afore he be sworn in the chamber of london , and admitted by the chamberlain , under pain of . 49. no man shall set over his apprentice to any other person , but by license of master chamberlain , and there to be set over , under pain of . 50. no man which is a forreign , shall not buy nor sell within the liberties of this city with any other forreign , under pain of forfeiture of the goods so forreign bought and sold . 51. no freeman shall be disobedient for to come at master chamberlains commandement , to any summons to him given by any officer of the chamber , under pain of imprisonment . 52. master chamberlain hath power to send a freeman to ward , that he incontinently after send to the lord mayor , the cause why that he is punished , so that the lord mayor release him not , but by the chamberlains assent : and if he be a great commoner and disobeying to the chamberlain , master chamberlain may refer it to a court of aldermen . master chamberlain hath authority to send or command any apprentice to the counter for their offences : and if their offences be great , as in defyling their masters houses by vicious living , or offending his master by theft , or dislander , or such like , then to command him to newgate . apprentice enrolled , his master payeth two shillings six pence . apprentice set over , he that receiveth , two shillings . apprentice made free he payeth four shillings . apprentice never enrolled , and made free , his master payeth thirteen shillings two pence . a man made free by his fathers copy , payeth eighteen pence . a proclamation made in the time of the mayoralty of sir michael dormer knight . an act of common councel , made in the even of st. michael , anno regis henrici octavi 21. that no person should lay any wares in the street , or beyond the edge of their stall , upon pain of forseirure the first time six shillings eight pence : the second time thirteen shillings four pence : and the third time , the ware so laid . by an act of parliament in the 14. car. 2. it is enacted , that all and every person that inhabiting within the cities of london and westminster , suburbs and liberties thereof , and burrough of southwark , or in any the new built streets , lanes ' , alleys and publick places , before their respective houses , buildings and walls twice every week viz. wednesday and saturday , and all the soile , dirt and other filth , shall cause to be caken up into baskets , tubs , or other vessels , ready for the scavenger or other officer , to carry away upon pain of three shillings four pence for every offence or neglect respectively . that no person whatsoever , shall throw , cast or lay , or cause to be cast , thrown or laid , any seacole-ashes , dust , dirt or other filth , with the said cities and places aforesaid , in any place , street , lane or alley , before his , her , or their own dwelling houses , buildings or walls on the penalty of five shillings ; and it before the houses , building , &c. of any of their neighbours or other inhabitants of the said cities or places , or before or against any church , churchyard , or any of his majesties houses , buildings or walls or any other publick houses , buildings , &c. or cast , lay or throw , &c. into any common or publick sink , vault , water-course , common-sewer , or highway within the cities or places , &c. or any other private vault or sink of any of his neighbours , or other inany dust , ashes , filth , ordure , or other noisome thing whatsoever , but shall keep , or cause the same to be kept in their respective houses , &c. until such time as the raker , scavenger , &c. or other officer do come by or near their houses or doors , with his cart , barrow , or other thing used for the cleansing of the streets , and carrying away thereof ; and then shall carry the said ashes , dust , &c. out of their houses and deliver it to the raker , scavenger or officer or otherwise put the same into his cart , &c. upon pain to forfeit twenty shillings for every offence . the respective churehwardens , house-keepers of whitehall , or other his masties houses ; housekeepers or porters of noblemens houses , ushers or keepers of the courts of justice , and all other publick houses and places respectively shall be liable to suffer the like penalties , forfeitures and punishments for every like forementioned offences done or suffered to be done before any church , churchyard , or before any of his majesties houses , noblemens houses , buildings , or before any other publick houses , or places whatsoever respectively . no person shall hoop , wash or cleanse any pipe , barrel or other cask or vessel , in any the streets , lanes , or other passages aforesaid , nor set out any empty coaches to make or mend , or rough timber or stones to be sawn or wrought in the street upon pain of twenty shillings for every offence . the rakers , scavengers and officers hereunto appointed , every day in the week ( except sundays and other holylayes ) shall bring carts , dung-pots or other fitting carriages into all the streets within their respective wards , parishes and divisions , where such carts &c. can pass , and at or before their approach , by bell , clapper or otherwise , shall make loud noise and give notice to the inhabitants of their coming , and so into every court , alley or place where carts can pass ; and abide or stay there a convenient time , that all persons concerned may bring forth their respective ashes , dust , &c. to the respective carts , &c. all which the said raker , scavengers or officers shall carry away upon pain of forty shillings for every offence , or neglect respectively . all the open streets , lanes and alleys within the cities and places aforesaid , are to be sufficiently repaired and paved , and kept paved , and sufficiently repaired , at the cost of the housholders in the said streets , lanes , &c. respectively viz. every housholder to repair and pave , and keep repaired and paved the streets and lanes , &c. before his house unto the channel or midle of the same street or lane , &c. upon pain of forfeit twenty shillings for every rod , and after that proportion , for a less quantity , for every default , and twenty shillings a week for every week after , till it be sufficiently paved and amended . provided such ancient streets , lanes , &c. within the said cities , or either of them , the suburbs or liberties thereof , as by custome and usage have been repaired in other manner , shall be hereafter repaired , paved and amended in such sort , by such persons as have used to repair , pave and maintain the same under the penalties aforesaid . every housholder within the said cities and places aforesaid , whose houses adjoyns unto , or is next the street from michaelmas till our lady-day yearly , shall set or hang out candles or lights in lanthorns , or otherwise in some part of his house next the street , to enlighten the same for passengers , from such time as it shall grow dark until nine of the clock in the evening upon pain of 1. sh . for every default . every justice of either bench , ba●on of the exchequer , and justices of ●he peace of london and wistminster , ●ave power on their own view , or proof by one witness upon oath to convict persons offending against this act , and to dispose the penalties towards mending and cleansing the strees , if upon proof , half to the party informing , if uqon conviction by view , then the whole to the repairing and cleansing the streets or wayes , to be levied by warrant from any justice under his hand and seal directed to the constable or other officer of the same parish by distress and sale of his goods , and for default ( if no peer ) imprisonment until payment . within london and the liberties thereof the scavengers , rakers and such like officers shall be elected , and the rates and assesments for them for the cleansing of the streets shall be rated , raised and paid by the parishioners and inhabitants of every parish and precinct according to the ancient custome and usage of the city , and all new messuages , tenements and houses shall be rated and assessed , and pay proportionable with the other in westminster , the said officers shall be chosen according to the custome of that city , and the rates paid according to the custome of that city , in all other parishes or places upon every tuesday or wednesday in easter week : the constables , church wardens and overseers for the poor , surveyors of the highwayes of every parish aforesaid , giving notice and calling together such inhabitants of their parishes , as have born the like offices , they or the greater number of them shall appoint two , that are tradesmen in their parishes , to be scavenger , for the streets , &c. of each ward to continue for a year , who shall perform the office upon pain of twenty pound , but upon refusal others shall be chosen , the same penalties to be levied and imployed for mending the streets and wayes of the same parish , by distress and sale of the offenders goods , and imprisonment by default by warrant as aforesaid . within twenty days after election of such officers , a tax or pound rate shall be made by the inhabitants of every parish , which being confirmed by two justices of the peace , shall be quarterly paid upon demand by the officers appointed , and upon refusal levied by distress and sale of the goods , by warrant from two justices of the peace , and for lack of distress by imprisonment of the offender ( not being a peer ) until payment . provided all actions against persons for executing this act , shall be laid in their proper county , and the defendant may plead the general issue and recover double cost if wrongfully vexed . by the same statute no hackney coachman licensed , shall take for his hire in or about the city of london and westminster , above 10. sh . for a day reckoning 12. hours to the day , and not above 18. d. for the first hour , and 12. d. for every hour after , and no gentleman or other person shall pay from any of the inns of court or thereabouts to any part of st. iames or westminster above 12. d. and the same rates to the same places or thereabouts back again , and from any of the said inns of court , or thereabouts , to the royal exchange 12. d. to the tower of london , bishopsgatestreet , algate or t●ereabouts 18. d. and so from the said places to the inns of court , and the like rates from and to any place of like distance and if any coachman shall refuse to do , act , or exact more for his hire then thereby limited he shall for every offence forfeit 10. sh . finis notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a32296-e1420 trinterm . 7. jac. rex rot. 1490. kings-bench . the pleading of this case see in the new-book of entries fol. 20 & 21. quest . 1. three commodities of lights by a window , air by health , light by profit , pleasure by prospect . cook 9. rep. eldred case . vide , hobarts reports , robins of b●ns . 131. quest . 2. 3. quest . a new house built upon an old foundation , without enlargement either in longitude or latitude , though never so high built , shall not be taken to prejudice the neighbour . hill. 12. jac. in banco rep. information upon the stat. of 5. eliz. 4. concerning manualoccu● pations , &c. the custome of l pleaded in bar quest . 1. quest . 2. sel. rat. 1. 2. quest . 4. rat , 1. rat. 2. rat. 3. rat. 4. 9. h. 3. cap. 9. quest . 5. rat. 1. 2. 3. rat. 4. quest . 6. sol. ● : quest . 7. sol. mich. 12 jac. rs. in banco rs. quest . 1. mich. 39 40. eliz paramoreversus pain . quest . 2. quest . mich. 37 38. eliz. rot. 414. ea. term. 9. iac. rex roll. 163. kings be. you should read frances all the way . counsel● 5. in the case judges 8 , four of the judges for the defendant . rat. 1. 22. h. 6. 4. rat. 2. 21 h. 6. 30 ● . 1 e. 4. 50. rat , 3. 3 eliz dy 100. 26. eliz. the lord mordants case . rat 4. rat. 5. 35. h. 6. 3. rat. 6. 33. ass . parl. 7. rat. 7. rat. 8. rat. 9. three judges of contrary opinion . ●t . 1. 2. 8. h. 42. 4. sir h. calthrops report and opinion . 1. what prisage is . 6. e. 3. 5. 20. ric. 2. rot. pat. 28. e , 1. rot. pat. fleta . lib. 2. cap. 22. 20. r. 2. rot. pat. 2. the ground of paying the k. prisage . 3. when prisage is due . sir ed. crook , sir john doddridge . 6. r. 2. 46. kenniston . 4. whether the king may grant , or discharge prisage . 41. elix . 15 e 4. rot. pat. 5. grant to a body politique for the benefit of bodies natural . 39 e. 3. 21. 21 e. 4. 55. 6. whatpersons are discharged by the words of the charter . 1. sort. citizens of five sorts . 2. sort. 3. sort. 28. ass . par. 25. 28. ass . pat. 18. 4. sort. 5. sort. 7. what wines are discharged of prisage . 1. h. 8. cap. 5. 1. benefits of having woollen cloth died and dressed in england . 2. 3. hill. 12. jac. rex k. bench. rat. 1. 2. past all resumption . 3. 4. hill. 13. k. bench. rat. 1. pasc . 14. jac. chan customary actions to be tried only in the place where the custome lieth . pasc . 15. jac. k. bench. upon rent of a mess . let at an ancient rent of 5. l. per. an . and a fine to be paid by 3● . l. per. ann . quest . 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. quest . 1. what the parson may by law demand for houses in london ? fitz. herb. nat . brev . fol. 53. 34. eliz. dawsons case k. bench. 2. 11. report . sol . 16. 3. what was anciently paid for houses in london to the parson . and how these payments grew niger bishop of london's constitution . 13. h. 3. 30. e. 3 i. 30. l. 3. 3. tho arun arch-bish . of cant. 13. r. 2. pope innocent . 5. h. 4. pope nich. 31. h. 6. linwood , fol. 146. submission to the lord chancellour and privy-councel . 27. h. 8. 21. cap. 37. h. 8. decree , cap. 12. which decree by the act ought to have been enrolled in chancery in six moneths ; but search hathbeen , and it is not found . 4. whether the fine paid , by 25. per. an. b● a rent within the words of the decree ? 5. whether the 25 perann . thus covenanted to be paid for fine , be lent within the intent of the decree ? 1. arguments on ministers part . argument on the citizens part . 3. notes for div a32296-e13570 error fitzz . 23. s. fitzz . 24. s. this is now altered by the stat. of 32. h. 8. ca. i. of wills. notes for div a32296-e17550 ward-mote , inquest for a year . inquest dying . non appearance . watch , light , visard . common councel . constables , scavengers , beadle , raker . roll of names . constable roll. inholder , lodger , sojourner search . new-comers . frank-pledge . beadle . fire . streets . hucksters of ale and beer . measures scaled . strange born . streets . vagarants . jury-men . harlots . articles commons , dinners , banquetting . fire and candle , &c. recreation . peace . outlaws , traitots , fellons , &c. thames . congregations . riotör . barrator . peace , hue and cry. hucksters , receivers of apprentices , artificers , &c. inholder , taverner , victualer . curfue . bauds , maintainers , of quarrels . strumpet , adulterer , witch , scold . hot-house . thames , ditches , streets , &c. channel . hogges . kine , oxen , ducks , persons indited in one ward , flying into another . colouring forraign goods . forreign buying and seling . freemen not resident . orphans , wards , marringes . officers . boteman , feriour . purprestures . pent-houses , jetties , stalles , &c. way , water course . pavements . regrators , forestallers . price of victual . hay . victuals unwholesome price . measures unsealed . weights and measures . inholder , brown baker . house , tile leaper , beggar . bakers , brewers . painted visage . candle light . wood. country . cheese , butter . freemen to shew their copies . melting tallow . appraisers . beam. clothes . carmen . buildings , divided houses , inmates hawkers . freedome . collectors . women receivers of servants . privies . vagabons poor . legacies . drunkard , whoremonger , sabbath , jesuite , seminary priest , secular priest , popish recusant , cozenes , &c. mass . roman catholick religion . assembly monthly . making of presentments . god's terrible voice in the city by t.v. vincent, thomas, 1634-1678. 1667 approx. 387 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 124 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a64990 wing v440 estc r24578 08251084 ocm 08251084 41186 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64990) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41186) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1243:1) god's terrible voice in the city by t.v. vincent, thomas, 1634-1678. [6], 262 p. s.n.], [london? : printed in the year 1667. "wherein you have i. the sound of the voice in the narration of the two late dreadfull judgments of plague and fire, inflicted by the lord upon the city of london, the former in the year 1665, the latter in the year 1666, ii. the interpretation of the voice, in a discovery, 1. of the cause of these judgments, where you have a catalogue of london's sins, 2. of the design of these judgments where you have an enumeration of the duties god calls for by this terrible voice." reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london. london (england) -fire, 1666. london (england) -history -17th century. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion god's terrible voice in the city : wherein you have i. the sound of the voice , in the narration of the two late dreadfull judgments of plague and fire , inflicted by the lord upon the city of london , the former in the year , 1665 , the latter in the year 1666. ii. the interpretation of the voice , in a discovery , 1. of the cause of these judgments , where you have a catalogue of london's sins . 2. of the design of these judgments ; where you have an enumeration of the duties god calls for by this terrible voice . by t. v. micah 6. 9. the voice of the lord cryeth unto the city , and the man of wisdome shall see thy name : hear ye the rod , and who hath appointed it . printed in the year 1667. to all such of the city , who have seen the desolations of london by the late judgments of plague and fire . it might have seemed more seasonable unto some , if a work of this nature had come forth unto view more immediately after the sound of gods terrible voice , and execution , at least , of the last dreadfull iudgment of the fire ; because if a man strikes whilst the iron is hot , it is likely to make the more deep impression , which when it grows cool , growes hard and unmalleable ; and if the hammer of the word had been used , when london was newly come forth of the furnace , some might think they would have yielded the more easily unto it's strokes , and the better have received the fashion , which this hammer would work them unto ; and that , since the fresh and lively remembrance of the judgement is more worn off , it is to be feared , that they are more cooled and hardned , and therefore in likelihood , it will be more difficult to effect a due impression of the iudgements by the word upon them : yet , besides that it was not in my thoughts to attempt this work , until the greatest part of the winter was spent : i may further adde , that , though a discourse concerning the plague , would have been most seasonable under the iudgment it self , when people who were generally taken off from their trading , had room and time for retirement and consideration , more than ever they had in their lives before ; and therefore were more likely to lay to heart , what might be spoken or written unto them on that subject : yet the reason is not the same in the iudgement of the fire , which ( however startling and astonishing ) was so far from giving them retiring time for consideration , as the former iudgement of the plague had done , that it did engage them unto more labourious works than ever they had , not only while london was burning , in removing what they could save of their goods from the fire ; but also since , in looking out new habitations , and fitting their houses and shops for trades ; which hath given them occasion for so much distraction , that i fear they could hardly settle their mindes to read and consider so seriously as they should , what the lord hath been doing with them , & speaking unto them by this terrible voice , which hath sounded so loud in their ears : but by this time , i hope , that the most have attained to some kinde of settlement , at least so much , as to give them leave to sit down and ponder upon the meaning of god , in these strange and dreadful iudgements of plague and fire in the city ; and therefore this book may be more seasonable unto the most , than if it had been written , and presented to them immediately after the fire had burnt them out of their habitations . friends , it is high time for all of you to retire your selves , and bethink your selves , and wisely to consider gods dealings with you , to open your ear , and labour to understand these speaking iudgments , least if god be provoked , by your deafness , and incorrigibleness , to speak a third time , it be in your utter ruine and desolation . if these papers be any wayes helpfull to revive in your memories the iudgments themselves , by the historicall narration which here you have of them ; to work your hearts to some sense of sin in discovery of the cause ; and to perswade you unto a ready compliance with gods design in the declaring of what god now expects from you , after such dreadfull executions ; as yours will be the benefit : so i desire that god may have the whole glory ; and that you would make this return for my help of you , to help me with your prayers , that i may be the more helpfull to you in mine , who am your dearly affectionate friend and servant in the lord. t. v. gods terrible voice in the city . psalm 65. part of the fifth verse . by terrible things in righteousness wilt thou answer us . introduction . shall a trumpet be blown in the city , and the people not be afraid ? shall there be evil in the city , and the lord hath not done it ? the lyon hath roared , who will not fear ? the lord god hath spoken , who can but prophesie ? am. 3. 6. 8. when the pharisees spake to our saviour to rebuke his disciples for their loud praises of the lord with hosanna's , he tells them , if they should hold their peace , the stones would immediately cry out , luk. 19. 39 , 40. and we read in habakkuk , chap. 2. 11. of the stone crying out of the wall , and the beam out of the timber making answer . certainly we in london have lately heard the cry of stones and walls , of timber and beams in their fall and flames ; i mean in the late dreadful fire which hath laid out ierusalem in heaps ; or rather we have heard the voice of god in this and other terrible things which have come upon us ; let none then rebuke , if one so unfit do make an attempt to speak something of the meaning of londons fire , or of gods terrible voice in this and other judgements , when by the mouth of babes god can declare his will. sect . 1. by terrible things in righteousness wilt thou answer us . this whole psalm breathes forth nothing but grace and goodness unto the people of god , from the beginning of it to the end ; yea , in the verse of my text where god speaks most terribly and righteously in the judgements and destructions which he bringeth upon their enemies , yet he is called the god of their salvation , and those terrible things by which god speaks , are not only a righteous answer unto their enemies sins , but also a gracious answer unto his peoples prayers . by terrible things in righteousness wilt thou answer us . i shall not speak of terrible things in the restrained sense , as they befall the enemies only of gods people , and the wicked , whilst the righteous do escape , and it may be hereby are preserved ; but as they may befall any people , not excluding gods people , whom the lord may answer by terrible things in righteousness . two doctrines we may observe . doct. 1. that god doth sometimes speak unto a people by terrible things . doct. 2. that when god doth speak most terribly , he doth answer most righteously . first , that god doth sometimes speak unto a people by terrible things . here i shall show : 1. how god may be said to speak . 2. what those terrible things are by which god doth sometimes speak . 3. why god doth sometimes speak unto a people by terrible things ; and then apply . 1. how god may be said to speak . god being a spirit , hath no mouth nor tongue properly as men have , who have bodies , and therefore his way of speaking is not like ours ( though sometimes he hath created a voice in as articulate sound as if it had proceeded from the mouth of man to declare his will ) but there are several wayes in which god hath spoken and doth speak unto the children of men , by which he doth as really and effectually make known his mind , as if he spake with mans voice . 1. god hath spoken formerly unto men immediately , in extraordinary wayes , and that sometimes more terribly ; as when he gave the law upon mount sinai , when the mount burned with fire , and there was blackness , and darkness , and tempest , thundrings and lightnings , and the sound of the trumpet exceeding loud , and the voice of words so exceeding terrible , that it made the whole camp to tremble ; and moses himself said , i exceedingly fear and quake , exod. 19. 16. heb. 12. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. this way of gods speaking the children of israel were not able to bear , therefore they desired that moses might speak unto them , but that god would not speak unto them thus any more , least they should die , exod. 20. 19. at other times god spake with a more still and gentle voice , and in a more milde way , as when he spake to samuel in the night , he thought at first that it had been the voice of eli , 1 sam. 3. 4 , 5. thus god spake unto abraham , unto iacob , unto moses , to whom it is said , he spake face to face , as a man speaketh to his friend , exod. 33. 11. god spake also in an extraordinary way to his prophets of old , when he made known unto them his counsel , that they might declare it unto the people : sometimes he spake unto them with an audible voice , which he created when no shape was seen ; sometimes by angels , who appeared in bodies , which they laid down again when they had delivered their message ; sometimes by dreams and visions in the night ; sometimes by urim and thummim ; sometimes by more secret inspirations of the spirit . in the last daies of gods extraordinary speaking , he spake by the most extraordinary person , namely , by his own most dearly beloved and only begotten son , heb. 1. 1 , 2. whom he sent out of his bosom to declare himself , ioh. 1. 18. and reveal what he had heard of the father , ioh. 15. 15. who brought life and immortality to light by the gospel , and made known gods purpose and grace in mans salvation , 2 tim. 1. 9 , 10. and uttered such things as were kept secret from the foundations of the world , mat. 13. 35. the gospel began to be spoken of by the lord iesus himself , and was continued and confirmed by his apostles , who were his witnesses , to whom god also did bear witness with signs and wonders , and divers miracles , and gifts of the holy ghost , according to his will , heb. 2. 3 , 4. 2. and now , though not so immediately , and in such extraordinary wayes , yet still god doth speak unto the children of men . there are two wayes of gods speaking now unto men ; namely , his word and his works . 1. his word contained in the scriptures of the old and new testament , which holy men wrote as they were inspired by the holy ghost , 2 pet. 1. 21. and thus god speaketh either externally by his word alone , or internally with his word by his spirit . 1. god speaketh now unto men externally by his word alone , to some more silently , unto whom he gives his scriptures only to be read , and brings to their view his written word alone , without the advantage of other ordinances , which might more powerfully declare unto them his will. unto others he speaks more audibly , where the gospel doth sound in their ears , and wi●h the scriptures god sendeth his ministers to preach unto them . god speaketh by his ministers , who are his watchmen , in his name to warn the people of his judgements temporal and eternal , which in the scriptures he hath threatned , ezek. 3 , 17 18 , &c. isa. 63. 6. who are the lords embassadors , 2 cor. 5. 20. from whom they have a commission to preach the gospel , and declare the glad tidings of salvation unto all such as repent , and believe , and yield up themselves unto the obedience of the word . ministers stand in the room of christ ; and it is well for us that god speaks unto us by ministers , because we should not be able to endure , should he speak unto us immediately by himself ; should he speak unto us with an audible voice , as he did to the children of israel on mount sinai , when he gave the law , this would be so terrible , that with them we should desire to heat moses , and chuse ministers rather to speak unto us ; yea , if christ jesus himself should come down from heaven , however he might have been heard in his state of humiliation , when his deity was so much vailed ; yet if he should now appear in the glory he hath with the father ; or as he appeared unto iohn his beloved disciple , when his eyes were as a flame of fire , and his countenance like the sun when it shineth in its full strength , and his voice like the sound of many waters : i say , if christ should thus appear and preach unto us , such a dread and amazement would fall upon us , that we should fall down dead at his feet , as his disciple iohn did , rev. 1. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17. therefore it is better for us in this state of weakness , that god speaketh to us by ministers , men of like passions and infirmities with our selves , whom we may be able to bear , and whose words notwithstanding our weakness , we may be able to hear . 2. god doth now also speak unto men internally with his word by his spirit , when god sends his spirit with his word for conviction only , or some common work : thus god calls upon the wicked , who sit under the preaching of the word , moves and strives with them by his spirit , but they resist the spirit , stifle convictions , & wil not hearken to his calls and motions , gen. 6. 3. act. 7. 51. but especially god speaks with his word by his spirit , when he sendeth his spirit for conversion , and to effect a saving change : thus god speaks when he calleth blind sinners out of darkness into his marvellous light , 1 pet. 2. 9. quickneth dead sinners , putting into them a new principle of spiritual life , eph. 2. 1. rescueth enslaved sinners out of satans snare , 2 tim. 2. 26. delivering them from the power of the devil , and translating them into the kingdome of his dear son , col. 1. 13. when by his spirit he draweth sinners , ioh. 6. 44. and joyns them unto jesus christ , 1 cor. 6. 17. god speaketh unto men with his word by his spirit , when he doth thus effectually call them ; and he speaketh unto men also by his spirit , when he graciously visiteth them which are called , when he teacheth , melteth , warmeth , quickneth , strengtheneth , and refresheth them by his spirit , as they sit under the influence of his ordinances , when he speaketh peace unto their consciences , sheweth them his reconciled face , sheddeth abroad his love in their hearts , and giveth such sweet comforts and ravishing joy as is unspeakable , and full of glory , ioh. 6. 45. ioh. 14. 26. luk. 24. 32. psal. 143. 11. eph. 3. 16. act. 3. 19. psa. 85. 8. rom. 5. 5. psa. 94. 19. 1 pet. 1. 8. 2. god speaketh unto men by his works ; and that either by his works of creation , or by his works of providence . 1. god speaketh by his works of creation ; the heavens have a voice and declare gods glory , psa. 19. 1. and the earth hath not only an ear to hear , isa. 1. 2. but also a tongue , as it were , to speak gods praise . we read of the seas roaring , and the floods clapping their hands ; of the mountains singing , and the trees of the wood sounding forth their joyful acclamations ; yea , beasts and all cattel , creeping things and flying fowl , dragons and all deeps , fire , hail , snow , rain , and stormy winde , as they fulfill his word , so they speak , and in their way declare what their maker is , or rather in them , and by them , god doth speak , and make known something of himself , psa. 148. 7 , 8 , 10. &c. we read of the voice of the lord in power , the voice of the lord in majesty , the voice of the lord upon the waters , the voice of the lord dividing the flames of fire , the voice of the lord shaking the wilderness of cadesh , breaking the cedars of lebanon , and the like , which is the voice of the lord in the terrible noise of thunder , psa. 29. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. and there is no one work of the lord ( though not with such a noise ) which doth not with a loud voice , as it were , in the name of the lord proclaim unto the children of men , how great and glorious the lord is , who hath given it its being , and use , and place in the world : especially the work of god in the make of man , his body the members and senses , his soul the powers and faculties , doth without a tongue speak the praise of that god , who curiously framed the body in the womb , and immediately infused the living soul , psa. 139. 14 , 15. zach. 12. 1. 2. god speaketh by his works of providence , and that both merciful and afflictive . 1. god speaketh by his merciful providences , by his patience , and bounty , and goodness , he calleth men unto repentance , rom. 2. 4. he giveth witness of himself , in giving rain and fruitful seasons , act. 14. 17. gods providing mercies , gods preventing mercies , gods preserving mercies , gods delivering mercies , the number of gods mercies which cannot be reckoned , the order and strange method of gods mercies , which cannot be declared , the greatness of gods mercies in the kinds and strange circumstances , which cannot be expressed , do all with open mouth call upon men from the lord to repent of their sins which they have committed against him , and to yeild all love , thankfulness , and obedience unto him . 2. god speaketh by his afflictive providences : there is a voice of god in his rod , as well as in his word , mic. 6. 9. hear the rod , and who hath appointed it ; when god chasteneth , he teacheth , psal. 94. 12. when god lifteth up his hand and strikes , he openeth his mouth also and speaks ; and sometimes openeth mens ears too , and sealeth their instruction , iob 33. 16. sometimes god speaks by rods more mildly , by lesser afflictions ; sometimes god speaks by scorpions more terribly , by greater judgements , which leads to the second particular . sect . ii. 2. what are those terrible things by which god doth sometimes speak ? the word in the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth , he feared : terrible things are such great judgements of god , as do usually make a general impression of fear upon the hearts of people . take some instances . 1. the plague is a terrible iudgement by which god speaks unto men . the hebrew word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he spake . it is a speaking judgement ; where god sends the plague , he speaks , and he speaks terribly ; the plague is very terrible , as it effecteth terrour ; the pestilence which walketh in darkness , is called the terrour by night , psal. 91. 5 , 6. the plague is very terrible , in that 1. it is so poysonous a disease ; it poysons the blood and spirits , breeds a strange kind of venom in the body , which breaketh forth sometimes in boils , and blains , and great carbuncles , or else works more dangerously , when it preyeth upon the vitals more inwardly . 2. it is so noysome a disease ; it turns the good humors into putrefaction , which putting forth it self in the issues of running sores , doth give a most noysome smell : such a disease for loathsomeness we read of , psa. 38. 5 , 7 , 11. my wounds stink and are corrupt , my loins are filled with a loathsome disease , and there is no soundness in my flesh ; my lovers and my friends stand aloof from my sore , and my kinsmen stand afar off . 3. it is so infectious a disease ; it spreadeth it self worse than the leprosie amongst the iews ; it infecteth not only those which are weak , and infirm in body , and full of ill humors , but also those which are young , strong , healthful , and of the best temperature ; and that sometimes sooner than others . the plague is infectious , and greatly infectious , whole cities have been depopulated through its spreading , many whole families have received infection , and death one from another thereby , which is the third thing that rendreth the plague so terrible . 4. it is so deadly ; it kills where it comes without mercy ; it kills ( i had almost said certainly ) very few do escape , especially upon its first entrance , and before its malignity be spent ; few are touched by it , but they are killed by it : and it kills suddenly ; as it gives no warning before it comes , suddenly the arrow is shot which woundeth unto the heart ; so it gives little time of preparation before it brings to the grave : under other diseases men may linger out many weeks and moneths ; under some divers years ; but the plague usually killeth within a few daies ; sometimes within a few hours after its first approach , though the body were never so strong and free from disease before . the plague is very terrible ; it is terrible to them that have it ; insomuch as it usually comes with grim death , the king of terrours , in its hand : and it is terrible to them which have it not ; because of their danger of being infected by it ; the fear of which hath made such an impression upon some , that it hath rased out of their hearts , for the while , all affections of love and pitty to their nearest relations and dearest friends ; so that when the disease hath first seized upon them , and they have had the greatest need of succour , they have left their friends in distress , and flown away from them , as if they had been their enemies . 2. a deluge by water is a terrible iudgement : there have been several floods which we read of in histories , that have suddenly broken in upon some places , and overwhelmed habitations and inhabitants together . but god never did , and never will speak so terribly by a deluge of water , as by the great deluge in the daies of noah , when the whole world was drowned thereby , excepting noah , and those which were with him in the ark. and because the judgement was so dreadful , and the history so affecting , i shall set it before your eye out of gen. 7. from the 11th ver . to the end of the chapter . in the six hundredth year of noahs life , in the second moneth , and the seventeenth day of the moneth , in the same day were all the fountains of the great deep broken up . god withdrew the bounds which he had set to the great sea , so that the waters covered the earth as they did at the beginning ; and the windowes of heaven were opened , out of which god looked forth in anger upon the earth , and powered forth a viol of his wrath , causing it to rain forty daies and forty nights in dreadful showres , accompanied , as is probable , with stormy winds , and hideous tempest , which put the world into a fright and amazement ; when the element of air seemed to be changed into water , and such a torrent flowed in upon them on every side ; we may guess what fear they were over-whelmed withal ; but noah and his family were got into the ark , and the lord shut them in ; then the waters encreased , and bare up the ark , and it was lift up above the earth , and the waters encreased , and prevailed greatly upon the earth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the ark went upon the face of the waters , so that all the high hills and mountains were covered fifteen cubits : then all flesh died , fowl , and cattel , and beast , and every thing that creeped or moved on the earth , and every man , and noah only remained alive , and they that were with him in the ark. god spake then terribly indeed unto the wicked world by the flood , which devoured them all together in the midst of their security and sin ; but god hath promised he will never speak thus by water any more . 3. fire is another terrible thing , whereby god sometimes calls to contend by with a sinful people : fire is very dreadful when it hath a commission from god , and meets with much combustible matter , and prevails without resistance . god spake terribly by fire unto sodom and gomorrah , when he rained fire and brimstone on those cities , and consumed them . see gen. 19. from the 24th ver . to the 29th , the lord rained fire and brimstone out of heaven , and overthrew those cities and the inhabitants together ; and when abraham looked toward sodom and gomorrah , and the land of the plain , he saw the smoke of the country go up like the smoke of a furnace . god spake terribly , though not so terribly to ierusalem , when he suffered their city to be set on fire by the babylonians , and their temple to be burnt to the ground . see ier. 52. 12 , 13. but the most fearful instances of gods terrible voice by fire are yet to come : thus god will speak by fire unto spiritual babylon , which may easily be proved to be rome , from rev. 17. 18. she being the then great city , which reigned over the kings of the earth . babylons burning with fire you may read , rev. 18. 8 , 9 , 10 , &c. therefore shall her plagues come in one day , death , and mourning , and famine , and she shall be utterly burnt with fire ; for strong is the lord god who judgeth her : and the kings of the earth who have committed fornication , and lived deliciously with her , shall bewail her , and lament for her , when they shall see the smoak of her burning ; standing afar off for fear of her torment , saying , alas ! alas ! that great city babylon ! that mighty city ! for in one hour is thy judgement come . &c. god spake terribly by fire when london was in flames , of which in the application ; but he will speak far more terribly when babylon shall be in flames ; and not only in part , but wholly , and utterly , and irreparably burnt and turned into ashes : when not only the city shall be consumed , but also the whore her self shall be hated and made desolate , and devoured with fire by the kings of the earth , rev. 17. 10. the last instance of gods speaking terribly by fire will be the last day , when the lord jesus christ , the judge of quick and dead , shall come down from heaven in flaming fire , to take vengeance on all those that know not god , and obey not the gospel , 2 thes. 1. 7 , 8. and the apostle peter tells us , that the heavens and the earth are reserved in store for fire against this day : when the heavens shall pass away with a great noise , and the elements melt with fervent heat , and the earth , and all the works therein shall be burnt up , 2 pet. 3. 7 , 10. then god will speak terribly by fire , and above all , most terribly to the ungodly world , when he will sentence them unto , and cast them into the fire of hell , where they must dwell with devouring fire , and inhabit everlasting burnings . 4. the sword is a dreadful iudgement , whereby god speaks sometimes very terribly ; especially when he draws it forth against his own and his peoples enemies . hear how terribly god speaks , as in , deut. 32. 39 , 40 , 41 , 42. see now that i , even i am he , and there is no god with me ; i kill , and i make alive ; i wound , and i heal ; neither is there any that can deliver out of my hand : for i lift up my hand to heaven , and say , i live for ever . if i whet my glittering sword , and my hand take hold on iudgement , i will render vengeance to mine enemies , and reward them that hate me ; i will make mine arrows drunk with blood ( and my sword shall devoure flesh ) and that with the blood of the slain , and of the captives , from the beginning of revenges upon the enemies . when god furbusheth his sword , and whets it ; when god girdeth his sword upon his thigh , and marcheth against his enemies ; when he draweth his sword , and maketh slaughter with it ; when his sword devoureth much flesh , and is made drunk with the blood of the slain ; when god gives commission to the sword , saying , sword , go thorow such a land ; as ezek. 14. 17. and powers out his fury on the land in blood ; as ver . 19. so that the sword is bathed in blood , and garments are rowled in blood , and the land is soaked in blood ; when blood is powred forth like water , and dead bodies are cast forth into the open field without burial ; and god makes an invitation to all feathered fowl to gather themselves together , and feast themselves upon the carkasses of the slain ; as ezek. 39. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. when god comes with died garments from bozrah , isa. 63. 1. when he gathereth the nations , and brings them into the valley of jehoshaphat , and thither causeth his mighty ones to come down against them , ioel 3. 2. 11. when the day of gods indignation doth come , and he makes such slaughter amongst his enemies , that the earth doth stink with their carkasses , and the mountains do melt with their blood , isa. 34. 2 , 3. when god treadeth the wine-press of his wrath without the city , and the blood comes out of the wine-press even to the horses bridles , rev. 14. 20. in a word , when the lord shall come forth upon his white horse with his armies , and shall destroy the beast , and all the powers of the earth that take part with him : as rev. 19. from the 11th ver . to the end : then god will speak terribly indeed against his enemies by the sword ; then he will roar out of zion , and utter his voice from ierusalem , and that in such a manner , as will make both the heavens and the earth to tremble , ioel 3. 16. and indeed god speaks with a terrible voice where-ever he sends the sword , and makes the alarm of war to be heard ; as sometimes he sends it amongst his own people for their sin , 1 kings 8. 33. when god brings into a land a people of another language and religion , of a fierce countenance and cruel disposition , and gives them power to prevail , and bring the land under their feet , so that the mighty men are cut off by them , and the men of valour crushed in the gate ; the young men fly and fall before them , and there is none to make any resistance ; when they break in upon cities , plunder houses , ravish women and maids , strip , and spoil , and put all to the sword , the young , with the grey-head , cruelly rip up women with-childe , and without any pity on little infants , dash them against the stones . god speaks more terribly by such a judgement , than by plague or fire . 5. the famine is a dreadful iudgement , whereby god speaks sometime unto a people very terribly ; when god stretcheth upon a place the lines of confusion , & the stones of emptiness ; as isa. 34. 11. when god sendeth cleanness of teeth into cities ; as amos 4. 6. when god shooteth into a land the evil arrows of famine , and it becomes exceeding sore , this is one of the most dreadful judgements of all judgements in this world , far beyond plague , or fire , or sword. see how pathetically the famine amongst the iews is described by ieremiah in his lamentations , chap. 4. from the 4th ver . unto the 12. the tongue of the sucking childe cleaveth to the roof of his mouth f●r thirst ; the young children ask for bread , and no man breaketh it unto them . they that feed delicately are desolate in the streets . they that were brought up in scarlet embrace dunghils . for the punishment of the iniquity of the daughter of my people is greater than the punishment of the sin of sodom , that was overthrown in a moment , and no hand stayed on her . the nazarites were purer than snow ; whiter than milk ; they were more ruddy in body then rubies ; their polishing was of saphire : their vtsage is blacker than a coal ; they are not known in the streets ; their skin cleaveth to their lones , it is withered , it is become like a stick . they that be slain with the sword , are better than they which be slain with hunger ; for these pine away stricken through for want of the fruits of the earth . the hands of the pittiful women have sodden their own children , they were their meat in the destruction of the daughter of my people . the lord hath accomplished his fury , he hath poured out his fierce anger . 6. the sixth terrible iudgment is a famine of the word , which is threatned , am. 8. 11 , 12. behold the dayes come , saith the lord , that i will send a famine in the land , not a famine of bread , nor a thirst for water , but of hearing the words of the lord : and they shall wander from sea to sea , and from the north to the east , and they shall run to and fro to seek the word of the lord , and shall not finde it . a famine of the word is a worse judgment , than a famine of bread ; indeed few do really think so , because the most judge according to sense ; but that it is so , is evident to a man of faith and consideration ; for as the soul is more excellent than the body , and the concernments of the other life , far beyond the concernments of this life : so the provisions for the soul are more excellent than the provisions for the body , and the means of getting eternal life to be preferred before the means of preserving temporal life ; and therefore by consequence the dearth & scarcity of provisions for the soul must needs be a greater judgment , than a scarcity of provisions for the body . unto which i might add , that the famine of the word doth usually bring with it many temporal judgments ; the burning of the temple at ierusalem , and the failing of vision was accompanied with slaughter by the sword , and captivity of the land. 7. and lastly , god speaks most terriblie unto a people when he sends divers of these iudgments together , as lam. 1. 20. abroad the sword bereaveth , at home there is death , when enemies without , plague and famine within . god speaks terribly , when fire and sword goeth together , or sword and famine ; or famine and plague , or famine of bread , and famine of the word . these are some of the terrible things by which god doth sometimes speak . sect . iii. why is it that the lord doth speak unto a people 3. by such terrible things ? the reason is , because people don't hearken unto him , speaking any other way , god speaketh once , yea twice , but men perceive it not , iob 33. 14. gods gentle voice is not heard or minded , therefore he speaks more loudly and terribly , that people might be awakened to hear . particularly god speaks thus terribly , 1. because people do not hearken to the voice of his word and messengers ; god speaks audibly by ministers , and when they are not regarded , he speaks more feelingly by judgments ; he speaks first by threatnings , & when they are slighted , he speaks by executions . god first lifts up his voice and warns by his word , before he lifts up his arme and strikes with his rod ; when men grow thick of hearing the sweet calls of the gospel , god is even forced to thunder , that he may peirce their ear ; when god speaks to the ears and they are shut , god speaks to the eyes and other senses , that his mind may be known ; especially when men obstinately refuse to hear , god is exceedingly provoked to execute his terrible judgments upon them , see zach. 8. 11 , 12. but they refused to hearken , and pulled away the shoulder , and stopped their ears that they should not hear : yea they made their heart like an adamant stone , least they should hear the law , and the words which the lord of hosts had sent in his spirit by the former prophets : therefore came there a great wrath from the lord of hosts . so also when god gave up ierusalem to desolation and ruine , see the sin which provoked the lord hereunto . 2 chron. 36. 16. they mocked the messengers of god , and despised his words , and misused his prophets , untill the wrath of the lord arose against his people , till there was no remedy . 2. because they do not hearken to the voice of his goodness and mercies . the goodness and forbearance of god doth speak unto men from him , and call upon them to forbear sin for shame , to repent and return to him , rom. 1. 4. but when men despise the riches of his goodness , and deafen their ear unto the language of his mercies , and trample his patience under foot ( though god hath appointed a day of wrath hereafter , wherein he will reckon with the whole ungodly world together , and give them the just demerit of their sin , yet ) sometimes his patience is turned hereby into fury , and his anger doth break forth into a flame , and consumes them by the blow of dreadfull temporal judgments . 3. because they will not hearken to the voice of lesser afflictions ; when gods word is not heard , he speaks by his rod ; when his rod is not heard , he shoots with his arrowes & strikes with his sword ; and if lesser afflictions be not minded , then god speaks by more dreadful awakening judgments : as the sins of men do precede the judgments of god : so usually lesser judgments do precede greater judgments ; and as there are degrees and steps which men usually do make before they arrive to a great heighth in sin , nemo repentè fit turpissimus : so there are degrees and steps which god usually doth take , in inflicting his judgments for sin . look into one place for all , which shews how god doth proceed from less to greater judgments , lev. 26. from the 15. v. to the 40 th . when his statutes are despised and covenant broken , first he threatneth to send upon them consumption , and a burning ague , then he threatneth that they shall fall before their enemies ; and if they will not hearken to his voice in these judgments , he threatneth to punish them seven times more for their sins ; and to make the heavens as iron ; and the earth as brass ; and send a dearth amongst them . and if they will not yet hearken , he threatneth to send wild beasts , which should devour their children and cattel . and if they would not be reformed by these things , but still would walk contrary unto him , he threatneth to walk contrary unto them , and to punish them yet seven times more for their sins : he threatneth to bring a sword upon them to avenge the quarrel of his covenant ; and when they should be gathered together in their cities , to send the pestilence amongst them ; and hereunto to adde the famine . and if they would not yet hearken unto god , but still walk contrary unto him , he threatneth that he will walk contrary unto them in fury ▪ and make them eat the flesh of their sons and their daughters , and lay wast their cities , and make their sanctuaries a desolation ; and upon them that are left alive he threatneth to send such faintness of heart , that they should flee at the sound of a shaken leaf , and fall when none pursued them ; and that they should pine away in their iniquities in the land of their enemies . thus god proceeds by steps and degrees in the execution of his fierce anger upon a rebellious people , when god speaks by ordinary diseases and is not heard , then sometimes he sends a plague ; and if after a plague , people will not return to him that smiteth them , nor seek to pacify gods anger which is kindled against them ; but walk so much the more contrary unto him , he may walk contrary to them in fury , and send fire into their cities to devour their habitations . and if the voice of the fire be not heard , he hath other judgments in readiness , sword ▪ famine and the like . and if temporal judgments be n●● heeded , he will bring upon them eternal judgments . god is not heard any other way , therefore he doth speak by such terrible things . sect . iv. the application . god speaks sometimes to a people by terrible things . these few last years have given sad instances hereof in england , especially the two last years in our city of london . the voice of the lord hath been in the city , it hath been loud and full of terrour ; the lord hath come forth against us with armed vengeance . frowns have been in his brow ; death and desolation in his looks ; thunder hath been in his voice : flames of fire in his hand : the pestilence hath gone before him , and burning coals at his feet : he hath sent forth his arrows which have scattered us , and shot forth his lightnings which have discomfited us ; the lord hath thundered in the heavens , and the highest gave his voice , hail-stones and coals of fire : the lord hath visited us with storm and tempest and great noise , yea he hath caused his glorious voice to be heard , and shewed the lighting down of his arme , with the indignation of his anger : and with the flame of devouring fire , with scattering and tempest and hail-stones : then the furrowes of the earth were seen , and the foundations of the city were discovered , the earth also shook , because he was wrath , and the inhabitants of london trembled , because of his fierce anger ; then the snares of death compassed us , and the fears of hell gat hold on us , and our hearts were moved within us , as trees when they are moved by the wind. dreadfull have gods late judgments been in london , the noise of which hath gone forth , not only throughout the land , but also unto the outermost parts of the world. three things we should remark in this terrible voice of gods judgments . 1. the iudgments themselves . 2. the cause of the iudgments . 3. the design of the iudgments . in the first , we have the sound of the voice . in the two last , the interpretation of the voice . 1. concerning the iudgments themselves . here i might speak of the judgment executed , august 24th 1662. when so many ministers were put out of their places ; and the judgment executed march 24th 1665. when so many ministers were banished 5. miles from corporations , the former by way of introduction to the plague which sometime after did spread in the land , but chiefly raged in the city ; the later by way of introduction to the fire , which quickly after did burn down london the greatest corporation in england . these judgments having been so lately , and general in the land ; and i presume so generally known , with all their circumstances ; that it would be needless to give here a narration of them . but this i must say , i could wish they were as generally believed to be judgments ; and accordingly laid to heart : for i fear that the great insensibility , which people have been under of these judgments ; because they have not reached the flesh ; and their sottish inconsideration of gods dreadfull displeasure herein , hath provoked the lord to send such judgments as have come nearer to sense : that they might perceive god was angry indeed before , and that his greater displeasure in the former might be known by his more sensible displeasure in the latter . let london seriously consider whether her gospel priviledges were not her best defence against temporal calamities ; and whether since her slighting , abuse and forfeiture , and gods seisure and stripping her so much of these , she hath not been laid naked to those heavy strokes of extraordinary judgments which she hath lately received . london had the gospel , ordinances powerfull , pure , plentifull ministers excellently qualified and rarely furnished with ministerial abilities ; london had as many burning and shining lights as any one such spot of ground under the cope of heaven . not to speak of their abilities for preaching and defence of the truth , such gifts of prayer london ministers had , which were no small defence of the city , as i believe no city in the world could parallel . o what prayers have there formerly been in london pulpits , especially on dayes of solemn humiliation ! how have the spirits of ministers been carried forth sometime in prayer for several hours together , ( without tautologies and vain repetitions ) in such variety of affectionate enlargements , and with such raisedness and transports of spirit ; as if they had been just leaving the body , and going to live and abide with god , and would converse no more with men or worldly things ! in their confessions of sin , how have they rak'd into the dunghill of a rotten heart , and laid abroad its inward filthiness ? how have they trac'd the foot-steps of its deceitfulness , through the maze and wilderness of its many windings and turnings ? how have they peirced into the very bowels of sin , and ript it up as it were to the back-bone , bringing forth its very entrals to open view ? how have they anatomiz'd as it were the body of death in all the parts and members of it , discovering withall the several diseases of every part , with their cause , and manner of working ? and all this in such pathetical cutting expressions , accompanied with such brokenness and bleeding of heart , as no form can imitate or effect . in their supplications for the pardon of sin , for spiritual and heavenly riches , o with what feeling and fervour did they express themselves ? o with what faith and importunity did they wrestle and plead at the throne of grace for such favours beyond the importunity of poor prisoners through the grates , or poor beggars at the doors , when they are most earnest for relief ? yea how did they besiege god as it were , and seem as if they would scale the walls of heaven it self , and take the kingdome of heaven with violence and force ? how have they even pressed in upon god with the dint of argument , and laid hold on him with the hand of faith , resolving not to let him go without a blessing ? in their supplications for the church and land , they have behaved themselves as if they had no private concernments . but how did they bear london upon their hearts when they came to the throne of grace ? what yearning bowels had they towards and for the city ? how many teares have they shed in bewailing her sins ? how have they stood in the breach , when the lord hath been coming forth against this place ? how have they held his arme when it hath been lifted up to strike ? how have they stood weeping between the porch and the altar , crying spare thy people o lord , and do not destroy london ! and many times have they prevailed to appease gods wrath and turn away his fierce anger which hath been kindled against us . gospel-ordinances , and gospel-ministers were the safe-guard of london , the glory and defence . but when the ordinances were slighted , and the ministers were mocked and misused by some who called themselves professors , and both were fallen so much in the esteem of the most ; and london did not yield the fruit which god looked for under such dressing , ( of which more when i come to speak of londons sins ) god is provoked not only to call for some of his messengers home to himself , but also to suffer the rest which were most consciencious to be thrust into corners . this , this did presage london's near approaching ruine and desolation , though few did believe it , and because they did not believe it , and were insensible of gods wrath in this judgment : therefore their danger was the greater of the other judgments which have come upon them : when so many stakes were pluckt out , no wonder if the hedge be broken ; when so many pillars were removed , no wonder if the building tumble to the ground . but i proceed to give a narration of the later judgments of plague and fire . sect . v. the plague so great , so lately , should not be forgotten ; yet lest the fire more lately , and propotionably more great , and the amazing fears , which since have risen within us , should shuffle former thoughts out of our minds , and rase out the impressions , which by the plague we had , and should labour to retain to our dying hour : therefore i shall give a brief narration of this sad judgment , and some observations of mine own ( who was here in the city from the beginning to the end of it ) both to keep alive in my self and others , the memory of the judgment , that we may be the better prepared for compliance with gods designe in sending the plague amongst us . it was in the year of our lord 1665. that the plague began in our city of london , after we were warned by the great plague in holland in the year 1664. & the beginning of it in some remote parts of our land the same year ; not to speak any thing whether there was any signification and influence in the blazing-star not long before , that appeared in the view of london , and struck some amazement upon the spirits of many : it was in the moneth of may that the plague was first taken notice of ; our bill of mortality did let us know but of three which died of the disease in the whole year before ; but in the beginning of may the bill tels us of nine , which fell by the plague , just in the heart of the city , the other eight in the suburbs . this was the first arrow of warning that was shot from heaven amongst us , and fear quickly begins to creep upon peoples hearts ; great thoughts and discourse there is in town about the plague , and they cast in their minds whether they should go if the plague should increase . yet when the next weeks bill signifieth to them the disease from 9 to 3. their minds are something appeased ; discourse of that subject cools ; fears are husht , and hopes take place , that the black cloud did but threaten , and give a few drops ; but the wind would drive it away . but when in the next bill the number of the dead by the plague is mounted from 3 to 14 , and in the next to 17 , and in the next to 43 , and the disease begins so much to increase , and disperse . now secure sinners begin to be startled , and those who would have slept at quiet still in their nests , are unwillingly awakened . now a great consternation seizeth upon most persons , and fearful bodings of a desolating judgment . now guilty sinners begin to look about them , and think with themselves into what corner of the land they might fly to hide them . now the profane and sensual , if they have not remorse for their sins ; yet dread and terrors , the effects of guilt , they could not drive from them ; and if by company , and carousing , and soft pleasures they do intoxicate and smoothen their spirits in the day ; yet we may guess what dread doth return upon them if they give but any room for retirement , and what hideous thoughts such persons have in the silent night , through fears of death which they are in danger of . now those who did not believe an unseen god , are affraid of unseen arrows ; and those which slighted gods threatnings of eternal judgments , do tremble at the beginning of his execution of one , and not the greatest temporal judgment . now those which had as it were challenged the god of heaven , and defied him by their horrid oaths and blasphemies , when he begins to appear , they retreat , yea fly away with terror and amazement . the great orbs begin first to move ; the lords and gentry retire into their countries ; their remote houses are prepared , goods removed , and london is quickly upon their backs : few ruffling gallants walk the streets : few spotted ladies to be seen at windows : a great forsaking there was of the adjacent places where the plague did first rage . in iune the number increaseth from 43 to an 112. the next week to 168. the next to 267. the next to 470. most of which increase was in the remote parts ; few in this month within , or neer the walls of the city ; and few that had any note for goodness or profession , were visited at the first : god gave them warning to bethink and prepare themselves ; yet some few that were choice were visited pretty soon , that the best might not promise to themselves a supercedeas , or interpret any place of scripture so literally , as if the lord had promised an absolute general immunity and defence of his own people from this disease of the plague . now the citizens of london are put to a stop in the carrier of their trade ; they begin to fear whom they converse withall , and deal withall , least they should have come out of infected places . now roses and other sweet flowers wither in the gardens , are dis-regarded in the markets , and people dare not offer them to their noses , lest with their sweet savour , that which is infectious should be attracted : rue and wormwood is taken into the hand ; myrrhe and zedoary into the mouth ; and without some antidote few stir abroad in the morning . now many houses are shut up where the plague comes , and the inhabitants shut in , lest coming abroad they should spread infection . it was very dismal to behold the red crosses , and read in great letters , lord have mercy upon us , on the doors , and watchmen standing before them with halberts , and such a solitude about those places , and people passing by them so gingerly , and with such fearful looks , as if they had been lined with enemies in ambush , that waited to destroy them . now rich tradesmen provide themselves to depart , if they have not country-houses , they seek lodgings abroad for themselves and families , and the poorer tradesmen , that they may imitate the rich in their fear , stretch themselves to take a country journey , though they have scarce wherewithall to bring them back again . the ministers also many of them take occasion to go to their country places for the summer time ; or it may be to find out some few of their parishioners that were gone before them , leaving the greatest part of their flock without food or physick , in the time of their greatest need . ( i don't speak of all ministers , those which did stay out of choice and duty , deserve true honour ) possibly they might think god was now preaching to the city , and what need their preaching ; or rather did not the thunder of gods voice affrighten their guilty consciences , and make them fly away , lest a bolt from heaven should fall upon them , and spoil their preaching for the future : and therefore they would reserve themselves , till the people had less need of them . i do not blame many citizens retiring , when there was so little trading , and the presence of all might have helped forward the increase and spreading of the infection ; but how did guilt drive many away , where duty would have engaged them to stay in the place ? now the high waies are thronged with passengers , and goods , & london doth emptie it self into the country ; great are the stirs and hurries in london by the removal of so many families ; fear puts many thousands on the wing , and those think themselves most safe , that can flie furthest off from the city . in iuly the plague encreaseth , and prevaileth exceedingly , the number of 470. which died in one week by the disease ariseth to 725 the next week ▪ to 1089 the next , to 1843 the next , to 2010 the next . now the plague compasseth the walls of the city like a flood , and poureth in upon it . now most parishes are infected , both without and within ; yea there are not so many houses shut up by the plague , as by the owners forsaking of them for fear of it ; and though the inhabitants be so exceedingly decreased by the departure of so many thousands , yet the number of dying persons doth increase fearfully . now the countries keep guards , left infections persons should from the city bring the disease unto them ; most of the rich are now gone , and the middle sort will not stay behind ; but the poor are forced through poverty to stay and abide the storm . now most faces gather paleness , and what dismal apprehensions do then fill the minds , what dreadful fears do there possess the spirits , especially of those whose consciences are full of guilt , and have not made their peace with god ? the old drunkards and swearers , and unclean persons are brought into great straits ; they look on the right hand , and on the left , and death is marching towards them from every part , and they know not whither to flie that they may escape it . now the arrows begin to flie very thick about their ears , and they see many fellow-sinners fall before their faces , expecting every hour themselves to be smitten ; and the very sinking fears they have had of the plague , hath brought the plague and death upon many : some by the sight of a coffin in the streets have fallen into a shivering , and immediatly the disease hath assaulted them , and sergeant death hath arrested them , and clapt too the doors of their houses upon them , from whence they have come forth no more , till they have been brought forth to their graves ; we may imagine the hideous thoughts and horrid perplexity of mind , the tremblings , confusions , and anguish of spirit , which some awakened sinners have had , when the plague hath broke in upon their houses , and seized upon neer relations , whose dying groans sounding in their ears have warned them to prepare : when their doors have been shut up and fastned on the outside with an inscription , lord have mercy upon us , and none suffered to come in but a nurse , whom they have been more afraid of , then the plague it self : when lovers and friends , and companions in sin have stood aloof , and not dared to come nigh the door of the house , lest death should issue forth from thence upon them ; especially when the disease hath invaded themselves ; and first began with a pain and diziness in their head , then trembling in their other members ; when they have felt boiles to arise under their arms , and in their groins , and seen blaines to come forth in other parts : when the disease hath wrought in them to that height as to send forth those spots which ( most think ) are the certain tokens of neer approaching death ; and now they have received the sentence of death within themselves , and have certainly concluded , that within a few hours they must go down into the dust ; and their naked souls , without the case of their body , must make its passage into eternity , and appear before the highest majesty , to render their accounts , and receive their sentence : none can utter the horrour , which hath been upon the spirits of such , through the lashes and stings of their guilty consciences , when they have called to mind a life of sensuality , and profaneness , their uncleanness , drunkenness , injustice , oaths , curses , derision of saints , and holiness , neglect of their own salvation ; and when a thousand sins have been set in order before their eyes , with another aspect , than when they looked upon them in the temptation ; and they find god to be irreconcileably angry with them , and that the day of grace is over , the door of mercy is shut , and that pardon and salvation ( which before they slighted ) is now unattainable ; that the grave is now opening its mouth to receive their bodies , and hell opening its mouth to receive their souls ; and they apprehend , that they are now just entring into a place of endless wo and torment , and they must now take up their lodgings in the inferiour regions of utter darkness , with devils and their fellow damned sinners , and there abide for evermore in the extremity of misery , without any hopes or possibility of a release ; and that they have foolishly brought themselves into this condition , and been the cause of their own ruin ; we may guess that the dispairful agonies , and anguish of such awakened sinners hath been of all things the most unsupportable ; except the very future miseries themselves , which they have been afraid of . in august how dreadful is the increase ? from 2010 the number amounts up to 2817 in one week ; and thence to 3880 the next ; thence to 4237 the next ; thence to 6102 the next ; and all these of the plague , besides other diseases . now the cloud is very black , and the storm comes down upon us very sharp . now death rides triumphantly on his pale horse through our streets , and breaks into every house almost where any inhabitants are to be found . now people fall as thick as leaves from the trees in autumn , when they are shaken by a mighty wind . now there is a dismal solitude in london-streets , every day looks with the face of a sabbath day , observed with greater solemnity than it used to be in the city . now shops are shut in , people rare and very few that walk about , in so much that the grass begins to spring up in some places , and a deep silence almost in every place , especially within the walls ; no ratling coaches , no prancing horses , no calling in customers , nor offering wares ; no london cries sounding in the ears ; if any voice be heard , it is the groans of dying perions , breathing forth their last , and the funeral knells of them that are ready to be carried to their graves . now shutting up of visited houses ( there being so many ) is at an end , and most of the well are mingled among the sick which otherwise would have got no help . now in some places where the people did generally stay ; not one house in an hundred but is infected ; and in many houses half the family is swept away ; in some the whole , from the eldest to the youngest ; few escape with the death of but one or two : never did so many husbands and wives die together ; never did so many parents carry their children with them to the grave , and go together into the same house under earth ; who had lived together in the same house upon it . now the nights are too short to bury the dead , the whole day though at so great a length is hardly sufficient to light the dead that fall therein into their beds . now we could hardly go forth , but we should meet many coffins , and see many with sores , and limping in the streets ; amongst other sad spectacles , methought two were very affecting : one of a woman comming alone , and weeping by the door where i lived ( which was in the midst of the infection ) with a little coffin under her arm carrying it to the new church yard ; i did judge that it was the mother of the childe , and that all the family besides was dead , and she was forced to coffin up and bury with her own hands this her last dead childe . another , was of a man at the corner of the artillery-wall , that as i judge through the diziness of his head with the disease , which seised upon him there , had dasht his face against the wall , and when i came by he lay hanging with his bloody face over the rails , and bleeding upon the ground ; and as i came back he was removed under a tree in more-fields , and lay upon his back ; i went and spake to him ; he could make me no answer , but ratled in the throat , and as i was informed , within half an hour died in the place . it would be endless to speak what we have seen and heard of some in their frensie , rising out of their beds , and leaping about their rooms ; others crying and roaring at their windows ; some comming forth almost naked , and running into the streets , strange things have others spoken and done , when the disease was upon them : but it was very sad to hear of one who being sick alone , and it is like phrantick , burnt himself in his bed . now the plague had broken in much amongst my acquaintance ; and of about 16. or more whose faces i used to see every day in our house , within a little while i could finde but 4. or 6. of them alive ; scarcely a day past over my head for i think a moneth or more together , but i should hear of the death of some one or more that i knew . the first day that they were smitten , the next day some hopes of recovery , and the third day that they were dead . the september , when we hoped for a decrease , because of the season , because of the number gone , and the number already dead ; yet it was not come to its height ; but from 6102. which died by the plague the last week of august , the number is augmented to 6988 the first week in september ; and when we conceived some little hopes in the next weeks abatement to 6544 ; our hopes were quite dashed again , when the next week it did rise to 7165. which was the highest bill ; and a dreadful bill it was ! and of the 130. parishes in and about the city , there were but 4 parishes which were not infected : and in those , few people remaining that were not gone into the country . now the grave doth open its mouth without measure . multitudes ! multitudes ! in the valley of the shadow of death , thronging daily into eternity ; the church-yards now are stufft so full with dead corpses , that they are in many places swell'd two or three foot higher than they were before ; and new ground is broken up to bury the dead . now hell from beneath is moved at the number of the guests that are received into its chambers ; the number of the wicked which have died by the plague , no doubt , hath been far the greatest , as we may reasonably conclude without breach of charity ; and it is certain that all the wicked , which then died in sin , were turned into hell ; how then are the damned spirits now encreased ? some were damning themselves a little before in their oaths , and god is now damning their souls for it , and is passing the irreversible sentence of damnation upon them . some were drinking wine in bowls a little before , and strong drink without measure ; and now god hath put another cup into their hands , a cup of red wine , even the wine of the wrath and fierceness of the almighty ; some were a little before feasting their senses , pleasing their appetite , satisfying the desires of the flesh , and being past feeling had given themselves up to lasciviousness , to work all uncleanness with greediness ; but now their laughter is turned into mourning , and their joy into howling and woe ; now they have recovered their feeling again , but instead of the pleasures which they felt , and their sensual delights , which took away the feeling of their consciences , they are made to feel the heavy hand of god , and to endure such anguish and horrour , through the sense of gods wrath , as no tongue can express . now the atheists believe there is a god , and the anti-scripturists is convinced of the truth of gods word , by the execution of gods threatnings in the word upon them . now the covetous and unjust , the malicious and cruel , the scoffers and profane begin to suffer the vengeance of eternal fire ; and the ignorant person with the civil , who are unacquainted with jesus christ are not excused ; yea the hypocrites , with all impenitent , and unbelieving persons , are sent down to the place of weeping : and surely hell wonders to see so many come amongst them from such a city as london , where they have enjoyed such plenty of such powerful means of grace ; and place is given to them , even the lowest and hottest , where iudas and others are of the chiefest note . yet hell doth not engross all that dye by the visitation ; some there are ( though not the first or most ) who have room made for them in the mansions , which are above ; the plague makes little difference between the righteous and the wicked ( except the lord by a peculiar providence do shelter some under his wing , and compass them with his favour as with a shield , hereby keeping off the darts that are shot so thick about them ) yet as there is little difference in the body of the righteous , and of others : so this disease makes little discrimination , and not a few fearing god , are cut off amongst the rest ; they dye of the same distemper , with the most profane ; they are buried in the same grave , and there sleep together till the morning of the resurrection : but as there is a difference in their spirits , whilst they live : so there is a difference and the chiefest difference in their place and state after their separation from the body . dives is carryed to hell , and lazarus to abrahams bosome , though he dyed with his body full of sores : devils drag the souls of the wicked after they have received their final doom at the bar of god , into utter darkness where there is weeping , and wailing and gnashing of teeth : but angels convey the souls of the righteous into the heavenly paradise , the new ierusalem which is above , where god is in his glory ; and the lord jesus christ at his right hand ; and thousand thousands stand before him , and ten thousand times ten thousand administer unto him ; even an innumerable company of angels , and where the spirits of all just men and women made perfect were before gathered ; where there is fulness of joy , and rivers of eternal pleasures running about the throne of god , the streams of which do make glad all the inhabitants of new jerusalem . now the weak prison doors of the body are broken down ; and the strong everlasting gates of their fathers palace are lifted up ; and the saints are received with joy and triumph into glory , and they come with singing into zion , and everlasting joy in their hearts , and all sorrow and sighing doth fly away like a cloud , which never any more shall be seen . now the vail is rent , and they enter the holy of holies , where god dwells , not in the darkness of a thick cloud , as in the temple of old ; but in the brightness of such marvelous light and glory , as their eyes never did behold , neither could enter into their heart to conceive ; there they have the vision of gods face , without any eclipse upon the light of his countenance ; there they have the treasures of gods love opened , and his armes to receive them with dearest and sweetest embracements ; which kindles in their hearts such a flame of love , so ravishing and delightful , as words cannot utter ; there they are entertained by the lord jesus christ , whom in the world they have served , and he that shewed them his grace , which they have wondred at , when they were in the body , doth now shew them his glory , which they wonder at much more : there they are welcomed by angels , who rejoyce if at their conversion , much more at their coronation ; there they sit down with abraham , isaac and iacob in the kingdome of their father ; there they find moses , and david , and samuel , and paul , and all the holy martyrs and saints , which have dyed before them , amongst whom they are numbred , and placed , who rejoyce in their increased society . and as there is a great difference between the condition of the souls of the righteous , and the wicked , who dyed by the same disease of the plague , after their death and separation , so there is a great difference between the carriage of their spirits at their death , and upon their sick bed. some wicked men are stupid and senseless , and are given up to a judiciary hardness , and dye in a sleep of carnal security , out of which they are not awakened , till they are awakned in the midst of flames : others more sensible , and considering what hath been , and what is coming upon them , are filled with unexpressible terrour , through the roarings and tearings of a guilty accusing conscience , and the fore-thoughts of that horrible unsupportable torment they are so neer unto . now scaring dreams do terrifie them , and fearfulness of the bottomless pit , and the burning lake below doth surprize them , and some breaketh forth in the anguish of their despairing souls ; who can dwell with devouring fire , who can inhabit everlasting burnings ? and however jovial and full of pleasure their life hath been , yet at their latter end they are utterly consumed with terrours . but mark the perfect man , and behold the upright , the end of that man is peace , whatsoever storms they have had in their passage through a rough sea , the wind blowing , and the waves roaring , and sometimes have been ready to sink through opposition and discouragement , sometimes have been over-whelmed with grief and doubtings , sometimes have been dasht upon the rocks of terrour , and perplexity : yet now they are come to the haven of death , the winds are husht and still , the waves are smooth and silent , the storm is over , and there is a great calm upon their spirits ; they are past the rocks , and are out of the danger they feared , when they are in the greatest danger of approaching death . it was generally observed amongst us , that gods people who dyed by the plague amongst the rest ; dyed with such peace and comfort , as christians do not ordinarily arrive unto , except when they are called forth to suffer martyrdome for the testimony of jesus christ. some who have been full of doubts , and fears , and complaints , whilst they have lived , and been well ; have been filled with assurance , and comfort , and praise , and joyful expectation of glory , when they have layn on their death-beds with this disease . and not only more grown christians , who have been more ripe for glory , have had these comforts : but also some younger christians , whose acquaintance with the lord hath been of no long standing . i can speak something of mine own knowledge concerning some of my friends , whom i have been withall ; i shall instance only in the house where i lived . we were eight in family , three men , three youths , an old woman , and a maid : all which came to me , hearing of my stay in town , some to accompany me , others to help me . it was the latter end of september before any of us were toucht ; the young ones were not idle , but improved their time in praying , and hearing , and were ready to receive instruction ; and were strangly born up against the fears of the disease and death , every day so familiar to the view . but at last we were visited , and the plague came in dreadfully upon us , the cup was put into our hand to drink , after a neighbour family had tasted it , with whom we had much sweet society in this time of sorrow . and first our maid was smitten , it began with a shivering and trembling in her flesh , and quickly seised on her spirits ; it was a sad day , which i believe i shall never forget ; i had been abroad to see a friend in the city , whose husband was newly dead of the plague , and she her self visited with it ; i came back to see another , whose wife was dead of the plague , and he himself under apprehensions that he should die within a few hours ; i came home , and the maid was on her death-bed ; and another crying out for help , being left alone in a sweating fainting fit . what was an interest in christ worth then ? what a priviledge to have a title to the kingdom of heaven ? but i proceed . it was the monday when the maid was smitten ; on thursday she dyed full of tokens ; on friday one of the youths had a swelling in his groin ; and on the lords day died with the marks of the distemper upon him ; on the same day another youth did sicken ; and on the wednesday following he died : on the thursday night his master fell sick of the disease , and within a day or two was full of spots ; but strangely beyond his own , and others expectations recovered . thus did the plague follow us , and came upon us one by one ; as iob's messengers came one upon the heels of another : so the messengers of death came so close one after another , in such dreadfull manner , as if we must all follow one another immediately into the pit. yet the lord in mercy put a stop to it , and the rest were preserved . but that which was very remarkable in this visitation , was the carriage especially of those youths that died , who i believe were less troubled themselves , then others were troubled for them . the first youth that was visited being asked by his father , concerning the provision he had made for his death and eternity ; told him , he hop't if he died , he should go to heaven : being asked the grounds of his hopes , said , the lord had enabled him to look beyond the world ; and when he was drawing neer to his end ; boldly enquired whether the tokens did yet appear , saying that he was ready for them ; and so a hopeful bud was nipt ; but let not the father or the mother weep , and be in sadness for him , he is i don't doubt with their father , and his heavenly father , which may be their comfort . the other also was a very sweet hopefull youth ; so loving and towardly , that it could not choose but attract love from those that were acquainted with him . but the grace he had gotten in those years , being i suppose under seventeen , did above all beautify him , and stand him in the greatest stead : in his sickness he had much quiet and serenity upon his spirit ; and lay so unconcerned at the thoughts of approaching death , that i confess i marvelled to see it ; the sting and fear of death , were strangely taken out through the hopes which he had of future glory ; yet once he told his mother he could desire to live a little longer , if it were the will of god ; she asked him why he desired it ? he told her he desired to live till fire and faggot came , and above all he would fain die a martyr : she said if he died now he should have a crown ; he answered , but if he died a martyr he should have a more glorious crown : yet he was not unwilling to receive his crown presently ; and went away with great peace and sweetness in his looks , to his fathers house : and i could not blame the mothers grief for the loss of such an only son ; but to be so immoderate was not well ; now i am sure it is time to dry up tears , and lay aside sorrows for the loss of him , who hath been so long filled with joys in the heavenly mansions . i might speak of the carriage of the master in his sickness under the apprehensions of death ; when the spots did appear on his body , he sent for me and desired me to pray with him ; told me he was now going home , desired me to write to his friends , and let them know , that it did not repent him of his stay in the city , though they had been so importunate with him to come away : but he had found so much of gods presence in his abode here , that he had no reason to repent : he told me where he would be buried , and desired me to preach his funeral sermon on psal. 16. ult . in thy presence there is fulness of joy ; and at thy right hand there is pleasures for evermore . but the lord raised him again beyond the expectation of himself , friends , or physician . let him not forget gods mercies , and suffer too much worldly business to croud in upon him , & choak the remembrance and sense of god's goodness so singular ; but let him by his singularity in meekness , humility , self-denial , and love , zeal , and holy walking , declare that the lord hath been singularly gracious unto him . but when i speak of home concernments , let me not forget to look abroad ; the plague now increaseth exceedingly , and fears there are amongst us that within a while there will not be enough alive to bury the dead ; and that the city of london will now be quite depopulated by this plague . now some ministers , formerly put out of their places , who did abide in the city when most of ministers in place were fled and gone from the people , as well as from the disease , into the countreys , seeing the people crowd so fast into the grave and eternity , who seemed to cry as they went for spiritual physicians ; and perceiving the churches to be open , and pulpits to be open , and finding pamphlets flung about the streets , of pulpits to be let , they judged that the law of god and nature did now dispense with , yea command their preaching in publick places , though the law of man ( it is to be supposed in ordinary cases ) did forbid them to do it . surely if there had been a law that none should practise physick in the city , but such as were licenc'd by the colledge of physitians , and most of those , when there was the greatest need of them , should in the time of the plague , have retired into the country , and other physitians who had as good skill in physick , and no license should have staid amongst the sick , none would have judged it to have been breach of law , in such an extraordinary case to endeavour by their practise though without a license , to save the lives of those who by good care and physick were capable of a cure ; and they could hardly have freed themselves from the guilt of murther of many bodies , if for a nicety of law in such a case of necessity they should have neglected to administer physick : the case was the same with the unlicensed ministers which stayed , when so many of the licenc'd ones were gone , and as the need of souls was greater than the need of bodies ; the sickness of the one being more universal and dangerous , than the sickness of the other ; and the saving or losing of the soul being so many degrees beyond the preservation or death of the body : so the obligation upon ministers was stronger , and the motive to preach greater , and for them to have incurred the guilt of soul-murther , by their neglect to administer soul-physick , would have been more hainous and unanswerable , that they were called by the lord into publick : i suppose that few of any seriousness will deny , when the lord did so eminently own them , in giving many seals of their ministry unto them . now they are preaching , and every sermon was unto them , as if they were preaching their last . old time seems now to stand at the head of the pulpit , with its great sithe , saying with a hoarse voice , work while it is called to day , at night i will mow thee down . grim death seems to stand at the side of the pulpit with its sharp arrow , saying , do thou shoot gods arrows , and i will shoot mine . the grave seems to lie open at the foot of the pulpit ; with dust in her bosome , saying , louden thy cry to god , to men , and now fulfill thy trust : here thou must lye , mouth stopt , breath gone , and silent in the dust. ministers now had awakning calls to seriousness and fervour in their ministeriall work : to preach on the side and brink of the pit , into which thousands were tumbling ; to pray under such neer views of eternity , into which many passengers were daily entring , might be a means to stir up the spirit more than ordinary . now there is such a vast concourse of people in the churches , where these ministers are to be found , that they cannot many times come neer the pulpit doors for the press , but are forced to climb over the pews to them : and such a face is now seen in the assemblies , as seldome was seen before in london ; such eager looks ; such open ears , such greedy attention , as if every word would be eaten , which dropt from the mouths of the ministers . if you ever saw a drowning man catch at a rope , you may guess how eagerly many people did catch at the word ; when they were ready to be overwhelmed by this over-flowing scourge , which was passing thorough the city ; when death was knocking at so many doors ; and god was crying aloud by his judgments ; and ministers were now sent to knock , cry aloud , and lift up their voice like a trumpet : then , then the people began to open the ear and the heart , which were fast shut and barred before : how did they then hearken , as for their lives ; as if every sermon were their last ; as if death stood at the door of the church , and would seize upon them so soon as they came forth ; as if the arrows which flew so thick in the city would strike them , before they could get to their houses ; as if they were immediately to appear before the barr of that god , who by his ministers was now speaking unto them . great were the impressions which the word then made upon many hearts , beyond the power of man to effect , and beyond what the people before ever felt , as some of them have declar'd . when sin is ript up and reprov'd , o the teares that slide down from the eyes ! when the judgments of god are denounced , o the tremblings which are upon the conscience ! when the lord jesus christ is made known and proffer'd , o the longing desires and openings of heart unto him ! when the riches of the gospel are displayed , and the promises of the covenant of grace are set forth and applyed , o the inward burnings and sweet flames which were on the affections ! now the net is cast , and many fishes are taken ; the pool is moved by the angel , and many leprous spirits , and sin-sick-souls are cured ; many were brought to the birth , and i hope not a few were born again , and brought forth ; a strange moving there was upon the hearts of multitudes in the city ; and i am perswaded that many were brought over effectually unto a closure with jesus christ ; whereof some dyed by the plague with willingness and peace ; others remain stedfast in gods wayes unto this day : but convictions ( i believe ) many hundreds had , if not thousands , which i wish that none have stifled , and with the dog returned to their vomit , & with the sow , have wallowed again in the mire of their former sins . the work was the more great , because the instruments , which were made use of was more obscure , and unlikely , whom the lord did make choice of the rather , that the glory by ministers and people might be ascrib'd in full unto himself . about the beginning of these ministers preaching , especially after their first fast together , the lord begins to remit , and turn his hand , and cause some abatement of the disease . from 7155 which dyed of the plague in one week ▪ there is a decrease to 5538 the next , which was at the latter end of september , the next week a farther decrease to 4929. the next to 4327. the next to 2665. the next to 1421. the next to 1021. then there was an encrease the first week in november to 1414. but it fell the week after to 1050 and the week after to 652. and the week after that to 333. and so lessened more and more to the end of the year : when we had a bill of 97306. which dyed of all diseases , which was an encrease of more then 79000 , over what it was the year before : and the number of them which dyed by the plague was reckoned to be 68596 this year ; when there were but 6 which the bill speaks of who dyed the year before . now the citizens , who had dispers'd themselves abroad into the countries , because of the contagion , think of their old houses and trades , and begin to return , though with fearfulness and trembling , least some of the after-drops of the storm should fall upon them : and o that many of them had not brought back their old hearts and sins ▪ which they carryed away with them ; o that there had been a general repentance and reformation , and returning to the lord that had smitten the city : the lord gave them leisure and vacation from their trades ; for the one necessary thing ▪ which had they improved , and generally mourned for sin , which brought the plague upon the city , had they humbly and earnestly sought the lord to turn from his fierce anger , which was kindled against london , it might have prevented the desolating judgment by fire : but alas ! how many spent their time of leisure in toys and trifles , at best about feeding and preserving their bodies , but no time in serious minding the salvation of their souls ; and if , some were a little awakned with fear , whilst the plague raged so greatly , and they lookt upon themselves to be in such danger ; yet when they apprehended the danger to be over , they dropt asleep faster than before ; still they are the same or worse than formerly : they that were drunken , are drunken still ; they that were filthy , are filthy still ; and they that were unjust and covetous , do still persevere in their sinfull course ; couzenilng , and lying , and swearing , and cursing , and sabbath-breaking , and pride , and envy , and flesh-pleasing , and the like god-displeasing , and god-provoking sins , ( of which in the catalogue of london's sins ) do abound in london ; as if there were no signification in gods judgments by the plague ; some return to their houses , and follow their worldly business , and work as hard as they can to fetch up the time they have lost , without minding and labouring to improve by the judgment , and gods wonderfull preservation of them : others return , and sin as hard as they can , having been taken off for a while from those opportunities and free liberties for sin , which they had before : most began now to sit down at rest in their houses when the summer was come , and the plague did not return ; now they bring back all their goods they had carried into the country because of the plague ; they did not imagine they should be forced to remove them again so soon . thus concerning the great plague in london . sect . vi. i proceed now to give a narration of the judgement of the fire ; in which i shall be more brief , it being dispatcht in fewer daies then the plague was in months . it was the 2. of september 1666. that the anger of the lord was kindled against london , and the fire began : it began in a bakers house in pudding-lane by fishstreet-hill : and now the lord is making london like a fiery oven in the time of his anger , and in his wrath doth devour and swallow up our habitations . it was in the depth and dead of the night , when most doors and ▪ sences were lockt up in the city ; that the fire doth break forth and appear abroad ; and like a mighty gyant refresht with wine , doth awake and arm it self , quickly gathers strength , when it had made havock of some houses ; rusheth down the hill towards the bridge ; crosseth thames-street , invadeth magnus-church at the bridge foot , and though that church were so great , yet it was not a sufficient barracado against this conqueror ; but having scaled and taken this fort , it shooteth flames with so much the greater advantage into all places round about ; and a great building of houses upon the , bridge is quickly thrown to the ground : then the conquerour , being stayed in his course at the bridge , marcheth back towards the city again ; and runs along with great noise and violence through thames-street . westward , where having such combustible matter in its teeth , and such a fierce winde upon its back , it prevails with little resistance , unto the astonishment of the beholders . my business is not to speak of the hand of man ; which was made use of in the beginning and carrying on of this fire . the beginning of the fire at such a time , when there had been so much hot weather , which had dried the houses , and made them : the more fit for fuel ; the beginning of it in such a place , where there were so many timber houses , and the shops filled with so much combustible matter ; and the beginning of it just when the winde did blow so fiercely upon that corner towards the rest of the city , which then was like tinder to the sparks ; this doth smell of apopish design so hatcht in the same place where the gunpowder plot was contriv'd , only that this was more successful . the world sufficiently knows how correspondent this is to popish principles and practises ; those , who could intentionally blow up king and parliament by gunpowder , might ( without any scruple of their kinds of conscience ) actually burn an heretical city ( as they count it ) into ashes : for besides the dispensations they can have from his holiness , or rather his wickedness the pope , for the most horrid crimes of murder , incest , and the like ; it is not unlikely but they count such an action as this meritorious ( in their kind of merit ) which , in the issue , they will finde to merit the flames of eternal fine , instead of a crown of glory , which i wonder that in their way they can have the least hopes of . i believe that the people will now take more heed of them and their waies ; and instead of promoting their cause , i hope that a contrary effect is produced ; and that the before indifferency of a generation more newly sprung up , who did not know them , is now turned into loathing and detestation of such a religion , as can allow of such practises ▪ my work is not to declare what hath been proved against the papists before the honourable committee of parliament appointed to enquire into their insolencies ; and the proofs which have been given in concerning the fire , and who have been accessory thereunto . no , i would rather endeavour to turn peoples eyes from men to god ; for whoever were the instruments , god was the authour of this evil , which hath come upon us ; there being no evil in the city ( that is , evil of punishment ) which the lord , as a righteous , and the supream judge , doth not inflict . and surely more of the extraordinary hand of god , than of any men , did appear in the burning of the city of london . god could have prevented men , by discovering their plots ( as he did that of the gun powder-treason ) before they had taken effect . god could have directed and given a blessing unto means for the quenching of it when it was first kindled . god , who hath the winds in his fist , could have gathered in the wind , and laid it asleep , or so turned it the other way , that it should have been a defence to the city ▪ or god who hath the clouds at his command , and the bottles of heaven in his hand , could have gathered his thick clouds together , and squeez'd them ; opend his bottles , and poured down rain in abundance upon the city , so that if the wind had blown as it did , it should have blown water upon the fire , which would quickly have put it out . but the heavens at that time were brass , no showring clouds to be seen : the fire begins , is quickly taken notice of , though in the midst of the night ; fire , fire , fire doth resound the streets ; many citizens start out of their sleep ; look out of their windows ; some dress themselves , and run to the place . the lord maior of the city comes with his officers ; a confusion there is : councell is taken away : and london , so famous for wisdom and dexterity , can now find neither brains , nor hands to prevent its ruine . the hand of god was in it ▪ the decree was come forth : london must now fall : and who could prevent it ? no wonder , when so many pillars are removed , if the building tumbles ; the prayers , tears , and faith which sometimes london hath had , might have quenched the violence of the fire ; might have opened heaven for rain , and driven back the winde : but now the fire gets mastery , & burns dreadfully ; and god with his great bellows blowes upon it , which makes it spread quickly , & go on with such force and rage , overturning all so furiously , that the whole city is brought into jeopardy of desolation . that night most of the londoners had taken their last sleep in their houses ; they little thought it would be so when they went into their beds ; they did not in the lest suspect , when the doors of their ears were unlockt , and the casement of their eyes were opened in the morning , to hear of such an enemies invading the city ▪ and that they should see him , with such fury , enter the doors of their houses , break into every room , and look out of their casements with such a threatning countenance . as it is said , lam. 4. 12. the inhabitants would not have believed that the adversary should have entered the gates of ierusalem : so the inhabitants of the city would not have believed that the fire should have entred and prevailed to burn london to the ground . that which made the ruin the more dismall , was , that it was begun on the lords day morning : never was there the like sabbath in london ; some churches were in flames that day ; and god seems to come down , and to preach himself in them , as he did in mount sinai ; when the mount burned with fire ; such warmpreaching those churches never had ; such lightning dreadful sermons never were before delivered in london . in other churches ministers were preaching their farewel sermons , and people were hearing with quaking and astonishment : instead of a holy rest which christians have taken on this day ; there is a tumultuous hurrying about the streets towards the place that burned , and more tumultuous hurrying upon the spirits of those that sat still and had only the notice of the eare , of the quick and strange spreading of the fire . now the train-bands are up in arms watching at every quarter for outlandish men , because of the general fears and jealousies , and rumours that fire-balls were thrown into houses by several of them , to help on and provoke the too furious flames . now goods are hastily removed from the lower parts of the city ; and the body of the people begin to retire , and draw upwards , as the people did from the tabernacles of corah , dathan and abiram , when the earth did cleave asunder and swallow them up : or rather as lot drew out from his house in sodom before it was consumed by fire from heaven . yet some hopes were retained on the lords day that the fire would be extinguished , especially by them who lived in the remote parts ; they could scarcely imagine that the fire a mile off should be able to reach their houses . but the evening draws on , and now the fire is more visible and dreadful : instead of the black curtains of the night , which used to be spread over the city , now the curtains are yellow ; the smoke that arose from the burning parts , seemed like so much flame in the night , which being blown upon the other parts by the winde , the whole city at some distance seemed to be on fire . now hopes begin to sink , and a general consternation seiseth upon the spirits of people ; little sleep is taken in london this night ; the amazement which the eye and ear doth effect upon the spirit , doth either dry up , or drive away the vapour which used to binde up the senses , some are at work to quench the fire with water ; others endeavour to stop its course , by pulling down of houses ; but all to no purpose : if it be a little allayed , or beaten down , or put to a stand in some places , it is but a very little while ; it quickly recruits , and recovers its force ; it leaps , and mounts , and makes the more furious onset , drives back its opposers , snatcheth their weapons out of their hands , seiseth upon the water-houses and engines , burns them , spoils them , and makes them unfit for service . some are upon their knees in the night , pouring out tears before the lord , interceding for poor london , in the day of its calamity ; but alas i fear there are too few weeping ieremiah's at the throne of grace : too few moses's to stand in the gap , too few iacob's to wrestle with the lord , and hang about his arm . londons sins were too great , and gods anger against the city was too hot , so easily & presently to be quenched and allayed ; and if by the intercession of some , a mitigation be obtained , so that the lord doth not stir up all his wrath , utterly to destroy the place , as he did sodom and gomorrah ; yet none can prevaile to call back that wrath , and reverse that decree which is gone forth against the city : the time of londons fall is come ; the fire hath received its commission from god to burn down the city , and therefore all attempts to hinder it are in vain . on the lords day night the fire had run as far as garlick-hithe in thames-street , and had crept up into cannon-street , and levell'd it with the ground ; and still is making forward by the water-side , and upward to the brow of the hill , on which the city was built . on munday grace-church-street is all in flames , with lumbard-street on the left hand , and part of fen-church-street on the right , the fire working ( though not so fast ) against the winde that way : before it were pleasant and stately houses , behind it ruinous and desolate heaps . the burning then was in fashion of a bow , a dreadful bow it was , such as mine eyes never before had seen ; a bow which had gods arrow in it with a flaming point ; it was a shining bow ; not like that in the cloud , which brings water with it , and withall signified gods covenant not to destroy the world any more with water : but it was a bow which had fire in it , which signified gods anger , and his intention to destroy london with fire . now the flames break in upon cornhill , that large and spacious street , and quickly crosse the way by the train of wood that lay in the streets untaken away , which had been pull'd down from houses to prevent its spreading : and so they lick the whole street as they go : they mount up to the top of the highest houses ; they descend down to the bottom of the lowest vaults and cellars ; and march along on both sides of the way , with such a roaring noise , as never was heard in the city of london ; no stately building so great , as to resist their fury : the royal exchange it self , the glory of the merchants , is now invaded with much violence ; and when once the fire was entred , how quickly did it run round the galleries , filling them with flames ; then came down staires , compasseth the walkes , giving forth flaming volleys , and filleth the court with sheets of fire ; by and by down fall all the kings upon their faces , and the greatest part of the stone-building after them , ( the founders statue only remaining ) with such a noise , as was dreadful and astonishing . then , then the city did shake indeed ; and the inhabitants did tremble , and flew away in great amazement from their houses , least the flames should devour them ; ratle , ratle , ratle , was the noise which the fire struck upon the eare round about , as if there had been a thousand iron chariots beating upon the stones : and if you opened your eye to the opening of the streets , where the fire was come , you might see in some places whole streets at once in flames , that issued forth , as if they had been so many great forges from the opposite windowes , which folding together , were united into one great flame throughout the whole street ; and then you might see the houses tumble , tumble , tumble , from one end of the street to the other with a great crash , leaving the foundations open to the view of the heavens . now fearfulness and terrour doth surprize the citizens of london ; confusion and astonishment doth fall upon them at this unheard of , unthought of judgment . it would have grieved the heart , of an unconcern'd person , to see the rufull looks , the pale cheeks , the tears trickling down from the eyes , ( where the greatness of sorrow and amazement could give leave for such a vent ) the smiting of the brest , the wringing of the hands ; to hear the sighs and groans , the dolefull and weeping speeches of the distressed citizens , when they were bringing forth their wives ( some from their child bed ) and their little ones ( some from their sick bed ) out of their houses , and sending them into the countreys , or some where into the fields with their goods . now the hopes of london are gone , their heart is sunk ; now there is a general remove in the city , and that in a greater hurry than before the plague ; their goods being in greater danger by the fire , than their persons were by the sickness . scarcely are some returned , but they must remove again , and not as before , now without any more hopes of ever returning , and living in those houses any more . now carts , and draies , and coaches , and horses , as many as could have entrance into the city were loaden , and any money is given for help 5 l. 10 l. 20 l. 30 l. for a cart , to bear forth into the fields some choice things , which were ready to be consumed ; and some of the countreys had the conscience to accept of the highest price , which the citizens did then offer in their extremity ; i am mistaken if such money do not burn worse , than the fire out of which it was rak'd . now casks of wine , and oyl , and other commodities are tumbled along , and the owners shove as much of their goods as they can towards the gate : every one now becomes a porter to himself , and scarcely a back either of man or woman that hath strength , but had a burden on it in the streets : it was very sad to see such throngs of poor citizens coming in , and going forth from the unburnt parts , heavy loaden with some pieces of their goods , but more heavy loaden with weighty grief and sorrow of heart , so that it is wonderfull they did not quite sink under these burdens . munday night was a dreadfull night , when the wings of the night had shadowed the light of the heavenly bodies , there was no darkness of night in london , for the fire shines now round about with a fearful blaze , which yeilded such light in the streets , as it had been the sun at noon day . now the fire having wrought backward strangely against the winde to billings-gate , &c. along thames-street eastward , runs up the hill to tower-street , and having marched on from grace-church-street , maketh further progress in fen-church-street , and having spread its wing beyond queen-hithe in thames-street westward , mounts up from the water-side through dowgate , and old fish-street into watling-street : but the great fury of the fire was in the broader streets ; in the midst of the night it was come down cornhill , and laid it in the dust , and runs along by the stocks , and there meets with another fire , which came down thred-needle-street ; a little further with another , which came up from wall-brook ; a little further with another , which comes up from bucklers-bury , and all these four joyning together , break into one great flame at the corner of cheap-side with such a dazling light , and burning heat , and roaring noise by the fall of so many houses together , that was very amazing ; and though it were something stopt in its swift course at mercers chappel , yet with great force in a while , it conquers the place , and burns through it , and then with great rage proceedeth forward in cheapside . on tuesday was the fire burning up the very bowels of london ; cheapside is all in a light fire in a few hours time ) many fires meeting there , as in the center ; from soper-lane , bow-lane , bread-street , friday-street , and old-change , the fire comes up almost together , and breaks furiously into the broad-street , and most of that side of the way was together in flames , a dreadful spectacle ! and then partly by the fire which came down by mercers chappel , partly by the fall of the houses cross the way , the other side is quickly kindled , and doth not stand long after it . now the fire gets into black-fryers , and so continues its course by the water , and makes up towards paul's church , on that side , and cheap-side fire besets the great building on this side , and the church though all of stone outward , though naked of houses about it , and though so high above all buildings in the city , yet within a while , doth yield to the violent assaults of the conquering flames , and strangely takes fire at the top ; now the lead melts and runs down , as if it had been snow before the sun ; and the great beames and massy stones , with a great noise fall on the pavement , and break through into faith-church under neath ; now great flakes of stone scale , and peel off strangely from the side of the walls ; the conqueror having got this high fort , darts its flames round about , now pater-noster-rowe , newgate-market , the old baily , and ludgate-hill have submitted themselves to the devouring fire , which with wonderful speed rusheth down the hill into fleet-street . now cheap-side fire marcheth along iron-monger-lane , old iury , lawrence-lane , milk-street , wood-street , gutter-lane , foster-lane : now it runs along lothbury , cat-eaten-street , &c. from newgate-market , it assaults christ-church , and conquers that great building , and burns through martin's lane towards alders-gate , and all about so furiously , as if it would not leave a house standing upon the ground . now horrible flakes of fire mount up the sky , and the yellow smoke of london ascendeth up towards heaven , like the smoak of a great furnace ; a smoak so great , as darkned the sun at noon-day , ( it at any time the sun peeped forth , it looked red like blood ) the cloud of smoak was so great , that travellers did ride at noon day some miles together in the shaddow thereof , though there were no other cloud beside to be seen in the sky . and if munday night was dreadfull , tuesday night was more dreadfull , when far the greatest part of the city was consumed : many thousands who on saturday had houses convenient in the city , both for themselves , and to entertain others , now have not where to lay their head ; and the fields are the only receptacle , which they can find for themselves and their goods ; most of the late inhabitants of london lye all night in the open ayr , with no other canopy over them , but that of the heavens : the fire is still making towards them , and threatneth the suburbs ; it was amazing to see , how it had spread it self several miles in compass ; and amongst other things that night , the sight of guild-hall was a fearfull spectacle , which stood the whole body of it together in view , for several hours together , after the fire had taken it , without flames , ( i suppose because the timber was such solid oake ) in a bright shining coale as if it had been a pallace of gold , or a great building of burnished brass . on wednesday morning , when people expected that the suburbs would be burnt , as well as the city , and with speed , were preparing their flight , as well as they could with their luggage into the countreys , and neighbouring villages . then the lord hath pitty on poor london ; his bowels begin to relent ; his heart is turned within him , and he stayes his rough wind in the day of the east wind ; his fury begins to be allayed ; he hath a remnant of people in london , and there shall a remnant of houses escape ; the wind now is husht ; the commission of the fire is withdrawing , and it burns so gently , even where it meets with no opposition , that it was not hard to be quenched , in many places , with a few hands : now the citizens begin to gather a little heart , and encouragement in their endeavours to quench the fire . a check it had at leaden-hall by that great building ; a stop it had in bishopsgate-street , fen-church-street , lime-street , mark-lane , and towards the tower ; one means , under god , was the blowing up of houses with gunpowder . now it is stayed in lothbury , broad-street , coleman-street ; towards the gates it burnt , but not with any great violence ; at the temple also it is stayed , and in holbourn , where it had got no great footing ; and when once the fire was got under , it was kept under , and on thursday the flames were extinguished . but on wednesday-night , when the people late of london , now of the fields , hoped to get a little rest on the ground , where they had spread their beds , a more dreadful fear fals upon them than they had before , through a rumour that the french were comming armed against them to cut their throats , and spoil them of what they had saved out of the fire ; they were now naked , and weak , and in ill condition to defend themselves , and the hearts , especially of the females , do quake , and tremble , and are ready to die within them ; yet many citizens having lost their houses , and almost all that they had , are fired with rage and fury : and they begin to stir up themselves like lyons , or like bears bereaved of their whelps , and now arm , arm , arm , doth resound the fields and suburbs with a dreadful voice . we may guess at the distress and perplexity of the people this night , which was something alleviated when the falsness of the alarm was perceived . thus fell great london , that ancient city ! that populous city ! london , which was the queen city of the land , and as famous as most cities in the world ; none so famous for the gospel and zealous profession of the reformed religion . and yet how is london departed like smoak , and her glory laid in the dust ? how is her destruction come , which no man thought of , and her desolation in a moment ? how do the nations about gaze and wonder ? how doth the whole land tremble at the noise of her fall ? how do her citizens droop and hang down their heads ? her women and virgins weep , and sit in the dust ? oh , the paleness that now sits upon the cheeks ! the astonishment and confusion that covers the face , the dismall apprehensions that arise in the minds of most , concerning the dreadful consequences which are likely to be of this fall of london ? how is the pride of london stained , and beauty spoiled ! her arme broken , and strength departed ? her riches almost gone , and treasures so much consumed ? the head now is sick ? and the whole body faint ; the heart is wounded , and every other part is sensible of its stroke ; never was england in greater danger of being made a prey to a forraign power , than since the firing and fall of this city , which had the strength and treasure of the nation in it . how is london ceased , that rich city ! that joyous city ! one corner indeed is left , but more than as many houses as were within the walls are turned into ashes . the merchants now have left the royal exchange ; the buyers and sellers have now forsaken the streets : grace-church-street , cornhill , cheapside , newgate market , and the like places , which used some time to have throngs of traffiquers , now are become empty of inhabitants ; and instead of the stately houses which stood there last summer , now they lie this winter in ruinous heaps . the glory of london is now fled away like a bird , the trade of london is shattered and broken to pieces , her delights also are vanished , and pleasant things laid waste ; now no chaunting to the sound of the viol , and dancing to the sweet musick of other instruments ; now no drinking wine in bowls , and stretching upon the beds of lust ; now no excess of wine and banquettings ; no feasts in halls and curious dishes ; no amorous looks , & wanton dalliances ; no ruffling silks , and costly dresses ; these things in that place are at an end . but if houses for sin alone were sunke , and fuel for lust only were consumed , it would not be so much ; but the houses also for gods worship , ( which formerly were a bulwark against the fire , partly through the walls about them , partly through the fervent prayers within them ) now are devoured by the flames , and the habitations of many who truly fear god , have not escaped ; and in the places where god hath been served , and his servants have lived ; now nettles are growing ; owles are screeching ; thieves and cut-throats are lurking : a sad face there is now in the ruinous part of london : and terrible hath the voice of the lord been , which hath been crying , yea roaring in the city by these dreadful judgments of the plague and fire , which he hath brought upon us . thus you have the narration of the judgments themselves . sect . vii . 2. concerning the cause of these iudgments ; why hath the lord spoken by such terrible things , in the city of london ? in giving an account hereof , i shall make use of the second doctrine observed from the words : that when god speaks most terribly , he doth answer most righteously . they are gods judgments , and therefore they must needs be righteous judgments ; can there be unrighteousness in god ? no , in no wise : for how then could he be god ? how then could he judge the world ? let god be true , and every man a lyar . rom. 3. 5 , 6. let god be righteous , and all the world unrighteous : for light may more easily depart from the sun , and heat be separated from the fire ; and the whole creation may more easily drop into nothing , than god cease to be just and righteous , in the severest judgments which he doth inflict upon the children of men . if any profane mockers do reply against god , and reflect upon his righteousness and goodness towards his own people , because these judgments have fallen so sore upon london , the glory of the land , yea of the world , for the number of godly persons ( as in scoff they call them ) which dwell in it ; if god were so righteous and favourable to the godly , would he bend his bow , and shoot so many arrows amongst them as he did in the visitation by the plague , whilst he suffered so many notoriously wicked persons to escape ? would he send the fire to consume so many habitations of the godly , whilst the houses of the most vicious and vile were preserved ? i shall labour to stop the mouths of such , who are ready to open them against the king of heaven , by proposing to consideration these following particulars . 1. that gods way is sometimes in the sea , and his paths in the great waters ; and his foot-steps are not known . psal. 77. 19. that his judgments are unsearchable , and his waies past finding out . rom. 11. 33. and that even then he is righteous in all his waies , and holy in all his works , psal. 145. 17. and when clouds and darkness are round about him , righteousness and judgment are the habitation of his throne . psal. 97. 2. and when his judgments are a great deep , his righteousness is like the great mountains . psal. 36. 6. we do not understand all the mysteries of nature , neither are we acquainted with all the mysteries of state ; and if there be some mysteries in gods way of governing the world , and distributing temporal mercies and judgments , which we do not apprehend in every thing the meaning of , and cannot so fully trace gods righteousness and goodness therein , let us say it is because our eyes are shut , and that we are covered with darkness : therefore let us shut our mouths too , and seal up our lips with silence , not daring in the least to utter any thing which may derogate from these attributes in god , which are as inviolable and unchangeable as his very beeing . this might be said if the reason were more abstruse than it is . 2. but secondly , the reason of gods judgments and righteousness therein , with the salve of his goodness towards his own people , may be apprehended , if we consider . 1. that these judgments of plague and fire are both of them national judgments . 1. the judgment of the plague was national ; in as much as london was the chief city , in as much as the kings court was here , and most countries had relations here ; and all countries had concernments here : moreover the plague was not only in london , and westminster , and and places neer adjacent , but it was dispersed into the countries at a farther distance , as cambridge , norwich , colchester , and other towns , where it raged either the same or the next year , as much proportionably as it did in london . 2. the judgment of the fire which burned down only the city , and left westminster and the suburbs standing , and did not reach into the countreys , yet was a national judgment , because london was the metropolis of the land , because the beauty , riches , strength , and glory of the whole kingdom lay in london : and it was not the inhabitants of the city who alone did suffer by this fire , but the whole land more or less , do and will feel the smart hereof . 2. these judgments then being national : it is not unreasonable to say , that national sins have been the cause of them : and if so , we may readily finde a reason of gods righteousness in these proceedings ; when the sins of the land are so obvious and so hainous . he is a great stranger in england , that doth not know how wickedness hath abounded in these later years ; his eyes must be fast shut , who doth not see what a deluge of profaneness and impiety hath broken in like a mighty torrent , and overflowed the land ; that hath not taken notice of those bare-fac'd villanies which have been committed amongst us , which is a great question whether any ages before us could parallel ; we read in scripture of sodom and gomorrah , and the wickedness sometime of ierusalem ; profane histories and travellers make mention of rome , venice , naples , paris , and other places very wicked , but who can equal england , which calls it self christian and protestant , for such desperate and audacious affronts and indignities which have been offered to the highest majesty , by the gallants ( as they are called ) of our times : how was hell as it were broke loose , and how were men worse than those which in our saviours time were possest with devils , who cut themselves with stones , and tore their own flesh ; even such who went about like so many hell-hounds and incarnate devils , cursing and banning , swearing and blaspheming , inventing new oaths , and glorying therein , delighting to tear the name of god , and to spit forth their rancour and malice in his very face ? and can we then be at a loss for a reason of gods righteousness in his thus punishing england , by beginning thus furiously with london ? when there were so many atheists about london , and in the land , who denied the very being of god , when so many gentlemen ( who lookt upon it as one piece of their breeding , to cast off all sentiments of a deity ) did walk our streets , and no arguments would work them to a perswasion of the truth of gods being , shall we wonder if the lord appears in a terrible way , that he might be known by the judgments which he executeth ? when so many denied the divine authority of the scriptures , the very foundation of our christian faith , and reckoned themselves by their principles amongst turks , pagans , and other infidels , however they called themselves christians , and hereby put such an affront upon the lord jesus christ , the only son of the most high god , is it strange that the lord should speak so terribly to shew his indignation ? when there was such blowing at , and endeavours to put out that light , which would shew men the way to heaven ; such hatred and opposition against the power of godliness ; when the name of a saint was matter of derision and scorn ; when there was such wallowing in filthy fornication , and adultry , in swinish drunkenness and intemperance ; when such oppression , bribery , such malice , cruelty , such unheard of wickedness and hideous impiety grown to such a heighth in the land ; may not we reasonably think that such persons as were thus guilty , being in the ship , were a great cause of the storme of gods anger , which hath made such a shipwrack . the plague indeed when it was come , made little discrimination between the bodies of the righteous , and the bodies of the wicked ; no more doth grace ; the difference is more inward and deepe ; it is the soul begins to be glorifyed hereby , and hath the seed of eternal life put into it , when it doth pass the new birth ; but the body is not changed with the soul , the body remains as it was , as frail and weak , and exposed to diseases and death , as before , and as the body of any wicked person ; and therefore the infectious disease of the plague , coming into a populous city , the bodies of the righteous ; amongst the rest , receive the contagion , and they fall in the common calamity ; there is a difference in the manner of their death , and a difference in their place , and state after death , as hath been spoken of before , but the kind of death is the same . so the fire doth make no discrimination between the houses of the godly , and the houses of the ungodly , they are all made of the same combustible matter , and are enkindled , as bodies infected , one by another ; indeed the godly have god to be their habitation , and they are citizens of the new ierusalem , which is above , a city which hath foundations , whose builder and maker is god ; an abiding city , which the fire cannot reach , and their persons are secured from the flames of eternal fire in hell , but they have no promise nor security for the preservation of their houses from fire here in this world. the judgments of the plague and fire being sent , work according to their nature , without distinguishing the righteous . but if we further enquire into the reason , why the plague was sent the last year , and such a plague as hath not been known this forty year , which raged so sorely , when there was no such sultriness of weather ( as in other years ) to encrease it ; and why the fire was sent this year , and such a fire as neither we , nor our fore-fathers ever knew , neither do we read of in any history of any so great in any place , in time of peace ; what shall we say was the cause of these extraordinary national judgments , but the extraordinary national sins . it was an extraordinary hand of god which brought the plague , of which no natural cause can be assigned , why it should be so great that year , more then in former years , but that sin was grown to greater heighth ; and that a fire should prevaile , against all attempts to quench it , to burn down the city , and that judgment just following upon the heels of the other ; what reason can be assigned , but that englands sins , and gods displeasure hath been extraordinary ; god is a god of patience , and it is not a light thing will move him ; he is slow to anger , it must needs be then some great provocation which makes him so furious ; he is highly offended , before he lifts up his hand ; and he is exceedingly incens'd , before his anger breaks forth into such a flame ; for my part , i verily think , if it had not been for the crying abominations of the times , which are not chiefly to be limited to the city of london , and if the means of gods prescription , according to the rule of his word , which england sometime could , had by england been made use of , that both plague and fire had been prevented . 3. moreover it may be said that some particular persons by some more peculiar , and notorious sins in the city may have provoked the lord to bring punishment upon the whole place , if the land were not so generally profane and wicked , the heathen could say . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a whole city may be punished for the wickedness of one man ; yea we read of david , though so good a man , yet when he numbred the people ( a small sin in comparison with the sins of some others in our days ) god was provoked to send such a dreadful plague , not on himself , but upon his people , that there dyed 70000 men by it in three days , and david said , i have sinned and done wickedly , but these sheep , what have they done ? 2 sam. 24. 10-18 . 4. if it be enquired how gods mercy to his people doth appear , when these judgments have fallen so heavy upon many of them ? i answer , 1. those of his own people , who have fallen by the plague , are received to greater grace and mercy in heaven , than here they were capable of , and they are moreover delivered from evil to come , which hath since , and may further come upon us . 2. those whose houses have fallen by the fire , the lord could , and confident i am , the lord hath made them greater gainers another way , they have lost it may be much in temporal things , but they are or may be , if they be not wanting to themselves , gainers in spiritual things , which are of a higher and more excellent nature ; i have known and heard of many of gods people whose houses are burnt , and goods spoyled , who have taken the loss with so much chearfulness , humility , meekness , patience , contentment , and thankfulness that any thing was saved , if it were only their lives , that it hath been my wonder and joy ; to gain such a spirit hath more of good , than the loss of all externall enjoyments hath of evil . 3. further , if these judgments have fallen upon gods people , we must know that they have their sins , which have deserved them , possibly some have begun now to comply with the wicked in their wicked wayes , it may be they were grown more loose in their walking , and formal in the service of god , & their hearts more set on the world , of which sins more largely when i come to speak of the sins of the city ; and the sins of gods people have more hainous aggravations , than the sins of the wicked , being committed against clearer light , dearer love , sweeter mercies , stronger obligations , and therefore provoke god the more to wrath ; therefore he threatneth his own people especially to punish them when they transgress , am. 3. 2. you only have i known of all the families of the earth , and therefore i will punish you for your iniquities . 5. besides , they may have need of awakening judgments to rouze them , and humble them for sin , to loosen and wean them from the world ; and it is in love and faithfulness , that god doth inflict such judgments upon them . 6. lastly , we must remember , that it is gods usual course to begin with his own house , 1 pet. 4. 17. iudgement begins at the house of god. 5. to conclude , do any of the ungodly question gods righteousness , because in these common calamities , they have hitherto survived and escaped ? 1. it is but an ill requital and ill use , which they make of gods patience and goodness which he hath exercised towards them , that hereby he might lead them unto repentance , rom. 2. 4 , 5. 2. let them stay a while , and god will answer them himself , and give them an experimental conviction of his righteous judgments , 1 pet. 4. 17 , 18. if judgment begin at the house of god , what shall the end be of them that obey not the gospel ? and if the righteous scarcely be saved , where shall the ungodly and sinners appear ? we read psal. 75. 8. of a cup of red wine in the hand of the lord , he may give his people to drink the top of it , but the most bitter and dreggish part , which is at the bottome , the wicked shall wring forth and drink ; if god whip his children with rods , he will scourge his enemies with scorpions . i am perswaded that the notoriously ungodly of this generation will not go out of this world , without some remarkable temporal judgment ; and that the lord will make them feel something even here , what an evil thing , and a bitter it is so audaciously to fly in the face of the great god , by their hideous oaths and blasphemies , by their horrid wickedness and abominations , whereby they do as it were challenge god to do his worst against them ; and when god doth draw forth his glittering sword , and make ready his sharp arrow upon the string ; when god doth cloathe himself with fury , as with a garment , and his hand doth take hold on vengeance ; when their iniquities are grown fully ripe , and the day of their visitation and recompence is come , how then will these sinners of england be afraid , and what amazing terrour will there then surprize this vile generation ? can their hearts endure , or their hands be strong in the day that the lord shall deal with them ? ezek. 22. 14. then the lord will roar from his holy habitation , with such a terrible voice , as shall make their ears to tingle , their hearts to quake and tremble ; he will roar like a lion , and tear them in pieces , when there shall be none to deliver . if the shaking of his rod hath moved them , and the beginning of his judgments , which he hath executed upon others , hath affrighted them ; what will their behaviour be when the scourge is laid upon their own backs , and judgment shall fall upon their own heads ? surely the judgments intended purposely for the most ungodly , are not yet come ; yet , as they are like to be exceeding great , because more of pure , and unmixt wrath will accompany them : so they are like to be very neer ; because they are filling up the measure of their wickedness so fast , and they seem to be arrived even to the uttermost of sin ; surely their judgment doth neither linger , nor slumber , but is upon the wing , hastning towards them ; surely the arme of the lord is awakened , and lifted up on high , and though infinite patience doth hold it up a little while , to try whether the judgments already executed upon others , before their eyes will work any good effect upon them , so as to awaken them , and stop them , and turn them from their evil wayes ; yet , if they proceed in their sinfull course , his arm i am perswaded will come down with such force and fury upon them , that their destruction shall be remarkable to all that are round about them : and i have much of that perswasion , that the lord will as it were hang up many of the villains of our times , who have been guilty of such treachery and rebellion against the great king of heaven , as it were in chains , and make their punishment here as notorious as their sins have been , that the whole world may hear and fear , and take heed of such vile practises : i suppose they may not now expect it , nor fear it , no more than the old world did their drowning , or sodom and gomorrah did their burning , because deceitful sin hath hardned their hearts ; long custome in sin , with impunity hath seared their consciences , as with a hot iron : but then they are in the greatest danger , when they sleep with the greatest security ; when men grow desperately hardned against often , and all reproofs , by word , and rod too , what followes , but sudden destruction and that without remedy ? prov. 29. 1. and when men cry peace and safety , then sudden destruction cometh upon them , as travel upon a woman with childe , and they shall not escape , 1 thess. 5. 3. and if some of this untoward and wicked generation do drop away without a remarkable temporal destruction ; god will make his righteousness evident to them , in the other world , when he claps up their souls close prisoners in the lowest dungeon of hell , appointing black devils to be their jaylors , flames of fire to be their cloathing , hideous terrours and woe to be their food , cain , iudas , and other damned tormented spirits to be their companions , where they must lye bound in chains of darkness , till the judgment of the great day ; and when the general assize is come , and the angels have blown the last trumpet , and gathered the elect to the right hand of christ , then they will be sent with the keys of the bottomless pit , and the prison will be opened for a while , and like so many rogues in chains , they shall together with all their fellow sinners be brought forth , and finde out the dirty flesh of their bodies , which like a nasty ragg they shall then put on , and with most rufull looks , and trembling joynts , and horrible shreeks , and unexpressible confusion and terrour , they shall behold the lord jesus christ , whom in life time they despised and affronted , come down from heaven in flaming fire , to take vengeance upon them , who will sentence them to the flames of eternal fire , and drive them from his throne and presence into utter darkness , where they must take up their lodging for evermore . then , then there will be a clear revelation of the righteous and dreadful judgments of this great god unto the world , and upon this accursed generation . but more fully to clear up the reason of london's judgments , and the righteousness of god herein ; god hath indeed spoken very terribly , but he hath answered us very righteously . london was not so godly , as some speak by way of scoff : no! if london had been more generally godly , and more powerfully godly , these judgments might have been escaped , and the ruins of the city prevented ; no! it was the ungodliness of london , which brought the plague and fire upon london . there was a general plague upon the heart , a more dangerous infection , and deadly plague of sin , before there was sent a plague upon the body ; there was a fire of divers lusts which was enkindled , and did burn in the bosome , som t●mes issuing out flames at the door of the mouth , and at the windows of the eyes of the inhabitants , before the fire was kindled in the city , which swallowed up so many habitations . we have fallen , thousands of persons into the grave by the plague , thousands of houses , as a great monument upon them , by the fire ; and whence is it ? we are fallen by our iniquities . hosea 14. 1. the crown is fallen from our heads ; and what is the reason ? because we have sinned against the lord. lam. 5. 16. god hath spoken terribly , but he hath answered righteously ; as he gives great and especial mercies in answer unto prayer : so he sendeth great and extraordinary judgments in answer unto sin ; there is a voice and loud cry , especially in some sins which entreth into the ears of the lord of sabbath . 1 sam. 5. 4. when god speaks by terrible things , he makes but a righteous return to this cry . and though these judgments of plague and fire are national judgments , and may be the product of national sins , and i verily am perswaded , that god was more highly provoked by some that dwelt out of the city , than with those which dwelt in it , i mean the profane and ungodly generation , who chiefly did inhabit more remotely ; and that god , being so provokt , was the more ready to strike , and let his hand fall so heavy upon london ; yet since many of the ungodly crew were got into the city it self , and most in the city , that were not of them , & did not dare to commit their impieties , yet made themselves guilty , by not mourning for them , and labouring in their place what they could after a redress ; and since london it self hath been guilty of so many crying sins ( as i shall endeavour to shew . ) gods righteousness in the terrible things of london will be evident , especially if we consider 1. that god hath punished london no more than their iniquities have deserved . 2. that god hath punished london less than their iniquities have deserved . 1. god hath punished london no more than their iniquities deserved ; great sins deserve great plagues ; and have not the sins of london been great ? let us make an inquity after londons sins . here i shall offer some sins to consideration , and let london judge whether she be not guilty , and whether the lord hath not been plaguing her , and burning her , and possibly , yea probably will bring utter ruin and desolation upon her , except she see and mourn and turn the sooner : it is out of dear and tender love to london ( with whom i could willingly live and die ) that i write these things to put them in mind of their sins , that they might take some speedy course for a redress and turning away the fierce anger of the lord which is kindled against them for sin , lest he next proceed to bring utter ruin upon them : surely they have not more reason to think that gods anger is turned away since the fire , than they had to think it was turned away after the plague ; but rather they may conclude , that though the fire of the city bee quenched yet the fire of gods anger doth burn still more dreadfully , than the other fire ; and that his hand is stretched out still to destroy . therefore , o all yee inhabitants about lond●n open your eyes , and ears , and hearts , and suffer a word of reproof for your sins ; and deal not with this catalogue of your sins as iehojakim did with ieremiah's roll , who burnt it in the fire , not being able to bear his words ; but do with it as iohn did with his little book , eat it and digest it , though it be bitter in the mouth , as well as in the belly ; it is bitter physick , but necessary for the preservation of a sick languishing city , which is even ready to give up the ghost . and here i shall begin with more gospel-sins , which , though natural conscience is not so ready to accuse of , yet in the account of god are the most heinous sins : and i would have a regard not only to latter , but also to former sins , which , possibly , may now be more out of view , and forgotten , and which some may be hardned in , because the guilty have not been so particularly and sensibly punished ( though gods sparing of them hath been in order to their repentance ) or their punishments in some kinde hath been accounted by them no punishments , or their punishments have been mistaken , and their hearts have swelled against instruments made use of by god therein , instead of accepting of the punishment of their iniquity , and humbling themselves deeply before the lord. i say i would call to remembrance former sins , as well as latter , which are more visible now and apparent : for as god , being so slow to anger , hath not been quickly moved to such indignation ; but , as we have reason to think , that his wrath hath been a long time boiling in his breast , before it was raised to this heighth as to boile over , and pour down plague and fire upon the city of london : so we may reasonably infer , that sins committed by london long agoe , were the fuel put under , that caused this boiling of his anger , which , because other judgments have not wrought the kindly effect of repentance , the lord hath been provoked to express this way , which hath been more feeling and dreadfull . moreover when i reckon up london's sins , i would not reflect alone upon any one party , in as much as all parties have sinned , and i believe the lord hath been offended with all , as in his judgments he hath made no difference , that all might be awakened to see their faults with sorrow and shame . and if it were fit , i would begin here with my self , being perswaded that my sins , more then thousands of others , have helpt to fill up the viol of gods anger ; but as i go along , i shall endeavour by the grace of god to apply to my self the sins which conscience will accuse of , that i may bewail and amend : and i would beseech every one of you , that cast your eyes upon these lines , to do the like , and to compare them with those lines , which are written in the book of your consciences , and where you finde a transcript , read and read again , consider and lay to heart , get to your knees , confess and labour to drop , at least some teares into the bottle , which if this little book might help gather from your eyes , and you could be perswaded to pour forth such waters before the lord , they might help to quench the violence of the fire of gods anger , which we have reason to fear is still burning against us . sect . viii . a catalogue of london's sins , which have provoked the lord to speak with so terrible a voice in the city . 1. the first sin of london is slighting of the gospel . the gospel in england hath above this hundred years shined forth out of the clouds of popery and antichristianisme , which before did over-spread the land ; and in no place of england hath the gospel been preached with greater power and purity than in london ; and what entertainment hath it found ? hath it been valued according to its worth and excellency ? hath it been received as if it had come down from the god of heaven , expressing his love and good-will towards the children of men , as if it had brought such good newes and tidings , as salvation by jesus christ ? read the elogium which the apostle peter gives of the salvation made known by the gospel , 1 pet. 1. 10 , 11 , 12. of which salvation the prophets have enquired , and searched diligently , who prophesied of the grace that should come unto you : searching what , or what manner of time the spirit of christ which was in them , did signify when it testified before-hand the sufferings of christ , and the glory that should follow : unto whom it was revealed , that not unto themselves , but unto us they did minister the things , which are now reported unto you , by them that have preached the gospel unto you , with the holy ghost sent down from heaven , which things the angels desire to look into . the prophets of old did enquire and search , but did not so clearly understand the gospel , as now it is revealed , our saviour tells his disciples , luke 10. 24. that many prophets and kings had desired to see the things which they saw and had not seen them , and to hear the things , which they did hear , and had not heard them ; for indeed this mystery was hid from ages and generations which god then made manifest unto the saints , col. 1. 26. and the apostle paul tells us , that though the ministration of the law were glorious , in so much that it made the face of moses to shine , unto whom the law was revealed upon the mount , yet that it had no glory , in comparison with the ministration of the gospel , whose glory did so far excell , 2 cor. 3. 7 , 10. the mysteries of gods wisdome and love revealed in the gospel , being so glorious , surely are worthy of acceptation and esteem , especially when the angels who are not so much concerned , desire to look into these things , unto whom it is said , eph. 3. 10. is made known by the church the manifold wisedome of god. and yet these great things , which have been reported by them , who have preached the gospel , with the holy ghost sent down from heaven , have been undervalued in london . the gospel hath been slighted in london , and though some have been more notoriously guilty , yet who can altogether excuse themselves from this sin ? now that the conviction may be more full , i shall charge the sin more particularly . 1. the ignorant persons in london have been guilty of this sin , the light of the gospel hath shin'd about them , but they have mufled up themselves in darkness , and suffered sathan to keep them hood-wink'd , least the light of the glorious gospel should enter , and lead them out of his snare ; thousands in the city have been affectedly ignorant : though they have had means of knowledge , so near , and so easy to come by , multitudes have perished out of london , and multitudes still remain in their ignorance . o the neglect that there hath been of learning catechisms ! and how few have endeavour'd to acquaint themselves with the principles of the christian religion , that they might have the more full and clear understanding of the gospel ? 2. the vicious and profane have been guilty of slighting the gospel , how many such persons have there crouded , and are still crouding out of london into hell , when the light of the gospel shined upon them , which would have guided them in the way to heaven : because this light hath been too troublesome in its discovery , and reproof of their dear and sweet sins ; they have hated it , and endeavoured to fly as far as they could from it , or to shut their eyes as hard as they could against it . 3. the civil persons also have been guilty , there have been many sober citizens , and matrons , civil youths , and virgins , who have been free from the gross pollutions , which are in the world through lust , who have been diligent in their calling , just in their dealings , courteous , and sweet natur'd in their demeanour , and yet without the least degree of the power of godliness , without which it is impossible they should be saved , alas ! none of these have given any warme welcome unto the gospel in their hearts , which hath been so long preached in the city ; the kindness of a friend hath been esteemed by them , but the kindness of god hath not been regarded : if a messenger had come and told them how they might save their estates , when in danger of loss , or how to save their relations when in danger of death ; o how welcome would such a messenger and tidings have been ? but when ministers have preached the gospel unto them , which tells them how they should save their souls , in danger of death and hell , such tidings have had no relish with them , as if they had no souls , or were in no danger : the light hath shined before them , but there hath been a cloud in their eye , they could not discern it ; or they have look'd upon it afar off , they have not drawn neer , and brought it home , and set it up in their bosomes , that they might order themselves , and whole conversations , according to its guidance and direction . 4. the hypocrites have been guilty of this sin , these have drawn neerer to this light , than any of the former ; so neer , that they have seem'd to be cloathed with its beames , they have lighted their lamps hereby , and have shined forth in a glorious blaze of an outward profession , yet there hath been even in these an inward secret disrelish of the gospel , especially of some things in it ; there have been some secret rooms in their hearts into which they would not suffer the light to enter , least it should discover those beloved dalilah's which there they have nourished and brought up , they have been rotten at the core , and have had some unmortified lust within , which the world hath not taken notice of ; so that if the gospel hath been received by them , it hath been only in the outward form , not in the inward power ; if the light hath been received , it hath been without its heat and life . hence it hath come to pass that some of these hypocrites , who seemed to be stars of the first magnitude , have proved only blazing-stars and commets , which in a short time have fallen and sunk into wilde opinions , or fearful apostacy . 5. the errone us have been guilty of this sin ; some and not a few in london , under this glorious sun-shine of the gospel , which hath come from heaven , have lighted a candle at the fire of hell , and laboured to set it up in opposition to the true light of the gospel , crying out , new light , new light. sathan himself hath appeared in london like an angel of light , and employed his emissaries and wicked instruments ( who have seemed to be ministers of righteousness , but have had a wolfish ravenous heart under the dress and cloathing of the sheep ) to vent many damnable and destructive opinions in our church , under pretence of new discoveries and revelations of the spirit ; and though this false and taper-light could never abide the test , and put forth any beams of convincing truth , but darkned and disappeared upon the approach of the sun , where it shined in its power ; yet too many whose eyes were too fore to look upon the glorious beams of the sun , and yet withall their hearts too fearful to remain wholly in the dark without any shew of light , did withdraw themselves from the former , and sought after the later in dark corners , where alone such rotten wood could seem to shine , and such candles could give forth any light , and choosing night rather than day ▪ they followed these false wandring fires , though they were led by them into many a precipice . it is sad to remember , and seriously to consider what errours and strong delusions have abounded and prevailed in our gospel-daies . how many false teachers have there been among us , which have crept in at unawares ? how many jesuits and priests sent from rome and other places , to rend and tear our protestant church to pieces , that they might make way for the introduction of popery , at least to cast a disgrace upon protestantism , and delude many of us with the opinions they have broached , and to confirm their own in their delusions ; thus many cunning & learned jesuits have disguised themselves in the habit of taylors , shoo-makers , and of other mechanical tradesmen , that they might seem to the people to have been taught those things by the spirit , which have been the product of much study ; thus these cursed villains , of old ordained to condemnation , have privily brought in damnable heresies , some calling themselves quakers , others ranters , other seekers , others antinomians , others brownists , others anabaptists ; putting themselves into any shapes , that they might mis-lead , and the better lye in wait to deceive poor souls ; some denying the lord that bought them , setting up the fancy of a christ within them for their saviour ; others denying the foundation , undermining the divine authority of the scriptures ; others labouring to overthrow the doctrine of justification , and striking at most fundamental doctrines in the christian faith ; and all of them endeavouring to undermine the ministry of christs institution , and sending , calling them anti-christian , baals priests , false prophets , doing what they could to bring them and their ministry out of esteem , that they might the more effectually prevaile with the people to receive their false doctrines , and arm them hereby against an undeceivement ; and sweetning their poison with good words and fair speeches , they have deceived the hearts of the simple , so that many did follow their pernicious waies , by reason of whom the way of truth hath been evil spoken of , and what ever good words they had , they were but feigned words , whereby they made merchandize of souls , whose judgment now a long time lingreth not , and whose damnation slumbreth not . 2 pet. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. these the apostle calls spots and blemishes , sporting themselves with their own deceivings , wells without water , clouds carried about with a tempest , raging waves of the sea , foaming out their own shame , wandring stars , unto whom is reserved blackness of darkness for ever . 2 pet. 2. 13 , 17. iud. 13. and yet many of these were hearkned unto , and adheared unto by too many in london , rather than the true gospel ministers , commissioned by the lord jesus christ himself , and ordained according to the prescription of his word . then many lay-men , some gifted , ( who would have given a better account of their gifts at the great day had they kept their station ) and some without gifts , but with a great measure of ignorance and confidence , did step up sometimes into pulpits , often took upon them to preach in private , invading the office , and intruding into the work of christs embassadours , which he hath appointed a peculiar office for , and which he hath set a hedge about more than any other office we read of in scripture ; but they ventured to break over the hedge , i am confident to the affronting and displeasing of the great king , whose representatives in the world his embassadours are ; and not only silly women were led captive by the deceivers which crept in when so many took liberty to preach , but also men who professed themselves to be wise , and to have attained to a degree of light above the vulgar ; yet forsaking the ministery and ordinances of jesus christ , appointed to continue unto the end of the world , for the instructing , perfecting , and establishment of saints in knowledge and faith , they became fools and children , tossed to and fro with every mind of doctrine , by the slight of them which led them aside . eph. 4. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. now all these persons have been slighters of the gospel of jesus christ , the ignorant , the profane , the hypocrite , and the erroneous ; and if you place them all in one company , how few will there remain in london , that have sincerely and heartily imbraced the truth as it is in jesus , and upon whom the gospel hath made a powerful and saving impression ? and even amongst those that have been affected and converted by the preaching of the gospel , and had it greatly in esteem at first hearing and believing ; how was their esteem of the gospel fallen , and their affection cooled ? did not gospel-ordinances begin to loose their worth and excellency , and grow tedious and wearisome unto them ? o how generally unthankful was london for the gospel priviledges and liberties ! yea , many began to be very nice and wanton , & the gospel was not relished , unless it were served up with such neatnesses & dressings , in which some ministers possibly did too much endeavour to please themselves and the people , and then the sauce was more relished than the food it selfe ; and the appetite of many was so spoiled , that plain wholsome soul-saving truths would not down with them . londoners began to be glutted with the gospel , and like the israelites in the wilderness , their souls began to loathe the mannah which came down from heaven ; a strange curiosity there was in spiritual pallates , which in many turned to a loathing of the food , in so much that the gospel became a burden unto them , and thence it was that many turned away their ears from the truth , and were turned unto errours , and they could not indure to hear sound doctrine , but having itching ears , heaped up unto themselves teachers according to their lusts . 2 tim. 4. 3 , 4. and those that continued stedfast in the truth , did not duly prize the gospel , none of them according to its dignity and worth . no wonder then if god grows angry at such contempts and affronts as were hereby offered unto him , and easeth them so much of their burden , and withdraws the food so much , which they grew so weary of : no wonder that he suffers so many of their teachers to be thrust into corners , and so much withdraws the beams of that light which was so much abused , and when they are not sensible of his displeasure in this , no wonder if he sends the plague and fire , to awaken them unto a sensibility . when the king sent forth his servants to call the guests to the wedding-feast , and they make light of it and excuse themselves , and go away , one to his farm , another to his merchandize , and the remnant took his servants and entreated them spightfully and slew them : the king was wroth , and sent forth his armies to destroy those murderers , and burn their city . matth. 22. from v. 1. to v. 8. god hath sent forth his fervants to call londoners to this feast ; how many invitations have they had to come unto christ , to accept of him , to save them , and feed upon him , from whom alone they can get any spiritual nourishment ; but how many in london have had their excuses , they have been following their merchandize and other business , and could not come ; and what entertainment his servants hath had ; the lord knows : i do not say that london hath entertained them despightfully , and slain them ; but have not their message been slighted by london ? and is it a wonder then if the king that sent them be wroth , and send a fire to burn down the city ? no greater favour could be shewed , no greater priviledge could be enjoyed , than to have the gospel powerfully preached , and ordinances purely administred ; but hath it been generally so accounted in london ? hath not merchandize , and thriving in the world ( which yet they have not thrived in ) been preferred before this by many thousands in the city ? when god hath been at such an expence to work out a way for mans salvation ; when he hath discovered such wonders of astonishing love in sending his only begotten son out of heaven to cloath himself in our flesh , that therein he might purchase life and salvation for us who were sunk so low from our primitive state by sin , and were exposed to death and wrath , & unavoidable endless misery in hell ; and hath sent his embassadours of peace to bring unto us the glad tidings hereof , and in his name to make known the thing , the authour , the tearms , the way ; and to intreat us that we would accept of life and reconciliation to god , who without any injury to himself could ruin us everlastingly , and get himself a name thereby ; and yet when the gospel is preached that we should undervalue and slight both messenger & message ; surely this hath been an affront to the lord , who hath sent his embassadours on this errand , and doth carry with it such ingratitude as cannot be paralleld . no doubt but this sin of slighting the gospel is a prime sin , which hath provoked god against london , to come forth in such fury ; and if london do not repent the sooner , and labour to recover its relish and esteem for the gospel , and make more evident demonstrations of it , i fear the lord will quite remove the gospel from them , and then nothing is like to follow but desolation and wo ; god doth not remove his glory at once but by steps ; first the glory of the lord departs from the inner-court , to the threshold of the house , ezek. 10. 3 , 4. from the threshold of the house to the door of the east-gate . v. 18 , 19. then it goes from the midst of the city , and standeth upon the mountain , chap. 11. 23. the gospel is the glory of london , and hath the glory of the lord made none of these removes ? is it not come forth of the inner-court ? hath it not left the threshold ? is not a departing of it quite from the city threatned ? will any thing recover it , if we do not recover our appetite , and prize , and cry after it . if the gospel go , god will go , the gospel being the sign and means of his special presence , and wo be unto us when god shall depart from us . hos. 9. 12. and if god depart with the gospel , farewel peace and prosperity in england , nothing i dare be confident but temporal misery and ruine will be the consequent ; if the ecclipse bring such misery , what will the quite darkning of the sun doe ? 2. the second sin of london is vnfruitfulness in such a fertile soile . this sin hath been an attendant upon , and a consequent of the former . london was not only a goshen , but an eden ▪ god chose out london to be his garden ; he hath hedged it , planted , watered , prun'd and manur'd it ; no place in the world hath had more plenty of the means of grace ; god hath given the former and the latter rain , and sweet dews of heaven both morning and evening did fall upon this place , in the morning seed was sown , and in the evening the hand was not with-drawn ; plentifull and powerfull hath preaching been in london , in season and out of season , on the sabbath day , and on the week day ; but hath london answered all gods care and cost ? hath not god come for many years together , seeking fruit , and found nothing but the leaves of profession ? hath he not often threatned to cut down the unfruitfull trees , and not suffer them to cumber his ground any longer ? and when through the intercession of the vine-dresser , he hath spared them this year and another year , hath not the same unfruitfulness still remained ? what could the lord have done more to his vine-yard than he hath done ? wherefore then when he looked for grapes , brought it forth only leaves , or wilde grapes ? and is it then to be wondred at , if the lord pluck down the hedge thereof , that it might be eaten up by the wilde boar and beast of the field , if he break down the wall thereof , and make it waste and desolate ? is it to be wondred at , if he with-hold the clouds that they rain not on it , and suffer briars and thorns to spring up in it , where the plants did grow ? the vine when it is unfruitful , is the most unuseful of all trees , it is fit for nothing but the fire , and the lord hath threatned to gather the unfruitfull branches , and to cast them into the fire and burn them ; and the earth which drinketh in the rain that often falleth upon it , and instead of herbs meet for the use of him by whom it is dressed , bringeth forth nothing but bryars and thorns , god rejecteth and curseth , and in the end burneth . o the unfruitfulness of london ! o the briars and thorns which have flourished in this ground , whereby the seed of the word hath been choaked ! o the hemlock , the thistle , and the wormwood , that have sprung up in the furrowes of the field ! o the tares that have abounded and overtopped the wheat , and how little good corn hath there been brought forth ! o the wilde olive trees which have grown up in gods garden , and wilde figges and wilde grapes , which the figg-trees and vines of god have yielded unto him ! o the leanness of his sheep in such fat pasture ! o the barrenness ! the barrenness ! of london under such plentifull showers of the word ! instead of the fruits of righteousness , which are to the praise and glory of god , there have been the fruits of unrighteousness and wickedness , which are to gods dishonour ; instead of the fruits of the spirit , which are love , joy , peace , gentleness , meekness , temperance , goodness , faith ; there have been the works of the flesh , fornication , uncleanness , lasciviousness , hatred , variance , emulations , wraths , strifes , seditions , heresies , envyings , murders , drunkenness , revellings , and such like ; of which the apostle tells us , that they which do such things , shall not inherit the kingdome of god. and those who have not abounded in the grosser works of the flesh , very few of them have been very fruitfull in good works . london hath had the means of grace , and yet most of them without grace , few of them have much grace ; london hath had powerfull ordinances , but but what powerful effect have they produced ? what have they to shew of all their prayers , and sermons , and sacraments ? have they attained unto a great measure of mortification ? is grace grown up to a great heighth ? what evidences , what experiences have the best got , which they might have got , had they been more diligent ? give me leave a little more particularly to instance the unfruitfulness of london in regard of repentance , faith , love and new obedience , the fruit which god so much looketh for , and so much delighteth in . 1. where have been the fruits of repentance in london ? calls there have been to repentance frequent , fervent : reason for repentance , sins numerous , hainous : need of repentance that judgments temporall , eternall , might be diverted , that pardon , happiness might be obtained : and yet o the impenitency and hard-heartedness of london ! few bleeding hearts under the sharp sword of the word ; little tenderness under the most melting discourses ; few converts and penitent persons did the most powerful preaching ( especially before the gospels eclipse ) bring forth in london : converting work was at a great stand , though there were so many unconverted persons in the city : and by the impenitency and hardness of heart in london , gods treasures of wrath have been filled up , which in some measure he hath opened in these late judgments , that he hath inflicted , and yet the great day of his wrath is stil to come , rom. 2. 4 , 5. 2. where have been the fruits of faith in london ? how hath unbelief abounded , the great gospel sin , more dangerous than any other , and more hainous in london than in any other place ? o the thick vail of unbelief which hath hid gospel mysteries , and things afar off from the eyes of this people ! o the evil heart of unbelief which hath shut the door against the lord jesus christ , who hath knocked so long for entertainment ! o the sottishness of london , to believe no more , when truths have been made so plain and clear ; when promises have been made known so great and sure ; when christ hath been preached and tendered ; and when heaven hath been reveal'd and proffered ; and when all have such need , for the most to shut the eye , and ear , and heart , and through unbelief to refuse ! to give god the lye , and turn upon him the back ; to give christ a wound , and tread his blood underfoot ; to give the spirit a repulse , and send him away griev'd from the heart , as men do by their unbelief ; this sin doth provoke the lord to great displeasure . 3. where have been the fruits of love in london ? o the want of love to god , and one to another ! the grace of love is necessary and sweet and hath been much pressed , but little exercised in london ; there hath been much love of the world , but little love of the father ; hatred of the brethren hath abounded , but there was little brotherly love ; burning anger there hath been , litle burning love ; burning lusts , litle burning love ; inordinate carnal love , little true spiritual love ; carnal love hath exceeded the bounds , but spiritual love hath been in a very low degree : and when love in london hath waxed cold , is it a wonder if gods anger hath waxed so hot , and broken forth into such flames , as we have seen ? 4. where have been the fruits of new obedience in london ? and expression of love to jesus christ by keeping of his commandments , though his commandments are not grievous ? 3. a third sin of london , is hypocrisy in the profession of religion . this sin exceedingly prevailed in the late times , when profession of religion was grown into fashion : religion was neer in the mouths of most , but far from the reins : there was a general face of religion , but it was no more than skin-deep ; it was seated in the countenance , not rooted in the heart : how many painted sepulchres had ▪ we in london , outwardly fair and beautiful , inwardly full of rottenness and wickedness ? how much sounding brass had we then in our streets ? a great noise and stir hypocrites did make , but they were hollow at heart ; our gold was most of it counterfeit ; water we had instead of wine , and dross instead of silver . o how was religion abused ! some made it a stirrop to get up by into the seat of honor ; others made it a cloak to cover their covetous practises ; many base and wicked designes were carried on under pretence of religion . it would ask too much time to set forth hypocrites in all their shapes , and to paint hypocrisy in all its colours . london hath formerly abounded with hypocrites , and more lately it hath not been free . if hell-fire be the portion especially of hypocrites hereafter , matth. 24. 51. no wonder then if god be angry with a place for this sin here . 4. the fourth sin of london , is formality and lukewarmness in the worship of god. there was much formality when there was no form ; and i suppose that forms have not quickned unto more liveliness ; there was a face of worship indeed in london ; and was there not only , or little more than a face in most places ? god is holy and jealous , a great king , and his name is dreadful , mal. 1. 14. god is a spirit , and they that worship him , must worship him in spirit and in truth , joh. 4. 24. but hath his worship been accordingly in london ? hath there been that spiritual worship which he requires ? let london seriously reflect upon their carriage towards god in their devotions ; have they had a due awe and dread of the great name of god upon them , when they have seemed to draw neer unto him ? have they worshipped him with reverence and godly fear ? outward reverence some have used , more than he hath required , in bowing at names and before places ; but have they had inward reverence and fear of god upon their hearts ? have they cloathed themselves with humility , when they have come into his presence ? hath there been inward fervour and delight accompanying their outward acts of worship ? alas ! how formal hath london been , especially of late in gods worship ? they have prayed , but what kinde of prayers have they been ? could they deserve the name of prayers ? were those prayers likely to prevent judgement , or turn away wrath ? some confessions of sin have been made , but so generall and formall , that they have been very unlikely to work up the heart to sorrow and repentance : and where some have been more particular , hath not much formality cleaved to them ? where hath hearty grief for sin , and sorrow been to be found ? would not a small viol hold all the tears that have dropt from the eyes of great assemblies , even in the day of their most solemn humiliations ? hath not sin been rolled under the tongue , when confession of sin hath been at the end of it ? have not the confessions of many been such as if they came to ask leave to commit sin , rather than humbly to bewail it ? at least have they not taken leave , whatever their confessions have been ? petitions have been made for pardon , and grace , and sanctification , but hath it not been lip-prayer , without hearty desire ? hath it not been in such a manner , as if they did not much care whether they did speed or no ? as if they could make shift well enough without a pardon ? as if they had no need of grace and holiness ; but they must say something for form and custom ? hath there not been an enmity in the hearts of many against that which they have seemed to desire with their lips ? who have stirr'd up themselves to lay hold on god ? who have wrestled in prayer with fervent desires , with faith , and importunity ? hearing there hath been in london ; but how little believing ? how little relishing the word , and receiving it with love ? singing there hath been , but how little joy and melody of the heart in the lord ? o how formal and lukewarm hath london been ? how much of the laodicean temper have they had in all ordinances ? and might not god say to london , as he did of old to ierusalem , isa. 1. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. to what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices unto me ? &c. such services are to no purpose ; they are vain worship , and do not attain the end thereof , either to profit him that offereth them , or to please him unto whom they are tendered ; can such formal services be effectual to procure pardon or peace ? can they bear up the spirit in a day of trouble ? will not the morning cloud and early dew of such righteousness flee away and vanish upon the approach of the sun ? will not such spiders webs be broken to pieces by a stormy winde ? how do formalists behave themselves as if they had no religion when they fall into trouble ? when god thunders by his judgements , what can a cold , formal , empty prayer do ? when death appears before them with a grim countenance , what comfort can such reap by reflection on such services ? what evidences for heaven can they gather from any of their outside devotions ? and are not they to as little purpose in regard of god ? may not god say unto them of their fastings and prayers , did you fast unto me ? did you pray at all unto me ? zach. 7. 5. or as here to the iews , that he was full of their services , even to a loathing ; that he took no delight in them , and who hath required these things at your hands to tread my courts ? bring no more vain oblations , incense is an abomination unto me , i cannot away with your assemblies , my soul hateth them , they are a trouble to me , i am weary to bear them . the lord is much offended with formal , hypocritical services ; hereby they flatter and mock him , and is he taken with flatteries ? such services are like a dead , cold , black , mangled , rotten , stinking carkase without the soul and spirit , which must needs be very unsavoury and displeasing ; they are like the lame , blinde , halt , sick cattel , which were not fit to be offered up in sacrifice under the law , mal. 1. 8. if ye offer the blinde for sacrifice , is it not evil ? and if ye offer the lame and sick , is it not evil ? offer it now unto thy governour , will he be pleased with thee ? and will god then be pleased ? such persons when they seem to serve god with their outward man , they serve the devil and their own lusts with their inward man ; god hath the form sometimes , the devil hath the power ; god hath the show , the devil hath the substance ; god hath the bark , the rinde , the shell , the devil hath the kernel ; god hath the cabinet , the devil gets the jewel ; they give god the devils leavings and refuse as it were of their own lust ; for they spend the strength and vigour of soul and body in serving the devil , and gratifying their own lusts ; and then think to put god off with any thing ; giveing him only some dead , cold , faint , empty , heartless , lifeless , outward services ; and even in them they are sweyed by some carnal motives , which are the secret spring to the wheel of all external services . and o how abominable is all such worship in the sight of god ? hath not formality in worship , been one sin of london , which hath helpt to fill up the ephah ? when the means god hath appointed for the turning away of his anger is used in such a manner that it self becomes a provocation , no wonder if his wrath break forth without remedy . 5. a fifth sin of london is division amongst professors ; different perswasions have made wide breaches and divisions in london , and through divisions have arisen great animosities and contentions , unto the shame of christianity and the protestant religion ; and hath not god been provoked to anger hereby ? hath not he contended with professours , and by the common scourge he hath brought upon them , called aloud unto them for a union , and more hearty accord and affection then formerly they have had ? and hath not he given them liberty and opportunity , had they minded and cared to make use of it , for meeting together in order unto healing ? but have professours of different parties been sensible of gods meaning in the scourge upon their backs ? have they hearkened unto gods call ? have they laid hold of , and improved opportunities for closing up their wide breaches ? i hope some closing in affection there hath been amongst some ; but how rarely hath it been to be found ? and when there are such breaches still amongst us , is it not just with god to make further breaches upon us , as he hath done by his judgements ? 6. a sixth sin of london is neglect of reformation . neglect of 1 personal 2 family 3 city 4 church reformation . 1 neglect of personal reformation in heart . life . 1. who in london have seriously and very diligently endeavoured the reformation of their hearts ? when so unclean , and polluted , who have laboured to get them washed ? when such roots of bitterness have been springing forth , and such weeds of lust have been growing there , who hath endeavoured to pluck them up ? outward neatness there hath been in london , washing , and rincing , rubbing and scowring ; but o the inward sluttishness ! they who have had clean houses , and clean garments , and clean faces and hands , have had foul hearts : who have taken care every day to rince and scowre their inside ? to bring their hearts to the fountain set open for sin and uncleanness ; and to cleanse themselves from all filthiness of flesh and spirit , that they might arrive every day unto greater perfection in holiness ? they who have been careful to dress their bodies every day , have been very careless in dressing their hearts , neglecting to put on the white robes of christs righteousness which alone can cover their spiritual nakedness and deformity ; and to get the jewels of grace , which alone can adorn the soul , and render it amiable in the sight of god. heart work , is hard work ; and it is so hard that most have let it alone ; they have been discouraged with the difficulty ; the opposition of sathan and lust to this work hath been so strong , that they have been quickly overpowered upon their first attempts and endeavours after a change and rectifying of the disorders , which they have perceived . heart work , is secret work ; many have employed themselves in the more open work of religion ; few have taken pains with their hearts in secret ; many take heed to their tongues , what they speak , and before whom ; to their hands , what they do ; to their feet , whither they go ; but few take heed to their hearts ▪ murder , adultery , theft , and the like sins have been committed in the heart by many , who would have been afraid and ashamed of the outward acts . o the unwatchfulness there hath been in london over the heart ! citizens have watched their gates , and watched their streets , and watched their houses ; but how few have watched their hearts , what cometh in , and what goeth forth ? how few have set a watch before the door of their lips , and ears , and other senses , which are the inlets of sin ; and upon their hearts , from whence are the issues of sin ? how few have kept their hearts with all diligence ? how few have laboured to govern their thoughts , to rule their passions , to subjugate their wills to christ , and to deliver up all their affections to his dispose and obedience ? heart reformation hath been much neglected . 2. who in london have endeavoured life-reformation as they should ? how few have there been effectually perswaded to put away the evil of their doings from before the eyes of the lord , to cease from evil , and have learned to do well ? how few have broken off their sins by repentance , and throughly amended their ways , measuring out their actions , by the rule of the word ? how few have got the law of god written in their hearts , and the transcript thereof in their lives , exemplifying the precepts thereof in their conversations ? how few in london have been like so many epistles of christ , in whom the will and grace of their master might be read ? who have troden in christs steps , walking as he walked , and followed him in the way of obedience and self-denyal ? who have shined like so many lights in dark places and times , adorning their profession , and living as becometh the gospel ? great irregularities there have been in the lives of most londoners , little gospel-reformation ; little making religion the business ; little holy exact living . if a stranger had looked into our city , and observed the lives of the most , and not known them to have had the name of christians , would not he have judged them to be heathens , yea many of them in their dealing to be worse then turks and infidels ? thus personal reformation hath been neglected . 2. a great neglect there hath been of family reformation in london ; how few have with ioshuah resolved , and accordingly endeavoured that they and their houses should serve the lord ? how few have set up religious worship in their families ? have not many hundred houses in the city been without family-prayer in them from one end of the week to the other ? and is it strange that the lord hath burned down those houses , wherein the inhabitants would not vouchsafe to worship him ? and where there hath been some prayer in many families , it was but once a day , and that so late at night , and when the body hath been so tryed , and sleepy , and the soul so dull , and unfit for gods service , that the prayers have been no prayers , or lost prayers , such , which instead of pleasing him , have provoked him to anger ? how few did labour to instruct their families ; catechize their children and servants , to bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the lord ? hath not god threatned to pour out his wrath upon irreligious families ? ier. 10. 25. 3. neglect of city-reformation ; have not the magistrates of london been faulty here ? let them ask their own consciences , whether to the uttermost of their power according to the trust and opportunity the lord hath put into their hands , they have endeavoured the reformation of the city ? whether as gods under-officers , they have improved their interest for the promotion of religion in the zealous exercise of it ? yea whether they have put the laws made , in execution against sabbath-breakers , swearers , drunkards , endeavouring to find out and punish such offenders ? 4. neglect of church-reformation ; and is there no blame to be laid upon church-officers ? hath there been that zeal for , and faithful execution of church-discipline according to the rules of the word ? hath not the lord jesus christ been affronted in his kingly office by some , who have imposed precepts of their own upon mens consciences , instead of vigorously endeavouring the execution of his ; and taken the power of the keyes out of the hands of those unto whom the lord hath entrusted it , hereby rendring the execution of discipline impossible according to the laws of christ ? have not the tender and most conscientious lain under the censures of some , rather then the openly profane and scandalously wicked ? neglect of reformation am i speaking of ? nay have not many , who call themselves ministers , endeavoured rather the overthrow , then the promotion of it ? have they not had girds in their pulpits at holiness and zealous profession ; which they have seconded by a conversation of dissoluteness , malitious opposition and persecution of those especially who have been the most religious ? sad neglects there have been of reformation in london ; and that when london lay under such obligations to reform : as christians they were obliged by baptismal and renewed vows : as protestants of the reformed religion , they were obliged to endeavour a reformation : by mercies they were obliged ; an● have they been under no other obligations ? and hath not the neglect of reformation , notwithstanding all obligations , rendred them guilty of disingenuity , infideliy , yea of perjury it self ? i verily believe this is the great sin god is scourging london for ; god is contending for a reformation ; and if they do not endeavour it more vigorously the sooner , i fear he will bring desolation upon them . 7. a seventh sin of london , is fearful apostacy , and a spirit of complyance with the sins of the times . how many in london who formerly were great profestours , have discovered themselves to be rotten hypocrites ? who casting off the sheeps clothing , and laying aside all profession , have given themselves up to dissoluteness , and licentious living ? formerly they have seemed true penitents , and to be washed from their iniquities ; but they have returned with the dogg to the vomit , and with the sow that is washed to the wallowing in the mire , 2 pet. 2. ult . formerly they have been swept a little within ; and garnisht outwardly with a fair profession ; but the unclean spirit hath returned , and without any great difficulty hath entered with seven worse spirits , and defiled them more then before , and made their last state worse then their first . i speak not so much of those who worship god in this mode or that mode , and of alterations herein ; but of those who sometimes professed religion , and now do not worship god in any mode at all , but wholly addict themselves to their lusts , and are ashamed to be called , or thought to be religious . they would not now look like a saint , or speak like a saint , much less live like a saint . thus have many in our dayes cast off all fear of god , and devoted themselves with the hell-hounds of the times to the service of the devil ; resolving to do what in them lies to promote the interest of his kingdom . and if some are a little more aukward in his service , and not altogether so like him , and such apt scholars presently , as others whose education hath been in his school from their childhood , yet they learn very fast , and wonderfull is their proficiency in a short time ; and in regard of apostacy they come neerer the image of the devil , than those that have been alwayes tutor'd by him . now for any in london to forsake god , that they might serve the devil ; to draw off from the wayes of holiness , that they might walk in the wayes of wickedness ; doth cast a great slurr upon god and his wayes . they do in effect say , that the devil is a better master than god ; and that the way of sin that leadeth to hell is more eligible than the way of holiness , which alone can bring to heaven . the lord threatneth , that his soul shall have no pleasure in such apostates , heb. 10. 38. it is a meiosis , and we are to understand , that the lord is highly displeased with such persons . see how god pleads with apostatizing israel , ier. 2. 9 , 10 , &c. wherefore i will yet plead with you , saith the lord. pass ye over to the isles of chittim , and see , and send unto kedar , and diligently consider , if there be any such thing ? hath any nation changed their gods , which yet are no gods ? but my people have changed their glory for that which doth not profit ! be astonished o ye heavens at this , and be horribly afraid , be ye very desolate , saith the lord ; for my people have committed two great evils ; they have forsaken me the fountain of living waters , and have hewen out unto themselves broken cisterns , that can hold no water : and hence follows , v. 15. the young lions roared and yelled upon him , and laid his land waste ; his cities are burnt without inhabitant : and v. 17. thou hast procured these things unto thy self , because thou hast forsaken the lord thy god : and v. 19. thy own wickedness shall correct thee , and thy back-slidings shall reprove thee ; know therefore and see that it is an evil thing and bitter , that thou hast forsaken the lord thy god , and that my fear is not in thee , saith the lord god of hosts . and may not god thus plead with the apostates of london , and punish them as he did his people of israel ? 8. the eighth sin of london is deafning the ear against all gods calls . the lord hath called upon london by his ministers , but they have been like the deaf adder which will not hearken to the voice of the charmer ; they have stopped their ears , and turned away their shoulder , and made their heart like an adamant stone . god hath called by his mercies ; but this voice hath been too low , and they have slept the more securely in sin . god after other means hath called by afflictions , first lighter , then heavier ; and yet how many in london have , and still do walk contrary unto god , and will not return to him that hath smitten them ? they have been incorrigible under all gods correcting rods. when god spake by the plague , they were a little awakened , but quickly dropt asleep again ; when the plague was a little over , they return to their trades again , to their sins again , but they do not return unto the lord. and when the judgement of the plague was so much lost and ineffectual for their good ; this no doubt hath provoked god so quickly and unexpectedly to turn his hand upon them , and bring the judgement of the fire ; and if they will still walk contrary to god , they must expect that god will walk contrary to them , untill he have consumed them . 9. a ninth sin of london is profaneness , and a loose and frothy spirit , especially in the youth and springing generation . i do not tax all ; for i am confident there is a serious and godly youth growing up . but o that there were not reason to say , that the generality of youth is profane and wicked , as well as those who are grown more mature in wickedness ! and this profaneness hath shewed it self in 1 profane using gods name . 2 profane breaking of gods day . 3 profane scoffing at gods people . 1. in profane using of gods name . how grosly hath the third commandment been broken in the city ? how hath the great and dreadfull name of the lord god , which should make men to tremble in the mention of it , and command their spirits into aw and reverence , been vainly taken by many , and used to fill up the sentence of their ordinary discourse ? and not only so ; but how hath the name of god been tossed in the black mouths of the children of darkness , and even torn in pieces by their hideous oaths and execrations ? what an hellish noyse hath the sound of full-mouth'd oaths , made sometimes in the streets ; enough to make the hair stand on end , of one who hath a sence of the greatness of that majesty upon his spirit , which hereby is so audaciously affronted ? oh the swearing that hath been used by londoners in buying and selling ! many parents have been so addicted to this sin in their families , that their little children have no sooner learned to speak , but they have also learned of them to swear by the name of god , which hath been all the teaching of god that they have given them ; a devilish teaching indeed ; which hereafter they will curse and bann them for in hell. but if you should have laid your ears unto the taverns , and ale-houses , and whore-houses , and other devil-houses once standing in london ; and harkened to the speeches of many of the devils imps , in their drinking and gaming , and other lewd practises , especially when a little cross'd and vexed ; oh what language of hell might have been heard ! how have those cursed villains , in the heat of their wine and anger , shot vollies of oaths in the face of the god of heaven ! and whetting their tongues like a sharp sword , they have not feared to wound the name of god , when they have received any injury from men . o what poyson of asps hath there been under their lips ? but a worse poyson of sin in their hearts , from the evil treasure and abundance of which , these oaths and blasphemies have proceeded . but who can find words to set forth the evil of this sin , which hath not the temptation of pleasure , advantage or honour , as other sins have ; and therefore is a great argument of a monstrous wicked heart ? and who can express gods displeasure for this sin , for which he makes sometimes a whole land to mourn ? and hath not this sin provoked the lord to utter his angry voice in plaguing and burning the city , that they might fear to abuse his name any more ? 2. in profanc breaking of gods day . sabbath breaking was an ordinary sin in london . i say not , it was so much broken in doing the ordinary works of the particular callings , but in that which was worse : how many did spend the sabbath in eating to excess , and drinking till they were drunk , in sleeping , in walking into the fields , in sports and recreations ? many wholly neglected the worship of god on that day ; and instead of that , did the devil more service on the lords day , then all the days of the week besides . the many weeks of sabbaths which london had in the time of the plague , methinks did reprove london for their profaning of the weekly sabbath : and the great fire , ( i will not call it bon-fire because so destructive to london . ) which was begun in the city on the lords day did reprove london for those lesser fires , ( i will not call them bon-fires because so offensive to god ) which not long before were kindled in the streets on that day which called for other kind of work . not to speak any thing whether there were any just occasion for those fires and ringing of bells , ( most of which were melted before they were rung so generally again ) and such a shew of mirth and rejoycing at that time . the citizens carrying forth their goods , and lying in the fields , with grief and fear , might put them in mind how often they had walked out into those fields on the lords day for their recreation ; when they should rather have been hearing the word preached , or if that were over , repeating it in their own families , giving and receiving instruction , or in their closets at the throne of grace , or employed in meditation . as god delights in those that call his sabbaths a delight , and makes sweet promises to them ; so he is highly displeased with sabbath breakers , and hath denounced severe threatnings against them , jer. 17. 27. if ye will not hearken to me to hallow the sabbath day ; i will kindle a fire in the gates of jerusalem which shall devour the palaces thereof , and shall not he quenched . 3. in profane scoffing at gods people . the name of a saint , and godly man , hath been ridiculous to many prophane spirits in london , and used by them in a way of reproach . how have gods people , especially the more strict and zealous , been made the drunkards song , and laughed at in the streets ? horrid impiety ! as if it were matter of more shame to be like the holy god , than to be like the foul devill ! and to be employed in the work of angels , than to drudge in satans chains ! no wonder if god is angry with such a place where such vipers have had their abode : prophaness is a great sin that hath brought ruine upon us . 10. a tenth sin of london is pride . this sin being so odious to god ; so destructive where it abounds ; and so universal in london ; i shall speak of it the more largely , both in regard of the inward workings , and the outward expressions of it : which when opened , i believe there are none that will be able to say they are wholly free from it . 1. in regard of the inward workings of pride . oh how hath the poison of this sin envenomed the spirits of the most in a very high degree ? how many self-admirers have there been in london , who have been puft up with an overweening conceit of their own excellencies ? what high , touring , swelling thoughts have they had of themselves ? what secret self-pleasing , and lifting up themselves in their own esteem ? some esteeming themselves for that which is matter of shame ; admiring themselves for their own wit and parts , when they have lain fallow , and not been employed for god , or when they have been employed to his dishonour : when they have been wise , but it hath been to do evil : when they have been men of understanding , but it hath been to practise iniquity : when they have had cunning craftiness , but it hath been to deceive , to defraud and over-reach ; or to plot and contrive others mischief ; when they have had a ripe wit , quick understanding , rich fancy , fluency of speech ; but the employment hath been about toyes and trifles , or that which is worse ; when the vent hath been in foolish , empty complements and courtship , jesting with scripture , scoffing at the religious , or in dirty and obscene discourses . others have admired themselves , for that which really they never had but only in their own imagination . some for their parts and learning ; thinking themselves great schollars when none have thought so but themselves : others for their grace and godliness , when their silver hath been dross ; and their grace either counterfeit in whole , or so mixed with unperceived corruption , that upon examination they might find themselves very poor , in that which they thought themselves so much enriched with ; and if they looked to the root and principle of their actions , they might find great flaws , and deficiency in those things which they had the highest conceit of . how many in london have had very honourable esteem of themselves ; preferring themselves above others , yea above the whole world ? few have measured themselves by the rule , but measured themselves by their own fancies , or by other mens esteem . how many have thought themselves to be something , when they have been nothing , and rejoyced in their actions as excellent , and admirable , not from their own proof and tryal of them by the word , but from others acceptation and commendations , and by comparing them with the actions of other men , whom they have conceited themselves to exceed ? o how have some lifted up themselves above others , looking upon themselves as far more worthy without any reall ground ? their eye hath been upon their own good things , overlooking the secret evil , because it cannot be seen by men : and their eye hath been upon others evil things ; overlooking the good which hath been out of ready view : their eye hath been upon their own best things , and upon others worst things , aggravating their faults , and extenuating their own . thus they have in their thoughts brought others down through uncharitableness , and lifted up themselves upon the ruines , which their uncharitableness hath made in others worth : and when they have had greater esteem because of their greater shew , this opinion of themselves hath been confirmed ; whereas in truth , others who made less shew , and had less esteem , have had more sincerity , and secret hidden excellency . i might further trace the inward workings of pride in the self-love which it hath effected ; what a marvelous affection have proud persons had towards themselves , notwithstanding their ugliness , and spiritual deformity , the rottenness and corruption within them ? and many lusts of their hearts ? all which pride hath covered and a thousand faults in themselves ; as charity doth cover a thousand faults in others : pride hath put a fair gloss and varnish upon all , and represented men to themselves as very lovely and amiable . pride also hath chosen for such , their friends , who have been loved , not according to the worth which those persons have had , but according to the estimation those persons have had of their worth ; which if those have fallen in estimation , these have fallen in affection . i might shew the workings of pride , in the hatred , anger , spight , revenge which it hath effected , when it hath met with disesteem or slighting : the grief at the substraction of its fuel , and provision ; the sollicitous thoughts , and cares concerning , and eager progging , and pursuit after others commendations ; the storm of commotion and disturbance which this winde hath raised , when the tide of applause hath run another way : the complacency and delight it hath yielded in drinking out of a full stream of others esteem , in chewing the cud , and revolving in the minde the praise of men . but so much concerning the inward workings of pride . 2. concerning the outward expressions of pride , and that , 1. in the speech : london hath been grosly guilty in boasting and vain-glory. what company could you come into almost , but you should finde many boasting spirits ? some foaming out the shame of their own praise , in high expressions , and direct self-commendations ( without any regard to gods glory , self-vindication , example , or excitement ; in which cases , modestly and sparingly , to do it may be lawfull and a duty ) but they have done it only to be well thought on , and admired : others driveling out their own praises more sliely and indirectly ; but a christian of eyes and brains , might easily perceive that the drift and scope of the discourse hath been self , and a tacit begging of a good opinion . as if one should say , pray friends , think a little better of me ; pray have me higher in your esteem ; for to say the truth , by this i give you to understand that i am a very worthy person . many we shall finde very forward to declare their own goodness , but few faithfull in speaking forth the praises of god ; yea many there have been who have discommended themselves , not that they might fall , but rise in esteem . thus some rotten-hearted hypocrites as full of pride as they can hold , and some sincere in the main , yet too much like them , have spoken so meanly of themselves , and so much against themselves as none other would do ; and what hath been the design ? even that they might be accounted humble : and therefore they have taken care in their self-commendations , to speak of nothing but common infirmities , concealing their more gross faults ; and those common infirmities , in a mourning and complaining way , as if they were very sensible of them ; as if affected , afflicted , and burthened with them ( as the humble , sincere christian is indeed ) that they might be esteemed for sensibility of small faults ; and then they have taken care to do it , not to those that are more rigid , severe and quicksighted christians , that would quickly have smelt out their pride ; but unto those , which they have lookt upon as the most tender , charitable persons , who are ready hereby to advance them higher in esteem ; or weaker christians , who are ready to confess more evil of themselves . and when they have thus spoken against themselves , they have not really thought so , but the contrary ; but they have spoken so , that they might be contradicted , and commended to their faces ; if they thought they should have fallen in esteem by such words , they would have held their peace , but because they supposed discommendation might most effectually promote esteem , and draw out a good word , therefore they have used it . proud hypocrites speak ill of themselves that they may be accounted humble ; they cannot endure to be humble ; they care not for the grace , yea they hate it ; yet they would be thought to have it , because it doth promote esteem : they love the reward of humility , but they care not for humility it self , they love humility in others , because such persons will stoop to them ; but they love not humility in themselves , for they will stoop to none . thus some also out of a secret design of pride have discommended others behinde their backs , that they might be thought to exceed them , whom they could correct , and finde fault withall ; they have laboured to bring down others that they might set up themselves . and the same design of pride they have had in commending others to their faces , and exalting them in words above themselves , not from a reall esteem which they have had of them above themselves , but only that they might draw forth a commendation from them . such expressions of pride have been to be found in professors , and have been more latent ; but i shall speak of the more gross and open expressions , which have been generall in the city . we read of the pride of the daughters of ierusalem , isa. 3. 16 , &c. they were haughty , and walked with stretched forth necks , and wanton eyes , walking and mincing as they went , and making a tinckling with their feet : and what was it they were proud of ? see from v. 18. to v. 25. their ornaments , their cauls , their tires , their chains , their bracelets , their mufflers , their tablets , their head-bands , their rings , their iewels , their changeable suits of apparel , and the like . and hath there not been this pride in london ? were not the daughters of london like the daughters of zion for pride , and haughtiness ? was there any place in england that could shew such pride of apparel as london could shew , which the female sex were not only guilty of ? was there any fashion , though never so antick and apish , which london did not presently imitate ? who can count the cost which hath been lavished out in cloathing , and rich apparel ? some pinching their bellies and families to lay it out on this lust. this pride of apparel is very shamefull and absurd , cloaths being the badge of apostasie , which were not made use of till after the fall , therefore the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies cloathing , comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he prevaricated ; and it is as if a thief should be proud of his shackles , or any malefactor of his mark of disgrace : at least the gaudy attire of many persons hath signified the emptiness and frothy minde within ; and that they have had nothing to set them forth but their cloaths . i might also add ; the pride , which the daughters of london have had of their beauty , though it be but skin-deep , and the body but a skinfull of dirt , and the choycest beauty without discretion , like a jewel hanged at the ear or nose of a swine : and the lord knows what monstrous , and defiled , and deformed insides , the most of those have had , who have been so fair and adorned outwardly . many in london have been proud of their fine cloaths and fair faces ; and others of their fair shops , and stately houses ; pride has hung about the neck like a chain , and covered them like a garment , instead of the cloathing and ornament of humility , which before god is of so great price . now god is highly offended with the sin of pride , god resisteth the proud , 1 pet. 5. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he doth as it were set himself in battell array against them . pride goes before destruction , and an haughty spirit before a fall , prov. 16. 18. pride was one of sodoms sins , which city was burnt with fire from heaven , ezek. 16. 49. the scriptures speak of three cities that were burnt for this sin of pride among other sins , namely sodom , ierusalem , and babylon : and may not london come in for a fourth ? the botches , and blains , and loathsome sores in the bodies of many , when the plague was in london ; and the burning of so much fewel of pride , by the fire , methinks were a very loud reproof and rebuke of london for this sin . 11. an eleventh sin of london , is fullness of bread , or intemperance in eating : this was another of the sins of sodom . god did feed london with the finest of the wheat , and gave plenty of corn , and flesh , and other provisions ; but how have they abused plenty by their intemperance and luxury ? o the excessive feasting in halls , and private houses of them whose estates have been more plentifull ! what indulging hath there been to the appetite , as if self-denyal in regard of the appetite were no duty , or an enemy , and with the poor to be shut out of doors ? what curiosity of palat , and daintiness have many in london had , so that air , earth , sea , must be ransackt to please them , and all would not do ? what loathing have they had of ordinary food ? many good creatures of god must be cut and mangled , and spoyled , to make them new dishes ; which however pleasing , have but spoyled their stomachs , and bred diseases in their bodies . some have not eaten much , but have been so choice , that scarce any food hath pleased them ; and that not , through sickness of body , but wantonness of mind : others have been pleased with their food and overpleased , and all their pleasure hath been therein ; all whose god , as the apostle speaks , phil. 3. hath been their belly . such like the rich man , luk. 16. 19. have fared sumptuously and deliciously every day ; o the excessive cost that some have bestowed upon their tables daily ! o the excessive quantity of meat that some have devoured ! o the excessive time that hath been wasted in pampering the flesh ! what rioting and banqueting hath there been daily in london , many feeding themselves without fear ; as if gluttony were not any sin at all ? how many have been like fed horses in the city , or like fatted oxen , who as the apostle iames speaks , have lived in pleasure and been wanton , and nourished themselves as in a day of slaughter , jam. 5. 5. and as hos. 13. 6. according to their pasture so were they filled ; they were filled , and their heart was exalted , therefore have they forgotten me. this kinde of intemperance hath so strangely brutified many , that they have been even degenerated into beasts , only that they have been more unusefull ; for hereby they have unfitted themselves for all kinde of service , as if they were born only to eat : but withall they have prepared themselves for those ruining and slaughtering judgements which have come upon the city . 12. a twelfth sin of london is idleness ; a consequent of the former ; only that idleness hath been more generall : this was also a sin of sodom ; i will not say but many citizens of london were diligent in their calling , but how many idle vagrant persons were there in the city ? what idleness in many of the youth , if not held in the more strictly , and some breaking forth , and lavishing away stollen time , which was not at their own dispose whatever strictness was used ? moreover what an ill example for idleness , did many governours themselves give to their children and servants ? when masters were idle abroad , no wonder that servants were idle at home ; when mistresses were idle in their chambers , no wonder if the kitchin did imitate . though eating , and drinking , and cloathing were necessary , and called for some time ; yet the excess of time spent about these things , if not worse , was no better than idle time . many especially of the females in the city have spent so much time in the morning in their beds , if not in sleeping , at least in idle foolish fancies , and so much time after in neat and curious dressing their bodies , that they have had no time before dinner for prayer or reading , no time to dress their souls : and the afternoon being far spent in eating and drinking , the rest of the time hath run away either in visitings or entertainments , wherein ( if not worse ) vain , idle , unprofitable things have been the chief , if not the only subject of their discourse : and by that time they have again refreshed themselves with food at night , they have been too sleepy and unfit for prayer , and the service of god. and thus many careless women in the city have lived in ease and idleness from one end of the week , and one end of the year unto another . but methinks the lord hath by his terrible things in london , spoken unto them much in the same language as he did , isa. 32. 9 , 10 , 11. rise up ye women that are at ease , hear my voice ye careless daughters , give ear to my speech ; many dayes and years shall ye be troubled ye careless women : tremble ye women that are at ease , be troubled ye careless ones , strip ye , make ye bare , and gird sackcloth upon your loyns . but i would not charge this sin of idleness only upon the female sex : many men have been more shamefully guilty , especially those who have mispent so much time in gaming , ( not to speak of excess in eating and drinking , and other time-consuming sins which are reproved in their proper place ) o the time that many have spent in gaming ! some recreations wherein the body is exercised , may be lawful and necessary at some time ; so they do not steal away too much of their time and affections ; but for men to sit at games as hard as schollars at their books , what rational plea can be used for such wicked idleness ? thus silver , and gold , and great estates have been consumed ; and o the golden hours , the dayes , and nights , and precious time , that have been lost in gaming ! thus some have run out of all , and removed into the country to hide their shame , after their high port in the city ; some have gone into the high wayes , not to beg , but to do that which is far worse , which in some hath had a dreadful conclusion . and not only this kind of idleness hath brought poverty , but also that heedless , slothful spirit , which many of the city have had in their callings ; which hath made them blemishes to the city , and hath been an helper on of our ruine . 13. a thirteenth sin of london is unmercifulness , another of sodom's sins . ezek. 16. 49. she strengthened not the hands of the poor and needy . i shall not blame the whole for this sin , for the charity of london hath sounded throughout the land , and throughout the world . but yet have not many of the great men of the city been guilty of unmercifulness , who though more able , yet have been less forward to contribute to the relief of such as have been in distress ? it hath been the comfort of some who have lost much by the fire , that they had saved what before they had given to the poor , by putting it out of the reach of moth , or rust , or thieves , or flames of fire . but oh what marble bowels have some had towards the poor ! so that they could , ( whatever abundance they had by them beyond what themselves did make use of ) as freely part with so many drops of their blood , as pieces of money , though to help some of the needy and distressed members of jesus christ : not considering that the lord jesus is the heir of all things , and whatever estate they had , they were but his stewards ; and that relief of the needy is a debt , which though man cannot require it of them , yet god can : and is it unequal if for want of payment of gods debts ( which they owed out of their estates , by vertue of gods command , to the poor ) the lord hath dispossest them of his houses , and burnt them with fire , and taken away part of the estates which he gave them because they have employed them no more for his glory . 14. a fourteenth sin of london is vncleanness , another sin of sodom ; their sin indeed was unnatural uncleanness . i would hope that this sin hath been little known and practised in the city . but fornication and adultery have been too common . indeed there hath not been that boldness and impudency in this sin as elsewhere ; there hath not been that whores forehead so generally in london , and declaring the iniquity like sodom : but let the consciences of many londoners speak , whether they have not been secretly guilty of this sin ? would it not be a shame to tell of the chambering and wantonness , and privy leudness which hath been committed in london ? suppose that in all the remaining churches the sin of uncleanness should be reproved ; and all , both men and women that have been actually guilty of it , should be forced by an inward sting of conscience ( as sometimes those were upon the words of our saviour that accused the woman taken in adultery ) immediately to go forth out of the place : what a stir would there be in some churches ? what an emptying of some pews ? what a clearing of some iles ? and how few would there be remaining in some places ? suppose a visible mark were put by god upon the foreheads of all adulterers in the city of london , as god put a mark upon cain after he had been guilty of murther ; would not many who walk now very demurely , and with much seeming innocency , walk with blushes in their cheeks ? would not many keep house and hide their face , and not stir abroad except in the night ? or if in the day , would they not shuffle thorow the streets , and hate the fashion of little hats , and the court-mode of wearing them behind their head ; and rather get such whose brims are of a larger size , which might the more conveniently cover their brows ? and would not many unsuspected and seemingly modest women also , stain their cheeks with a vermilion dye upon their husbands or friends search into their countenance ? would not many of them walk with thick hoods , and wear continually deep fore-head-cloaths , as if they were troubled with a perpetual head-ake , that they might hide their shame from the view of man ? this sin is so nasty and filthy , that whatever swinish pleasure is found in the commission of it , usually those that are guilty ( unless the brow be brass ) are ashamed that it should be known : the holy and jealous eye of god hath seen them in their filthiness ; their secret sins are set in the light of his countenance , which above all should make them ashamed ; whoremongers and adulterers god will judge , heb. 13. 4. which should make them afraid . i have heard of smithfield haunts , and moore-field walks , whither there hath been too great a resort from the city under the shadow of the wings of the night , about these deeds of darkness ; the words and signs which such lewd persons have used to signifie their minds one to another i am unacquainted withall : the many whorehouses , under the name of alehouses about london , by report have had too many customers : and if the constables had been as zealous at other times , as they were when the strict press was in the city to disturb those conventicles , they might possibly have found more of that coat , and tribe who should have given better example . if there have not been publick stews in london as in other cities in the world ; yet have not some made their own houses little better , some men bringing in their whores in little better than publick view ? and of the other sex some by the open weare of naked breasts , and their light attyre and carriage , have enticed the eye and courtship , and after , basely prostituted their bodies to the lusts of filthy ruffians . o the boyling , burning lusts that have been in london ! o the wanton eyes and looks ! the speculative uncleanness , and secret self-pollutions ! the obscene and filthy speeches ! the toying and lustful dalliances ! and the gross actual uncleann●ss which god hath been witness to every day in london ! this sin of uncleanness doth debase the spirit made at first after gods own image ; defiles both soul and body , which should be the temple of the holy-ghost ; and renders men unfit for communion with an holy god , who is of such pure eyes that he cannot approve of the least iniquity ; much less of this , which is so gross ; and not only so but doth exceedingly provoke him unto anger and jealousie . this may be one sin that hath brought down such fearful judgements upon the city ; we read of twenty and four thousand men that fell in one day by the plague , for the sin of fornication , num. 15. 9. and have not many thousand inhabitants and habitations of london fallen for this sin ? it is said of the israelites , hos. 7. 6. they have made ready their heart like an oven , while they lye in wait , their baker sleepeth all night ; in the morning it burneth as a flaming fire . have not the hearts of many in london been like an oven for lust , and themselves like bakers putting fewel into it , and stirring it up ; and if whilest they have lain in wait , and have not had present opportunity for satisfaction of their lusts ; they have seemed to be asleep ; yet no sooner hath the morning light of a fit occasion offered it self to their adulterous eyes , but their adulterous hearts have burned within them , and broken forth into a flaming fire , in the actual commission of the sin . and hath this been the practice only of the court , and of westminster side ? hath not the cursed leaven of this common sin of the times , spread it self also in the city ? therefore the lord also hath made ready his wrath as in an hot oven ; and though like a baker he hath seemed to sleep while he lay in wait , and delayd to execute his judgments ; yet in the morning of his great provocation by this and other sins , his anger hath broke forth like a flaming fire , from whence that fire hath been kindled which hath burnt the greatest part of london down to the ground , ier. 5. 8 , 9. when the israelites were like fed horses in the morning , every one neighing after his neighbours wife ; the lord speaks to them in his wrath , shall not i visit for these things ? shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this ? 15. a fifteenth sin of london is drunkenness ; this sin hath been more visible and apparent ; i believe that scarcely any nation under heaven hath proportionably more taverns and ale-houses than england , and no place in england so many as london , and its adjacent parts : and of all the many thousands of these houses i believe there hath been scarce any but could give many instances of this sin . besides the many private houses where this sin hath been practised . how have men risen early in the morning to follow strong drink , and continued unto night , till wine inflamed them ? isa. 5. 11. come ye say they , and i will fetch wine , and we will fill our selves with strong drink ; and to morrow shall be as this day , and much more abundant , isa. 56. 12. the corners and beds full of vomit , the reelings about the streets , the contentions and wranglings , the wounds without cause , the redness of the eyes , and such like have been to evident a demonstration , of mens tarrying too long at the wine , and distempering themselves with excessive drinking , prov. 23. 29 , 30. to be overtaken with drunkenness is a great sin , which makes men more bruitish than their very horses , who will not exceed their measure in drinking , except they be forced to it by barnacles : and if none in the city had yielded to receive the drench of a cup beyond the measure without barnacles upon their noses , i suppose that with their horses , they would have been more sober ; and hereby prevented many distempers of body , and worse distempers of mind , and which is worst of all , much dishonour of god , as well as of themselves , which excess in this kind hath been the cause of . but for men to follow after this sin , and make it their trade and common practice ; to delight in it , and seek for their god and chief happiness , in a cup of wine , or ale , and to grow men of might in drinking ; to exceed the bounds by many degrees without reeling , to entice others to it , yea to force them to drink healths ( that ungodly practice ) which would not in the least promote anothers health , but was likely to destroy their own , through the excess which such practices do introduce ; to take pleasure in drinking down others under their feet ; and after to glory in their shame and wickedness ; this is a sin that doth so far exceed bruitish , that it becomes devilish , and doth highly provoke the lord to pour forth his fury like water upon the places where such sins are committed . and hath not london been guilty of this sin of drunkenness with the aggravations of it ? have not some of londons magistrates been guilty , who should have punished this sin , and too many ministers , who should have reproved it both by word and example of sobriety ? and for such to be seen drunk and reeling in the streets , was very shamefull , and a great provocation . have not the late judgements in some sort pointed out this sin ? the dizziness of head , and reeling of persons that have been smitten with the plague ; the flaming of the heart of the city , and reeling of the houses , and tumbling of them to the ground by the fire , methinks were a reproof of the dizziness and reelings , about the streets and houses , of such persons as had inflamed and distempered themselves with excessive drinking . 16. a sixteenth sin of london is perverting of judgement . this is a god-provoking sin : when none calleth for justice , nor any pleadeth for truth ; when men make to themselves crooked paths , and there is no judgement in their goings ; yea when judgment is turned away backward , and justice standeth afarr off , and truth is fallen in the streets , and equity cannot enter ; when truth faileth , and he that departeth from evil , maketh himself a prey , &c. as the prophet speaks , isa. 59. when magigistrates are lovers of gifts , and followers after rewards ; when they judge not the fatherless , neither doth the cause of the widdow come unto them ; then the lord cryeth ah! i will ease me of mine adversaries , and aveuge me of mine enemies , isaiah 1. 23 , 24. i cannot charge london deeply with this sin ; not having been my self present much in their courts of judicature ; and i would hope that justice hath taken place here , as much as in most cities in the world : but when i read what the lord saith concerning ierusalem , jer. 5. 1. run ye too and fro through the streets of jerusalem , and see now and know , and seek in the broad places thereof if ye can find a man , if there be any that executeth judgement , that seeketh the truth , and i will pardon it : and when withall i consider the dreadfull judgments of god upon the city of london , whereby the glory of the magistracy and government of the city is so much stained ; i would submit it to enquiry whether there hath not been a failure and perverting of judgment in the city ? whether bribes and rewards have not blinded the eyes , and the edge of the law hath not been turned against well doers , instead of evil doers ? whe●her the fatherless and the widdow have not been sent weeping to their heavenly father to complain of injustice ? it is not a time to cover faults but to confess and leave them ; least unavoidable ruine come upon us when it will be too late . 17. a seventeenth sin of london is covetousness . how universally hath this sin reigned in the city ? so that it may almost be said of london , as it was of ierusalem , jer. 6. 13. from the least of them even unto the greatest of them every one is given to covetousness . those who have been free from gluttony , drunkenness , adultery , and the like expensive sins ; have on the other hand addicted themselves to the sin of covetousness . i do not charge all , but oh how almost universal hath this sin among tradesmen been ? which hath evidenced it self both in their getting and keeping riches . 1. in getting : what eager desires after the world , and their obtaining an estate by their trades ? what studies and consultations , what wracking the brains , and torturing the wits , to find out the best way of thriving in the world ? what earnest prosecutions have there been , and laborious endeavours , rising up early , and sitting up late , and wearying the body , and the mind all the day , eating the bread of carefulness , and mingling the drink with sollicitousness , crouding up the whole time with worldly business , so that their own health hath been disregarded , as well as the worship of god neglected in the families of these worldlings ; and all to scrape a little worldly riches together which some have mist of , notwithstanding all their endeavours : and if they have obtained , yet they have remained more poor in contentment , than when they were more poor in their estates ? for as their estates have increased , so their desires have increased and been farther off from satisfaction ; as they have enlarged their shops and trades ; and wealth hath flowed in upon them ; so they have enlarged their desires like hell , and like the grave have never said it is enough : when they have added bag to bag , and house to house , the more cares , and fears , and sometimes piercing sorrows have accompanied their gains ; but far have they been from finding the contentment and comfort in their riches that they looked for . 2. this covetousness hath appeared in keeping what they have gotten : keeping i say , for covetous persons have had little heart to spend though in necessary uses what they have scraped together : they have had wealth , but the use of it they have not had ; it hath been to them like a treasure in a chest of which they had lost the key ; or like another mans money in their keeping , which they must not meddle withall . whatever abundance they have had in the bag , and in the coffer , their families have been in want ; the table hath been penurious ; the back and belly have been pinched ; they have lived at a meaner rate than those that have been of a meaner degree . the poor might starve at their doors , no pitty towards others in want and misery , and the least pitty towards themselves : whilest they have saved , for fear least afterwards they should want ; they have all along wanted , whilest they have been saving ; and it may be at last they have lost what they have been keeping , to the unexpressible grief , and it may be breaking of their hearts , which have been so set upon these things . this sin of covetousness in some hath had deeper rooting , in most hath had too much footing : and in all hath been very heinous and abominable before god. this sin is termed idolatry in scripture , and the covetous are stigmatized with the name of idolaters , col. 3. 5. ephes. 5. 5. it is heart idolatry forbidden in the first commandment . that thing we make a god to our selves , which we chiefly affect : if it be the world , then we make the world our god ; which is inconsistent with the true love of god the father the only true god. 1 joh. 2. 15. love not the world , neither the things that are in the world , if any man love the world , the love of the father is not in him . this sin of covetousness is hateful to god and provokes his wrath , isa. 57. 17. for the iniquity of his covetousness was i wroth and smote him . hath not god smitten london with the plague and fire , among other iniquities , for this iniquity of covetousness ? when london was eagerly pursuing after the world , and all minding and seeking their own interest , without any regard to the interest of gods glory and kingdom , or care of their soul-interest and salvation , which their worldly business would not allow time for ; did not the lord send a plague to put a stop to their trade ; and gave them time to seek him , and to make their peace with him in their retirements , which they could not , or rather would not finde before ? and when they returned with more eagerness to their trades , after the plague was a little over , that they might fetch up if they could what they had miss'd by that intermission ; did not the lord send a fire to consume much of that which they had set their hearts upon , and in large legible letters write vanity upon this idol , which so many had worshipped ? let london consider and lay to heart this sin of covetousness . 18. the eighteenth sin of london is extortion ; thus covetousness hath expressed it self more grosly in some . i shall not here discourse concerning usury ; but the extorting use , which some have taken of those who have been in want ; the taking use upon use , and grinding the faces of the poor in their distress , no doubt is a great sin , and very offensive to god. how many extortioners have there been in london , who have enriched themselves by impoverishing of others ; who panting after the dust of the earth , on the head of the poor , have lent money to them , not for their help , but to catch them at an advantage , that so without mercy they might catch away all that they had , not leaving them so much as a bed to ly on ? thus some have been like lyons for cruelty , and like evening wolves unt the poor , tearing their flesh from their bones , and reserving their very bones to gnaw in the morning , as the prophet speaks , zeph. 3. 3. this sin of extortion was one of the abominations reckoned up by the prophet ezekiel , for which god was so highly offended with ierusalem , chap. 22. 12. thou hast taken vsury and increase , and hast greedily gained of thy neighbour by extortion ; and hast forgotten me ; for this and other sins there mentioned , it is said v. 3. therefore have i poured out my indignation upon them ; i have consumed them with the fire of my wrath. unto this sin of extortion i may add severall other wayes that many in the city have had of getting estates , which some may dispute for the lawfulness of , and because so common and gainfull , the sin is little heeded ; but when the lord hath been contending with the whole city , and hath inflicted a generall stroke upon tradesmen , yea one stroke upon another , and hath trodden their trade under his feet , as seeming to be offended with something therein ; methinks they should be awakened , and open their eyes , and impartially search , and labour to finde out whatever it is that doth offend him , whatever seeming disadvantage may come to them thereby . and if they will not hearken , god can take away the remainder , as he hath done a great part , and so force them to a sense of their sin . one sinfull way of getting estates , and i am perswaded displeasing to god , is engrossing and monopolizing of commodities , which many in london have done , that having all the commodities of that kinde in their hands , they might make their own market , and set their own price upon them ; which if they sold as cheap as otherwise they would do , or as others do when they are shared into many hands ( as possibly some may ) i could not condemn the thing : but when by getting the whole into their hands , they hoist and raise the price far beyond the just value , which they necessitate people to give , and that only that they might enrich themselves : this i dare confidently affirm to be unlawfull ; and my reason is , because hereby they prefer a lesser good , before a greater ; namely , the enriching of themselves , and their families , before the more publick good of making the commodity more cheap to the commonwealth . if they say , the injury which they who buy of it , will sustain , ( they being so many ) will be very small and inconsiderable ; but the good they shall get hereby will be great , and they may be in a better capacity of doing good ; i answer , that none ought to do the least injury for the reaping of the greatest advantage ; it being absolutely unlawfull to do evil , that good may come thereby , and the damnation of such will be just , rom. 3. 8. and consequently a greater injury will come to themselves , than to those whom they injure ; yea , the injury will be greater , than the good , which they obtain . and as for their being in a capacity of doing more good ; i believe that such persons , if they do spend such gains , are more forward to spend them on their lusts , than to lay them out in charitable uses ; i have not heard that the greatest monopolizers in london have been the most charitable persons . if i were more acquainted with the mysteries of trades in the city , i fear , i might finde out more than one mystery of iniquity among them . if the lord would put into the hearts of magistrates and citizens , to look into trades , and to consider the equity that they bear , and take some course for rectifying abuses in them ; it might be one way to obtain a more favourable aspect from heaven ; and the lord might revive again the trade of london , which now is dying and sinking to the ground . 19. a nineteenth sin of london is lying . it is said of nineveh , nah. 3. 1. that it was a city full of lies . o the lies that have been in london ! who can reckon them ? lies in the streets , loud lies , which have been cryed , false news which we daily hear . lies in the chambers , secret lies , privy false tales which are whispered in the ears : lies in the shop , trading lies ; lies told in buying and selling : officious lies , which some tell to do their friends a kindness : mischievous lies , which some tell to do another an injury . we read of some , that bend their tongue like their bow for lies , that will not speak the truth , but teach their tongue to speak lies , jer , 9. 3 , 5. how many liars have there been in london ? what age is free from this sin ? the children have learned to lie , as soon as they have learned to speak . what house hath been free ? how have tradesmen been guilty of lying , which some account a necessary adjunct to their trade , without which they could not live ? how many servants have excused one another and themselves when they have committed faults , with their lies ? but of all lies , mischievous lies have been the worst , which some have invented to do an injury to their neighbour ; such lies are more immediately begotten by the devil the father of lies , and such liars are his most genuine off-spring . but all lies in a sense are mischievous lies ; they are mischievous to the party that tells them ; even the officious liar cannot do so much kindness to his friend by his lye , as he doth injury to himself : what! will a man stab himself to do his friend a courtesie ? he that wounds his conscience doth worse ; he that gains in his trade by his lye , loseth more than he gains : a bag of gold is not to be compared with inward peace , and the favour of god ( better than life ) which by this sin is lost . surely , the lord , being a god of truth , is much offended with this sin of lying . god delights , saith solomon , in them that deal truly , but lying lips are an abomination to him , prov. 12. 22. lying was one sin of israel , for which their land did mourn , hos. 14. 2 , 3. and god threatneth to give all liars their part in that lake which burneth with fire and brimstone , rev. 21. 8. methinks that one place should make all liars to tremble . and is not this one sin which some professors also in the city have been guilty of , to the shame of their profession ; for which the lord hath sent the fire to burn down the city , to awaken us to fly from this sin , as we would escape the future fire of hell ? 20. another sin of london is couzening and defrauding : this sin hath been the product of covetousness , and the companion of lying , and how ordinary hath it been among tradesmen , which many have been so accustomed to , that it hath been as easie to perswade the aethiopian to change his skin , as to perswade them to leave off their couzening ? this they have lookt upon as even essential to their trade , at least as necessary to their gains ; yea some have pleaded a necessity thereof , to get a livelyhood for themselves and families . but there is no necessity of any sin ; duties are necessary , but sins are never necessary , and the gain which is gotten by sin , is like the gain of a garment , which hath the plague in it , which if it bring warmth for the present , quickly also may bring sickness and death : and if couzening brings gain into the purse , it presently brings the plague into the heart , and quickly will bring the pain and punishment of hell. to defraud another in dealing , is but a more covert way of stealing , and it is as lawfull to take a purse upon the high-way , as to take a shilling by fraud in the shop ; the difference lies only in the degree , the nature of the sin which is theft , is the same in both . and the lord , as he hath expresly forbidden this sin , so he hath threatned to avenge it , 1 thess. 4. 6. that no man go beyond or defraud his brother ( not only in a greater thing but ) in any matter , because the lord is the avenger of all such . the several ways which tradesmen have had of defrauding , would be too large for me to speak of , neither am i so skilfull as to understand . the falsifying of weights and measures is gross , a sin practised among the iews of old , which god threatens to punish them for , hos. 12. 7. ephraim is a merchant , the ballances of deceit are in his hand . and both their sin and gods anger are set forth , mic. 6. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. are there yet the treasures of wickedness in the houses of the wicked , and the scant measure which is abominable ? shall i count them pure with the wicked ballances , and with the bag of deceitfull weights ? for the rich men thereof are full of violence , and the inhabitants thereof have spoken lyes , and their tongue is deceitfull in their mouth : therefore also will i make thee sick in smiting thee , in making thee desolate , because of thy sins . and was it not thus with london ? did they not falsifie weights and measures , and falsifie commodities , and speak falsly concerning the price of them , and take unconscionable gains , and yet profess kinde usage of their customers , whom they did most exact upon ? but if i could , i should not open the cunning wayes which some have found out , of defrauding and over-reaching , least any should learn , and be enticed to practise the sin by the very reproof of it , as i have heard some have done . now such persons , who have gotten their wealth by defrauding and over-reaching their brethren , bring themselves into such a snare of the devil , that very few ever get out , but are dragg'd by him thereby into hell ; because it is not bare grieving for this sin , which is necessary to the obtaining of a pardon ; but restitution is necessary ; they must refund , they must restore , either to the parties themselves , or to the poor , what they have gotten wrongfully , if they be able ; if not , as much as they have , otherwise they cannot be saved . no salvation came to zacheus till he was resolved upon restitution of what he had wrongfully gained , luke 19. 8 , 9. god smites his hand at dishonest gain , ezek. 21. 13. and this is one sin which i believe god hath smitten london for . 21. the one and twentyeth sin of london is prodigality and profuse spending ; some have spared too much through covetousness , others have spent too much through prodigality . liberality is a great vertue ; and bountiful charity an excellent grace , which london hath not been without ; but prodigality is a great sin . thus some have spent above their degree , lavishing out their estates on their tables , on their houses , on their cloathes ; but the worst prodigality hath been , in that which men have lavished out in the satisfaction of their lusts , in drunkenness , gaming , whoring , and the like ; and especially those , who have spent profusely that which hath been none of their own , but what they have taken up on credit of others ; have been most grosly guilty of this sin . and unto this sin of prodigality and profuseness , i may refer the sin of excessive mirth and jollity , which hath been in london , there is an harmless mirth which is lawfull ; and there is a spiritual chearfulness , which is the duty of christians : though in times of great sin and affliction of gods people , sackcloth and mourning doth become christians , and some expressions of joy which are more carnal , should be much forborn : but i am speaking of the mirth of such , who have had the least ground for mirth of any , namely the wicked , unto whom no peace nor joy in that estate doth belong : for them to be so excessively merry and jovial , and frolick , expressing it in their prophane , obscene , and scurrilous jesting ; in their musick , singing , and dancing ; in their ranting , roaring , and carousing ; in many wastfull and profuse wayes of spending ; when the church is in sackcloth , and lies a bleeding ; as too many in london have done ; surely god hath been offended with this , and hath been provoked to send down his judgements , to alter the cheer of london , and hereby to put them into mourning , which they were so averse unto . had they foreseen the plague , and how many of them should have fallen by it , surely it would have damped their mirth ; had they foreseen the burning of the city of london ; and that their houses should have fallen by the fire ; surely their laughter would have been turned into heaviness . these judgements they could not foresee ; but future judgment far more dreadful , they might have foreseen , which should have made an impression of sorrow upon them if possibly by repentance they might avoid and escape it . be afflicted , and mourn , and weep , let your laughter be turned into mourning , and your joy into heaviness , jam. 4. 9. such mourning if for sin might be a means to prevent future miseries , and eternal woe and weeping ; others they have reason to mourn for those miseries which will come upon them . go to now ye rich men , weep and howl , for the miseries that shall come upon you , jam. 5. 1. but for prophane wicked persons to sing , and rejoyce just upon the brink of the grave and hell , is very unreasonable and an aggravation of their other sins . 22. the twenty second sin of london is envying . and this sin was to be found not only in women , which envied others that exceeded them , in beauty of body , in cloaths , and dressing , and such like toyes ; but also in men , who envied them who were of the same trade , which had better houses and shops , more custome and wealth than themselves , as hesiod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yea this envying was to be found among many ministers , who envied others that had better parts , and more learning , greater applause , and more auditors than themselves . there was a spirit among us which lusted to envy , jam. 4. 5. which besides the great torment that it brings to the spirit where it reigns , is a very great provocation to the lord. 23. the twenty third sin of london is slandering and backbiting , which hath been the consequent of the former . the ninth commandment hath been exceedingly broken in london , especially in a private way of bearing false witness against the neighbour , and wounding his reputation by a slanderous tongue : some inventing lyes , and raising slanders , which they have in their consciences known to be false ; others taking up slanders , readily believing them without any just proof . this sin you have set forth with a caution to take heed of such persons , ier. 9. 4 , 5. london hath been full of backbiters and tale-bearers , and too many professours have been guilty of this sin : few have entertained backbiters with an angry countenance , which as the wind driveth away rain , would have driven them out of sight . i might here add the hatred of one another that hath been in london ( much through slanders ) the emulation that hath risen from hatred ; the wrath that hath risen from emulation ; and the wrath of god which hath arisen from these and other works of the flesh , spoken of , gal. 5. 19 , 20. 24. the twentyfourth sin of london is murmuring : and that not only in want , and under losses and crosses but also in fulness and plenty . many farmers in the countrey have murmured at the plenty and cheapness of corn ; many tradesmen in the city have murmured at the plenty of the commodities which they have dealt in ; because however such plenty is a publick and unspeakable mercy , yet they have had the less private advantage which hath been chiefly regarded by them . yea some in their murmuring have wished for a plague , that the survivers might have the better trade ; and i have heard that a fire also hath been wisht for , to take off the plenty of such commodities , that the remainder might bear the higher rate . is it a wonder then if god have sent plague and fire which some have called for by such murmuring speeches ? the israelites in the wilderness were plagued for their murmuring ; and the murmuring company of corah , that were not swallowed up with him were consumed by a fire from heaven . 25. the twenty fifth and last sin of london , which i shall speak of , is carnal security ; another of sodoms sins . it is said of the sodomites , luk. 17. 28 , 29. in the days of lot , they did eat , they drank , they bought , they sold , they planted , they builded : but the same day that lot went out of sodom , it rained fire and brimstone from heaven , and destroyed them all . when london had provoked god so highly by so many sins , yet how secure were they before his judgements broke forth upon them , they eat and drank , they bought and sold , &c. they sate at ease , and put far from them the evil day , as amos 6. they were still , and at rest , little expecting such changes as have come upon them , and taking little care to prevent them : they were secure and trusted in arms of flesh , broken reeds which have alwayes failed . and i might add here as a cause of the security of some , the presumptuous confidences of future events which belong only to god to foreknow ; which some have taken upon them so absolutely to determine as if they had looked into the book of gods decrees , or had an infallible revelation from him of what should come to pass . o the good dayes that some have looked for upon the presumption of what they had no ground for ▪ great expectations many had of the fall of antichrist and babylon in the year 1666. and other events , limiting times , which god hath not clearly revealed , which is an entrenching upon gods prerogative , and i believe a greater provocation than such persons are aware of . this may be one reason why london is fallen instead of babylon , in this year of such expectation and presumption . by this time it may be the reader may be wearied with reading , as i am with thinking and writing of londons sins . but how hath the lord been wearied with the bearing of them , how hath he been pressed with the weight of them , as a cart is pressed that is full of sheaves ? amos 2. 13. if when you have read of londons judgements , withall you consider londons provocations , you must needs acknowledge that god is righteous in that he hath punished london no more than they have deserved for these sins . 2. gods righteousness will further appear , if we consider that he hath punished london less than her iniquities deserved . 1. god might have punished london deservedly with more dreadful judgements here ; and that both in the same and another kind . 1. god might have deservedly punished london worse in the same kind , 1. in the judgement of the plague ; it was a dreadful plague indeed ; but god could have made it more dreadful ; where he shot one arrow , he might have shot an hundred : he visited many families ; he might have visited every family ; and swept every house with the beesome of destruction . though so many fell , yet i believe that five parts in six of the inhabitants of london were preserved ; god might have taken away the five parts , and have left but one alive : yea it might have been said of london , as it was of israel , amos 5. 2 , 3. the virgin of israel is fallen , she shall rise no more ; the city that went out by a thousand shall leave an hundred . god might have made every hundred that dyed by the plague , a thousand ; he might have sent out his arrows after all the inhabitants of london , that were gone into the countrey ; and smitten them wheresoever he found them : or he might have met with them upon their return home , and given commission to death to lay hold on them assoon as they entred into their doors . he might have depopulated the city of london by the plague ; so that every house should have had dead corpses lying , and none to bury them . he might have made our plague wonderful , fearful , and of long continuance . we that have survived so great a mortality , have reason to say , that deservedly it might have been greater ; that we deserved as much or more to fall , for our more heinous sins , than thousands that are gone down into the pitt , surely it is of the lords mercies that we are not consumed ; he was merciful in sparing of us ; he would have been righteous if he had destroyed us . think with your selves , you that are alive , and remain escaped ; how fearful would the plague have been , if it had come home to your houses ; you were afraid to hear of others houses visited and shut up ; what would you have been , if it had entered your doors ? you were afraid when others were struck with the disease ; what would you have been , if you had been struck your selves ? sinners , what would you have done if the arrow had pierced through your livers , if under such guilt and wrath you had been smitten ? when you had such a plague of sin in your hearts , if you should have had the plague of pestilence in your bodies ; if when you were so rotten and corrupt , and defiled inwardly , you should have had boyls , and blanes , and running sores outwardly ; if when conscience was so filled with guilt ; your bodies should have been filled with this disease ; in a word ; if when you had the marks of hell and damnation in your souls , you should have had the marks of inevitable death in your bodies ; oh the dread that would have seised upon you ! the judgement of the plague might have been worse to you ; you might have spent above a year in hell by this time among devils and damned spirits ; you might by this time have been inured to those torments which yet you could not have endured , but must have endured for ever without any possibility of deliverance for ever . many of you who have escaped , have your families unbroken , when other whole families are swept away . suppose thy dear wife had fallen , or thy hopefull children had been nipt by death in the very bud , and your families had been maimed ; the judgement would have been much sorer on you . none can say but god might have righteously punished london more severely by the plague . 2. god might have punished london also more severely by the fire . the greatest part of the city is fallen , it might have been the whole : most of the city within the walls is consumed ; the flames might have issued forth at all the gates , and consumed all the suburbs too : all the goods might have been burnt with the houses , and all the inhabitants with the habitations . the fire , though it burned dreadfully , yet it began at one end ; and came on so slowly , that most of the inhabitants of london had time to remove themselves , and the choycest of their goods ; some livelihood was left , and materials for a future trade . suppose the fire had been so sudden , or had been kindled in so many places , that there had been no possibility of removing any thing , except the persons themselves . suppose all the silver , and gold , and rich plate of the city had been melted by this fire , that all the wares and merchandize , all the garments , beds and houshold goods had been turned into ashes ; and many thousand families , that have been turned out of house had been turned out of all , and quite bereaved of all their substance , so that nothing had remained to them for necessary use , this would have been very sore . alas ! what would they have done ? whether would they have gone for relief ? would the court have supplyed them ? could the countrey have helped and maintained so many , when so much impoverished themselves , that in many places they are hardly able to live ? could they have hoped for relief from foreign nations ? are not all the world almost our enemies ? is charity so warm abroad ? alas ! what would they have done ? must not many of them have pined away in their wants , and starved under hedges , for lack of suitable provisions . this would have been dreadfull indeed . or suppose they had lugg'd their goods out of london from the fire , and the whole city had been burnt down with all the suburbs , and no habitations left standing hereabouts ; what would they have done with their goods ? where would they have disposed of them ? how could they any wayes have continued their trades ? where could they have disposed of their persons ? how could they have lived this cold winter season ? could they have struck up booths presently , fit for themselves to abide in , which would have sheltred them from the injury of the weather ? where would they have had materials , when all was burnt ? alas ! what would they have done ? must not their goods have been spoyled by lying abroad ? would not they themselves , who had been used to so much tenderness , have quickly grown sick , and died in the fields ? would not thousands have starved for cold ? and what provision could they have had for food and other necessaries ? besides ; would they not have been a prey to theeves and cut-throats ? would not many of their enemies , who laughed at the fall of the city , have rejoyced much more , and taken advantage to come upon them in their nakedness , and butcher'd them without mercy ? but , suppose the fire that begun at one corner , had been kindled in every gate at the same time ; when all the inhabitants had been asleep in their houses , and they had been inclosed with flames , and no possibility of escape , how dreadfull would the fire have been then ? if when they awakened in the morning they had seen the smoke ascending round about them , and the fire drawing neer to them ; if both ends of a street had been on fire together , and they in the midst , and had heard with the roaring of the fire , a greater roaring of the people that were burning with the houses ; o the ruefull looks ! oh the horrible shrieks by women and children ! oh the dreadfull amazement and perplexity which would have been in such a place and case ! to be burnt alive is dreadfull ; but think what tortures would have been in the spirits of guilty sinners , who had not made their peace with god , that had slept out the harvest and day of grace , that had made no provision for death and eternity ! the noise and roaring without , would have been nothing to the lashes and tearings within them ; the fire in their houses would have been but small , in comparison of the fire in their consciences ; and the flames of hell-fire , which if awakened , they would have seen just before them . this judgement of the fire might have been more dreadfull than it was : persons are escaped ; goods and wealth much saved ; houses standing to receive them ; trade going on ; god might have punisht london more sorely in the same kinde . 2. god might have punished london more severely in other kindes of judgements . 1. he might have brought upon them , and upon the whole land , the sword of a foreign enemy , as he did upon ierusalem , and the land of iudea , for their sins , which being so pathetically set forth by the prophet ieremy , 4. v. 16. to the end , i shall represent to the eye . a voice declareth from dan , and publisheth affliction from mount ephraim , make ye mention to the nations ; behold , publish against jerusalem , that watchers come from a far countrey , and give out their voice against the cities of judah : as keepers of the field they are against her round about , because she hath been rebellious against me , saith the lord. thy way and thy doings have procured these things unto thee ; this is thy wickedness , because it is bitter , because it reacheth unto thine heart . my bowels , my bowels , i am pained at my very heart , my heart maketh a noise within me , i cannot hold my peace , because thou hast heard , o my soul , the sound of the trumpet , the alarm of warr. destruction upon destruction is cryed , for the whole land is spoyled , and my curtains in a moment . how long shall i see the standard , and hear the sound of the trumpet ; i beheld , and all the cities were broken down at the presence of the lord , and by his fierce anger ; for thus hath the lord said , the whole land shall be desolate ; for this shall the land mourn , and the heavens above be black . the whole city shall flee for the noise of the horsemen and the bowmen , they shall go into the thickets , and climbe up upon the rocks ; every city shall be forsaken , and not a man dwell therein ; and when thou art spoyled , what wilt thou do ? though thou cloathest thy self with crimson , though thou deckest thy self with ornaments of gold , though thou rentest thy face with painting ; in vain shalt thou make thy self fair ; thy lovers shall despise thee , they will seek thy life : for i have heard a voice , as of a woman in travell , and the anguish as of her that bringeth forth her first childe ; the voice of the daughter of zion , that bewaileth her self ; that spreadeth forth her hands , saying , wo is me now , for my soul is wearied because of murtherers . this might have been the judgement , and these the complaints of london and england ; which would have been worse than plague or fire . the plague reached many , but the sword might have reached all ; the fire devoured houses , but the sword might have devoured the inhabitants . the lord might have brought a foreign sword , and open invasion ; or he might have given up london to a more private sudden butchery and massacre by the hands of cruel papists , as was feared ; which would have been more dreadfull than the massacre of the protestants by the papists in paris ; because our numbers do so far exceed those which were in that city . if bloody papists had come into our houses in the dead of the night , with such kinde of knives in their hands as were found after the fire in barrels ; and having set watch at every streets end , had suffered none to escape , but cruelly slaughtered the husband with the wife , the parents and the children together , ripping up women with childe , and not sparing either the silver hair , or the sucking babe ; if there had been a cry at midnight , they are come ; but no possibility of flying from them , or making resistance against them ; if instead of heaps of stones and bricks in the top of every street , there had been heaps of dead bodies , and the kennels had been made to run down with gore-blood ; sure this judgement would have been more dreadfull than the plague or fire , which have been among us . 2. god might have punished london with famine , which is a greater judgement than the plague or sword : if the lord had broken the whole staff of bread , and cut off all provisions of food from the many thousand souls that lived in and about the city ; how dreadful would this have been ! if a famine had been so sore in london ; that people should have been forced to eat one another and their own flesh , as it was in samaria and ierusalem ; if instead of houses in london , god should have made the people as fuel of the fire in this judgement , as is threatned , esa. 9. 19 , 20. through the wrath of the lord of hosts is the land darkened ; and the people shall be as the fuel of the fire , no man shall spare his brother ; and he shall snatch on his right hand and be hungry ; and he shall eat on the left hand , and not be satisfied ; they shall eat every man the flesh of his own arms : if london had been forced through hunger to eat the flesh of their own arms , and the fruit of their own bodies , oh what a dismal face would there have been in the city ! and how would death have been chosen rather than life ; in the by-us-unconceivable pain of gnawing hunger ! those which dye by the plague or are slain by the sword , would be counted happy in comparison with them that live under such a judgement . lastly , the righteousness of god in the judgements he hath inflicted on london , appears ; in that he might instead of plague and fire on earth have punished them with the plagues and fire of hell ; which such sins as we have reckoned up have abundantly deserved . tyre and sidon now in hell ; sodom and gomorrah under the vengeance of eternal fire , were not guilty of such sins as london was guilty of . and what are body plagues here , in comparison of soul plagues hereafter ? what is a fire that burns down a city , in comparison with the fire of hell , which shall burn the damned , and never be quenched . god hath punished london no more than her iniquities have deserved ; god hath punished london less than her iniquities have deserved , therefore in speaking most terribly , he hath answered most righteously . sect . 8. 3. concerning the design of these judgements . what doth god mean by this terrible voice ? by speaking such terrible things in the city of london ? the lord hath not only spoken but cryed and shouted , he hath lifted up his voice like a trumpet ; and his voice hath not been inarticulate and insignificant ; but hath had a meaning ; and they that have an ear to hear , may understand ; for as the voice of the lord hath cryed in the city , so the voice of the lord hath cryed to the city , mic. 6. 9. the lords voice cryeth unto the city , the man of wisdom shall see thy name , hear ye the rod , and who hath appointed it . some take notice of the judgements themselves , and the effects of them upon themselves and families ; they discourse of the plague , and how many dyed thereby , that they have lost such a relation , such a friend or neighbour was visited and dyed quickly ; they discourse of the fire , where it began , how it increased and prevailed , what day such a street fell , and where their houses were consumed , what they lost , and how much they saved : and it may be , some speak of the hands of men , that were suspected to enkindle and carry it on ; but few discourse of the hand of god which sent both plague and fire , and what he means by such strange and dreadful judgements : but the man of wisdom , such as are wise do consider that these judgements spring not out of the dust , but were sent down from heaven , they see gods name , and gods hand that hath been stretched forth upon london . they know that both plague and fire have had their commission from the god of heaven ; otherwise they could not have wrought with such force and power . they see gods name , that is , the glorious attributes of his name displayed . god proclaimed his name before moses when he caused his goodness to pass before him ; and discovered himself to be the lord , the lord god gracious and merciful , slow to anger , abundant in lovingkindness , goodness and truth , exod. 34. 6. and god hath proclaimed his name before london , in causing his judgements to come upon the city ; and hath declared himself to be the lord , the lord god holy and iealous , a god that can be angry when much provoked , and yet righteous in the severest judgements which he doth inflict . a man of wisdom may see gods name in londons judgements , and as he may see power and righteousness in gods name ; so he may see grace and goodness in the name of god , which hath passed before the city ; he may see and know that god hath a gracious meaning and design of good to london in these judgements ; he may see gods name , and hear gods voice , and what it is that he speaketh by the rod. on that london were thus wise ! that they would open their eyes and see gods name ! gods hand so just and righteous ; as also open their ears , and hear gods voice , and understand gods design so gracious , and so much for their good ! o that god would open the ears of london , and bend them to the discipline of his judgements ! that with the loss of friends and relations by the plague , and of houses and goods by the fire ; they may not lose the good of these judgements too , though of another kind , yet of far greater value , which god intends them . the enquiry then is , what meaneth the lord by the plague , and by the fire in the city ? what doth he call for by this terrible voice ? and look for in london , that these judgements may turn to their advantage ? the duties which god expects from london after such desolations by the plague and fire , are these . 1. god expects that london should awake . london hath been asleep ; both the foolish and the wise virgins have been asleep ; and when such a voice hath come down in these judgements , which have been revealed from heaven , crying in the midnight of their carnal security , behold , the great god is come forth from his place , and is entred into london in fury ; surely all should awake and arise , and prepare to meet him , seeing none can flee from him . god hath seemed to be asleep , while he exercised so much patience towards london ; his arm slept in his bosome ; but now the lord hath been awakened with the loud cry of england and londons sins ; his arm hath awaked , and put on strength and vengeance . awake ! then o london awake ! open thine eyes , draw thy curtains ; come forth of thy bed ; look out of thy windows ; apparitions ! apparitions ! strange sights to be seen ; behold ! heaven is opened , and god is come down upon earth ; cloathed with garments of lightning : god is come down in his majesty , and looks upon london with a terrible countenance : behold the amazing terrour of god in the late strange and prodigious judgements . what! doest thou not see him ? surely thou art fast asleep still , thine eyes are closed , the vail is before them . awake ! london awake ! open thine ears , harke ! oh the trumpet that hath been sounding from heaven over the city exceeding loud ! oh the thundrings of the terrible voice of the angry god! the voice of the lord hath been powerful and very dreadful : what! canst thou sleep under such a noise ? surely thou art dead asleep , dead in sin and security . what will awaken thee , if these judgements do not awaken thee ? if a shrill and loud trumpet do not pierce thine ears , will soft musick enter ? if the sound of cannons be not heard , can any expect that pistols should ? it when the lyon roareth in thine ears thou canst sleep still , will soft whispers awaken thee ? what will awaken thee if the loud voice of these judgements do not awaken thee ? the lord called upon thee before by his ministers , by his mercies : now he hath shouted in thine ears by his judgements . awake ! london awake ! thou hast been rouzed out of thine habitation ; methinks thou shouldest be rouzed out of thy security : what! sleep when dying ! dying by the plague , and tumbling into the grave ! what sleep when burning ! burning by the fire , and tumbling into desolation ! what! sleep in a storm ! when winds are blowing , and waves roaring , sea entring , and ship sinking ! what meanest thou o sleeper ! could the heathen ship-master say , in such a case , unto ionah , chap. 1. 5 , 6. when he lay fast asleep in the sides of the ship : arise , call upon thy god ; if god will think upon us that we perish not . and may not i say , what meanest thou o sleepy london ; hast thou not perceived the storm that hath beaten so fiercely on thy head ? dost thou not perceive that thy ship is shattered and broken ? and the sea is coming in amain , and thou art in danger of sinking , and that quickly , unless some speedy course be taken for prevention ? and yet canst thou sleep still ? awake ! arise ! call upon thy god , if so be he will think upon us , that we perish not . god calls upon sleepy sinners to awake . suppose you were under the power of cruel enemies , that had killed your husbands , or wives , or dear children and friends ; and you knew not how soon they might fall upon you , and cut your throats ; could you sleep securely in the same house with such persons ? you are under the power of tyrannicall lusts , which are far worse enemies ; you are under the reigning power of sin , which hath brought the plague into the city ; and whereby some of you have been deprived of these relations ; and you know not how soon sin may bring death upon your selves , not only the first , but the second death ; not only temporal , but eternal death ; and deprive you not only of life , but happiness , and all hopes of the least share in it for ever : and yet can you sleep securely with sin in your hearts ? with such an enemy , with such a viper in your bosomes ? when the fire was in london i believe few of you could take much sleep for divers nights together ; when the fire was burning in your streets , and burning down your houses , you could not sleep in your houses least the fire should have burned your persons too : and , when the fire of lust is within you , and burning within you ; when the fire of gods anger is kindled above you , and burning over you ; and the fire of hell so dreadful and unextinguishable is burning beneath you ; and you are hanging over the burning lake by a twine thred , which ere long will untwine of it self ; and may ere you are aware , and suddenly be cut or snapt asunder , and then you must drop into the midst of flames ; can you sleep under the guilt and power of sin , when you are in such danger ? awake ! sinners awake ! god doth not burn you presently , but warns you first ; he burns your houses , that you might awake , and scape a more dreadful fire . awake ! sinners , when will you awake ! how often , how long , how loud shall god call upon you , before you will arise ? eph. 5. 14. awake thou that sleepest , and arise from the dead , and iesus christ shall give thee life . a little sleep , a little slumber , a little folding of the hands to rest . what! can you sleep any longer now ? was not this your tone long ago , when you were under the calls of the word ? and is it the same under the rod too ? what will awaken you ? or when do you think you shall be awakened , if still you lye down in the bed of security , and love to slumber upon the lap of pleasure , and after a little startle sleep faster than before ? ministers have preached , and you have slept under their sermons ; but when god hath preached , methinks you should awake . when paul preached to felix a sermon of judgement , felix trembled . god hath preached one , nay two sermons of judgement ; and that more feelingly than paul could ; methinks you should awake , and not drop asleep so soon , because god gives you a little respite to learn his sermon , before he preach the third sermon , which may be your last and ruining sermon . if you do not awake by the sound of his judgements before you , you shall awake by the sense of his judgements upon you : if the plague and fire of london do not awaken you , you shall be awakened by the plagues and fire of hell , which you shall see and feel , but not be able to flee from , as here you might do , if presently awakened . god calls upon sleepy sinners to awake , and god calls upon drowsie saints to awake ; and was there not great need ? were not the ionahs gone down into the sides of the ship and lying on pillows ? were not the wise virgins turning foolish , sleeping with the rest , untrimm'd and undress'd ? had there not of late a strange torpour and benummedness seized upon the spirits of gods own people ? was not the ancient vigour and activity , which once they had in the ways and worship of god , much abated and decayed before these judgements came upon london ? awake then ye drowsie saints , awake ! put on your garments , which you have laid aside to the discovery of your nakedness ; shake your selves from the dust , which hath covered and sullied your faces , and loosen the bands of sleep . god hath been thundring , your father hath been angry , and displeased with you as well as with others : your god hath spoken in his jealousie , and he hath spoken in his fury ; he hath spoken with a loud voice in righteousness and in judgement . awake ! ye children , your father is stirring , and knocking , and calling , yea he hath entred your chamber , and smitten you on this side and that ; and yet will you not arise ? he hath been crying in your ears ; now he is looking and harkening whether you will cry in his , and what you will say and do for the prevention of the ruine of england , which he seems to be threatning . it is high time to awake out of sleep , for now is the utter destruction of the city and nation neerer it may be than you believe or imagine . awake then , put off your cloaths of night and darkness , in which you have been sleeping , and put on your garments of light . cloath your selves with humility , and begirt you with all your graces , and get you to gods knee , hang about his arm ; put your selves in the breach ; it may be the lord may think upon us , that we perish not . 2. the lord doth now after his speaking by terrible things , expect that london should stand in awe of him . gods judgements made this impression upon david , psal. 119. 120. my flesh trembleth for fear of thee , and i am afraid of thy judgements . and see how the prophet habakkuk behaved himself , when god spake with a terrible voice , chap. 3. 2 , &c. o lord , i have heard thy speech and was afraid ; when god came down from teman , the holy one from mount paran , selah ; when the pestilence went before him , and burning coals went forth at his feet ; when the nations were drove asunder , the everlasting mountains were scattered , and the perpetual hills did bow ; when the tents of cushan were in affliction , and the curtains of the land of midian did tremble : when god did ride upon horses , and his bow was made quite naked : when the sun and moon did stand still in their habitations , at the light of his arrows that went forth , at the shining of his glittering spear : when god did march through the land in his indignation , and walk through the sea with his horses , and did wound the head out of the house of the wicked , and did strike through habitations with his staves : at this , the prophet is afraid , his belly trembled , his lips quivered at the voice , rottenness entred into his bones , &c. and when god hath come down from heaven , the holy one from mount sion , selah . when the pestilence hath gone before him , and burning coals at his feet , when the lord drove london asunder , scattered the inhabitants , and made the stately buildings to bow and fall , whose rearing up none can remember ; when the tents of london have been in affliction , and the curtains of the city have trembled : when death hath been riding upon horses , and his bow hath been made quite naked ; when the heavens have been astonished at gods judgements , and the sun and moon have hid their heads in their habitations , at the shining of his glittering spear : when the lord hath marched through the city in his indignation , hath wounded the heads of so many wicked with his arrows , and struck through so many habitations with his staves : oh how should london tremble and quiver , and stand in awe of this glorious majesty , at the voice of these terrible judgements ! read and apply what the lord speaketh by the prophet isaias , chap. 33. 13 , 14. hear ye that are far off , what i have done , and ye that are neer , acknowledge my might . the sinners of sion are afraid , fearfulness hath surprized the hypocrites ; who among us shall dwell with devouring fire ? who among us shall inhabit everlasting burnings ? v. 18. thine heart shall meditate terrour ; where is the scribe ? where is the receiver ? where is he that counted the towers ? methinks the sinners now in london should be afraid , and fearfulness should surprize the hypocrites ; when god hath sent so many of their number into the everlasting burnings of hell by the plague ; and by such a devouring fire hath consumed so many habitations . tremble ye sinners at this , and be ye horribly afraid all ye workers of iniquity ! god hath come down with a shout , the lord with the sound of a trumpet : he hath taken his weapons in his hand , and hath appeared in london as a furious enemy : should not this make the sinners in the city to quake , and strike a dread upon the spirits of the rebellious ? when the lord hath spoken thus , and done thus ; because of our sins , should not london , yea all england , hear and fear , and do no more so wickedly . because god was patient formerly , you presumed : because sentence against your evil works was not speedily executed ; therefore your hearts were hardened and resolved in your evil ways . because the lord kept silence , you thought he was altogether such an one as your selves . you thought it may be that he took no more notice of you , than you did of him ; or that you had no more reason to fear him , than he had to fear you . you thought it may be , that god had forsaken the earth ; or had hidden his face , and should never see your wickedness : and oh how bold have you been , how audacious and fearless in sin ? you were afraid to offend man though a worm , and yet you have not been afraid to offend god the king of the whole world. mens laws have kept you from some sins , but the laws of god have not put upon you the least restraint . you have lived and sin'd as if there were no god , or as if he had been so gentle , and milde , and mercifull , that you might do any thing to him , and he not be displeased with you : or as if though he were displeased , yet his displeasure were not to be regarded , and that he had no power to execute vengeance upon you . but now gods patience hath in a great measure been turned into fury . now sinners you may perceive a little that god can be angry ; and when his anger is kindled but a little , if it doth express it self so dreadfully ; what dreadfull expressions will there be of it , when it breaks forth into an open flame ? if his anger be such in the day of some lighter , temporal judgements ; what will it be in the day of the revelation of the treasures of it , upon all the wicked , at the appearance of jesus christ ? but gods vengeance now in these judgements should work your hearts to a fear and awe of this righteous judge , who hath done such executions in the city ; it should bridle and stay you in that fearless course of sin , in which you were rushing on as the horse rusheth into the battle . when balaams ass saw the angel stand in the way with a drawn sword , he was afraid , and would not go forward , though spurr'd on , and beaten by his master . and when god stands in the way with his sword of judgement which hath made such slaughter already , and is lifted up again to strike you , methinks you should be afraid , and turn back : it is the way to hell that god stands in by his judgements ; and will you break through all into those flames ? oh stand in awe , and sin not , commune with your own hearts . consider what hath been doing in london , and who hath done these things . you have neerly escaped it may be with your lives ; oh learn to fear the glorious and fearfull name of the lord god in these dreadfull judgements . and as god doth expect that the world and his enemies should stand in awe of him ; so also much more that the righteous and his people should . some it may be when god gave them free access to him , and admitted unto familiarity with him , and encouraged them to boldness and confidence , and strowed their path with nothing but mercy ; it may be might abuse his goodness , and forget to mingle faith and love with due reverence and respect ; and began to be too sawcy with god , and peremptory , and did not consider their originall and distance , and forgat the severity which they deserved for sin . therefore god appears in the way of these judgements with such terrible rebukes , that his own people might be brought unto a due awe and fear of his name ; that if they love him , they may fear him too ; if they pray with boldness , they may pray also with reverence ; if they rejoyce in his goodness , they may tremble also at his judgements . 3. god doth expect that london should now search and try their wayes . when god had punished ierusalem with dreadfull judgements , in the lamentation of which , the prophet ieremiah doth spend a book , see what use and improvement he calls upon the people to make hereof , lam. 3. 40. let us search and try our wayes , and turn again unto the lord. this was the practice of david in the day of his trouble , psal. 77. 6. i commune with mine own heart , and my spirit made diligent search . it hath been a day of gods wrath in london , a day of trouble and distress , a day of wasting and desolation , a day of darkness and gloominess , a day of clouds and thick darkness , as it was in ierusalem , zeph. 1. 15. there have been dark and thick clouds over london , which in part have broken into dreadfull storms and amazing tempests of gods anger expressed in the late judgements ; and all have been the product of londons sins , which may yet produce far worse effects : london is then called upon with a loud voice , to search and finde out those sins which have been the troublers of the city . i suppose that true citizens would be forward to search after those persons that had a hand in the first kindling and carrying on the fire , which burned their habitations to the ground : give me leave , and i shall make a discovery of londons incendiaries , how you may finde the persons , how you may trace their footsteps , what marks they bare , what their names are , and where their abode ; and need i lead you far in the search ? the sinners , the sinners of london did kindle the fire of london ; it was sin which fired the first house , and sin was like oyl poured upon the flames which put such fury unto them , that none could withstand untill the greatest part of the city was fallen and turned into ashes : the swearers , the sabbath-breakers , the adulterers , the drunkards , the unrighteous , the prophane and the like sinners have been londons incendiaries , and had a hand in pulling down this and other judgements upon the place where they lived ; and is it hard to find out these persons ? are they gone far from the place of their former abode ? the skirts of london are remaining , and if you turn up the skirts , or turn your eye under them , and look into the houses standing about the city , may you not find many of these persons , these vile sinners inhabiting , who are still blowing hard at the fire of gods anger , and pulling hard with cords of vanity and sin , for further judgements ? search , london search , and find out thine enemies , thy destroyers ; hast not thou destroyed thy self ? search , and find out thy sins , which have brought such mischiefs and ruines upon thee . sinners , enter into your closets , retire into your selves , take the candle of the lord , and look into your inner rooms , make a strict search into your hearts , find out those filthy lusts which lodge in dark corners , and bring them forth to be slain ; read over the old records of your lives , consult the register of your consciences , revolve in your minds your former sins ; take the glass of the word , and look upon your faces in it , and see how many spots it will discover which you never before did perceive ; not beauty spots , but spots of deformity , plague-spots , death-marks , hell-tokens , such as will bring upon you inevitable misery , unless they be wiped off ; take the rule of the word , and measure your actions by it , and you may quickly perceive how much they have fallen short , how crooked they have been , rectum est index sui & obliqui : compare your actions with the straight rule of gods law , and you may find out many irregularities ; if you do not find out your sins , your sins will find you out , and gods judgements will find you out ; and if you be found out in your sins , woe be to you ; o the horrour which will be upon your consciences when ruining judgements are inflicted upon you particularly , and you cannot escape , when death looks you in the face , and comes with the sting of sin in its mouth to devour you ! but o the horrour you will be under hereafter if you be taken away in your sins ! when your souls shall be summoned , immediately after their separation , unto the barr of god , where you will be searched and tryed , and condemned to everlasting torment , by an inevitable and irreversible sentence of the judge himself : o therefore hearken to the voice of god in these temporal judgements on the city ( after which you still remain alive , through infinite patience ) which calls upon you to search and try your wayes , that you may escape more fearful judgements which may be preparing for you ; labour to find out your sins which are the cause of all judgements , temporal and eternal ; and to help you in your search after sin , read the catalogue i have given you of londons sins , and examine your selves thereby ; be very serious , and thorow , and impartial in this search ; sequester your selves often from all company ; ease your mind of the load of worldly business ; leave the carriages at the bottom of the hill ; strive against temptations and indispositions to the work ; set your selves in the presence of the heart-searching god ; beg the help of his spirit to discover to you what hath displeased and provoked him ; search after sin as offensive to god , and as destructive to your selves , as your worst enemy , as the cause of plague and fire in london , and as that which will bring the plagues and fire of hell upon you , if it be not found out and subdued . 4. god doth expect that london should acknowledge their sins unto him . when the prophet had directed the people to search and try their wayes after the execution of such judgements upon them , lam. 3. 40. see the following direction , v. 41 , 42. let us lift our hearts with our hands unto god in the heavens : we have trangressed , and have rebelled , &c. thus the prophet doth confess the sins of ierusalem , chap. 1. 8 , 9. ierusalem hath greatly sinned , therefore she is removed . her filthiness is in her skirts , she remembred not her last end , therefore she came down wonderfully ; and thus the daughter of zion , as she bewaileth her affliction , so she acknowledgeth her transgression , v. 17 , 18 , 20. zion spreadeth forth her hands , and there is none to comfort her . the lord is righteous , for i have rebelled against his commandment . behold o lord for i am in distress , my bowels are troubled , mine heart is turned within me , for i have grievously rebelled . thus daniel after dreadful judgements maketh confession of the sins of the people of israel , chap. 9. 4 , 5 , 6. i prayed unto the lord , and made my confession , and said , o lord the great and dreadful god , we have sinned and committed iniquity , and have done wickedly , and have rebelled , even by departing from thy precepts and thy judgements : neither have we hearkened unto thy servants the prophets , which spake in thy name to our kings , our princes , and our fathers , and to all the people of the land , and v. 11 , 12. yea all israel have transgressed thy law , by departing , that they might not obey thy voice ; therefore the curse is poured upon us , and the oath that is written in the law of moses the servant of god , because we have sinned against him : and he hath confirmed his word which he spake against us , and against our judges that judged us , by bringing upon us a great evil : for under the whole heaven hath it not been done , as it hath been done upon jerusalem . god doth expect that london should find out their sins , and having found them , that they should make confession of them : o that the prophane and ungodly generation in london , whose sins have been enumerated in the catalogue , would be perswaded to get alone by themselves , and consider their evil wayes , and what the consequents of their sins have been in bringing down temporal judgements , what the consequence of their sins is like to be , even the bringing upon them eternal judgements , and that they would fall down and prostrate themselves at gods foot , and covering their cheeks with shame and blushing , because of their filthiness and foul sins under the view of so holy an eye , that they would acknowledge their transgressions unto him not only in general , but also particularly with their heinous aggravations ! o that with an inward deep sense , with a bleeding , broken heart , they would fill their mouths with confessions ! that they would take to themselves words and say , we have rebelled against thee o lord , and done wickedly , and grievously offended thee ; so foolish have we been , and ignorant of thee , we have been worse than beasts before thee ; the oxe acknowledgeth his owner , and the ass his master ; but , though we are thy creatures and live upon thy bounty , and are daily at thy finding , yet we have not acknowledged thee , and have had less consideration , than those creatures , who have had no reason ; we have been a sinful people , laden with iniquity , a seed of evil doers , children that have been corrupters , who have forsaken thee , and by our wickedness provoked thee to anger . we have been stubborn and disobedient ; serving thine enemies , the devil and our own lusts , but have neglected , yea refused to serve and worship thee in our families and closets , living as if there had been no god in the world . we have seldom if ever taken thy name into our mouths , unless it hath been in vain , unless in our oaths and curses . we have prophaned thy sabboths , and defiled thine ordinances , and have often been more wicked on the lords day , than any day of the week besides . when we were children we disobeyed our parents , but disobeyed thee much more , who didest command us to honour them ; when we were children in years , we were grown men and women in sin ; when we were weak in body , we were strong in spirit to commit iniquity ; we learnt the trade of sin before any other , and were apt schollars in the school of the devil , when dull and blockish to learn any thing , which was good ; we were wise to do evil , when to do good we had no understanding ; our iniquities have increased over our heads , faster than our years have done : since we have been governours of others , we have had no government upon our own spirits , and have endeavoured to lead those under our charge with us in the way to hell , instead of labouring to draw them into the way of heaven , by our example , command , and perswasions ; and we have filled up all our relations with sin , instead of filling them up with a duty . if we have not murdered any with our hand , we have murdered many with our tongue , swords have been in our lips , and bitter reviling speeches in our mouths , heart murder we have been guilty of , o the inordinate anger that hath boiled in our hearts ! o the envy and malice which have gnawed our spirits , and been working daily within us ! and especially those persons have been most hated by us , who have had thine image upon them , and have been best beloved by thee ; we have scorned them , and looked upon them as mean-spirited people ; we have separated them from our company , as those who damp and spoil our mirth by their words and looks of reproof ; yea , we have persecuted them as seditious and factious persons , when in truth it was their holiness and conversation that did contradict and condemn our wicked practices , which did stir up our anger against them ; we have scoft at them , who have prayed for us , and we have lookt upon them , and dealt with them as our enemies , because so to our lusts , who were the best friends to our souls , and above all things desired our salvation . thou hast given us corn , and wine , and oyle , and plentiful provisions for our body , but we have abused thy mercies by our intemperance and luxury : we have been guilty of drunkenness and gluttony ; we have indulged our flesh and sensual appetite ; we have lived in pleasure and been wanton ; we wallowed , like so many swine , in the mire and dung of some filthy sins , which it is a shame to speak of ; we have had eyes and hearts full of lusts and adultery , and have broken forth into such vile actual sins of uncleannesses , as would raise blushes in modest cheeks to hear but the mention of ; we have been unjust and unrighteous in our dealing , have wronged and defrauded our neighbour , though thou hast threatned to be avenged on all such persons ; o the lyes we have spoken , the slanderous backbiting speeches we have uttered ! o the discontentment , murmuring , envying , evil concupiscence , inordinate affection , and wicked distempers which have been in our spirits ! and though we have broken all thy laws , and are guilty of such notorious sins , yet o the impentency and hardness of our hearts ! though no salvation is attainable but by christ , who is freely tendered unto us , yet o the unbelief of our hearts , and neglect of our own salvation ! we have sinned , we have sinned against thee , and what shall we do unto thee , o thou preserver of men ! god expects that london should make confession of their sin , and it could be wish'd that london would joyn together like one man in this work ; but if this cannot be , and they want common mouths to open their hearts and sins before the lord in particular confession , let every one of them be a mouth to himself , and get into his closet , and there acknowledge londons sins ; and if those who are most guilty , do neglect this work , let gods people do it in their room , and confess not only their own sins , but also the sins of the profane and wicked where they live , and that not only because god is dishonour'd , but also because they are in danger of being ruin'd by the unbewail'd sins of others . 5. god doth expect that london should be humble under these iudgements . god inflicted judgements on the children of israel in the wilderness , to humble them , deut. 8. 16. and he promiseth after the sorest distresses which he brings his people into for their sins , to remember his covenant , if their uncircumcised heart be humbled , levit. 26. 40 , 41 , 42. yea he promiseth to exalt such in due time , who humble themselves under his mighty hand , 1 pet. 5. 6. gods mighty hand hath been stretched forth upon london , god expects that london should be humble ; he hath humbled them by his judgements , he expects that they should humble themselves under his judgements ; god hath stained the pride of london , he expects that they should let down their plumes ; he hath brought them down , and he expects that they should lye low ; he hath brought poverty upon many of them in regard of their estates , and he expects that all of them should be poor in regard of their spirits ; he hath made many of them mean in regard of their condition , and he expects that their disposition and affection should be accordingly : god hath laid many persons in the dust by the plague , and he hath laid many houses in the dust by the fire , and he expects that those which survive and remain after such judgements should lay themselves in the dust for their sins . humble thy self them , o london , humble thy self before the lord , lick the dust of his feet , put off thy ornaments , and gird thee with sackcloth , cloath thy self with humility . god hath spit in thy face , wilt thou be proud of thy beauty again ? he hath burnt the city with fire , wilt thou be proud of thy buildings and stately edifices any more ? he hath consumed much of the fuel of thy pride , and he expects that thy pride should be abated , and that thou shouldest abase thy self , and humble thy self before him . 6. god doth expect that london should accept of the punishment of their iniquity . levit. 26. 40 , 41 , 42. if my people shall confess their iniquity , and the iniquity of their fathers , and be humbled , and accept the punishment of their iniquity , then will i remember my covenant , and remember the land . god expects that london should justifie him in the severest judgements which he hath inflicted upon them ; as they should acknowledge their sins , so they should acknowledge their demerit , and that the lord hath punished them no more , yea that he hath punished them less than their iniquities have deserved : as they should bring a bill of inditement against themselves , so they should bring a bill of acquittance of god ; god expects that they should say , as neh. 9. 33. thou art just in all that is brought upon us ; for thou hast done right , but we have done wickedly . or as dan. 9. 7 , 8. o lord , righteousness belongeth unto thee , but unto us confusion of faces , because we have sinned against thee . let not london murmure or repine , let not london finde fault and complain of god , because of his judgements , lam. 3. 39. why doth the living man complain , a man for the punishment of his sin ? god hath opened his mouth , and spoken terribly , but let london shut her mouth , because god hath spoken righteously ; god hath spoken with a loud voice , let london be in deep silence ; i was dumb , i opened not my mouth , saith david , because thou didst it , psal. 39. 9. when nadab and abihu the two sons of aaron were consumed with fire from heaven , for offering strange fire before the lord , it is said , that aaron held his peace , lev. 10. 1 , 2 , 3. so when god hath consumed the city of london with fire , for the sins of the inhabitants , let them hold their peace , because they have deserved it . let london be still , and know that god is righteous ; let london lay her hand upon her mouth , and her mouth in the dust ; let london close up her lips , and seal them up with silence ; or if she open them , let her mouth be filled with confessions , not with complaints ; or if she complain , let her complain to god , but let her not complain of him ; if she complain , let her complain against her self , but let her not complain against god ; let her complain of her own sin and wickedness , but not of gods judgement so righteous . let london wonder it is no worse with her , when both her sin and her danger was so great ; let her wonder , when god was so angry , that he should put any restraint upon it ; that when wrath was come forth , that it proceeded no further ; let her wonder that the plague did not quite depopulate her , and that the fire did not wholly consume her ; let her wonder it is so well with her , that she is not made a desolation , and say , it is the lords mercies we are not consumed , lam. 3. 22. 7. god doth expect , that london should mourn for her sins . we read , ier. 3. 21. a voice was heard upon the high places , weeping and supplications of the house of israel . when the terrible voice of gods judgements hath been heard in london , god doth hearken for the voice of weeping and supplications ; this gods voice doth call for ; when breaches were made in the city of david , isa. 22. 9. then did the lord of hosts call to weeping , and to mourning , to baldness , and to girding with sackcloth , v. 11. and when instead hereof there was joy and gladnesse , eating flesh , and drinking wine , the lord is so angry , that he threatneth , surely this iniquity shall not be purged from you till you die , v. 13 , 14. see also what the lord calls for to the daughter of sion under her judgements , lam. 2. 18 , 19. let tears run down like a river day and night , give thy self no rest , let not the apple of thine eye cease : arise , cry in the night , in the beginning of the watches pour out thine heart like water before the face of the lord. god doth not only expect that his ministers and priests should weep between the porch and the altar , when sore judgements are upon his land , as ioel 2. 17. but also that the people should weep too , that the bridegroom should go forth of his chamber , and the bride out of her closet , as v. 16. that people should be afflicted , mourn and weep , that their laughter should be turned into mourning , and their joy into heaviness , jam. 4. 9. he expects that those which escape his judgements should be like doves upon the mountains , every one mourning for his iniquities , as ezek. 6. 16. london may mourn for her judgements which have been so dreadfull , but god expects they should mourn more for his displeasure , which hath been the cause of these judgements , and most of all for their sins , which have been the cause of his displeasure . weep , london , weep for thy sins , which have been so many and provoking ; let thine eye affect thine heart : when thou lookest into thy burying places , and thinkest how many of thy people have lately there taken up their habitation ; it should draw tears from thine eyes to think of thy sins , which opened the doors of those lodgings unto them : methinks , when thou passest thorow thy ruinous habitations , and seest the heaps of stones at the top of thy streets , when thou viewest thy half-churches and bare steeples , and ragged walls , and open vaults , and the dismal solitude in those places , which not long ago were full of people , it should fill thine heart with sorrow for thy sins , which have kindled such anger in the breast of god , as to send the late dreadfull fire , which hath made such desolations . mourn , london , mourn , put on sackcloth , thou seest in part what an evil thing and a bitter it is , to offend a holy and jealous god ; the effects of sin here are fearfull sometimes , what evil is there is sin then which is the cause of thy ruines . god looks now that the sinners of london should become mourners : we read of a mark which was set upon the foreheads of them in ierusalem , which did mourn and cry out for the abominations that were done in the midst thereof , and they were separated from temporal destruction which was brought upon the rest , ezek. 9. 4. 6. god doth set a mark upon them that mourn in london for the sins of london , and however he may deal with them in regard of temporal calamities , be sure he will separate them , and preserve them from eternal destruction . methinks , the fall of london calls for a mourning like the mourning of hadadrimmon in the valley of megiddo , where iosiah fell in battle , zach. 12. 11. and there should not only be publick mourning , but also private mourning , and secret mourning ; families apart , and persons apart : it becomes christians now , after such strokes of gods wrath , to keep secret fasts , to bewail londons ruines , especially to bewail londons sins ; their eyes should weep in secret places , for the abominations committed in the city , and bedew gods feet with their tears , that if possible they might turn away his displeasure . 8. god doth expect that london should labour to pacifie his anger . when god threatned to send the sword , and to cut off from israel the head and the tail , the branch and the rush in one day , and to send the famine so sore that they should eat every man the flesh of his own arm , yet it is said , for all this his anger is not turned away , but his hand is stretched out still , isa. 9. 14 , 17 , 20 , 21. and now god hath executed his judgements of plague and fire in london , have not we reason to fear that his anger is not yet turned away , but his hand is stretched out still ? when the houses of london were consumed , which were the fuel to the late fire , then the fire quickly went out ; and if the sins of london had been consumed with the houses , if the inhabitants of the city had not brought forth their sins , when they were forced to leave their goods behinde unto the flames , then we should have reason to think that the fire of gods anger was gone out , and his wrath turned away from the escaped remnant of london , insomuch as the sins of london have been the fuel , as it were to this dreadful fire ; but when so much sin after such judgements is saved alive , untouch'd , and unmortified ; when the plague of sin doth rage so much after the plague of pestilence is removed ; and the fire of lust doth burn so much , when the other fire is extinguished ; when londoners who have taken new houses , have brought into them their old hearts , and live in the practice of their old sins ; when the swearers , and prophane , the drunkards and unclean , the covetous , unrighteous , and loose livers still persevere in their wicked courses , and no judgement will put a stop to them , but they grow more hardened and incorrigible , when as it is said , ier. 5. 3. the lord hath stricken them for sin , but they are not grieved , consumed them , but they refuse to receive correction , making their faces harder than a rock , and refuse to return : what can we conclude , but that gods anger doth still remain , yea is more enraged by this aggravation of their wickedness , and that he is stretching forth his hand to give them another blow . god doth expect that london should use some means to pacifie his anger ; and he gives them time for it by the pauses which he m●kes between his judgements , being still slow to anger , and unwilling , if he be not even forced unto it , utterly to destroy this place , where his name hath been called upon . o that london would be perswaded unto this duty , which doth so much concern their safety and happiness : when the fire was in london , and it burned so furiously and dreadfully on the monday , and tuesday , londoners hearts were sunk within them , having little hopes of getting victory over this conquerer , which marched thorow their streets , and therefore little resistance was made , but all were busily employed in flying from him , with their goods ; but when the fury of the fire was something abated on the wednesday , and they began to conceive any hopes that it might be extinguished ; then they pluck up their spirits , and join their forces , and many thousand hands are at work in drawing waters , and pouring them upon the flames , and their pains through gods blessing was not unsuccessful : the fire of gods wrath which shall devour the wicked and burn them everlastingly , will be so furious and dreadful that the hearts of the damned will sink under it without the least hopes of ever extinguishing this flame , or flying from it when it hath once got hold of them : and therefore they will not attempt , but let alone all endeavours for ever to turn away gods displeasure , and to put out the unquenchable fire of hell : but the fire of gods wrath and anger here may be put out , and the flames of his anger may be turned into flames of love ; gods anger which hath been so hot against london may be cooled , his wrath alleviated and his displeasure removed : there is hope in israel concerning this thing , god is not yet grown so furious that he will not be spoken unto , he is easie to be entreated , and therefore london may be encouraged in their endeavours to pacifie his anger . let them not say as israel of old , jer. 2. 25. there is no hope , no , for i have loved strangers , and after them will i go . though gods anger be not yet turned away , yet it may be turned away ; and though one hand be stretched out to destroy you , yet the other hand is stretched forth to save you ; for he stretcheth forth his hand all the day long , to a disobedient and gain-saying people , rom. 10. 21. o labour then to pacifie gods anger , to quench this fire ; arise and gird your selves with humility ; pluck up your spirits , and stir up your selves to lay hold on god , and stop him in the march of his judgements ; bring forth your buckets , draw water , and pour it forth before the lord ; let your eyes be like fountains of tears , the voice of weeping , and mourning for sin , doth turn gods bowels within him , ier. 31. 18 , 19 , 20. i have surely heard ephraim bemoaning himself , thou hast chastised me , and i was chastised , &c. and when he repented after such chastisements , and was ashamed of his sin , god doth relent , and his bowels are moved for him , is ephraim my dear son ! is he a pleasant child ? for since i spake against him , i earnestly remember him still , therefore my bowels are troubled for him ; and i will surely have mercy upon him saith the lord. if london would be chastised , and receive the impressions of grief and shame for their sins by these judgements , gods bowels would be moved , and his fierce anger would be changed into tender compassions ; and though he hath spoken terribly against london , yet he would now speak comfortably unto her , he would earnestly remember her , and make her glad according to the dayes wherein he hath afflicted her , and the years wherein she hath seen evil ; there is an excellent vertue in the tears of true repentance accompanied with the blood of christ , applyed by faith to quench the fire of gods anger . sinners , god is angry with you , psal. 7. 11. god is angry with the wicked every day , and it is worse to have god angry with you , than all the men in the world ; his favour is better than life , his displeasure is worse than death : to have god angry with you , who is so just and jealous , who is so potent and furious , is very dreadful ; if the wrath of an earthly king be like the roaring of a lyon , what is the wrath of the king of heaven ? and when his anger is stirred up by your sins , and blown into a flame , and breaks forth upon you , what will you do ? you cannot hide your selves in any place where his all seeing eye will not find you ; you cannot flie into any place , where his stretched-forth arm will not reach you ; you cannot gather such strength as to make head against him , and defend your selves from the strokes of his vengeance , who can stand in his sight when once he is angry ? psal. 76. 7. o then labour to pacifie his anger , you cannot fly from him , o then fly unto him ; you cannot stand in his sight when he is angry , o then fall down at his feet ; make peace with this adversary , whilest you are upon the way , before he deliver you to the officer death , and cast you into the prison of hell. sinners , gods patience doth as yet hold his arm ; and his mercy calls upon you to repent , and he invites you to make your peace with him , isa. 27. 4 , 5. who would set the briers and thorns against me in battle , i would go thorow them , i would burn them together ; or let him take hold on my strength , and make peace with me , and he shall make peace with me . you will be like briers and thorns , which will easily take fire , and quickly be consumed in the time of gods anger ; and if briers and thorns do offer to contend with devouring fire , what will be the issue , but the burning of them up without remedy ; you will find it sharp and painful for your feet , if you kick against the pricks ; you will dash out your brains , if you run your head against a rock , or a brazen wall ; none ever hardened themselves against god , and prospered ; none ever fought against the god of heaven by their sins , but they were wounded , and in the end destroyed ; sin , when it is finished , bringeth forth death , and wrath , and misery for ever : o then lay hold on gods strength , and make peace with him ; run to him , take hold of the scepter of grace and reconciliation , which is held forth unto you ; take hold of his arm , and plead with him for mercy ; take hold of his son who is offered to you , who is set forth to be a propitiation for the remission of sins which are past through the forbearance of god , rom. 3. 25. as yet god hath forborn you ; as yet you are on this side of the grave , and hell , and there is a possibility of turning away gods anger which is kindled against you , of flying from that wrath which is pursuing of you , of escaping those miseries which are preparing for you ; and therefore lay hold on christ who is freely tendered unto you , who is able and willing to save you , and make your peace with the father , and to procure a pardon for you ; and further to move you , you are not only offered peace and reconciliation , but you are entreated to be reconciled , ministers entreat you , yea god himself , and jesus christ by us , doth entreat , and pray , and beseech you , that you would accept of reconciliation , 2 cor. 5. 20. be astonished o ye heavens ! and wonder oye angels ! be astonished much more ye sinners ! and be rapt up with admiration o ye rebels ! the king of glory against whom you have rebelled , and who could crush you so easily without any injury to himself , is not only willing to lay aside his anger , but also entreats you to accept of reconciliation ; heartily embrace jesus christ upon his own terms , and the work will be done , otherwise the fury of the lord will be so much the more provoked , and the fire of his anger will break forth into such a flame , as none shall be able to quench ; otherwise the lord will be so much the more enraged against you , and meet you like a roaring and devouring lyon , or like a bear bereaved of her whelps ; and rent the caul of your heart , yea tear you in pieces , when there shall be none to deliver , hos. 13. 7 , 8. psal. 50. 22. 9. god doth expect that london should turn from her evil wayes , 2 chron. 7. 14. the lord maketh a sweet promise under the dreadfull judgements of famine or pestilence , which sometimes he sendeth upon his people for their sins , if my people which are called by my name shall humble themselves , and pray , and seek my face , and turn from their wicked wayes : then will i hear from heaven , and forgive their sin , and will heal their land. god doth not only expect that londoners should now acknowledge their sins , and humble themselves , and mourn for their sins ; but also that they should turn from them , otherwise pardon , and healing , and his favour is not to be obtained , neither are further judgements likely to be prevented ; they must confess and forsake their sins , if they would find mercy , prov. 28. 13. the wicked must forsake their way of sin , and turn unto the lord , and then he will have mercy , and abundantly pardon , isa. 55. 7. god threatneth to go on to punish such as go on to transgress , psal. 68. 21. he will wound the head of his enemies , and the hairy scalp of such as go on still in their trespasses . break off then your sins by repentance , and cast away all your transgressions from you ; put away the evil of your doings from before the holy and jealous eyes of god ; cease to do evil ; cleanse your hands you sinners , and purifie your hearts ye wickedly-minded ; wash your selves in the fountain of christs blood set open to you , that you may be cleansed from all filthiness of flesh and spirit , and be partakers of holiness , and the divine nature ; deny all ungodliness and worldly lusts ; abstain from flesh-pleasing sins , which war against the soul●● and be not conformed to the wicked cust●●es of wicked men , neither follow this ungodly generation to do evil , much less run with them to the same excess of riot ; but be ye transformed by the renewing of your minds , and live soberly , righteously and godly in this present evil world ; and let the time past of your lives be sufficient wherein you have wrought the will of the flesh , and served divers lusts , and cast a blot upon the profession of christianity : now be blameless , and harmless , and unrebukeable in the midst of a crooked and perverse nation , cast off the works of darkness ; lay aside your night-vail of ignorance ; put on the robes of light ; walk honestly , as in the day , shining as lights where you live ; forbear all works of darkness and sin ; and as he which hath called you is holy , so be ye holy in all manner of conversation . sinners , turn from your evil wayes , otherwise iniquity will be your ruine . 1. drunkards turn from your evil wayes ; overcharge not your selves with excess , where god allows you enough for use ; look not upon the wine when it is red , when it giveth its colour in the cup , when it sparkleth and moveth it self aright : at last it biteth like a serpent , and stingeth like an adder , prov. 23. 31 , 32. wounds and woe are the issue of excessive drinking , v. 29. this sin may be sweet and pleasing to the eye and appetite in the temptation ; but it will wound and sting the conscience , worse than an adder or serpent can do the body , in the reflection ; god hath put bitterness into the cup by his judgements , and will you drink as deep as before ? are you resolved to taste the ●reggs that lye at bottome ? the cup hath poison in it , soul-poison , and will you drink of it still , though you murder and destroy your souls for ever by this sin ? the cup hath wrath in it , the wrath of an angry god ; and is it good for you to drink off the wine of gods wrath ? drunkenness hath been your sin , and if you go on , god threatneth that drunkenness shall be your punishment , jer. 15. 12. speak unto them this word , thus saith the lord , every bottle shall be filled with wine ; drunkards like this very well , they are very well pleased that their bottles shall be filled with wine , that they may empty them , but understand the meaning , v. 13 , 14. thus saith the lord , i will fill all the inhabitants of the land with drunkenness ; and i will dash them one against another , even the fathers , and the sans together : i will not pity , nor spare , nor have mercy , but destroy them . drunkards , you reel and fall sometimes with your sin ; god will make you reel and fall by his judgements , and dash you one upon another , yea dash you in pieces , and destroy you without pity or mercy . will you not forbear your cups , and excesses , god will put a cup of trembling and astonishment into your hand ; he will put gall and wormwood into your cup , and make you taste the bitter effects of this sin ; if he do not severely scourge you for this sin here , he will be sure to torment you for this sin for ever . turn ye drunkards from your evil wayes ; vomit up your sin by repentance ; weep and mourn for all your sinfull mirth and jollity ; and take heed of returning with the dog , and licking up the vomit which you have disgorged : avoid the occasions of this sin ; shun the company of such as have been your tempters ; take heed of coming into the places where you have been drawn in to commit it ; make a covenant with your feet that they may never lead you out of the way of god , into such places , where you have been so often overtaken ; curb and restrain your appetite , take some kind of holy revenge upon your selves ; deny your selves some things which are lawfull in themselves , because occasions of sin unto you ; and instead of filling your selves with wine , or strong drink unto drunkenness , and excess ; labour to be filled with the spirit , and by the spirit to mortifie this and all other deeds of the body , and rather let the wicked wonder at you , and speak evil of you for your sobriety , than god hate you , and bring destruction upon you for your intemperance . 2. adulterers turn from your evil wayes ; come out of the unclean bed ; wallow not any longer in this besmearing mire : are you fallen into the ditch , get up and come forth with speed , and wash your garments from the spots , which they have received ; are you taken in the net , and ensnared in adulterous embracements , deliver your selves like a roe from the net of the hunter , and like a bird from the snare of the fowler ; lust not after the beauty and enjoyment of adulterous women ; let not the soft and sweet language of their lips entice you ; nor the sparkling motions of their eyes enflame you ; put not fire into your bosomes , and take heed of walking upon burning coals ; why will you consume your body , and time , and substance , which cannot be redeemed ? why will you bring upon your selves a wound and dishonor which cannot be wiped off ? why will you be like oxen which go to the slaughter , and be such fools , as to bring upon your selves destruction ? turn from your evil wayes ; dare not to go forward in that way which leads unto death and hell . marriage is honourable in all , and the bed undefiled , but whoremongers , and adulterers god will judge , heb. 13. 4. god hath shot his arrows into the city , and wounded many adulterers for this sin , that had before defiled and wounded themselves by it ; and will you go on till a dart pierce thorow your liver ? the beginning of the sin is sweet like honey , but will not the end of it be more bitter than wormwood ? and if a little short pleasure of the flesh be so desirable , will not the extream endless pain , it will produce , be intollerable ? can you be content to lye so many millions of years under the horrible tortures of hell , for a little present sensual delight , which when reaped , cannot yield you satisfaction ? is it sweet to fall into the arms of an adulterous woman ; and will it not be bitter , yea a fearfull thing to fall into the hands of the living god , heb. 10. 31. especially when he is irreconcileably angry , and his anger burns like fire which is devouring , and unquenchable ? you have seen the fire which hath burnt down the city how dreadfull it was ; the fire of lust within you , is worse ; and the fire of hell beneath you , which is preparing for you , and unto which by this sin you are hastening , is a thousand fold more dreadfull ; ( of which more by and by ) and yet will you go on ? o turn from your adulterous wayes ; come not near the door of such houses , where you have had incentives to lust , and opportunities for such lewd practices ; make a covenant with your eyes , the spark is catcht at the eye , not only from it , but also by it ; the spark that falling upon the tinder of an adulterous heart , puts it into a flame ; do not look upon the maid or woman , that you may not think ; do not think , that you may not lust ; do not touch , that you may not desire to taste ; do not toy , least you be caught ; do not come too near the brink , least you fall into the stream before you are aware ; take heed of speculative uncleanness , as you would be kept from actual uncleanness ; take heed of self-pollutions , as you would be kept from adultery with others ; avoid occasions of this sin , come not into such company and places where you may have opportunity to commit it ; flee youthfull lusts which warr against the soul ; keep your mindes pure and chaste ; resist the first suggestions to this sin ; quench the fire , when it begins to kindle ; look to the issue and consequents of this sin ; remember that the holy eye of god is upon you , in your most secret retirements , and he will ere long call you to an account . 3. swearers , turn from your evil wayes . remember the third commandment , unto which a threatning is annexed , of gods charging guilt especially upon the breakers hereof , exod. 20. 7. thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in vain , for the lord will not hold him guiltless , that taketh his name in vain . the very use of the name of god irreverently , is a breach of this command ; but to swear by the name of god in ordinary discourse , is a gross breach of it ; which as it affronts god highly , so it will bring condemnation certainly upon the guilty , that do not repent and forbear . when god hath made your mouths , and given you tongues to speak his praise , which then are your glory ; will you profane the name of this god , and turn not only the glory of god , but also your own glory into shame and dishonour , and that when you have not the motive and incentive as to flesh-pleasing sins ? herbert . take not his name , who made thy mouth , in vain ; it gets thee nothing , and hath no excuse : lust and wine plead a pleasure , avarice gain : but the cheap swearer through his open sluce le ts his soul run for nought , as little fearing : were i an epicure , i could hate swearing . look into deut. 28. 58 , 59. what threatnings the lord doth denounce there against such as do not fear his name ; and surely it is for want of fear and awe of gods name , that any are so bold as to swear by it , or take it in vain : if thou wilt not fear this glorious and fearfull name , the lord thy god , then the lord will make thy plagues wonderfull , and the plagues of thy seed , even great plagues , and of long continuance , and sore sicknesses , and of long continuance , &c. hath not god plagued and burned the city of london , amongst other sins , for this of swearing ? and yet will you swear still , and provoke the lord to further wrath ? when you have seen in part how fearfull the name of god is , in the judgements which he hath executed , will you go on still to profane his name ? do you not fear future judgements ? will not the name of god be displayed more dreadfully before you , when he opens the treasures of his wrath , and sends his son in flaming fire , to take vengeance upon sinners , and yet will not you fear this name of god ? swearers , with what confidence can you pray to god ? what hopes can you have when you use gods name in prayer , that you shall have the least audience or acceptance , when you abuse his name so much , and cast such dishonour upon it by your oaths ? if you do not pray now , as swearers seldom do , will you never be driven to your knees ? will you never be brought to such extremities that no creature shall be able to give you any relief ? and with what face can you then look up to god ? will not your callings upon the name of god be in vain , as you have taken his name in vain ? will not god laugh at your calamity , and though you cry and shout , will not he shut out your prayer , and barr the door of mercy upon you for ever ? swearers , turn from your sin ; make a covenant with your mouth ; set a watch before the dore of your lips ; use gods name in prayer , and reverently in discourse ; do not swear by it , or take it in vain any more ; get an awe of this name upon your hearts , which will be an excellent means to keep you from this sin . 4. lyars , turn from your evil wayes . we read acts 5. at the beginning , of annanias and sapphira , who were smitten with sudden death for the sin of lying ; it is said , they fell down at the apostles feet , and gave up the ghost . and hath not the sin of lying been one ingredient in the meritorious cause of the fall of so many persons and houses by the plague and fire in the city of london ? this sin of lying , the apostle doth in especial caution the colossians and ephesians against , after the wonderfull grace of god in the renovation of them according to his image , col. 3. 9. lye not one to another , seeing ye have put off the old man with his deeds : and have put on the new man , &c. eph. 4. 24 , 25. having put on the new man , which after god is created in righteousness and true holiness . put away lying , and speak every man truth to his neighbour . and this sin i may caution londoners against , after the dreadful anger of god , expressed in the desolations which he hath made amongst them by his late judgements ; lye not one to another any more , but speak every one truth to his neighbour . the lord is a god of truth , and he cannot lye ; do you labour to be men of truth , such as will not lye : the devil is the father of lyes , and lyars , ioh. 8. 44. and which is most eligible , to be children of god , or children of the devil ? a lying tongue , is one of the seven abominatitions which the lord hateth , prov. 6. 16 , 17. and is there any good you can get by your lying , comparable to the evil of rendring your selves hatefull and abominable in the sight of god ? is it needfull for you sometimes to speak lyes ? is it not a thousand fold more needfull for you alwayes to speak truth ? are you likely to gain so much by the former , as by the later ? what is a little outward emolument in comparison with inward peace ? are you likely to lose so much by the later , as by the former ? what is the loss of external , temporal things , in comparison with the loss of your souls and happiness for ever ? is it needfull to lye that you may excuse your faults ? this makes them double . herbert . nothing can need a lye ; a fault which needs it most , grows two thereby . parents , warn your children against this sin of lying ; do not spare the rod of correction where you finde them guilty ; pass by twenty other faults rather than this ; lying is the first link in the chain of a thousand gross sins ; rap off their fingers from the first link , least the chain after grow too strong for you to break . masters , indulge not your servants in this sin , the resolution of david was , psal. 101. 7. he that worketh deceit shall not dwell in my house ; he that telleth lies shall not tarry in my sight . especially take heed of leading servants to this sin by your example ; above all of putting them upon this sin , by your perswasions or commands ; for , besides the guilt of their sin which hereby you incurr ; your dammage is like to be more than your advantage by their lyes ; if you put them upon lying for you , they will put themselves upon lying to you ; and if you deceive others in some things by the former , they are likely to deceive you , deservedly , in greater things by the latter . young ones , take heed of lyes ; do nothing as may need the cloak and excuse of a lye ; and if you be overtaken with a fault , never deny it when examined , but with sorrow acknowledge it as you would gain favour with god and man : take heed of this sin betimes ; lay aside lying before it grows into a custom , which will be hard to leave . old ones , break off this sin , before you be dragg'd by the chain of this sin into the fire of hell , which is the threatned punishment thereof , rev. 21. 8. be not too hasty in speech , least this sin issue forth at the door of your lips , before you are aware ; speak always as in the hearing of god , who knows whether your words and heart do agree , and who will one day call you to an account for this sin , and except you repent , punish you for it severely in the lake of fire and brimstone . 5. slanderers , turn from your evil wayes . the sin of slandering is one of the worst sorts of lying ; and the teeth of slanderers are compared to spears and arrows , and their tongue to a sharp sword , psal. 57. 4. and when they utter their slanders , they bend their bowe , and shoot their arrows , they whet their sword , and wound therewith the reputation of others , which they are bound to be as carefull of as their own , psal. 64. 34. slanderers are false-witnesses , who lay to the charge of others such things as they know not , psal. 35. 11. they are lyons , who tear in pieces the good name of others ; they are serpents , whose words are stings , and full of deadly poyson ; they are compared to mauls , and swords , and sharp arrows , prov. 25. 18. yea , they are like mad men , who cast about fire-brands , and arrows , and death , prov. 26. 18. by this sin , you wound others , and are guilty of tongue-murder ; but you wound your selves more , i mean your consciences , and are guilty of self-murder , of soul-murder ; and the poyson of such speeches is not so venemous and deadly , in regard of your neighbours good name , as it is in regard of your own spirits , which are invenom'd , and will be destroyed hereby , without the application of the blood of christ for pardon and healing . slanderers , forbear your backbiting , slanderous speeches ; forbear devouring words , which swallow up the good name of your neighbours ; let not your throats be like open sepulchres , to entombe their reputation : take heed your tongues do not utter slanders and reproaches , devised by your selves ; be carefull also that you do not spread such calumnies as others have devised . receive not any accusation against your neighbours without good proof ; drive away backbiting tongues with an angry countenance ; and if you must hear of others faults , let love conceal them as much as may be from the knowledge of others ; rather speak to themselves what you hear , and reprove them , ( if the things be scandalous ) with prudence , love , and a spirit of meekness . remember the command , tit. 3. 2. speak evil of no man. and take heed of the sinfull practice of the women described , 1 tim. 5. 13. they learn to be idle , wandring about from house to house ; and not only idle , but tatlers also , and busie-bodies , speaking things which they ought not . where your tongues have been instrumental to wound others , and your selves withall , by slanderous speeches , make use of the same instrument for healing ; labour to heal your selves by confession of your sin to god , and to heal others by acknowledging to them the wrong you have done them ; labour to lick whole their fame , and by good words to promote their esteem , which you have unjustly taken away . labour for so much humility and brotherly love , as to be as tender of their good name and fame as your own , and in honour to preferr them above your selves , which will make you ready to hide their faults , and keep you from evil furmises , and evil slanderous speeches . 6. revilers , turn from your evil wayes . reviling and slandering often go together , as proceeding both from the same root of malice and hatred ; yet sometimes the malice is kept more close ; when warr is in the heart , and mischief is inwardly devised , and the name secretly wounded with slanders behinde the back , the tongue doth flatter , and like a honey-comb doth drop nothing but sweet words before the face . the sin of reviling is open , and spits forth rancour and malice into the face , and breaks forth into bitter speeches , for the shame and disgrace of such persons against whom they are spoken , though revilers disgrace themselves more by the weakness , and ill government of spirit , which hereby they discover . revilers , refrain your angry bitter speeches ; let all bitterness and wrath , and anger , and clamour , and evil speaking , be put away from you , with all malice , eph. 4. 31. do not quarrel and contend , do not break forth into brawls and clamours , and bitter reviling speeches , against such as give you no occasion , but desire to live at peace with you ; and if others are angry and quarrel with you , labour to pacifie their anger , do not stir up the coals by your bitter retorts ; when you are reviled , revile not again , like our saviour , 1 pet. 2. 23. render not evil for evil , nor railing for railing , but contrariwise blessing , 1 pet. 3. 9. the second blow breeds the quarrel , and the second reviling word breeds the strife ; give to a hard speech the return of a soft answer , prov. 15. 1. a soft answer turneth away wrath , but grievous words stir up anger . and prov. 25. 15. long forbearance is of great perswasion , and a soft tongue breaketh a bone : there is a marvelous force in a meek reception of bitter speeches to appease anger , and molifie the spirits of those which are most fierce ; whereas grievous and bitter returns stir up unto greater contention ; revenge not your selves with the hand , neither revenge your selves with the tongue ; revile not your enemies , but love them , and pray for them , and do good to them , feed and cloath them , and heap coals upon their head , matth. 5. 44. rom. 12. 19 , 20. be gentle shewing all meekness to all men , tit. 3. 2. especially revile not your friends , take heed of stirring up strife in the house where you live ; be of a peaceable disposition ; above all , take heed of reviling christs friends , gods children ; revile not the saints , remember that no revilers , especially such revilers that persevere in that sin , shall inherit the kingdom of god , 1 cor. 6. 10. and when the lord jesus cometh at the last day , he will execute judgement upon the ungodly , for their hard speeches which they have spoken against him , in speaking against his people , iude 15. revilers govern your tongues , if any man among you seem to be religious , and bridleth not his tongue , that mans religion is vain , jam. 1. 26. would you govern your selves well according to scripture rules , bridle and govern your tongues , jam. 3. 3 , 4. behold we put bits into the horses mouths that they may obey us , and we turn about their whole body . behold also the ships , which though they be so great , and are driven of fierce winds , yet they are turned about with a very small helm , withersoever the governour listeth . put a bit upon this little member , and you may the better have all the rest at command , and keep your selves in , when otherwise vented passions like wilde horses without rains may carry you into many a precipice ; when otherwise the fierce storms of your minds may break forth , and drive you upon rocks and shelves , and shipwrack both soul and body together . there is a world of iniquity in the tongue , which defileth the whole body ; the tongue is a fire , which setteth on fire the whole course of nature , and it self is set on fire of hell , y. 6. get the former fire quenched , get the heat of your tongues cooled , as you would escape the latter fire , i mean the fire of hell , from whence the former fire doth proceed , and unto which it will certainly bring you . the tongue is full of deadly poison , it is an unruly evil which no man can tame , when by art the wildest beasts may and have been tamed , v. 7 , 8. others cannot tame your tongues , but you may get them tamed your selves : put them under the government of christ , and he will tame them , get your passions tamed within , and you may tame this member which is the instrument that they make use of to vent themselves in your revilings ; keep guard and sentinel before the door of your lips , and watch your words that you offend not with your tongues . 7. persecutors turn from your evil waies : forbear persecuting the people of god , who desire your good , and are the best safeguard and defence by their prayers and faith of the places where they live , from miseries and destruction ; is it good for you to hew at the bough on which you stand , over such a deep , into which if you should fall , it will be impossible for you to recover your selves again ? is it good for you to pull at the pillars of the house , which if you pluck down , will bring the house upon you , and bury you in its ruines ? is it good to put your selves under the burdensome stone which will grinde you to powder ? suppose whilest you are breathing forth threatnings against any of christs disciples , and are in the heat of your rage and furious persecution of them , you should hear such a voice as paul did from heaven , sinners , sinners , why persecute you me , would it not cool , and stop you ? you may hear this voice , if you will open your ear unto the word ; it is christ you persecute in his disciples ; it is christ you wound thorow their sides , you would do the same to him as the jews did , were he alive amongst you , and you had the same power as sometimes was put into their hands against the lord of life . i will not charge london with , and therefore need not warn them generally against the sin of persecution of gods people , because they have been a shelter to them when the times have frowned most upon them ; but are there none have need of this warning ? are there no iudas's amongst them , none of pauls spirit before his conversion ? persecutors forbear this sin , which makes you as like the devil as any that i know , and locks you fastest in his arms ; which is the very next door to the sin against the holy ghost ▪ which will bring upon you swift destruction ; which will sink you into the lowest parts of the bottomless pit ; which will lash and sting your consciences with horrible scourges hereafter , if they be not awakened with horrour here ; turn from this sin before it be too late ; imitate paul ▪ and become friends to them against whom you have expressed so much enmity and spight . 8. covetous persons turn from your evil wayes ▪ god hath smitten you for the iniquity of your covetousness , do not go frowardly on in this sin ; he hath substracted much of the fuel of this sin , and burnt it in the fire , let there be a greater decay in your lust of covetousness , than there hath been in any of your estates . covetousness is one of the sins which the apostle would not have so much as named amongst the saints , ephes. 5. 3. it is a sin if it reign , which is inconsistent with the truth of grace , and power of godliness , because it is idolatry , col. 3. 5. and the apostle tells us expresly that covetous persons shall not inherit the kingdom of god , 1 cor. 9. 10. yea that the wrath of god shall come upon them , ephes. 5. 6. covetous persons turn from your sin , get this earthly member mortified : get your hearts loosened from those things , which you have hitherto made your god , and in which you have sought for your chiefest felicity . have you little in the world ? be contented with the portion which god gives you ; you have as much as god seeth fit for you , heb. 13. 5. let your conversation be without covetousness , and be content with such things as you have , covetousness may not heal your poverty any more , than riches can heal your covetousness . have you much in the world ? do your riches encrease ? set not your heart upon them ; make use of what god hath given you without such pinching and self-deniall which the lord jesus never commanded in his ▪ precepts of that kind ; god never gave riches to save , but to use ; take heed of exceeding the bounds in spending , and do not spare the moderate use of what you have for fear of future wanting ; use part of your estates for your selves in what is needful for the body , and sutable to your degree and quality ▪ lay aside part for your posterity , and lay out part in the help of those in necessity ▪ for relief of the poor , whereby you will lay up for your selves a good foundation for the time to come , and at last , lay hold on eternal life ▪ 1 tim. 6. 18 , 19. 9. vnrighteous persons turn from your evil wayes . god hath been righteous in his judgements , because you have been unrighteous in your dealings ; and as his judgements are a reproof of your sin , so are they a warning to you to leave it . unrighteous gains will yield you little advantage in the issue : see what the apostle iames speaks of the wealth which men get in such a way , chap. 5. 2 , 3 , 4. your riches are corrupted , and your garments moth-eaten : your gold and silver is cankered , and the rust of them shall be a witness against you , and shall eat your flesh , as it were fire : ye have heaped treasure together for the last dayes ; behold the hire of your labourers which have reaped down your fields , which is of you kept back by fraud , cryeth , and the cryes have entered into the ears of the lord of sabboth . the curse of god goeth along with unlawfull , unrighteous gains ; and is like moth and rust to corrupt and canker them ; they bring a fire into the flesh and bones , which will eat and torment ; they pierce men thorow with many sorrows , and at their latter end utterly consume them with terrours , if their conscience be awakened ; unrighteous persons do not heap up such treasures of wealth , as by sin they heap up treasures of wrath against the last day : the wrongs , which they do to others , cry with a loud voice to god , and the lord will be the avenger of all such as are defrauded . let them that have been unrighteous then be unrighteous no more : you cannot wrong others so much by this sin , as you wrong your selves ; shake your hands of dishonest gains : make restitution of what you have defrauded others , as you expect salvation , non remittitur peccatum , nisi restituctur ablatum . this is a hard saying to some , who have no other wealth , but what they have gained in a dishonest and unrighteous way ; but will it not be harder to suffer the vengeance of eternal fire for this sin ? is it not better to impoverish your selves that you may be just and honest whilest you live , than to be damned , and thrust into a place of torment when you die ? you must leave what you have ; if god do not take away what you have by some temporal calamity before , be sure death will strip you of all ; and is it not better for you to part with it your selves to the just owners , when this is the way to obtain pardon and peace , and an inheritance which is of a thousand fold more value ? and do not fear but god will make provision for you whilest you abide in the world , if you resolve to be honest , and put your trust in him , who hath the dispose of the earth , and the fulness thereof . be righteous for the future , do not swerve a hair from the rule of right ; what you would that others should do unto you , do unto them , this is a principle inscribed upon the heart by nature , and this is the law and the prophets , matth. 7. 12. 10. hypocrites , turn from your evil wayes . methinks the terrible voice of god should affrighten you , under your hypocritical showes , and outside devotions : methinks you should now bend your hearts to please the lord , and approve your selves chiefly to him , who hath expressed so much displeasure against sinners , and is most highly offended with hypocrites ; what good will a form do you , without the power of godliness ? what good will showes do you , without sincere and substantial service ? what benefit will you get by counterfeit graces , if your graces be not reall ? if your repentance , and faith and love , and the like , be feigned , how uneffectual will they be to procure pardon , and peace , and salvation ? are you content to lose all your bodily exercise , and to have all your heartless lifeless duties rise up one day in judgement against you ? what advantage will you get by a bare profession of religion , especially in such times when profession if it be strict is discountenanced , and professors if their lamp shine with any brightness , and they carry any great sail , expose themselves to danger ? and if you have not sincerity , which alone can yield you the true and sweet fruits of religion , you are like to lose all , and of all others to make your selves most miserable ; you may suffer from men , because you have a profession , and you will suffer from god , because you have no more than a profession : what then ? should you cast off your profession ? no ; so you would turn apostates ; and may fall into the sin against the holy ghost , which will bring upon you inevitable damnation ; but lay aside your hypocrisie , and become sincere ; be that in truth , which you are in show ; labour for sincerity in regard of your state , and labour for sincerity in regard of your duties . sinners , god calls upon all of you to turn from your evil wayes by his thundering voice . turn presently : let the time past be sufficient wherein you have fulfilled the desires of the flesh and the minde ; go not a step forward in the way of sin , least you meet with destruction suddenly , and perish without remedy . turn universally , say not of any sin , as lot did of zoar , it is a little one , cast away all your transgressions ; and let no iniquity have dominion over you for the future . turn heartily , from an inward principle of hatred to sin , and love to god , and not from outward considerations , and meerly upon the account of sins dreadfull consequents . turn constantly , and with full purpose of heart never to return unto your evil wayes of sin any more . 10. the lord doth expect after such iudgements that london should seek him : that they should not only turn from their evil wayes , but also that they should turn unto him that hath smitten them , and seek the lord of hosts , isa. 9. 13. we read , am. 5. 2. the virgin of israel is falen , she is forsaken , and none to raise her up : whereupon god calls to this duty , v. 4 , 5 , 6 , 8. thus saith the lord to the house of israel , seek ye me , and ye shall live ; but seek not bethel , &c. seek the lord , and ye shall live , least he break forth like fire in the house of joseph , and devour , and there be none to quench ; seek him who made the seven stars , and orion , and turneth the shadow of death into the morning , &c. the lord is his name : and it follows , v. 15. it may be the lord will be gracious unto the remnant of joseph . and when this duty is neglected , see the threatning , v. 16. wailing shall be in all streets , and they shall say in all the high wayes , alas , alas ! and they shall call the husbandmen to mourning , and such as are skilful of lamentation , to wailing . and now london is fallen , doth not the lord call upon them , that they would call upon him , and as they would turn away his anger , and prevent their utter ruine , that they would seek him who can turn the shadow of death into the morning , and the blackest night of affliction into a day of prosperity and rejoycing . london , seek the lord , that ye may live , that there may be a reviving after the years of such death and ruines ; seek the lord , before the decree bring forth some other judgement , and ye pass away like chaffe before the whirlwinde , in the day of the lords fierce anger ; it may be the lord will be gracious to the remnant of this great city . god expects that london should now pray at another rate than heretofore they have done . it is said , dan. 9. 13. all this evil is come upon us , yet made we not our prayer unto the lord our god ; and when god had consumed israel because of their iniquities , the prophet complains , isa. 64. 7. there is none that calleth upon thy name , that stirreth up himself to take hold of thee . had the prayers of london been such as they should have been , such as they have been , the desolations of london might have been prevented : god expects that london under such chastisements , should pour out prayers before him , isa. 26. 16. god hath spoken terribly unto them , he expects that they should cry mightily unto him . god expects that london should meet him in the way of his judgements , not only with weepings for their sins , that they have provoked him unto so great displeasure , but also with supplications for his mercies . when iacob was devoured , and his dwelling-place laid waste , psal. 79. 7. you have their prayer , v. 8 , 9 , &c. o remember not against us former iniquities , let thy tender mercies speedily prevent us , for we are brought very low : help us o lord god of our salvation , for the glory of thy name : deliver us , and purge away our sins for thy names sake . and the church under desolating judgements doth in prayer express her self very pathetically , isa. 63. 15 , &c. look down from heaven , and behold from the habitation of thy holiness , and thy glory , where is thy zeal , and thy strength , the sounding of thy bowels , and thy mercies , are they restrained ? doubtless , thou art our father , &c. we are thine , return for thy servants sake , &c. and chap. 64. 9. be not wroth very sore , o lord , neither remember iniquity for ever , behold , see , we beseech thee , we are all thy people . god hath been pleading and contending with london by his judgements , and god doth look that london should plead with him in prayer for his mercies . london , seek the lord of hosts , who hath come forth against you in battel , and wounded you with his sharp arrows , and yet hath not laid down his weapons ; get to your knees ; hang about gods feet and arms ; fill your mouths with arguments to stay him in the course of his judgements ; let not the apple of your eye cease from weeping , that you have displeased him ; and let not your tongue cease from humble and earnest entreaties , that he would pardon you , and remove his displeasure from you . seek the lord humbly ; put your mouths in the dust , if so be there may be any hope ; god hears the cry of the humble , and will not despise their prayer , psal. 10. 17. psal. 102. 17. seek the lord diligently : he hath promised to be found of all them that diligently seek him , heb. 11. 6. god looks for earnest , hearty , fervent prayer : there is a sweet promise which god makes to his peoples prayers after his sore judgements which he had brought upon them : ier. 29. 11 , 12 , 13. i know the thoughts , that i think towards you , saith the lord , thoughts of peace , and not of evil , to give you an expected end . then shall ye call upon me , and ye shall go , and pray unto me , and i will hearken unto you : and ye shall seek me and finde me , when ye shall search for me with all your heart . seek the lord believingly ; mingle your prayers with faith , and make use of the mediation of christ , that you may prevail . 11. god calls upon london , by the voice of his iudgements , to prepare for greater troubles . the face of god seems to threaten greater troubles , there is little sign that gods brow is smoothened now , more than it was before the fire ; there is little evidence of the appeasement of gods anger : the face of the times seem to threaten greater troubles ; the cloud over london and england is still very black , and seems to be thicker than it was before . gods own people are like to undergo greater troubles : some of them have endured much , but they are like to endure much more ; some of them have suffered deeply , but they are like to suffer greater things more generally : they have been brought low by affliction , but not so low as others be ; when others of gods people are stript of all , they enjoy a comparative prosperity : they are not so low as they deserve to be ; their gospel-reproaching sins deserve far greater severities : they are not so low as they may have need to be ; they may need greater troubles , to unite them more one to another in their affections ▪ to further their sanctification , to wean and loosen them more from the world ; to humble them for , and purifie them more from sin ; to exercise and brighten more their graces : they are not so low as possibly they must be before they be exalted ; the night is the darkest before the day breaks ; the storm is the fiercest many times in its last blast ; and the afflictions of gods people are the sorest before god gives them deliverance ; god layes his people most low , when he intends their highest exaltation : surely , the expected shock is not yet over , and gods peoples most dreadfull sufferings seem most immediately to be threatned , they seem to be near , very near , even at the doors . the intent of the late judgements by plague and fire , seems plainly to be for the fitting and preparing of them for more smart and heavy strokes . if god had permitted those expected sufferings to have come upon them more suddenly , they might have found them more unready ; god hath given them time to prepare , and awakening warnings to prepare ; and when will they be ready to suffer like christians , like protestants , if now they be not ready ? the profane and wicked generation in the land are like to endure greater troubles , as hath been shown pag. 80 , 81 , 82. and when the storm of gods anger doth break down upon them , are there no drops likely to fall upon london ? is not the whole land likely to be in danger of ruine , when god doth deal with the ungodly and wicked crew , whom he spares for some time , whilest he punisheth so severely the more righteous ? the troubles of london have been great , but methinks it is evident , that london is in danger of greater troubles ; therefore they have need to make preparation , which they have had such awakening calls unto . some possibly may think the bitterness of londons troubles is over , because their troubles have been so bitter ; that the sharp winter cold is gone , when it was so sharp in the midst of winter , and the sun had got to some height ; but march can bring in as cold nipping frost , as december and ianuary did ; and when the spring of prosperity is expected by some , they may finde the sharpest part of the winter of troubles to be behinde . prepare therefore london for greater troubles . 12. god doth expect that london should trust no more in arms of flesh , but in himself alone . by these judgements god hath shown to london the weakness and insufficiency of arms of flesh what broken reeds they are . some put their trust in men , and their great expectation of relief and comfort hath been from their friends ; by the plague god hath shown , how frail and weak man is , how like grass or a flower that quickly withereth , or is cut down ; how like glass or a bubble which is easily broken and vanisheth ; many have lost by the plague their chief friends upon whom they have had all their dependance , and the lord hath shown how insufficient a foundation man is for any ones trust and confidence , therefore he calleth aloud to london to cease from man , whose breath is in his nostrils , for wherein is he to be accounted of ? isa. 2. 22. not to trust in any of the sons of men , in whom there is no help ; and the reason is , because their breath goeth forth , they return to their dust , in that very day all their thoughts perish , psal. 146. 3 , 4. some put their trust in their wealth and riches . prov. 18. 11. the rich mans wealth is his city , and a high wall in his own conceit . god hath by the fire , which hath consumed so much of the wealth of the city , shown how insufficient a foundation wealth is for any mans confidence , he hath made it evident that riches are uncertain , and that they fly away with eagles wings , sometimes whilest the owners are looking on ; may not that which is threatned , psal. 52. 5. 7. be spoken of many in london , that god hath rooted some of them by the plague out of the land of the living , plucked and forced others out of their habitations by the fire , and taken away their stay and prop from them , of whom it may be said , lo these are they that made not god their strength , but trusted in the abundance of their riches , and strengthned themselves in their wickedness . london trust no more in arms of flesh , but trust in god alone : it is better to trust in the lord , than to put confidence in men ; it is better to trust in the lord , than to put confidence in princes , psal. 118. 8 , 9. god is knocking off your fingers from all things here below , his will is that you should put your trust in him ; which is one promised effect of great desolations and afflictions , that you should labour after ; zeph. 3. 12. i will also leave in the midst of thee an afflicted , and poor people , and they shall trust in the name of the lord. you were not so forward to trust in the lord when you had greater abundance , endeavour to trust in him , now you are brought into greater poverty and affliction : his infinite power , wisdom , loving kindness , his promise , truth and faithfulness are a strong bottome for your trust and confidence in god. trust in him at all times , in the worst of times ; when your danger is greatest , he will be your help and shield , psal. 115. 11. he will be your refuge under oppression , and present help in time of trouble , psal. 46. 1. he will be your rock and fortress , your high tower to defend you , or your deliverer to redeem you out of all your troubles : trust in god alone for all things : if you make use of creatures , do not lean and stay upon them , for they will slip from under you ; but stay your selves on god. o the peace and quiet which this will yield in shaking troublesome dayes ! when others hearts tremble within them , and are moved like leaves upon the approach of danger , you shall not be afraid of evil tydings , but have your hearts fixed trusting in the lord , psal. 112. 7. 13. god doth expect that london should have death in continual remembrance : this god expects from the judgement of the plague , the death of so many thousands a week in london , gave such a spectacle of mortality , and preached such a sermon in the city , as should bring the remembrance of death into their minds every day of their lives ; the death , if it were but of one or two should put you in mind of your later end ; but when you have seen so many go down into the pit before you , it should inscribe the remembrance of death more deeply upon your mindes , the record of which you should look daily into : the gates of the city in the year of the plague seem'd to have this inscription upon them , all flesh is grass ; let that word sound every day in your ears , and remember your bodies are exposed to the stroke of death every day ; and though you have out-lived the plague , that yet death hath you in the chase , and will ere long ( you know not how soon ) overtake you ; remember your glass is running , and will quickly be run out ; and therefore all the dayes of your appointed time , as you should remember ; so you should prepare for your great change . god expects that the remaining inhabitants of london should be prepared well for death now , when they have had death so much in their view : some of you have been sick of the plague and brought to the very brink of the grave , all of you have been in danger of the plague , when the disease was so sore and raging : i fear most of you were unprepared for death at that time , and had you dyed then , that it would have been with horrour : and i believe that there are few of you , but did in the time of your fears and danger , make vows and promises , if the lord would shelter you from the arrows , which flew about you , and spare your lives then ; that you would lead new lives , and be more carefull to prepare for your change ; so that death should not take you so unprovided any more : god expects the fulfilling of your promises ; and that you should live up to the vowes , which you made in the time of your distress ; and so provide your selves whilest you are well , that the messenger of death may have a welcome reception , when ever he summoneth you to leave this world . 14. god expects that london should retain great impressions of eternity . you have had the door of eternity set wide open in your view , when so many were thronging in at the door , and i believe you had deeper apprehensions of eternity in those dayes , than ever you had in your lives ; take heed that those impressions do not wear off , and that you lose not those apprehensions , especially when you are drawing every day nearer and nearer thereunto . think often of the vast ocean of eternity without bottome or bank on the other side , into which the whole stream of time will empty it self ; and how quickly the small rivulet of your appointed dayes may fall into it : think often of the unalterable state of joy or misery , which you must enter into at the end of your course : think how thin and short the pleasures of sin are in this life , in comparison of the horrible and endless torments of hell ; and how light and momentaneous the afflictions of gods people are here , in comparison with the exceeding and eternal weight of glory prepared for them in heaven , 2 cor. 4. 17. 15. god doth call upon london by the fire which burnt down the city to secure themselves against the fire of hell. london's fire was dreadful , but the fire of hell will be a thousand-fold more dreadfull . the fire of london was kindled by man ; be sure some second cause was made use of herein ; but the fire of hell will be kindled by god himself , isa. 30. 33. tophet is ordained of old , for the king it is prepared , he hath made it deep and large : the pile thereof is fire and much wood , and the breath of the lord like a stream of brimstone doth kindle it . the fire of london burnt the houses of the city , and consumed much of the goods ; but the fire of hell will burn the persons of the wicked , matth. 15. 41. depart ye cursed into everlasting fire . the fire of london did burn most , but not all the houses in the city , some are yet remaining , but the fire of hell will burn all the persons of the wicked , not one of them shall escape and remain . the fire of london was extinguished , and did last but four dayes ; but the fire of hell will be unextinguishable , it will burn for ever , it is called everlasting fire , in which the damned must lye and burn eternally , without any possibility of ever getting forth . if you had known before of londons fire , where it would begin , and how it would spread , and seize upon your houses , surely you would have taken some course for the prevention of it : you know before of the fire of hell , the word of god hath revealed it ; o take some course for prevention of it , at least for securing of your selves against it : when the fire was burning in london , you did fly from it , least it should have consumed your persons as well as houses ; o fly from the fire of hell , into which your persons will be thrown if you go on in sin ; fly from the wrath which is to come ; fly unto jesus christ who alone can deliver you . 16. god doth call upon londoners by the fire to be like strangers and pilgrims in the world. god hath burned you out of your habitations , that he might loosen your affections from houses , and riches , and all things here below ; that he might unsettle you , unhinge , unfix you , that you might never think of rest and settlement in the creatures , as long as you live : god calls upon you by this judgement , to take off your hearts from this world , which is so very uncertain , and to be like strangers and pilgrims upon the earth , who are to take up your lodging here but a few dayes and nights in your passage to the other world ; god expects you should live as those who have here no certain dwelling place , and therefore that you should not lavish away too much of your thoughts , and affections , and time about these uncertain things , which are of so short a continuance , and with which you cannot have a long abode ; god hath by his judgements crucified the world very much before you , and he expects that the world should be crucified in you ; god hath poured contempt upon the world , and set a mark of disgrace thereon ; he hath cast dirt upon the face where you fancied before so much beauty to lye ; and he expects that you should fall in esteem , and grow out of love with the world , and never go a whoring from him to the creatures any more . 17. god calls upon london to make him their habitation . psal. 90. 1. lord thou hast been our dwelling places in all generations . god is the hiding-place , and he is the dwelling-place of his people ; you have lost your dwellings by the fire , make god your habitation , and dwell in him , to whom you may have constant resort , and in whom you may have a sure abode . get possession of this house by your union to god through his son ; and when you are in , keep possession , abide in this honse , do not wander from him , and turn your selves out of doors by breaking of his houshold laws ; make god your home , and labour to be much acquainted at home ; spend your time with god , and give your hearts to him : rest and repose your selves in god daily ; look for all your provisions in him , and from him ; walk in him and with him . make god your habitation . 18. god calleth upon london to seek after an abiding city . heb. 13. 14. we have here no continuing city , but we seek one to come . london hath reason to say the former , therefore let london do the later : you have seen the city fall by the fire , seek after a city which hath more lasting foundations , and is of such strong building , that neither time can wear and weaken , nor flames of fire reach and consume . i mean the new ierusalem , which is above , the heavenly city , whose builder and maker is god ; there are mansions , abiding places for the saints , ioh. 14. 2. there the wicked will cease from troubling , and the weary will be at rest , seek : after this city , labour for a title to it , lay up your treasure in it , get your affections set upon it ; above all trades drive a trade for heaven , which in the issue will yield you the best returns . 19. god doth expect that london should labour to build his house . the neglect of gods house , i believe hath been a great cause of the fall of so many houses in the city by fire . god expects that now you should endeavour the building of his house ; otherwise , i do not think that god will build again your houses : you may have an act of parliament for building the city , and set workmen about it ; but unless god do enact it too , the building will never go forward ; unless god build the city , the workmen will labour in vain . read and consider the prophesie of haggai . set about the work of reformation more vigorously ; especially in the house and worship of god. 20. god doth expect that londoners should dedicate themselves and families unto him . you have broken your baptismal and other vows , and god hath made great breaches upon you for your infidelity ; now renew your vows , give up your selves to god , avouch him to be your god , and avouch your selves to be his people , and live accordingly : take up ioshuah's resolution , that whatever others in the land do , that you and your families will serve the lord : make it your only business in the world to serve god ; let religion have an influence upon all your actions ; do nothing without the warrant of gods precept ; let your conversation be such as becometh the gospel ; govern your families in the fear of god ; fill all your relations with duty ; learn more righteousness by gods judgements , and be quickned by them unto a more holy and strict walking . and if you yield such fruits as these , which god expects after his plowing and harrowing of you ; if you open your ear to the terrible voice of the lord which hath uttered it self in the city , and with full purpose of heart set about the practice of the duties he expects and calls for ; then you may hope that he will yet build you up and plant you , that he will close your breaches , and raise up your ruinous habitations ; that he will make you glad according to the years wherein he hath afflicted you , and give you to see good dayes , instead of those evil which you have seen and felt ; then the lord will rejoyce over you to do you good ; and make london like mount zion , where he will pitch his tent , and take up his habitation ; then he will compass you about with the bulwark of salvation , and prevent those further utterly desolating judgements which you are in danger of ; yea the lord will be as a wall of fire round about you , and the glory in the midst of london , from whence his praise and your fame shall sound throughout the whole world. finis . soli deo gloria . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a64990-e250 hab. 3. 5. psal. 18. 13 , 14. isa. 29. 6. isa. 30. 30. psal. 18. 45 7. 5. isa 7. 2. psa. 21. 9. num. 16. 27 , 31 , 32. gen. 19. luk. 13. isa. 5. 4 , 5 , 6 isa. 15. ioh. 15. 6 heb. 6. 7. gal. 5. 19 ▪ 24. mat. 12. 43 , 44 , 45. eccl. 9. psal. 50. lex ignea, or, the school of righteousness a sermon preached before the king, octob. 10, 1666, at the solemn fast appointed for the late fire in london / by william sandcroft ... sancroft, william, 1617-1693. 1666 approx. 78 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61503) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49840) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 547:15) lex ignea, or, the school of righteousness a sermon preached before the king, octob. 10, 1666, at the solemn fast appointed for the late fire in london / by william sandcroft ... sancroft, william, 1617-1693. 36 p. printed for r. pawlett ..., london : [1666]. title vignette (st. paul's? burning) reproduction of original in bristol public library, bristol, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -fire, 1666 -sermons. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion lex ignea : or the school of righteousness . a sermon preach'd before the king , octob. 10. 1666. at the solemn fast appointed for the late fire in london . by william sandcroft , d. d. dean of s. pauls . published by his majestie 's special command . london , printed for r. pawlett , at the bible in chancery-lane near fleetstreet . isaiah xxvi . 9. — when thy judgments are in the earth , the inhabitants of the world will learn righteousness . this chapter with the two next before , and that which follows , are all four parts of the same prophetick sermon , ( as appears by those words so often repeated in them , in that day , fixing and determining all to the same epoch , and period of time ; ) belong all to the same subject matter , sc. the destruction of judah and jerusalem , whether by the babylonians , or the romans , or both . so that the earth ( or as we may rather translate , the land , or the countrey ) wasted , and utterly spoiled , and turn'd upside down , cap. xxiv . is doubtless the land of jewry : and the world that languisheth , and fadeth away , v. 4 of that cap. not much wider ; that , and the neighbouring regions , with whom the jews had commerce , and intercourse of peace and war , moab , and egypt , and babylon , in a word , the jewish world ; ( for so both the hebrew and greek words usually translated the earth and the world , are often in scripture-language contracted and limited by the matter in hand : ) and consequently the city of confusion , which is broken down , a city turn'd chaos again , as the hebrew imports , cap. xxiv . 10. the city turn'd into a heap , or a ruine , nay , in tumulum , as the vulgar latine , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the lxx . translate it , into one great sepulchre to it self , buried in its own rubbish , cap. xxv . 2. the lofty city laid low , even to the ground , and abased in the very dust. cap. xxvi . 5. the city desolate , and forsaken , and lest wilderness , and desert all over , cap. xxvii . 10. are but so many variations of the phrase , and signifie all the same thing , the burning of jerusalem by nebuchadnezzar , or titus , or ( as some will have it ) by both . this sad devastation the prophet first beholds in speculo prophetico , sees it from far in his prophetick telescope , as clearly , and distinctly , as if it were before his eyes , and describes it here and there the whole sermon throughout , but chiefly , cap. xxiv . in so lofty a language , that many have mistaken it for the end of the world , and the consummation of all things . but then , to sweeten so sad a theme , he assures them , it shall not be a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , god will not make a final end now : no , a remnant shall be left , as the shaking of an olive-tree , and as the gleaning grapes , when the vintage is done , cap. xxiv . 13. nor shall they be only preserved , but restored too ; the lord god will in time wipe away every tear from off all faces , and at last , swallow up this death too in victory , cap. xxv . 8. hee 'l turn their captivities , and rebuild their city , and their temple too ; and all this shall be as it were life from the dead , as the apostle calls it , so miraculous a re-establishment , at a juncture so improbable , when they are destroyed out of all ken of recovery , that it shall be a kind of resurrection ; and so like the great one , that 't is described in the very proper phrases of that , both by the other prophets , and by ours too a little below the text , thy dead shall live again ; my dead bodies shall arise : awake and sing , ye that dwell in the dust , &c. and then , ( which is of nearest concern to us , and to our present business ) the prophet directs the remnant that should escape , how to behave themselves under so great a desolation ; and he contrives his directions into a threefold song ( that they may be the better remarkt and remembred ) tun'd and fitted to the three great moments of the event . the first , to the time of the ruine it self , cap. xxiv . where having set before their eyes the sad prospect of the holy city , and house of god in flames ; when thus it shall be in the midst of the land , saith he , there shall be a remnant , and they shall lift up their voyce , and sing for the majesty of the lord , saying , glorifie ye the lord in the fires , v. 15. and this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a song of praise . the second is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a song of degrees or ascensions , fitted to the time of their return , when all should be restor'd and rebuilt again ; and that we have cap. xx vii . 2. in that day sing ye unto her ; a vineyard of red wine : i the lord do keep it ; i will water it every moment ; lest any hurt it , i will keep it night and day . the third ( of which my text is a principal strain ) belongs to the whole middle interval between the ruine and the restauration , in this xvi . cap. in that day shall this song be sung in the land of judah , we have a strong city ; salvation will god appoint for walls and bulwarks , &c. as if he had said ; though our city be ruin'd , yet god is still our dwelling place ; our fortresses dismantled , and thrown down , but salvation will he appoint us for walls and bulwarks ; our temples in the dust , but god will be to us himself , as a little sanctuary . and this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a song to give instruction , teaching them , and in them us , how to demean our selves , while the calamity lies upon us : sc. to make god our refuge , ver . 4. to wait for him in the way of his judgments , ver . 8. and in this 9. ver . earnestly to desire him from the very soul in the night ( in the darkest , and blackest of the affliction ; ) to seek him early , when it begins to dawn towards a better condition ; and in the mean time , as 't is in the text , to improve all this severe discipline , as he intends it , for the advancing us in the knowledge of him , and of our selves , and of our whole duty ; for when thy judgments are in the earth , the inhabitants of the world will learn righteousness . a text you see , that supposeth judgments in the earth , or upon a land ( as its occasions ) and so suitable to our sad condition : a text too , that proposeth our learning , as its end and design , and so sutable ( one would think ) to our inclination too . the character , and genius of the age , we live in , is learned : the pretence at this day so high , and so universal , that he is no-body now , who hath not a new systeme of the world , a new hypothesis in nature , a new model of government , a new scheme of god's decrees , and the greatest depths in theology . we are many of us acute philosophers ( that must not be disputed us ; ) most of us grand politicks and statsemen too ; all of us ( without exception ) deep divines : — will needs be wiser than our neighbours , but however wiser than our teachers and governours , if not wiser than god himself . a kind of moral rickets , that swells , and puffs up the head , while the whole inner man of the heart wasts and dwindles . for like the silly women , disciples to the old gnosticks , while we are thus ever learning ( pretending to great heights , and proficiencies ) we come never to the knowledge of the truth ( the truth which is according unto godliness ; ) in fine , amongst so many learners they are but few , that learn righteousness : — and therefore god himself here opens us a school ; erects a severe discipline in the text ; brings forth his ferulas , when nothing else will serve the turn . for he hath indeed four schools , or rather four distinct forms , & classes in the same great school of righteousness ; the last only ( that of his judgments ) express in the text , but the rest too suppos'd at least , or covertly implied . for whether we look upon the latter clause of the proposition . the inhabitants of the world will learn ; — we find our selves there under a double formalitie ; as learners , and as inhabiters . as learners first , and so indued with faculties of reason ; powers of a soul capable of learning , what is to be learned ; stampt , and possest with first principles , & common notions which deeply search'd , and duly improv'd , and cultivated , might teach us much of righteousness . and this is schola cordis in domo interiori , the school of the heart , god's first school in the little world within us . secondly , as inhabitants of the great world , which is god's school too , as well as his temple , full of doctrines and instructions ; schola orbis , in which , he takes us forth continual lessons of righteousness , — seque ipsum inculcat , & offert , ut bene cognosci possit ; and that both from the natural world , and from the political ; whether schola regni , or schola ecclesiae . or if we return to the former branch of the text , when thy judgments are in the earth . this when they are , supposeth another time , when they are not in the earth , and that time is the time of love , ( as the prophet speaks ) the season of mercy ; so that , thirdly , here 's schola misericordiarum , the school of god's tender mercies inviting us , gently leading , and drawing us with the cords of a man , with the bands of love : and lastly , when nothing else will serve , here 's schola judiciorum , the school of god's severe judgments driving us to repentance , and compelling us to come in and learn righteousness . a provision ( you see ) every way sufficient , and abundant for our learning , , were not we wanting to our selves . but alas ! we may run by the text , and easily read in it these three things , as so many very natural deductions , and emanations from it . first , our own ignorance and stupidity ; born like a wilde asse's colt , as zophar speaks ; and then to our natural we add affected ignorance too : so that we are much to seek , and to learn righteousness it must be taught us . secondly , god's infinite , and inexpressible grace and mercy to us ; that when we had blurr'd the original , defac'd the first traces of righteousness upon our souls , he was pleas'd to provide expedients to teach it us again the second time , that we might be renewed unto knowledge after the image of him , that created us in righteousness , as the apostle speaks . and thirdly , our indocible and unteachable humour , our foul and shameful non-proficiency under so plentiful a grace . for though the text indeed speaks of our learning righteousness , when god's judgments are upon us ; yet ( if the appearances of the world abroad suggested nothing to the contrary ) 't is introduc'd here in the text too , as the effect of the last form in god's school , in exclusion of all the former as ineffectual ; his utmost method not to be used but at a pinch , when all the rest are basfled , and prove improsperous upon us : and then 't is exprest in the original , and learned versions with so many limitations and abatements ( as we shall see by and by ) that we may well give it up as the sum and upshot of all , that our all-merciful god omits no means or methods of our improvement ; but we ( supinely negligent , and prodigiously stubborn as we are ) render them all ineffectual . that we may do so no longer , but rather make good the profession , with which we have dar'd to appear this day before god , of humbling our selves under his almighty hand ; let us , before we pass on any further , lift up our hands and our hearts to him in the heavens , beseeching him by the power of his mighty grace so to sanctifie to us all , both the sense of his present judgment , and all our meditations and discourses thereupon , that by all we may be promoted in learning righteousness . the inhabitants of the world will learn righteousness or justice : what 's that ? is there such a thing in the world ? or is it a name onely , and a glorious pretence ? is it not only another word for interest or utility , and so nothing just , but what is profitable ; carneades his infamous assertion retriv'd and own'd with open face by christians ? is it not the taking of a party , or the espousing of a faction , and appearing for it with heat and animosity ; and a savage condemning and destroying all that are not of it ? is it not the profession to believe such a a system of opinions , what life soever is consequent thereupon ? an airy invisible righteousness , that never embodies or appears in our actions , but hovers in the clouds , in speculations and fancies , where no man can find it ? the truth is , there is no piece of unrighteousness more common in the world , than thus to weigh justice it self in an unjust ballance ; while every one contrives his hypothesis , so as to salve the phaenomena , so declares his notion , as may best suit and comport with his own unrighteous practices . but the righteousness we are to learn in god's school , must not be a self-chosen righteousness : we must not pay god our soveraign , the tribute of our obedience in coyn of our own stamping ; it must be such as will abide the touchstone of his word , and the ballance of his sanctuary . to make short , righteousness or justice , though elsewhere a single vertue , yet here 't is vittually all : — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , said the poet ; and the philosopher after him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not a part , but all vertue : and so often both in scripture , and fathers , comprehensively all religion , the whole duty of man. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith s. chrisostome : omnes virtutum species uno justitiae nomine , saith s. jerome . not a particular star , nor a single constellation , but a whole heaven of vertues , an entire globe of moral and christian perfections ; an universal rectitude of the will , conforming us in all points to god's righteous law , the rule of our righteousness , or if you will in two words , 't is suum cuique to give every one his due ; suum deo first , and then suum proximo ; give god his due , and your neighbour too : these are the integral parts of it . so that righteousness , as the great rule of it , hath two tables , or , if you will two hemispheres , the upper and the nether : both so vast , that we cannot measure them in a span ( the span of time allotted me ; ) i shall therefore contract them to the occasion , and give you only some of those particular lessons of righteousness , which this present judgment of god upon our land seems most clearly to take us forth , both in relation to god himself , and to our neighbours ; and then call you , and my self to a serious scrutiny , how well we have learn'd them , and so an end . and first we begin ( as we ought ) in giving god his due ; in rendring to god the things that are gods. to limit this wide universality too , and render it more proper , and peculiar , we may reduce all to that first of esai's three songs mention'd at the beginning , glorifie ye the lord in the fires ; giving him upon this sad occasion the glory of that great trinity of his attributes ; the glory of his power , and majesty ; the glory of his justice and equity ; the glory of his goodness and mercy . give him the glory of his power and greatness ; which the prophet calls , singing for the majesty of the lord , cap. xxiv . 15. or beholding the majesty of the lord , when his hand is lifted up , in the verse after my text. how great and glorious our god is , who is in himself incomprehensible , appears best by the glorious greatness of his works . if he builds , it is a world , heaven and earth , and the fulness of both . if he gives , it is his only son out of his bosom , the brightness of his glory , and the express image of his person . if he rewards , 't is a crown , 't is a whole heaven of glories . if he be angry , he sends a deluge ; opens the cataracts of heaven above , and breaks up the fountains of the great deep below , and pours forth whole flouds of vengeance : or else he rains down hell out of heaven , and in a moment turns a land like the garden of god into a dead sea , and a lake of brimstone . if he discover himself by any overt expression of his power , though the intention be meer mercy , and loving kindness , mortality shrinks from it , and cannot bear it . when his glory descends on mount sinai , the people remove , and stand afar off , and let not god speak with us ( say they ) lest we die : and depart from me , o lord , saith s. peter . amaz'd at that miraculous draught of fishes : how much more should the inhabitants of the world tremble before him , when his great and sore judgments are in the earth : tremble thou earth , the presence of god ( saith the psalmist ) even when he improves the hard rock into a springing well : much more when a fruitful land he turns into barrenness , or a stately city into ashes , for the wickedness of them that dwell therein . i am horribly asraid , saith david , for the ungodly that sorsake thy law ; and i exceedingly sear , and quake , said moses , at the giving of it : but when our lord shall come again to require it , the powers of heaven shall be shaken too ; the angels themselves ( as s. chrysestom interprets ) though pure and innocent creatures shall tremble ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to see the severity of that judgment . how much rather ought we , wretched creatures that we are , conscious to our selves , of dust , and sin , to tremble and quake at the wrath of this dread lord of the universe ; at whose voice alone , the great emporous caligula runs under the bed , and the mighty bel-shazzar's loins are loosed , and his knees knock one against another , when god but writes bitter things against him on the wall. it were a vain affectation , to attempt a description of the greatness of our late horrible devastation . this were to be ambitiosus in malis , to chew over all our wormwood , and our gall again : this were rogum ascia polire , which the xii . tables forbad , to carve and paint the wood of our funeral pile . i shall only call back your thoughts to stand with me upon the prospect of that horrid theatre of the divine judgments , and say , come hither , and behold the works of the lord , what desolation he hath made in the earth ; and then who will not joyn with me to say upon so convincing an occasion ? we humble our selves under the almighty hand of god , the lord of all the world ; we adore his power and majesty in lowly prostrations ; before whom all the nations of the world are as a drop of the bucket , the globe of the earth as the small dust of the balance , and who taketh up the isles ( even our great britains too , as we call them ) as a very little thing . great and marvelous are thy works , o lord god almighty ! who would not fear thee , and glorifie thy name , when thy judgments are thus manifest ? thou hast brought them down that dwell on high , and laid the lofty city low , even to the ground ; the joyous city of our solemnities , the royal chamber , the emporium of the world , the mart of nations , the very top gallant of all our glory in the dust. even so holy father , for so it seemed good in thy sight . we say not to our god , what do'st thou ? wherefore hath the lord done thus to this great city ? we reply not , we answer not again : the lord hath spoken ; let all the earth keep silence before him . we acknowledg thy hand in it , o our god ; we submit to thy good pleasure in it ; we wait for thy comfort , and thy salvation in it . we meekly kiss the rod that strikes us : with dying jacob we desire to worship 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with perfect resignation as we are able , leaning and reposing upon the top of this thy severe rod. for shall we rcceive good at the hand of our god , and shall we not receive evil ? 't is the same blessed hand that distributes and strikes ; and with equal reverence and affection we adore it , whether he opens it wide in bounty , or contracts it close in severity : the one the divine rhetorick to perswade us to learn righteousnes ; the other his more irrefragable logick to convince and constrain us . and therefore , we charge not our maker foolishly ; but meekly accept the punishment of our iniquity . and having thus ador'd his power ( which was the first ) we go on in the next place to acknowledg his justice too ; saying with holy david , righteous art thou , o lord , and just are thy judgments : the second part of god's due . give him the glory of his justice also ; and if you learn no other righteousness in his school , at least learn his , and frankly confess it too . for though god's judgments may be secret , yet they cannot be unjust : like the great deep indeed , an abyss unfathomable ; but though we have no plumb-line of reason , that can reach it , our faith assures us , there 's justice at the bottom . clouds and darkness are round about him , saith the psalmist ; but , as it follows , righteousness and judgment are the habitation of his throne : so much we may easily discern through all the veils and curtains that invelop him , that justice stands always fast by his judgment-seat . and therefore though it be a nice , and a delicate point to assign the particular sins , for which god hath thus sorely afflicted us ; yet must we declare ( as we are warranted by sacred authority ) that god hath laid his heavy judgment upon us all , as an evidence of his displeasure for our sins in general . not to engage in that common theme ; we may clear it a little by the light of our own fires , ( the particular instrument of our calamity ) in two or three reflections upon that . god spake his righteous law at first out of the midst of the fire , exod. xix . 18. and he shall appear from heaven again in flaming fire , taking vengeance on them that obey it not , saith the apostle . now as the prophet amos argues from another circumstance of terrour , wherewith the law was given , the sound of the trumpet ( the first trumpét certainly , we ever read of in any record in the world , as the last trumpet ( the apostle tells us ) shall be that of the arch-angel to summon us to account for it ) shall a trumpet be blown ( and so say i , shall a fire be kindled ) in the city ( nay , a whole city become but one great fire ) and the people not be afraid ; we not reflect upon our own guiltiness before god , who came at first with a fiery law in his right hand to teach us our duty , and shall come again at last with fiery indignation at his left to devour all those that perform it not ? again , fire and water are the two great instruments of god's double vengeance upon the world of the ungodly : the one long since past recorded for our instruction ; the other yet to come , the matter ( it ought to be , i am sure ) of our continual terror . the world that then was , perished by water ( saith s. peter ) and the world that is now , is reserv'd unto fire : in the mean time , fire and water , things of commonest use with us , are also the standing metaphors almost in every verse of scripture , to express god's judgments of all sorts : is it not on purpose to remind us , when ever we hear the sound , or make use of the things , or feel the smart of either , to reslect upon the heavy wrath of god against sin in his so solemn expressions of it ? once more , fire is the tyrant in nature , the king of the elements , the mighty nimrod in the material world. god hath given us this active creature for our servant , and we degrade him to the meanest offices , to the drudgery of the kitchin , and the labour of the furnace . but god can infranchize him when he pleases , and let him loose upon us ; and for our sins , of an useful servant , make him to us a a rigorous , and a tyrannical master . you saw him the other day , when he escaped from all your restraints , mockt all your resistance , scorn'd the limits , you would have set him : wing'd with our guilt , he flew triumphant over our proudest heights , waving his curl'd head , seeming to repeat us that lesson which holy s. austin taught us long since , that the inferiour creatures serve us men , only that we may serve him , who made both us and them too . if we rebel against heaven , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the wiseman ; the world shall rise in arms upon us , and fight with him against the unwise . even the holy fires of the altar too , though kindled from heaven on purpose to propitiate an angry deity , prov'd often through man's provocations the instruments of his fury ; the mercy-seat became the arsenal of vengeance , and from the presence of god himself went forth those flames that devour'd his adversaries ? and all to teach us this lesson , that 't is sin puts the thunder into god's hand , and turns flames of love into a consuming fire . and therefore dream no longer of granado's or fire-balls , or the rest of those witty mischiefs ; search no more for boutefieus or incendiaries , dutch or french : the dutch intemperance , and the french pride and vanity , and the rest of their sins , we are so fond off , are infinitely more dangerous to us , than the enmity of either nation ; for these make god our enemy too . or if you 'l needs find out the incendiary , look not abroad ; intus host is , intus periculum , saith st. jerome . turn your eyes inward into your own bosoms ; there lurks the great make-bate , the grand boutefieu between heaven and us . trouble not your selves with planetary aspects , or great conjunctions ; but for your own oppositions direct and diametral to god , and his holy law. fear not the signs of heaven , but the sins on earth , which hath made a separation between you and your god. 't is injurious to the sweet influences of the stars , to charge them with such dire effects , as wars , and pestilences and conflagrations : divinae justitiae opera haec , sunt ( saith the father ) & humanae injustitiae . these are the products of god's righteousness upon our unrighteousness . wherefore glorifie we god in these our fires , saying with the prophet , righteousness belongs to thee , o lord , but unto us confusion of faces , as it is this day , because of our manifold trespasses that we have trespassed against thee . if yet it be expected i should be more particular , in assigning the very sins that have occasian'd this heavy judgment , 't is a slippery place , and hard to keep firm footing in it . the mysterious text of god's holy providence ( as i said before ) is dark and obscure ; and so much the more , because there are so many interpreters , ( for though there be no infallible judge of the sense of it , yet all fingers itch to be doing ; ) their conjectures so various , and full of contradiction , so tincted and debaucht with private prejudice , that they do but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wrest it unskilfully , as they do the other holy text , convertunt in mentem suam ( as the aethiopick turns that place in st. peter ) torture , and torment it , till it confess their own sense . as for the many spiteful and unrighteous glosses upon the sad text of our present calamity ( on which every faction amongst us hath a revelation , hath an interpretation ; ) i will not mention , much less imitate them . justus accusator sui , saith the wiseman . 't is a righteous thing for every man to suspect himself , to look first into the plague of his own heart , and to be ready to say with the disciples , master , is it not i ? we are all over apt to charge one another foolishly enough ; to take st. peter's counsel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be kind and favourable to our selves in our interpretations and censures ; but god methinks , at present seems to accuse us all. when a judgment is particular and reacheth but a few , we have a savage promptness in condemning the sufferers , with , this is god's just judgment for such a thing , which we , it seems like not , though perhaps god himself doth . so long as the thunder-bolt flies over our own heads , we hug our selves , and all is well ; 't is our dear pastime , and a high voluptuousness to sit and censure others , and flatter our selves , that we are more righteous than they . to meet with this ill humour , god hath reacht us now an universal stroak that comes home to every man : so that 't is as our prophet states it in the beginning of this sermon , as with the prince and the priest , ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is both ) so with the people , as with the master , and the mistress , so with the servant , as with the buyer , and the borrower , so with the seller and the lender . in fine , he is no englishman that feels not this blow : and therefore as the judgment is universal , let us give glory to god , and confess , that the sin is so too ; saying with the good nehemiah , thou art just , o god , in all that is brought upon us ; on our king , and on our princes ; on our priests , and on our prophets ; on our fathers , and on all thy people ; for thou hast done right , but we have all done wickedly . god give us grace to take every one the shame that belongs properly to himself , and to joyn heartily together in a full chorus at the last , repeating that excellent exomologesis of holy david , with which i began this point , and shall now conclud it , righteous art thou , o lord , and just are thy judgments . but there is another yet behind . — lastly , give god the glory of his mercy too ; that must in no wise be forgotten . 't is the priviledge and prerogative of mercy , that it mixeth it self in all god's works ; even in justice it self too . he sendeth forth lightnings with the rain ( saith the psalmist ) he bringeth the winds out of his treasuries . strange furniture , one would think for a treasury , storms and tempests ! but there is so very much of mercy even in god's judgments too , that they also deserve a place amongst his treasures , ay and amongst ours too . for he licenseth not a wind , or a storm , le ts not fly a flash of lightning , or a ball of fire , but a mercy goes along with it ; comes flying to us ( if we miss it not by our negligence or inadvertency ) upon the wings of that wind ; and discovers it self to us even by the light of those fires . and therefore turn not away your eyes in horror , but study the late conflagration : and even in the dust and ashes of our city , if we sift and examine them well , we may find rich treasures of mercy hidden . mercy first , that god spar'd us , and preserv'd us so long . for without his divine manutenency , our strongest fabricks had faln immediately upon their very builders , he that made all things at first , by preserving makes them still ; new makes them every moment ; and for his will 's sake alone they were and are created . he carries nature alwayes in his bosom , fostering and cherishing her ; and that not only as she came out of his own hand , and bears the impresses of his infinite wisdom and power ; but as we have transform'd and disguis'd her by our petty skill ; as she is fettered and shackled by our silly artifices : even the world of fancy too , the poor attempts and bunglings of art , our houses of dirt and clay ( which we call pálaces and so please our selves in ) would quickly fall asunder , and moulder all into the dust they consist of , did not an almighty hand uphold them . if he keep not the house and the city , in vain the builder builds , and the watchman wakes , and the centinel stands perdu . and therefore give we him the glory of this mercy , saying thanks be to the lord , who so long shew'd us marvellous great kindness , i say not with the psalm , in a strong city , ( though the strongest without him is weakness ) but in a very weak one : a city in the meanness of the materials , the oldness of the buildings , the streightness of some streets , the ill situation of others , and many like inconveniencies , so expos'd to this dismal accident , that it must needs have been long since in ashes , had not his miraculous mercy preserv'd it , who , so long as he pleaseth ( and that is just so long as we please him ) continues the fire to us useful and safe , serviceable , and yet innocent , with as much ease as he lays it asleep , and quiet in the bosom of a flint . mercy again , that he afflicts us at all ; that we are yet in his school ; that he hath not quite given us over , and turn'd us out as unteachable and incorrigible . felix cui deus dignatur irasci , saith tertullian ; in david's language blessed is the man whom thou chastnest , o lord , and teachest him in thy law ; send'st him thy judgments , and learn'st him thy righteousness . but to sin , and not be punisht , is the sorest punishment of all , saith s. chrysostome . dimisit eos secundum desideria cordis , he suffer'd them to walk after their own heart's lusts , that 's a dreadful portion : let them alone , why should they be stricken any more ? that 's the prosperity of fools that destroys them , as solomon ; or as david phraseth it ; this is for god to rain snares upon the ungodly : a horrible tempest indeed ! as he there calls it , and worse than the fire and brimstone in the same verse . mercy too , that he afflicts us himself , keeps us still under his own discipline , and hath not yet given us over unto the will of our adversaries . the hand of an enemy poysons the wound : his malice or his insolence doubles and trebles the vexation . the malignity of the instrument may invenom a scratch into a gangrene . but the blessed hand of god , even when it strikes , drops balsom . his very rods are bound up in silk and softness , and dipt before hand in balm : he wounds that he may heal , and in wounding heals : una , eademque manus vulnus , opemque — and therefore may we never be beaten by the hand of a cruel and insulting slave : but let our righteous lord himself smite us , and it shall be a kindness ; let him correct us , and it shall be an excellent oyl . o let us us still fall into the hands of god ( for great are his mercies ) but let us not fall into the hands of men. mercy lastly in the degree of the affliction ; that he hath punisht us less than our iniquities deserve ; afflicted us in measure ; corrected us in judgment , not in his fury , for then we had been utterly brought to nothing : that we have had our lives for a prey , and are as so many fire-brands pluckt out of the burning . and therefore , why should a living man complain ? say we rather as abraham did in the case of sodom , when he had that horrible scene of vengeance now in his eye , we are but dust and ashes : not only dust in the course of ordinary frailty , but ashes too in the merit of a far sharper doom ; deserve , that god should bring us to dust , nay , even turn us to ashes too , as our houses . it is of the lord's mercies , that we our selves also are not consumed , because his compassions fail not ; that any part of our city is still remaining ; that god hath left us yet a holy place to assemble in , solemnly to acknowledge ( as we do this day ) his most miraculous mercy : that when all our wit was puzzl'd , and all our industry tir'd out ; when the wind was at the highest , and the fire at the hottest , and all our hopes were now giving up the ghost , then he , whose season is our greatest extremity ; he , who stayeth his rough wind in the day of the east-wind , as 't is in the next chapter ; he , who alone sets bounds to the rage of the waters ; restrain'd also on the suddain , the fury of this other merciless and unruly element , by the interposition of his almighty hucusque , hitherto shalt thou go , and no further . ay this deserves indeed to be the matter of a song , joy in the lord upon so great an occasion , upon so noble an experience , sits not unhandsome on the brow of so sad a day as this is . it shall be said in that day , saith our prophet , and let us all say it ; say it with triumph , and jubilee too , ) lo , this is our god , we have waited for him , and he hath saved us ; this is the lord , we will be glad , and rejoyce in his salvation : — the third and last part ( we shall mention ) of god's due , the glory of his mercy . and now having thus clear'd and secur'd the fountain of righteousness , in the discharge of some part of our duty to god ( where regularly it must begin ; ) it remains , ut ducatur rivus justitiae de fonte pietatis , as st. gregory speaks : it must not be a fountain seal'd or shut up within it self ; ( religion is not , as some would have it , a supersedeas to common honesty ; the performing our duty towards god , no discharge of our duty to man : ) in the next place it should run down like a river , in mighty streams of righteousness to all our neighbours round about us ; the other great branch , the second table , or ( if you will ) the other hemisphere in this great globe of righteousness . and here , ecce nouas hyadas , aliumque oriona — so many new asterisms and constellations of vertues appear , that the time will not give leave to number them , or call them all by their names : i can only touch lightly the greater circles , some of the more comprehensive lines and measures of them in these few generals , and so pass on . 't is righteousness indefinitely first , and so universally . so that 't will not be sufficient to take forth some part of it in god's school , a line or two , it may be , of our great lesson , and neglect the rest ; to study some one page or paragraph , and tear all the book besides ; to break the tables ( to far worse effect than moses did ) and content our selves with some sorry fragment : no , what ever goes under the common style of universal justice ; whatever falls within the large bosom of that comprehensive epitome , into which our lord himself abridg'd the law and the prophets , all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do even so to them ; whatever comes within compass of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as s. james calls it , the royal law , ( the latter part of the holy institutes , the other tome of the christian pandects , the second great commandment like the first , as our saviour styles it ) thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self ; even all the offices and instances of duty between man & man ; ( reverence and obedience to our superiors , courtesie and humanity to our equals ; kindness and condescension to our inferiours ; gratitude and thankfulness to our benefactors ; justice and upright-dealing towards all ; truth in our words , and faithfulness in our trusts , and constancy to our promises , and candor , and sincerity and honesty in all our actions : and yet further and higher , for 't is a righteousness improv'd & heightned , or at least interpreted by our lord into love , and so obligeth us beyond the strict measures of common justice , and not only renders , what is legally due , but gives and forgives beyond it ; ) equity and moderation to those , that are any way obnoxious to us ; mildness and gentleness to those that have any way offended us ; sympathy and compassion towards them that suffer ; mercy and bounty to them that need ; goodness and peaceableness , and charity to all the world : ) these are all parts of this great lesson , and whatever else may help to denominate us the righteous nation that keepeth the truth ( as 't is in the second verse of this chapter ) or the city in which dwells rightcousness . but then as 't is righteousness indefinitely , ( the commandment exceeding broad , as david speaks , wide in the extension ; so is it also as deep in the intension , ) 't is righteousness internally and spiritually too ; as being a righteousness taught us by god's , and not by mans judgments only , and consequently must have an effect proportionable : 't is when thy judgments are in the earth , men will learn — as the jews , while their fear towards god was taught them by the precepts of men , drew near to him , and honoured him with their mouth only , but removed their hearts far away from him , isai. xxix 13. upon the same ground , our righteousness will never exceed the righteousness of scribes , and pharisees hypocrites , must needs prove noise , and appearance only , a meer and vain semblance , if we learn it in no higher school than mans ; take it forth from the xii tables only , not from the two , and have no other tutor in it than solon , or lycurgus , or justinian . for the derivation can return no higher than the fountain-head ; and what is taught us only by the statutes of omri , or at caesar's judgment-seat , will never come up to what the perfect law of god requires . while we are under this lower and external discipline only , if we can but skulk and shift , and play least in sight , and seem to be righteous , though we are not so ; recti●in curia , though not upright in heart : or if we be discovered and impleaded too , if we can , whether by power or artifice , break through the venerable cobweb , and run under the miserable shelter of a temporal indemnity at these lower bars : why , all is well ; with solomon's wanton we wipe our mouths , and are suddenly very virgins again , not only safe , but innocent too . but though humane laws exact only outward compliances , assume not to themselves to judge the heart , because they cannot discern it , nor take cognizance of secret thoughts and purposes , further than they are declar'd by overt acts : yet god is a spirit , and a discerner of the inmost thoughts and intentions ; and his law spiritual too , and given to the spirit ; and the righteousness taught in his school , is not a carcase , or an outside only , but a living soul , and a spirit of righteousness : and by con'equence it stays not in the outward act , ( the proper object of humane laws and provisions ; ) restrains not only open violences ( such as the judgment-seat of man condemns , and the scaffold , or the gibbet take notice of ; ) not only smooths and polisheth the outward garb , to render that plausible in the eyes of the world : but goes yet further and deeper , even to the heart ; composeth the whole inner-man too , and labours to approve that to the righteous judge , who sees not as man sees ; and in fine , calls us up to that glorious height of the primitive christians in justin martyr , who obey'd indeed the municipal laws of their countrey , but out-liv'd them too , and surmounted them far , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he speaks ; they contented not themselves with so seant measures , but flew a higher and a nobler pitch , aiming at a more re●in'd and perfect righteousness , the worthy effect of god's judgments , and not of mans only ; taught in his school alone , and not at our tribunals . and then , lastly , 't is righteousness positively and affirmatively too . for though the decalogue is almost all over negative in the style and form of it ; yet , our lord , by reducing all the precepts of it to one affirmative ( love , ) and also by his affirmative glosses or additions to it in his sermon on the mount , seems to have authorised the rule of their exposition , receiv'd generally by christian divines , that the negative still infers the affirmative , and that there are many yeas conceal'd in the bosom of every such no. so that however 't is indeed a part of our duty , not to murther , and not so slander , and not to covet , and the like , ( an obligation consequent upon god's prohibition ; and he takes it well , when for his sake we abstain from the evil we are inclin'd or strongly solicited to , and so accepts graciously our very nothing , as i may call it , our not doing amiss ; thus giving us leave to inclose , as it were , a part of our waste , and to ●aise some revenue upon it : ) yet this is so much short of the height of the lesson we are to learn in god's school , that 't is only the unlearning something that might obstruct it ; so far from making us truly righteous , that it can only style us innocent , and set us extra vitia rather than intra virtutem . we must not then content our selves with a negative righteousness ; nor confine , and limit it within the sorry bounds of the pharisaical boast , that we are not , as other men are , extortioners or unjust : in some cases he is unjust too , that gives not his own , as well as he that takes away what is anothers : in the sacred dialect , alms-deeds are justice too ; even acts of mercy , and bounty to those that need them , stricti juris , a part of our righteousness sometimes so indispensable , as not to be omitted without sin. and therefore glorifie thy self no longer , that thou do'st harm to no man : — cum dicis stultum , qui donat amico , qui paupertatem levat , attollitque propinqui , et spoliare doces — could the heathen poet say : he robs his neighbour , that relieves him not : he spoils his friend , that in some cases doth not supply him . and though 't is well ( a good degree ) if we can say with s. paul , i have wronged no man ; yet he only is perfectly blameless in this kind , qui ne in eo quidem ulli noceat , quo prodesse desistat , as s. jerome excellently ; who doth not this evil to his neighbour , that he omits to do him all the good he can . thou didst not burn thy neighbours house , ( a strange piece of uncouth righteousness ! ) but do'st thou receive him into thy own , now he is harborless ? thou hast not opprest , or impoverisht thy brother ; 't is well : but is thy abundance the supply of his want in this present exigent ? thy superfluity the ransom and redemption of his extream necessities ? if not , remember , that dives is in torments , not for robbing lazarus , but for not relieving sin : and the dreadful decretory sentence proceeds at the last day , not for oppressing the poor , but for not feeding , not cloathing , not visiting them : a reflection very common indeed ; yet never more proper or seasonable than at this time , when god presents us an object of charity , the greatest , i think , and the most considerable that was ever offer'd to this nation , and when heaven and earth expect , that something extraordinary should be done . i have now opened the book , and laid it before you , and given you a short draught of this very important lesson : a lesson so considerable , that our wise and good god thinks it worth the while to rout armies , and sink navies ; to burn up cities , and turn kingdoms upside down ; to send wars , and plagues , and conflagrations amongst us ; to set open all his schools , and ply all his severest methods to teach it us the more effectually . think now , that he looks down this day from heaven to take notice of our proficiency ; to see how far we are advanc'd by these his judgments in learning righteousness . and is it possible , we should stand out any longer ? can we still resist so powerful a grace ? are not the parts of the text by this time , happily met together ? and the truth of it accomplisht , and exemplified in us to the full ? — gods judgments on us , and his righteousness in us ? who would not think and hope so ? but as s. jerome complains of his age ( which was indeed very calamitous ) orbis romanus ruit , & tamen cervix nostra non flectitur : the world sinks and cracks about our ears , and yet our neck as stiff , and the crest of our pride as lofty , and as erect as ever . how few are they that repent in dust and ashes , even now , that god hath laid our city in dust , and our houses in ashes ! look we first upon the text , and then upon our selves , and we must ingenuously acknowledge , that whatever abatements or diminutions to the height of the design'd event of god's judgments upon us the text , or any version of it note , or imply , our wretched evil lives do but too plainly express and justifie . for — 1. who are they that are said here to learn righteousness in the text ? not always the afflicted themselves , it seems ; but some others that stand by and look on . for 't is not to be omitted , that the phrase manifestly varies in the parts of the proposition : judgments in the earth , or upon the land , some particular countrey ; and the world at large , or some few in it learn righteousness . thus tyrus shall be devour'd with fire , saith the prophet : ashkelon shall see it , and fear ; gaza and ekron shall be very sorrowful : but not a word how tyrus her self is affected . god forbid it should be so with us ! may it never be said , that any of our neighbors make better use of our calamities , than we our selves ! have we any so hard-hearted amongst us , that can look upon so sad a spectacle , as if they sate all the while in the theater , or walkt in a gallery of pictures ; little more concern'd , than at the siege of rhodes , or the ruines of troy ? shall any neighbour-city say wisely — mea res agitur , jam proximus ardet vcalegon — ? shall our enemies themselves ( the sober and the wise amongst them , at the least ) tremble at the relation , and we continue stupid , and senseless ? shall constantinople and alexandria resent it , and we not regard it as we ought ? nay , shall china and peru ( it may be ) surat and mexico , both the indies hear , and be affected with it , and we our selves insensible ? shall the inhabitants of the world abroad warm themselves at our fires , with kindly and holy heats ; while in the mean time our repentings are not kindled , nor our charity inflam'd , and our devotion as cold and frozen as ever ? shall our mountain ( which we said in our jolly pride should never be removed ) be fulminated , and thunder-strook , but the blessed shower , that follows , the instruction , that descends after , like the rain , slide off to the vallies , to others , that are round about us ? our lord wept over jerusalem , because she knew not then ( at forty years distance ) the time of her visitation ; for the days will come , saith he , when there shall not be lest one stone upon another : but wo is me ! our day is come already , and our visitation now actually upon us ; and yet i fear , we will not know it , as we ought . for — 2. reflect a little upon the tense of the verb , how that varies too in the parts of the proposition : the judgments are in the earth , and the inhabitants will learn — ( so the vulgar latin & the english : ) 't is still per verba de suturo . for we list not to hand-fast our selves to god almighty , to make our selves over to him by present deed of gift ; but would fain , forsooth , bequeath our selves to him a legacy in our last will and testament . ay but in necessitatibus nemo liberalis : 't is not a free or a noble donation , which we bestow , when we can keep it no longer our selves : for such a bequest we may thank death , rather than the testator , saith s. chrysostome . but we are all clinicks in this point ; would fain have a baptism in reserve , a wash for all our sins , when we cannot possibly commit them any more . like felix the unjust governour , when s. paul reasons of righteousness , our heads begin to ake , and presently we adjourn , with , go thy way for this time ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as he pretended ) when we have time and opportunity , and convenient leisure ( which we read not , that he ever found ) in plain english , when we have nothing else to do , or can do nothing else , then wee 'l take forth this lesson ; — learn righteousness , as cato did greek , jam septuagenarius , just when we are a dying ; — begin then to con our part , when we are ready to be hist off the stage , and death is now pulling off our properties . but take we heed in time : he may prove a false prophet , that promiseth himself to die the death of the righteous , when he hath lov'd , and pursu'd the ways , and wages of unrighteousness all his life long : who thinks if he can but shape the last faint breath he draws into a formal pretence of forgiving all the world , and a sly desire of being forgiven ; upon these two hangs the whole stress of his righteousness , he goes out of god's school upon fair terms , and thinks to render a plausible account of himself . no no ; the great lesson of the text is harder and deeper than so : 't is that we must sweat for , 't is that we may bleed for : 't is all that adam lost , and all that christ came to recover : 't is the business of our whole life , and 't is desperate folly and madness to defer to learn it till death , when god now calls us to account for it . though the verb in some versions be future ( as i said ) yet still 't is discent habitatores , we must learn it while we dwell here in the world , and who can secure us that beyond the next moment ? when once we remove hence , there 's no school beyond : the platonick eruditorum in origen ( a place under ground , i know not where , in which separated souls are suppos'd to learn what they mist of , or neglected here ) as very a fable as the platonick purgatory . as there is no work , nor labour ; so no device , nor knowledge , nor wisdom in the grave . the schools are all in this world : all beyond is prison , and dungeon , and place of torment , for such as learn not their duty here ; fire without light , and utter darkness . 3. again , they did learn ( so the syriac , and the interlineary latin ) when thy judgments were in the earth : for there is an ellipsis in the original of the former clause , and the verb substantive may be supplied either way , when thy judgments are or were in the earth : and the conjunction may seem to stand fair for the later 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in quantum , or juxta quod ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as r. david glosseth it ) qua mensura , aut modo ; and so the syriac , qualia judicia , talem justitiam dedicerunt : so much judgment , so much justice ; righteousness they did learn , just while god's rod was over them , and no longer . thus while god's plagues lay heavy upon pharaoh , even that stiff neck bow'd , and that hard heart was softned ; as iron in a quick fire relents and melts ; but take it out of the furnace , and it grows hard again , nay worse , churlish and unmalleable : and so he , when he saw that there was respite , saith the text , or a breathing time , he hardned his heart , ex. viii . 15. and do not we all the same ? like teeming women , while the pangs are upon us , we have sorrow ; when some great affliction gives us a smart visit , strikes home , and deep , we seem to be a little sensible ay but the throws once over , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith our lord , the woman remembers them no more ; and so we , if but for a little space grace be shewed us , if god gives us but a little respite in our bondage , like israel newly returned from babel , we streight forget his commandments ; which made the good ezra asham'd and blush to lift up his face to heaven ; ezra , cap. ix . vers. 8 , 10. happy we , if , as pliny adviseth his friend maximus , tales esse sani perseveremus , quales futuros profitemur infirmi ; if we continue such in health , as we promise to be upon our sick-beds . but alas ! convaluit ; mansit , ut ante . how few with david pay the vows which they spake with their mouths , when they were in trouble ? do not the engagements on the sick-bed vanish , like the dreams of the sick , forgotten , as if they had never been ? i appeal to your own bosoms ; though affected at first with this late dismal accident , doth it not prove to you a nine-days wonder , and your thoughts though much startled at first , by degrees reconcile to it ? do not your devotions begin to grow cold with the fires ; rak'd up , like those dying sparks in dead ashes , and buried in the dust ; — ignes suppositi cineri doloso ? just as our prophet states it here , while thy judgments were upon them , they learn'd ; but as it follows immediately , fiat gratia impio , let favour be shewed to the wicked , the least intermission or kind interval , and he will not learn righteousness , saith the text expresly ; he soon lays by his book , and gives over . but 4. lastly , what is it that we learn ? or , to what good end or purpose ? the chaldee paraphrast interposeth here a very material and operative word , discent operari , they will learn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to do , or to work righteousness . and this addition shews us another of our defects ; cuts off , i fear , above half the roll of our learners at once . we live ( as i said ) in a learned age : but in all this croud and throng of learners , how few put themselves in good earnest into god's school ? and of them that do , how much fewer yet take forth their lesson aright ? — learn any thing else they will , but not righteousness ; and if that , any thing , but to do it ? but this is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rightly to divide ; this is to mangle the text , and to saw isaiah asunder again . would learning or talking , or pretending serve the turn , we might find righteousness enough in the world : we can define it , and distinguish it , criticize upon the word , & dispute of the thing without end : we stuff our heads with the notion , and tip our tongues with the language , and fill the world with our pretences to it : but little children , saith s. john , ( oye world of learners ) be not deceived , ( let no man seduce you into this piece of gnosticism , as if to learn , or to know , were sufficient ; no , ) ' o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that doth righteousness , he is righteous . non fortia loquimur , sed vivimus , saith s. cyprian ; the life of religion is doing . what we know , we must practice too ; whereto we have already attained , we must walk in it , saith the apostle . they , that follow'd christ , were first indeed call'd disciples , that is , learners , ( for there we must begin ; ) but they soon after commenc'd christians at antioch , anointed to action , as the word implies ; and this name sticks by them still , as the more essential . their oyl must not be spent all in the lamp , in schola sapientiae , that they may shine by knowledge ; they must do their exercises too in gymnasio justitiae , be anointed to the agon , and to the combat ( as the champions of old ; ) and if they expect the crown of righteousness , must not only learn righteousness , but learn to do it . and therefore ( to shut up all , and to inforce it a little upon such topicks , as the text , and the sad face of things amongst us suggest ; ) let us no longer trifle with god almighty , now we find to our cost , that he is in good earnest with us . be not deceived ; god , i 'me sure , is not mock'd . 't is not our fasting , and looking demure a little , and hanging down the head , like a bull-rush for a day ; 't is not a few grimaces of sorrow , a sad word or two , or a weeping eye will serve the turn : — our hearts must bleed too , our souls must be afflicted , and mourn for our old unrighteousnesses , and forsake them too , and renounce them all for ever ; and yet further , take forth new lessons of righteousness in all holy conversations and godlinesses , as s. peter speaks , even in all the instances of piety , and justice , and charity , ye heard of even now , or all this holy discipline of god is lost , and spent in vain upon us . for this is all the fruit , saith our prophet , to take away sin : if that remain still in us , adversity is a bitter cup indeed . to keep our sins , and hold them fast , even when god's judgments are upon us for them , this is with copronymus , to pollute the fountain that should wash us , to defile the salutary waters of affliction , to prophane the holy fires of god's furnace , and to pass through the fire to moloch , to some reigning and domineering sin , some tyrant-lust , or mistress-passion . correction without instruction , this is the scourge of asses , not the discipline of men , nor the rod of the sons of men. to suffer much , and not to be at all the better for it , 't is certainly one of the saddest portions that can befal us in this world ; if not the fore-boding and prognostick of a far sadder yet to come , the very beginnings of hell here , the fore-tasts of that cup of bitterness , of which the damned suck out the dreggs . and wilt thou after all this hide the sweet morsel under thy tongue , when thou sensibly perceiv'st it already turning into the gall of asps ? — still long for the delicious portion , consecrated and snatch it greedily from god's altars , though thou seest thy fingers burn , and thy nest on fire with it ? — still retain the old complacence in thy sparkling cup , though thou feel'st it already biting like a serpent , and stinging like an adder ? — say still , stoln waters are sweet , though like those bitter ones of jealousie , thou perceiv'st them carry a curse along with them into thy very bowels ? dare we thus provoke the lord to jealousie ? are we stronger than he ? gird up now thy loyns like a man , thou stoutest , and gallantest of the sons of earth . hast thou an arm like god ? or canst thou thunder with a voice like him ? wilt thou set the briars and thorns of the wilderness against him in battel-array ? or canst thou dwell with everlasting burnings ? or despisest thou the riches of his goodness and forbearance ; not knowing ( refusing to know ) that the long-suffering of our lord is salvation , and that his goodness leadeth thee to repentance ? if not , know assuredly , that thy hardness and impenitent heart , do but treasure up for thee , yet a fiercer , and a more insupportable wrath. and therefore let us not flatter our selves , nor think that god hath now emptied his quiver , and spent all his artillery upon us ; let us not come forth delicately with the foolish agag , saying , surely the bitterness of death is past : no , the dregs of the cup of fury are still behind ; god grant we be not forc'd at last to drink them , and suck them up . great plagues remain for the ungodly , saith the psalmist . vae unum abiit ; ecce duo veniunt . one wo is past , but behold there come two woes more ; for the rest of men that were not kill'd by the former plagues , repented not , apoc. ix . 12. 20. when god's rods and his ferulaes ( the discipline of children ) are contemn'd , he hath a lash of scorpions to scourge the obstinate . when the ten dreadful . plagues are spent all upon a stubborn egypt without effect , there 's a red sea yet in reserve , that at last swallows all : and if our present affictions reform us not , that we sin no more ; take we heed , lest yet a worse thing befal us . remember , that when the touch of god's little finger did not terrifie us , he soon made us feel the stroak of his heavy hand . if the more benign , and benedict medicines will not work , nor stir us at all , he can prepare us a rougher receipt , or a stronger dose ; retrive and bring back his former judgments in a sharper degree , or else send upon us new ones , which we never dream of . the devil of rebellion and disobedience , which not long since possest the nation , rent and tore it till it fom'd again , and pin'd away in lingring cousumptions ; that cast it oft times into the fire , and oft times into the water ( calamities of all sorts ) to destroy it ; is now through god's mercies cast out , and we seem to sit quiet , and sober at the feet of our deliverer , cloath'd , and in our right minds again . but yet this ill spirit , this restless fury ( this unquiet and dreadful alastor , the eldest son of nemesis , and heir apparent to all the teriours and mischiefs of his mother ) walks about day and night , seeking rest , and finds none ; and he saith in his heart , i will return some time or other to my house from whence i came out . oh let us take heed of provoking that god , who alone chains up his fury , least for our sins he permit him to return once more , with seven other spirits more wicked than himself , and so our last estate prove worse than the former . the sword of the angel of death , which the last year cut down almost a hundred thousand of us , may seem to have been glutted with our blood , and to have put up it self into the scabbard . quiesce & sile , as the prophet speaks : god grant it may rest here , and be still . but , as it follows there , how can it be quiet , if the lord give it a new commission against us ? methinks i see the hand still upon the guard , and unless we prevent it by our speedy repentance , it may quickly be drawn again more terrible than ever , new furbisht , and whetted with the keener edge , and point , our wretched ingratitude must needs have given it . the sun of righteousness was ready to rise upon us , with healing in his wings , to clear our heaven again , and to scatter the cloud of the last years unhealthiness . but yet , methinks , this slow-moving cloud hangs still o're our heads , hovers yet in view , with god knows how many plagues and deaths in the bosome of it : and without our serious amendment we have no rainbow to assure us , that we shall not again be drencht in that horrible tempest . though the best naturalists say , that great publick fires are a proper remedy for the plague , yet god , if he be angry , can send a ruffling wind into the very ashes of our city , blow them into the air , and turn them as those of the egyptian furnace , into a blain , and a botch , and a plague-sore upon us . nay even out of those dead ashes , can he raise yet a fiercer flame , to consume what still remains . as the lightning comes out of the east , saith our lord , and shineth even unto the west , so shall my coming be , ( sc. to destroy jerusalem , ) and wherever the carcase is , will the eagles be gathered together , matth. xxiv . fire is the eagle in nature ; nothing in the elementary world mounts so high to its place , and stoops so low to its prey : the two properties god himself ascribes to that bird , job xxxix 27 , 30. and if we still refuse obstinately to be gathered , like chickens under our lord's wing , he can again let loose this bird of prey , this eagle of heaven upon us ; and from the east , where it began before , flie it home like lightning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , even to the utmost west , to seize , and to devour where ever there is the least quarry remaining . or if this move us not , let us remember that we have another city upon the waters , a floating town of moveable forts and castles , the walls and bulwarks of the nation ; stronger than those of brass , the fable speaks of . as we desire that god would ever fill their sails with prosperous gales , & still bring them home with honor and victory , and good success , let us take heed that we fight not against them too . our sin , like a talent of lead , may sink them to the bottom ; our lusts , and passions , and animosities may fire them ; our drunkenness , and deep excesses may drown them ; our vollies of oaths and blasphemies may pierce them ; nay , our seditious murmurings , and privy whisperings may blow them'over . for god is piorum rupes , reorum scopulus ; a rock to found the just upon , but a shelf to shipwrack , and confound the unrighteous . and yet all these are but the common roads , and ordinary instances of god's displeasures : but he hath also , besides , and beyond all these , unknown treasures of wrath , vast stores of hidden judgments ( for who knows the power , or the extent of his anger ? ) laid up in those secret magazines , where his judgments are , when they are not in the earth , reserv'd as his dreadful artillery against the time of trouble , against the day of battel and war , as he speaks himself , job xxxviii . 23. oh let us take heed of treasuring up to our selves wrath against that day of wrath , and the revelatian of his righteous judgments . and now what shall i say more , if all that hath been said hitherto , prove ineffectual ? the text affords yet one expedient as the chaldee paraphrast may seem to have understood it : because thy judgment , saith he ( not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in the hebrew , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the jews call it , and s. jude from them , the judgment of the great day ) because that judgment , though not as yet in the earth , is yet fixt , and appointed , and prepared for all the earth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the hebrew it self too , for rather than in the earth ) therefore most certainly , if at all , or for any thing , the inhabitants of the world will learn righteousness . but if they put far from them this evil day too , as if they had made a covenant with death and with hell ; if they finally refuse to come under god's discipline , and to take forth to themselves lessons of righteousness here , they shall then be made themselves great lessons , and dreadful examples of god's righteousness to all the world. if they will not glorifie god in these fires , as they ought , nor walk in the light of them ; let them remember that there are fires without light , where none glorifie him , but by suffering the eternal vengeance of their sins . there must they learn by saddest experience , who obstinately refuse the more gainful method , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that 't is a searful thing to fall into the hands of a living god. for our enemies here must die , and our storms at last blow over , and our fires , you see , though never so great , in time go out and vanish : but god lives ; hath a worm too , that dies not ( for those that live not as they ought ) and a fire that is not quenched : the babylonian furnace , seven times hotter than usual , a cool walk to that ; all our vulcans and etnas , our heclas and andes faint types and shadows of it ; the great conflagration , we so lately trembled at , and still bewail , but a spark to that infernal tophet , but a painted fire to that dreadful mongibel ; even everlasting burnings . from which , god of his tender mercy deliver us all ; and give us grace in this our day , ( the day of his judgments ) so to learn righteousness , and so to do it , that at the last , and great day of judgment , when he shall come again to account with us for all our learning , and for all our doings , we may through his mercy receive the crown of righteousness , for his sake alone , who so dearly bought it for us , even jesus christ the righteous : to whom with the father , and the holy ghost , be ascribed by us , and all the creatures in heaven and earth , blessing , honour , glory and power , henceforth and for evermore . amen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a61503-e190 v. 1. & 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lacrymam vulg. rom. xi . 15. ezek. xxxvii . dan. xii . v. 19. ezek. xi . 16. 2 tim. 3. 6 , 7. 1. 2. ezek. xvi . 8. 3 hos. xi , 4. 4. 1. jo b. xi . 12. 2. col. iii. 10. ephes. iv . 24. 3. v. lactant. lib. v. theogn . ethic. v. 1. hom. 12. in s. matth. c. xxiv . 15. 1. salvian . ex. xx . 18 , 19. luc. v. 8. ps. cxiv . 7 , 8. ps. evii . 34. ps. cxix . 53. hebr. xii 21. matth. xxiv . 29. hom. 77. in matth. sueton. l. v. n. 51. dan. v. 6. ps. xlvi . ● . isai. xi . 15. apoc. . xv . 3 , 4. mattli . xi . 26. hebr. xi . 21. job . ii . 10. ps. cxix . 137. ps. xxxvi . 6. ps. xcvii . 2. the king's declaration . 2 thes. i. 8. 1 cor. 15. 52. amos iii. 6. deut. xxxiii . 2. hebr. x. 27. 2 pet. iii. 6 , 7. wisd. v. 20. dan. ix . 7. 2 pet. iii. 16. prov. xviii . 17. cap. xxiv . 2. cap. ix . 32 , 33. 3. s. ambrose , suo jure omnibus dei operibus superingreditur & supernatat . ps. cxxxv . 7. 1. ps. xxxi . 23. 2. ps. xciv . 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ps. lxxxi . 13. isai. i. 5. prov. i. 32. ps. xi . 6. 3. ps. xxvii . 14. ps. cxli. 5. 2 sam. xxiv 14. 4. gen. xviii . 27. lam. iii. 22. cap. xxvii . 8. cap. xxv . 9. 2. amos. v. 24. 1. matth. vii 12. jam. ii . 8. matth. xxil . 38 , 39. 2. ps. cxix . 96. prov. xxx . 20 3● . luc. xxiii . 11. ps. cxii . 9. isai. lviii . 7 , 8. juvenal . sat. xiv . 2 cor. vii . 2. lib i. epist. 14. ad celantiam . matth. xxxv . zach. ix . 4 , 5. luc xix . 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hom. xviii . in ephes. acts xxiv . 25. eccles. ix . 10. joh. xvi . 21. lib. 7. ep. 27. ps. lxvi . 14. vers. 10. 1 joh. iii. 7. phil. iii. 16. actsxi . 26. 2 pet. iii. 11. cap. xxvii . 9. prov. ix 17. 1 cor. x. 22. job xxviii . 3. job xli . 9. isai. xxxiii . 14. rom. ii . 4. 2 pet. iii. 15 , 1 sam. xv . 32. ps. xxxii . 11. jer. xlvii . 6. diamerbr . depeste noviomag . ex. ix . 8 , 9. ps. xc . il . rom. 1. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. jude 6.